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Kanshi Ram (15 March 1934 – 9 October 2006) was an  politician, social & Political reformer who worked for the upliftment and political mobilisation of the SC/STs, the untouchable groups at the bottom of this country’s caste system.
Towards this end, Kanshi Ram founded DS
4, the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees’
Federation (BAMCEF) in 1971 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. He succeeded leadership of the BSP to his protégé Mayawati who has served four terms as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.

Early life

Kanshi Ram was born to Bishan Kaur and Hari Singh in Ravidassia (Ad-Dharmi/Mulnivasi) Sikh community of the Scheduled Caste group, which is the largest group in Punjab, at Pirthipur Bunga village, Khawaspur in Rupnagar district of Punjab.
Kanshi Ram’s father, who was to some extent literate, made sure that
all his children were educated. Kanshi Ram had two brothers and four
sisters, out of them all, he was the eldest and most highly educated
with a BSc degree. He completed his Bachelor’s degree in Science (B.Sc)
from the Government College at Ropar affiliated to The Panjab University. After completing his graduation, Kanshi Ram joined the Department of Defence Production and took up the position of scientific assistant. This was in Pune in 1958.


Kanshi Ram joined the offices of the High Energy Materials Research Laboratory (HEMRL), then became part of the Defence Research and Development Organisation
(DRDO) in Pune. During his tenure in the DRDO in 1965 he joined the
agitation started by SCEWASTAMB (All India Federation of Scheduled
Caste/Tribes Backward Class & Minorities Employees Welfare
Associations) of Government of this Country to prevent the abolition of a holiday commemorating B. R. Ambedkar’s
birthday. It was after he joined the struggle against the abolition of
Ambedkar’s birthday as a holiday, in 1965, that his career in the fight
for the oppressed communities started. He studied the entire caste
system and the works of Ambedkar closely and came up with many efforts
to help the oppressed rise from the ditches they were tossed into.

In 1971 he quit his job and together with his colleagues established
the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and
Minorities Employees Welfare Association. The Association was registered
with the Pune Charity Commissioner. Through this association, attempts
were made to look into the problems and harassment of the
above-mentioned employees and bring out an effective solution for the
same. Another main objective behind establishing this association was to
educate and create awareness about the caste system. This association
turned out to be a success with more and more people joining it. In
1973, Kanshi Ram again with his colleagues established the BAMCEF:
Backward And Minority Communities Employees Federation. The first
operating office was opened in Delhi in 1976 with the motto-”Educate
Organize and Agitate”. This served as a base to spread the ideas of
Ambedkar and his beliefs. From then on Kanshi Ram continued building his
network and making people aware of the realities of the caste system,
how it functioned in this country and the teachings of Ambedkar. Wherever he
travelled he did the same and had many followers. In 1980 he created a
road show named “Ambedkar Mela” which showed the life of Ambedkar and
his views through pictures and narrations.

In 1981 he founded the  DS4 as a
parallel association to the BAMCEF. It was created to fight against the
attacks on the workers who were spreading awareness on the caste system.
It was created to show that workers could stand united and that they
too can fight. However this was not a registered party but an
organization which was political in nature. In 1984, he established a
full-fledged political party known as the Bahujan Samaj Party. However,
it was in 1986 when he declared his transition from a social worker to a
politician by stating that he was not going to work for/with any other
organization other than the Bahujan Samaj Party. During the meetings and
seminars of the party, Kanshi Ram stated to ruling classes that if they
promised to do something, it would pay to keep the promise, or else
just accept that they were not capable of fulfilling their promises.

Political career

In 1973 he formed the, BAMCEF, a purely non political, Non Religious
& Non Agitational organisation. Later on he formed another Social
organisation known as DS4. He started his attempt of consolidating the SC/ST/OBC vote in 1981 and by 1984 he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party. The BSP found success in Uttar Pradesh but struggled to bridge the divide between SC/STs and the Other Backward Classes.

He unsuccessfully contested from East Delhi (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1991 and came at fourth position. Then he represented the 11th Lok Sabha from Hoshiarpur(Punjab), Kanshiram was also elected as member of Lok Sabha from Etawah in Uttar Pradesh . In 2001 he publicly announced Mayawati as his successor.

Announcement for conversion to Buddhism

In 2002, Kanshi Ram, announced his intention to convert to Buddhism on
14 October 2006, the fiftieth anniversary of Ambedkar’s conversion. He
intended for 20,000,000 of his supporters to convert at the same time.
Part of the significance of this plan was that Ram’s followers include
not only Untouchables, but persons from a variety of castes, who could
significantly broaden Buddhism’s support. But, he died 9 October 2006.
Mayawati his successor said “Kanshi Ram and me had decided that we will
convert and adopt Buddhism when we will get “absolute majority” at the
Centre. We wanted to do this because we can make a difference to the
religion by taking along with us millions of people. If we convert
without power then only we two will be converting. But when you have
power you can really create a stir,” she said.


He was already a diabetic and he suffered from a heart attack in 1994
followed by the formation of a clot in the brain artery in 1995. He had
suffered a brain stroke in 2003. From around 2004 or so, Kanshi Ram stopped appearing publicly as he was
suffering from various health problems. He convalesced at the home of


On 9 October 2006, he died of a severe heart attack in New Delhi.
Kanshi Ram, who suffered from multiple ailments such as stroke, diabetes
and hypertension, was virtually bed-ridden for more than two years.

According to his wish, last ritual were performed as per
Buddhist tradition, the pyre of Kanshi Ram was lit by his sole heir
Mayawati. His ashes were placed in Urn and kept at Prerna Sthal, with
huge procession accompanied by lakhs of supports.

In his condolence message, Our Country’s Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
described Mr Ram as “one of the greatest social reformers of our
time…his political ideas and movements had a significant impact on our
political evolution”. “He had a larger understanding of social change
and was able to unite various underprivileged sections of our society
and provide a political platform where their voices would be heard,” Mr
Singh said. Under Mr Ram’s leadership, the BSP won 14 parliamentary
seats in the 1999 federal elections

Kanshi Ram cremated as per Buddhist rituals

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh

The body of Kanshi Ram was consigned to flames with Buddhist rituals.
The last rites were performed in the presence of his two brothers and
sister. BSP president Mayawati
personally supervised the last journey of her mentor. Earlier, the body
was brought to the party office around 1 p.m. and kept there for an
hour for people to pay homage. Several national and State leaders,
including Delhi Chief Minister Sheila Dikshit, paid their tributes at
the party office. Then the body, wrapped in the tricolour, was taken to
the Nigam Bodh Ghat in a glass casket mounted on a flower-decked
vehicle. The cremation took place around 4 p.m.

Vice-President Bhairon Singh Shekhawat, Congress president Sonia Gandhi and her son Rahul Gandhi, the former Prime Minister I.K. Gujral, and Bharatiya Janata Party leader Sushma Swaraj were present at the funeral.

During the funeral procession, party workers and followers raised
slogans hailing Kanshi Ram as “the leader of the SC/STs.” A group of
Buddhist monks accompanied the procession.

As per Kanshi Ram’s wishes, his mortal remains would not be immersed
in any river but would be kept in the party offices in Delhi and
Lucknow, Ms. Mayawati said

Kanshi Ram campaigning on cycle for elections.

Wall paint about Saheb Kanshi Ram’s Birth Anniversary

Kanshi Ram Dilivering speech

Kanshiramji: The Pragmatic Sharp-Edge of Bahujan Samaj Party  

The Man,
His Mission and His Grand Victories

The power
of being in the power


the temple of the Political power into your hands to secure your political
Dr. B R Ambedkar.    

Nurturing Mindset


is a
relative term. What is merit for them (Uppercaste) is not merit for us
(Underclass). For us the merit has long been defined. It’s underlined by
lifestyle, the way we‘ve been leading our lives through long years of
and turmoil and that is to establish this country of JUSTICE social,
economic and
political. This country’s upper caste politicians are not and will never
be known
for quality and all inclusive governance but for their caste
manipulation which
would yield maximum benefit for them. Our country’s Administrative
Services does
not seem very genuine in their efforts for promoting, strengthening,
implementing and establishing the guiding principals of constitution but
to put
hurdles as it is quite visible through the ever widening gap between
haves and
have not day in day out. But absorbing all this socio-political shocks a
rose on the Horizon of Indian politics armed with ideology and
policy of change, so as to conquer these two frontiers of epoch-making
in order
to implement the constitution of great emancipator of suppressed India-
Dr B R
Ambedkar. As the historian L.V. Namier has rightly mentioned in his book
the Margin of History’ the weight of argument greatly depends on him who
uses it:
that of the strong has “force” and carries “conviction”;
that of the weak, if unanswerable, is debunked as “quibble” and “apt to
annoyance”. As the Underclass community is not economically strong and
has no
considerable socio-economic power, which is why its concerns are likely
to be
dismissed as quibbles and non-meritorious against the powerful lobby of
called socially dominant groups. The man then redefined the paradigm of
in simple term. The merit in every sphere of
activities is to value the voices, aspirations and concerns of
suppressed Country so as to establish The Country of JUSTICE social, economic
and political. And those
play substantial role in achieving it will be termed meritorious.


was obsessed
with only one thing through out his public life: how he could be
in installing men of his community (i.e., the suppressed country) on the
throne of power and make them indispensable part of governing councils.
strategiesed, chalked the plan out, raised the resources, marshaled them
smartly, effectively, optimally and efficiently, networked the party
earned their confidence, trained and bonded them tighter, nurtured the
mindsets to absorb pains and turmoil, waited for the right time and like
a true
unpredictable pragmatic bargained way beyond par excellence that helped
the BSP
acquired critical political-mass and detonated to spark the
chain-reaction of
party’s growth. And thus the man successfully set the power’s rocket
that catapulted and smoothly established the BSP in the divine orbit of
governing council. This is how this greatest ‘Showman of Indian Politics’
exhibited to the world the party which is at the helm of the affair of
non-mainstream political wing could  reach to the top by democratically winning
the throne of Indians’ largest and most orthodox state- Uttar Pradesh (UP). You
know who this man was? He is none other than Kanshiramji billions salutes to
his incomparable epoch-making work for instilling the value of ‘Political
Win’ and nurturing ‘Can Do and It’s Possible’ mind set in suppressed


So how this
man wielded and possessed with mission impossible, achieved an impossible feat
here is a small but convincing attempt to trace the self-propelled trajectory
of his public career.


It all begun
when Kanshiramji very early realized after the death of Dr. B R Ambedkar that
the current underclass leadership which was mainly came to power or acquired
ministerial portfolios for self gain or made so were useless lot. They never
sought or were able to mobilize a bloc of MPs in order to make policy gains for
the underclass within Cabinet. And then this man initiated work of mobilizing
dedicated party workmen those then emerged as true winners and forced policy
change under the flagship of the BSP adorned with the much loved elephant by Dr
B R Ambedkar.  


The Vote Bank
Building and strengthening in the country, which is a cultural and caste mosaic,
is inevitability in this country’s politics mainly because which section of mosaic
would behave which way and who would win over whom and tries to wean away is
quite unpredictable. The congress party’s so called character of all
inclusiveness beguiled most of the underclass communities to adhere to it. The
congress considered them as a vote bank like some paternal inheritance, as if
of its never ending right. The Congress never encouraged to substantiate the
position of underclass leaders who would stand and demand for the legitimate
rights of the underclass, instead it imaginatively implemented the principal of
nurturing the loyal herds of leaders those only allowed to mix their voices
when the party demanded or whipped so during the policy making and enforcing.
There are plenty of examples that show the duality of the congress. The
Bahuth Jiyadha Paapis (BJP),largest political party which has its
inception in promoting aggressive RSSized hindutva.

and saffronization of education are being given a fresh push.
Public-funded education is being weakened through huge budget cuts,
autonomy of education institutions are being trampled upon, and
obscurantism and communal poison are being promoted both through
syllabus changes and appointments.

accompanying this economic attack on the common people is the
mischievous communal agenda of the Sangh Parivar which has the backing
of the
Murderers of democratic institutions (Modi).
Every small local dispute is being blown up or
sheer rumours are being spread to whip up communal frenzy and target the
Muslim community. The terrorist, militant, violent, heckling, intolerant,
hindutva cult 1% chitpawan brahmin RSS chief full of hatred towards 99%
of all societies including SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities/poor upper castes has
declared Jambudvipa/PRABUDDHA BHARATH a Hindu Rashtra which is
unconstitutional and a contempt of court because of the 1% chitpawan
brahmins dominating attitude.There is no siprituality in RSSized
hindutva which was manufactured by vir savarkar another chitpawan
brahmin like naturam god(se) the terrorist and the murderer who was
hanged by the court whose followers are installing statues and temple
being constructed which is nothing but contempt of court. All these are for
the greed of power.Bahuth Jiyadha Paapis
MPs, ministers and so-called sadhus and sadhvis are asking Hindu women
to produce four children and more.The 1% chitpawan brahmins unable to
increase its population, many of them got converted as protestants to
knock off churches, hospital and educational institutions and practiced
untouchability by carrying their caste along with them and now churches
with non-chitpawan brahmins are being vandalised right
in the national capital and the Murderers of democratic institutions remains a silent

time has surely come to rise in powerful protest against these
mischievous anti-people anti-democratic moves of the
Murderers of democratic institutions.
And to be sure the protests have very much begun. In sector after sector
workers and employees are opposing the Murderers of democratic institution’s
policies, peasants
are up in arms against the land-grab order and the rural poor are
insisting on their right to employment guarantee and food security. And
now in the elections to Delhi Assembly, the fraud EVMs selected the AAP
which is another RSS wing to fool the poor and working people to confuse
and divert the attention.

resist the
Murderers of democratic institution’s
assault on the common people and the
communal and divisive agenda of the Sangh Parivar and strengthen the
country  people’s battle for comprehensive democracy, equality,
fraternity, liberty dignity and justice,
a whole range of democratic organisations and individuals must decide
to come together and launch a national platform

the Murderers of democratic institutions grabbing the fraud EVMs which
were ordered by the Supreme Court to replace them with fool proof voting

ex CJI Sathasivam committed a grave error of judgement by ordering to
replace them in phases as suggested by the ex CEC Sampath because of the
cost of Rs 1600 crores involved to replace them.

The Supreme Court must pass orders to scrap all the elections conducted with these fraud EVMs and order for fresh elections.

such time the Murderers of democratic institutions must not be
recognised all the 80 democracies of the world and our people to save
democracy,equality, fraternity, liberty, dignity and justice as
enshrined in our Constitution.

 The man rose on the horizon of Indian politics, armed with indispensable vision
and winning strategy- Kanshiramji, instilled the value of winning and what it
can do for them in the minds of Underclass by making his close-aid Mayawatiji,
chief minister of UP state.  


The Indian
National Congress has been ruling the roost of Indian governing council since
the Independence baring few exceptions. But innumerable people since then took
their ablution bath in Ganga River and added their share of moral pollution.
Change is inevitable, the primer rule of nature, and it takes own course of
action if you failed to trace its trajectory in the game of politics. But sometimes
it’s not always enough no matter how hard you try as the tide of change has
already chosen its course of action and that’s what exactly happened in the
largest populated state of India i.e., UP. The change accorded throne of UP to
BSP but not before testing rigorously its character of all-inclusiveness,
novelty, durability and sustainability. It was not an easy task to take on
already established political parties with money, might, political clout and
higher so called social status. Pushing them all aside the BSP cleared the desk
to establish a power of the party whose leadership is mainly centered on a lady
of suppressed country. The master of craft, Kanshiramji maneuvered the moves and
fetched beyond-imaginative victory. 


In the
general election of 1984 Congress won eighty-three out of eighty-five UP seats.
Congress’ dominance had been built on a strong command of the Brahmin, Muslim
and Underclass ‘vote banks’, together with considerable but variable support
from the other upper castes and also the Backward Castes. But five years later
the party won only fifteen seats with 32 per cent of the vote. In 1991 the
Congress vote slipped further to 18 per cent, and it won five seats. This was
also its tally of seats in 1996. While the Underclass is a crucial Congress
vote bank in India as a whole and in a majority of individual States, but it is
the fact that they do not cling to Congress in regions where another party or
movement rose to dominance. Gradually after late fifties and seventies the
party started losing its sheen in the states like West Bengal, Tamil Nadu,
Andhra Pradesh and Kerla to the Communist party of various leaning and the
other regional parties like Telgu Desum, DMK and AIADMK. Within Congress the
importance of the Underclass vote did not translate itself into great influence
for individual suppressed Indian in either the organization or the ministry.


In the
Governments formed after the elections of 1952, 1957, 1962, 1977 and 1982 in
West Bengali there was not a single Scheduled Caste member of the Council of
Ministers, Of course, it is not merely the Scheduled Castes that have been
grossly underrepresented in Cabinets - the same is true for Scheduled Tribes,
Muslims and lower-caste Hindus. The above question can be crystallized by reference
to Ambedkar’s description of Indian Communists as ‘a bunch of Brahman boys’ He
was referring not only to the number of brahmins within the Party, but also to
discriminatory attitudes and blindness to the problems of the Untouchables.


Kanshiramji very early
realised the fact that no political party had genuine concerns for flourishing
the Underclass leadership which take prominent stand in order to secure the
rights of Suppressed India. He was not blind to the fact that despite efforts
to ameliorate Underclass’s condition on the part of the state, and on the part
of the new generation of political leaders who represent them, a considerable
edifice of discrimination persists on the basis of a tradition of ritual
subordination. Their all time shrewd political game plan was only to use the
Underclass votes for furthering their causes against offering building
Individual’s capacity amongst the suppressed vcountry. They never thought of
considering building capacities of community as a whole. There only Kanshiramji
decided that he would build a leadership and political party that would only
engage in nurturing the organic leadership that would not only make their sole
aim of realising the aspirations of Underclass but earn them a place of repute
in governing council. He strived very hard to make it a permanent feature. 
Accordingly the man strategiesed his political move and built the potent army
of Bhaujan to conquer the temple of power.   


His Experiments with Politics of


*     Era of
Politics of Pragmatic Experiment


The four month
period in power, in year 1995, is what kindled the torch of political
enlightenment for the whole BSP cadre. The BSP, seized unlikely opportunity in
UP after the collapse of a Government in which it was junior partner. The event
was improbable without being unimaginable. Mayawati’s minority Government took
oath. It was backed by the right-wing BJP for strategic reasons. Though it was
lasted for just four months but it was indeed magically mesmerizing moment for
party leaders because they were quite aware of the divine treasure that power
would unleash before them. Mayawati, a lady of suppressed India, became Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh (UP). She is the first Underclass woman to have
acceded to the highest office in an Indian state of orthodox leaning. It was
not the gender most remarkable aspect of this accession in the country which is
known for its myriad of inequalities but it was special from the fact that a
Underclass lady becoming Chief Minister through the vehicle of a political
party centered on Underclass themselves which can go down well as an extremely
miraculous event than any of the miracle that the holy make-believes Hindu
religious books contains. And what made it possible was the novel
pragmatic-political-approach of the BSP supremo Kanshiramji. The accession had
emphatically proved, perhaps for the very first time that the Underclass was a
central and not merely a marginal political force with considerable potent
might. The very advent of such a Government had an electrifying effect on
Underclass across India.


After the first
unsuccessful experiment in the power after that the BSP enjoyed four stints in
power of short and long durations. Thrice it has been in power with one or the
other political party (in 1993 with SP; in 1997 and 2002 with the BJP). The BSP
for the very first time tested the fruits of being in the power when it formed
Government supported by the BJP from outside in 1995. It is the only party in
India which has successfully used “alliance politics” optimally. It
has successfully maneuvered the growth of party’s support base during the
power. Kanshiramji is the classical case of making the most of what was being
offered in the game of coalition politics by assimilating the various sections
of the state in party’s welfare measures. Kanshiramji created opportunities and
equally with great aplomb reinforced its support by widening its vote base just
within a decade of formation of a party.  That’s brought to the fore the master
strokes of ruthless pragmatic political concoction of master of his style of
politics Kanshiramji.


deserves salutation for proving the so called secularists and
pseudo-secularists wrong who predicted a definite co-option of the BSP whenever
it entered in coalition to form a Government with the BJP. But the BSP
instead exposed the deficiency of ideologues of different shades. The party had
always remained committed to its agenda thereby spreading its support-base,
leaving the BJP leaders and its supporters high and dry.


The collation
politics has its own burdens but the BSP proved to be mastered the game
by not bowing down to the pressure tactics of the coalition partner. Though
many alleged that BSP follows no principal of sharing power but how could that
be possible when you were engaged in coalition and not following the principal
canon. But in BSP’s sharing the development of Bahujan politics remained at the
center stage. It helped realised the party’s agenda of gaining political power
which the party believes the mother of all development. This strict and
stubborn approach of the BSP soon made it the party to be ‘detested’ in the
political circle. It is astonishing to see that outfits with different
political ideologies and social base have joined against the BSP. As the BSP
running its own agenda and were not ready to waver a little when it comes to
the welfare measure of the underclass soon it started to become the victim of
the isolation. But the process of isolation has given it an exclusive identity
and status of a strong party which doesn’t take things lying down and decides
it own course. Here Kanshiramji scored exceptional points of political merit
over the so called leaders of Underclass scattered in various political parties
of various leanings. In a way it helped sending strong message amongst the
underclass voter that the BSP leadership has genuine concern for the welfare of
the community and it would never compromise on the issue which would subvert
the interest of the community for some minor political gains.


Kanshiramji shown his
political acumen the way he handled the defections of its MLAs by various
political parties and classically exploited the situation for party’s
promotion. The BSP, party of the poor, for its top leadership it was very
difficult to keep its MLAs in party’s fold against the external hefty monitory
offers. It couldn’t do much against the defection but the way the BSP has
highlighted, though obliquely, the immoral practices of different political
parties was remarkable success of the top leadership. It happened in 1995 when
SP did it, BJP tried its hand in 1997 and SP did it again with the help of BJP
in 2003. Further more these practices have been so overpowering that all the
institutions on democracy were subverted. The offices of Speaker of the
Assembly and the highest seat of justice were also not spared and the nation
saw how the established rules of law were subverted to suit the BSP’s opposite
party. Even though absorbing all these initial political shocks, quakes and
hiccups of considerable magnitude the BSP kept growing to the point that the
state’s politics started veering around it, which was pragmatically exploited
by Kanshiramji with extraordinary support of Mayawatiji. 


There is no
denying the fact that the democratic rights enshrined in the constitution did
have their impact but it was very limited as there was no potent force to claim
these rights. The Underclass was taken for granted and had to listen to their
dictates. Any voice of descent was brutally crushed.  And in this context BSP
made the difference. Obviously the so-called upper castes were socially,
economically and politically dominant and ruled the society in a hegemonic
manner. But gradually after 1984 with the formation of BSP things started
changing. It is for the first time in history of independent India some
political party of bunch of Underclass tried to puncture the ugly wildly
bloated socio-political hegemony of upper caste successfully. It created
self-respect, confidence, and assertion among the erstwhile cumulatively
deprived Underclass. And its credit goes to the pragmatic leaning of
Kanshiramji and his novel experiments. Truly, era of politics of pragmatic


*     Political


UP has always
been the laboratory of politics and political activism of various shades. The
experiments of political assertion of the Underclass in the form of the BSP, or
the emergence of Hindu nationalist BJP, have been carried out here. The
peasant-dominated agricultural-capitalist political outfit with considerable
might and clout too has registered it origin here. The Politics and political
activism of various shade concocted number of new power-hungry coalitions to
manipulate power in UP. Foes have turned into friends with apparently no
respect to principles. Traditional prejudices have blurred in a quest for new


The BSP has
systematically nurtured the seed of its growth after the emergence of various
political ideologies and parties in the State. Partly because of their own
attractiveness- the growth of Janta Dal and its offshoots, including Mulayam
Singh’s Samajwadi Party, and the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) coincided with the
waning of Congress. In 1989 elections Janta Dal, with securing fifty-four seats
and 36 per cent of the vote emerged as a leading party. The Janta Dal and the
Samajwadi Party’s efforts to win over the Backward Castes paid them dividends
in the successive elections each of these two political forces picked up other
groups as they gathered momentum. But in the next election of 1991 the BJP
snatched this position from Janta Dal by securing fifty-one seats and 33 per
cent of the vote. The BJP has traditionally been strongest among the upper
castes of the towns that helped it gained position of prominent political force
in the state. The BSP though was a minor player but it was preparing itself for
the greater goals. The Janta Dal and Samajwadi parties attracted a large share
of the Muslim vote disenchanted with Congress after the destruction of the
Babri Masjid. And the BJP has picked up considerable Backward Caste support,
partly because it has had a strong Backward Caste (Lodhi) leader in Kalyan
Singh. After the waning of Janta Dal which was crippled mainly because of
factionism, Mulayam Singh’s aggressive efforts in spreading its wings in the
state paid him rich dividends. Soon his party became the leading party in the
state replacing the BJP.  In all this political game of winning and losing the
one party which was making inroad slowly but constantly was the BSP.  The only problem,
but of prominent magnitude in the state was: there emerging new leading parties
by replacing one by other, but no-party came out with absolute mandate required
to form the government. And this resulted into the formation of various
coalitions which led to varieties of unpopular subversion of the democratic
Institutions in the state.


The rise of
Kanshiram’s BSP to the point where it was able to form the State government
four times was development of the first importance in Uttar Pradesh. His party’s
rise could not be attributed to the collapse of congress. There were other
parties readily exploited the situations. And even the congress collapse was
not an auto-political phenomena but it was partly collective sum of individual
efforts of the various political parties and activism and party the fault of
congress leaderships and some of its suicidal decisions in the state. Mulayam
Singh and the BJP manipulated their vote bank of Yadav, Muslims and OBCs and
upper castes respectively.  Kanshiramji entered into the foray of state’s
politics by vociferously voicing the aspirations of the Chamars, and he has
also had a radicalizing impact on a wider constituency of Backward and other
Scheduled Caste communities. While doing all this there was exciting plan taking
shape in his mind of put together a winning combination which was once the
strongest point of Congress, i.e., Underclass, Uppercaste, OBCs and Muslims
combine vote bank. But to start with he fixed his target to win over the
support of Chamars, some sections of OBCs (particularly the Kurmis), other
Scheduled Caste communities and also the Muslims. In doing so Kanshiram’s mode
of operation has been to yoke an aggressive Ambedkarite ideology to hard-headed
manipulation of the vote banks of Uttar Pradesh.


strung-together the Chamars across the state, which constitutes not only the
largest Untouchable caste in India, but almost certainly the largest single
caste in Uttar Pradesh. Kanshi Ram has not had the total support of the
Chamars. In the beginning he enjoyed overwhelming support of Jatavs of eastern
UP and as time went by he won over the Jatavs of western UP gradually, clearly
depicts the success of his well laid down plan. The master then went all out to
take a greater stride for brining the Muslims under the party’s widened wing so
as to accommodate them in such a fashion that they would feel at home. He gave
more seats than what the Muslims could have expected- in the knowledge that
voters will often be attracted by a candidate of their own community. The
indispensable basis of his power is his own community, the Chamars. The Bahujan
Samaj could offer these communities the prospect that the large Chamar vote
would be added to theirs, since the Chamars believed that the party was above
all theirs (similar guts were later shown by Mayawati in 2007 assembly election
when she made efforts to win over the Brahmins it paid rich dividends for her
as she came to power with clear mandate). Kanshiram’s novel experiment yielded
expected result in successive elections. In 1989 the party won thirteen out of
425 State Assembly seats, and in 1991 it won twelve. The party won only two
Parliamentary seats in 1989, and one in 1991. Then to trigger the party’s
quantum growth Kanshiramji decided to go in for pre-poll alliance with
Mulayam’s Samajwadi Party (SP), the idea worked very well and the BSP won 67
seats in 1996. In 2002 it won 98 seats all without any alliance. In 2007
election it has crossed the half-way mark in the 403-member assembly mainly due
the aggressive implementation of the program laid down by Kanshiramji with some
innovations by Mayawatiji. It is a big jump because in 2004, it won 97 assembly
seats. As was vision by Kanshiramji the party’s ascendancy curve in
politics transcend into ‘Curve of Care’ for the Suppressed India.  


*     Kanshiram


            Kanshiramji never
wavered in his idea of gaining political power. His vision was solely focused
on to capture the Institutions of power which would essentially be utilized for
realising the aspirations of Suppressed India. As he marched on the path of his
public career as the founder member of BAMCEF to DS4 (earlier version of BSP)
his larger understanding of social change considerably evolved through the
process of pragmatic political churning. He no longer believed in the primacy
of social reform. He very rarely commented or theorized on any of the old or
new sociological or economical phenomenon that evolved due to increase global
trading relations and cultural transitions, which set to give new dimensions to
the problems of Underclass. He did not favour expenditure of valuable time on
any other issue that involves no game plan of capturing power. He was of the
view of administrative power would bring about desired social change and not
vice versa. The appropriate policies will fall into place once power is
attained was his foremost direction to his fellow party workers. He always
asked and insisted Bhaujan to wage a holy war against Brahminwadi, their evil
oppressor since time immemorial. In the context of this war he argued no
pragmatic political move is bad if that dislodges Brahminwadi from the holy
seat of administration. And thus he freed himself to engage in the most
ruthless political pragmatism for capturing power so as to achieve greater goal
of reconfiguring the rules of game to prioritize the issues of suppressed India
first and foremost.


            Born to a
slightly literate Raedasi Sikh, (converted from Chamar community, scheduled
caste) peasant in 1934, Kanshiramji was the eldest son and only graduate
amongst four daughters and three sons. After completion of B’Sc degree,
Kanshiramji managed to secure a job in the Survey of India against reserved
position. In year 1958 he transferred to the Department of Defence Production
as a scientific assistant in a munitions factory in Pune. He, as per the
available information, had not encountered Untouchability as a child, and overt
discrimination was not a phenomenon within the educated circles of his adult
life. In 1965 an event in which his Scheduled Caste colleague who vehemently
tried to oppose abolition of a holiday commemorating Dr B R Ambedkar’s birthday
anniversary he all of sudden encountered a depth of high-caste prejudice and
hostility towards Underclass. Perhaps this event might have etched in his mind
‘the power of being in the power’ that can easily abolish the interests of
Underclass and then he might have pleaded with himself that he would reorder
and reconfigure the present system to protect, secure and establish the rule of
Underclass by capturing the administrative power. He got caught up in the fight
too. His almost instant radicalization was completed soon after by a reading of
Ambedkar’s Annihilation of Caste: he read the book three times in one night,
going entirely without sleep. It later on disturbed the sweet and cozy sleep of
many Brahminwadi, as he went on becoming master of spinning web of novel
pragmatic politics in UP.   


state was quite at forefront when it comes to the political awakening amongst
the Underclass masses mainly due to the epoch-making work of Dr B R Ambedkar
and his activism in the state, though it has a pan India appeal but as he was
native to this place it created army of activists through Republican Party of
India, a political wing for promoting and securing the political rights of
Underclass, a grand vision of Dr B R Ambedkar. In Maharashtra, which is adorned
by the legacy of Dr B R Ambedkar, Kanshiramji was mesmerized by the political
ideas of Dr. B R Ambedkar which he came to know through his Buddhist colleague
and friend at the munitions factory, D K Khaparde. He got instantly attracted
to the political philosophy of Dr B R Ambedkar.  Together the two of them began
formulating ideas for an organization to be built by educated employees from the
Scheduled and Backward castes. Though he continued his job until about 1971 he
had quite lost interest in the job the moment he involved in the formulation of
rights-protection wing of the underclass employee. He was thinking of becoming
a full time activist which an event substantiated, when after a severe conflict
over the non-appointment of an apparently qualified Scheduled Caste young
woman. During this conflict he had gone so far as to strike a senior official,
and he did not even bother attending most of the ensuing disciplinary


            He quit the job
and in 1971 Kanshi Ram and his colleagues established the Scheduled Castes,
Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and Minorities Employees Welfare
Association, which was duly registered under the Poona Charity Commissioner.
Their primary object was: To subject our problems to close scrutiny and find
out quick and equitable solutions to the problems of injustice and harassment
of our employees in general and the educated employees in particular. He did
not stop here. He was quite aware of the fact that all over India the nature of
the problems of the underclass government employee are someway of similar
nature.  Where would they go in order to tackle the problems that directly
threaten their services or legitimate rights when they are surrounded by high
intensity hostility?  His ideas were of grand scale: immediately with his
friend he thought of establishing an all India underclass employee federation
that resulted into formation of The All India Backward and Minority Employees
Federation (BAMCEF) in 1973, and a functioning office was established in Delhi
in 1976. BAMCEF was re-launched with greater fanfare on 6 December 1978, the
anniversary of Dr. B R Ambedkar’s death, with claims of two thousand delegates
joining a procession to the Boat Club Lawns in New Delhi.


            The size and
reach of the BAMCEF started flourishing under the visionary leadership of
Kanshiramji. He took lots of pains for widening the reach of the BAMCEF. During
many of his trip from Poona to Delhi he adopted the habit of getting down at
major stations along the way - Nagpur, Jabalpur and Bhopal, among others- to
contact likely sympathizers and tried to recruit them to the organisation. By
the mid-1970s Kanshi Ram had established a broad if not dense network of
contacts throughout Maharashtra and adjacent regions. Once he had moved to
Delhi he pushed into northern state like Punjab, Haryana and Uttar Pradesh,
Madhya Pradesh, etc. Kanshiramji was very novel in his idea of spreading the
work of Dr B R Ambedkar. Not only did he start a BAMCEF Bulletin to maximize
the reach of federation and put together subscribers, but also took to the task
of educating employees by contacting a wider audience with simple presentations
of Ambedkar’s teachings. The result of it was ‘Ambedkar Mela on Wheels’ a
road-show put together in 1980 that toured, between April and June, thirty-four
destinations in nine States of the north India. This was an oral and pictorial
account of Dr B R Ambedkar’s life and views, together with contemporary
material on oppression, atrocities and poverty. Through out the tour he had
appealed and educated to the Underclass community to agitate for their
political rights as no one would do it for them. He had narrated it as an ultimate
gift of freedom that they should present to their brothers and themselves. So
arm up and put up a brave fight was his appeal. As time went by and
organisation started acquiring might the rhetoric had grown bolder, sharper and
acuter. It was not merely the oppressors who came in the line of fire, but also
many of the reserved office holders mainly due to their apathetic approach
towards the problems of community.   


               During his
tours Kanshiramji successfully managed to attach many employees belongs to
numerous castes and the able and potential leaders to the federation, who later
held important organizational positions after the formulation of political wing
in the form of BSP.  Jang Bahadur Patel, a Kurmi (Backward Caste) and is one
such example. He was President of the Uttar Pradesh Branch of the BSP until
late 1995. Kanshiramji had very accurately estimated the fact that due to
Underclass’s weight of numbers, they had the potential to convert themselves
from ‘beggars to rulers’.  But only thing they should do was to come under one
flag and push for their agenda things, will with immediate effect, start
changing for their betterment. Kanshiramji iterated in his speech to the
gatherings and in his literatures how the Scheduled Castes, Tribes and also the
Backwards and Minorities all were victims of Brahminism and how Dr B R Ambedkar
had struggled through out his life for all the down-trodden classes for
sensitizing them for their socio-political rights. Yet his target of
assimilating all the Underclass under one ideology was far way off. That is
mainly because SCs constituted about 90 per cent of the membership of
federation, with the other 10 per cent being split between Tribal and Other
Backward Castes.  


            But his efforts bore
somewhat expected results. He had by now earned a lot of confidence that he
could mobilize the men and resources. The agitational works undertaken under
the banner of BAMCEF were attracting him into politics. BAMCEF’s motto,
‘Educate, Organise and Agitate’, which was adopted from Dr B R Ambedkar and its
activities, were formally divided into a number of welfare and proselytizing
objects of the employees. For him enough was not enough, and to mobilize large
section of the Underclass, he knew the limitations of the BAMCEF. By the late
70s he was no longer content with what could be done under BAMCEF. So in 1981
he formed Dalit SoshitSamaj Sangharsh Samiti abbreviated as DS4, first novel
attempt to create a radical political vehicle capable of mobilizing the larger
body of Underclass. It shared the same President in Kanshiramji, the same
office, and many of the same members. Though DS4 was not a full-fledged
political party, but it set the rhythm of coming events. He dissolved it in
year 1984, with satisfaction of its little but concrete progress; Kanshiramji
took the plunge and formed a complete political wing, Bahujan Samaj Party.
Inevitably, this caused major strains in BAMCEF ranks. After much deliberation
Kanshiramji announced that he was no longer willing to work for any organisation
other than the BSP. It was in his scheme of thinking to go all out for his
mission of capturing the power leaving behind all other priorities he set
before; it saw the split of BAMCEF in year 1986.


            He put in a
solid organizational work and his newly formed party made headway in Punjab,
Kanshiram’s home State. He with marginal success in Punjab marched ahead with
his plan to wean the Chamars of Uttar Pradesh from Congress. There he succeeded
but gradually.  The formal entry of his party into Uttar Pradesh was in a
by-election in 1985 for the Lok Sabha seat of Bijinor, in which its candidate
was Mayawati. She later went on becoming the president of the BSP and Chief
Minister of the state, mainly the reward of her political guts, solid organizational
work and inherent ability to adopt and execute political moves of Kanshiramji.
Mayawati had made contact with Kanshi Ram in 1977 while she was a student, and
had gradually been drawn into his organisation. He was instrumental in
accelerating the downslide of congress in the state. He with his staunch
supporters initially worked out on weaning Chamars from the congress all across
the state. He worked out the mathematics of the numbers of the Chamars spread
all across the state and how this could be utilized for winning the candidate
of the BSP, if the ticket was given to other community’s candidate. First of
all he had won the confidence of the Chamars and instilled the divine value of
being the follower of the BSP and trained them to understand to put the party’s
interest above everything else. His policy worked. He had then gradually spread
the wing of his party to accommodate OBCs, Kurmis, Muslims, Tribes, Yadav, etc.
in its fold. The way Kanshiramji brought various communities in the party’s
fold to the point that its candidate was offered a chief ministerial position
was the Kanshiramji effect. It came to the power four times in a decade of its
formulations was something very mind-boggling for the opponents.       


            Kanshiramji and
Mayawati the invincible duo worked out and executed number of policies that
would increase their party base whenever they came in to power. They formed the
government with all once the opponent parties that includes congress, BJP, SP,
etc. The formed the government and brought down at will when they found it was
engaging in the activities that would harms the party’s interests. Each time
when they came into power they very smartly calculated how much time that they
had in this term or how long their government would last long, so accordingly
they were making polices and prioritize them. And due to this it never yielded
to the wishes of the partner that would dilute or pollute the policy work of
the BSP. They never feared elections. Together they formulated the novel winning
strategies whenever the state went in for poll. It then became the greatest
virtue of the BSP. Kanshiramji even worked out the ‘accessibility’ level when
their government came in to power, in order to avoid entraining unnecessary
favors. Now he was ready to take his political mission in other state such as
AP, TN, Punjab, MP, Kerla, WB, etc. There he did not meet with the expected
outcome but he asked his party to persist with efforts in hope of meeting
success there. Thus this man proved a point of his pragmatic politics that the
Underclass could reach at center of power if they cast a heavy blow on the
present Brahminwadi system, unitedly.   


            As all the
avenues of advance are closed to the Underclass in the field of agriculture,
trade, commerce and industry almost all the educated persons from these
communities are trapped in Govt. services, which too are diminishing largely
due to privatization. In order to take on the challenges hurled by the various
societal, cultural and Industrial changes we need to build our capacities. But
inherent timidity, cowardice, selfishness and lack of desire for Social Service
to our own creed of many amongst underclass have made us exceptionally useless
to the general mass of the oppressed Indians. And here there is urgent need of
raising once sensitivity towards the fellow brothers. Well still in the ageless
darkness there is ray of hope who feel deeply agitated about the miserable
existence of their brethren. Kanshiramji is one such great fellow who fought
for better tomorrow and inspired many to make the divine difference.   


In every
sense Kanshiramji is the par excellence pragmatic edge of the Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) who not only shown the way to the underclass but actually
led them to the centre stage of governing council without playing a second
fiddle to the so called mainstream political parties. His message was loud and
clear ‘If engaged in a political bargain do it in such a way that it would reap
a bumper harvest of opportunities for the suppressed Bahujan community, as a
whole and not for individuals who will remain loyal servant and burdened cattle
of mainstream political parties’. He remarkably succeeded in instilling the
message that the Bahujan have to be taken seriously rather than viewed as a
vote bank to be exploited by their social superiors. It was as if the world
could stand on its head, so that the divine bottom will rule over the
self-styled top.


IT was indeed
not an easy task to draw the curves of political novelties on the graph paper
of the Indian politics which was dominated by the curves of might, money and
social superiority of the Uppercaste. But the man was political mathematician
of highest degree. He coordinated his points of political moves well beyond
imagination and drew them together that took the shape of considerable
pragmatic value and scored exceptional points.


So to offer
a fitting tribute to the giant the BSP has decided to celebrate the birthday
anniversary of Kanshiramji as a ‘Bahujan Diwas’. And why not the man who fought
day and night for the aspirations of the suppressed Bahujan less than this
meant undermining the efforts the man had taken for achieving impossible feat.
The man who kindled the aspirations and nurtured ambitions in the Bahujan, so
to offer a tribute for the man of his height it calls for a gigantic
celebration. So every true aspirants affiliated to the welfare of Bahujan
should without fail celebrate the ‘Bahujan Diwas’ for the generations to come.
His politics was the radical and assertive but also ruthlessly pragmatic. So in
a true sense even after his death the progress the BSP is doing is mainly
because the sharp pragmatic edge of the party is still intact. He may not be
with us but his ideology is still helping the party covers the milestones of
success on the roads of Indian politics which are mired with the complexities
and paradoxes. Long live ‘Bahujan Diwas’!

Now it is a settled law that the fraud EVMs are
tamperable and hence all of them had to be replaced. But the ex CJI
Sathasivam committed a grave error of justice by allowing the fraud EVMs
to be replaced in phases as suggested by the ex. CEC Sampath because of
the cost of Rs 1600 crores involve for replacing them. As a result 1%
of the population the chtpawan brahmin, terrorist, militant, violent,
intolerant, heckling stealth hindutva cult RSS’s Murderers of democratic
institutions (Modi) have grabbed the MASTER KEY.

100 years must be for Sarvajan Hitaye Sarvajan Sukhaye , ie., for the
peace, happiness and welfare of all societies including
SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities and the poor upper castes in the country as
enshrined in the Constitution fathered by Babasaheb Dr. B.R.Ambedkar by
distributing the wealth of the country equally among all sections of the

Role played by eminent leaders like Pandit
Aiyothidas,Mahatma Phule, Sahuji Maharaj, Narayan Guru,Periyar
EVRamaswamy, Ayankali,  Dr. Babasaheb B.R.Ambedkar, Manyavar Kanshiramji
and Ms Mayawatiji, who fought casteism and untouchability, the next 100
years is going to be theirs.

People will fight superstition by
following the teachings of the Awakened One with Awareness and give
maximum positive concentration of mind to put all their fears in a
bundle and threw it in the river, education, Reservation in Government,
Private  and  Self Employment to their children which are  main things
required for development.

Ambedkar’s slogan of “Educate,
Organise and Agitate” is very valid now, “getting justice is not
begging, but is the right of every citizen as enshrines in the

Victim of untouchability, slumdwelling Valmikis of
Ahmedabad remain deprived of most basic facilities needed for a
respectable life

A study of the Scheduled Caste Valmiki
community living in Ahmedabad’s five slum localities Thaltej, Gota,
Hatkeshwar, Naranpura Lakhudi and Sola Bridge by the Human Development
and Research Centre (HDRC), Ahmedabad,  points towards how the community
remains the most neglected section of the city’s urban life. Excerpts:

make up 6 to 7 per cent of Gujarat’s population. If one looks back into
history, one finds that the condition of SC/STs, especially in
villages, was extremely pathetic. In Banaskantha district, for instance,
SC/STs were obliged to cover their head with a turban of a particular
colour, so that they could be identified by dominant castemen from a
distance. SC/ST bridegrooms would not be allowed to ride a horse during
marriage processions, and those forming part of the procession would not
be allowed to beat drums or dance to the tune of music in celebration.
If this was the situation of the SC/ST community, one could well imagine
what type of discrimination Valmikis, the lowest rung in the SC/ST
hierarchy, would face. There was a time when persons from dominant
castes would ensure that SC/STs, especially Valmikis, did not get
treatment in government-run primary health centres (PHCs).It would be
pertinent to say that, in rural areas, the rigid traditional caste
behaviour remains intact even today.

In search of occupational
options, many Valmikis land up in Gujarat’s cities, especially
Ahmedabad. This is one reason why one finds a large number of Valmikis
are living in the slums of Ahmedabad for quite some time. Here, living
as migrants, they face major issues related with livelihood. They are
forced to live in an extremely stifling atmosphere. While they become
easy victims of larger issues of urban livelihood such as price rise,
and oppression at the workplace, they additionally become victims of

The Valmiki community is mainly aligned with the
job of cleaning up all the filth of the city. Economic compulsions make
more than one person in the family – husband and wife and grown up
children – to work as cleaning workers. They together earn on an average
Rs 700 to Rs 800 a day. While this should be sufficient for running the
family, the costs they must bear for meeting their primary requirements
at a time when they are deprived of basic facilities like housing,
electricity and water is indeed very high. Things especially become
difficult as, at several places, female Valmiki workers are paid lesser
wages than their male counterparts.

Social awareness among the
Valmikis is extremely low. They haven’t generally thought about the need
to be empowered. A major reason for this is, while several voluntary
organizations work for the empowerment of SC/STs, they pay little heed
to the concerns of Valmikis.

A major problem nagging the Valmikis
is that of housing. As they come to cities from rural areas in search
of employment, they form one of the biggest groups in slums of
Ahmedabad. At large number of places, they live in makeshift huts they
set up on their own. However, they have not been able to register these
huts in their name.

One can, in fact, see that there is glaring
discrimination against Valmikis in the implementation government
schemes. There is a slum area development policy, which seeks to create a
livable atmosphere for slumdwellers, though the actual reality is
totally different. In order to take advantage of a slum rehabilitation
scheme, they must leave their present place of stay and move far away,
somewhere in the outskirts, directly affecting their livelihood.

has been found that wherever Valmiki community people live there is
total absence of basic facilities. In Ahmedabad, Valmikis live by
renting the space for living in huts. They have no electricity or water
connection. Not only they must pay rent to live like this, there are
just 15 usable toilets for about 10,000 to 15,000 huts. This has a
direct impact on the health of Valmiki slumdwellers.

Another major
issue facing Ahmedabad Valmikis relates to the type of jobs they must
do. Whether in rural areas or urban areas, they must work as cleaning
workers, a work they are obliged to do even in  municipalities and
municipal corporations even if they come to acquire some education.

to the Aslali Committee report, if any Valmiki community person working
in a government body has studied up to class 8th, 9th or 10th, she or
he must be promoted to a higher level. However, the government has not
paid any heed to the recommendation. Even those who are degree holders
work as cleaning workers in Ahmedabad. There are very few Valmiki
individuals who, overcoming extreme difficulties, work in jobs other
than cleaning.

Valmikis face major issues related with their health.
Working in the midst of filth and dust, many of them become victims of
tuberculosis or asthma at a very early age. It has been found that, on
an average, their life span is 50 to 55 years.

Though Valmikis
aren’t victims of untouchability in the urban areas in the same way as
in the rural areas, some so-called upper castemen do observe casteist
attitude towards them. While there is little change in the people’s

Then, one finds that there is very little importance to
education among Valmikis. No doubt, for this, the dominant caste mindset
of our society, too, is responsible. While Valmiki children are
admitted in schools, Valmiki parents do not find it necessary to ensure
that the child goes to the school regularly enough. More often than not,
the child accompanies the parents when they go for cleaning job, which
adversely impacts on the child’s mindset. This becomes the reason behind
the child becoming the future cleaning worker.

Then, there are very
few employment options available to Valmikis. Words like personal
development and awareness do not exist in vocabulary; at best they are
part of some elusive pedantic knowledge, thanks to poor literacy levels.
 Worse, because of the negative attitude by dominant castemen, Valmikis
develop a mindset whereby they think that they would not be successful
in getting enough customers if they kickstart a provisional store or a
cycle repairing workshop.

In fact, collecting dirt during the day
time and being subject of scorn by dominant caste sections have become
part of the daily life for Valmikis. This is one major reason why men
become addicted to alcohol, and women to tobacco, which ultimately harms
their health.

Yet another social evil among Valmikis is child
marriage. The moment the girl enters her teen, and completes fifth or
sixth standard, she is married off. During conversation with women it
became evident that, if a girl is made to study more, the community
people would start questioning her integrity.

A large number of
Valmikis do not have basic documents such as birth certificate, address
proof, ration card, and so on, as a result of which many of them are
unable to get advantage of government schemes, not to talk of government


A hotspot of caste conflict, Kadi taluka’s SC/STs have begun showing unusual awareness, resisting discrimination in public life

There is wide prevalence of stigmatization of SC/STs in access to water in rural areas, says survey report

Gujarat SC/STs represent to Gujarat chief minister, complain of
discrimination in access to drinking water, basic facilities

Bahuth Jiyadha Paapis (BJP) must know that Valmiki wrote the Epic
Ramayana which has been now RSSized for hindutva vote bank politics.
Vlamiki created Rama. Temples are built for his hero but not allowed
inside those temples.

Now it is a settled law that the fraud EVMs are
tamperable and hence all of them had to be replaced. But the ex CJI
Sathasivam committed a grave error of justice by allowing the fraud EVMs
to be replaced in phases as suggested by the ex. CEC Sampath because of
the cost of Rs 1600 crores involve for replacing them. As a result 1%
of the population the chtpawan brahmin, terrorist, militant, violent,
intolerant, heckling stealth hindutva cult RSS’s Murderers of democratic
institutions (Modi) have grabbed the MASTER KEY.

The solution is
that the Supreme Court must pass orders to scrap all the elections
conducted through these EVMs and order for fresh elections with fool
proof voting system followed by 80 democracies  of the world.

of the population intellectual youths belonging to
SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities/poor  upper castes must use the Internet to
awaken the people of the world in connection with these fraud EVMs,
apart from


Please watch:

Important speech of Saheb Kanshi Ram Ji - Part 1 - 42:13 mins

Important Speech of Saheb Kanshi Ram Ji - Part 2 - 40:46 mins

Important Speech of Saheb Kanshi Ram Ji — Part 3- 42:40 mins


Important Speech of Saheb Kanshi Ram Ji Part 4 Final Part - 42:26 mins


Sahab Kanshiram’s speech on PAY BACK TO SOCIETY - 1:39:09 hr


Important speech of Saheb Kanshi Ram Ji on Awaaz India TV - 1:13:03 hr.


Bsp Founder Kanshiram’s Speech On Buddhism …21:30 mins

Kanshiram, founder Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), delivers this speech in
which he asked to fulfill the dream of Dr BR Ambedkar to make India a
Buddhist nation.

Visitor No.

Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule’s contribution towards women empowerment

Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule’s contribution…
celebrate Women’s Day without recognizing the contribution of Dr.
Ambedkar, Savitribai Phule, and Mahatma Jotiba Phule is hypocrisy and
shameful act. Here are …

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‘First Lady’ Teacher of India: Savitribai Phule

‘First Lady’ Teacher of India: Savitribai Phule
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will not be shortened. — Buddha Savitribai Phule (3rd January1831- 10
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Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar’s fight for women’s rights








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