https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_Dalits
List of Dalits
Following is a list of Dalit people organised by profession, field, or focus.
Academics
Academics Edit
Narendra Jadhav, Indian economist, writer and educationist [1]
B. R. Ambedkar, jurist, economist, politician and social reformer
Activists Edit
Gopal Baba Walangkar[2]
Grace Banu, Dalit and transgender activist; first transgender in state of Tamil Nadu be admitted to an engineering college[3]
Art Edit
Nagraj Manjule, Marathi director
Pa.Ranjith,Flim writer,Director
Governance Edit
Ramnath Kovind,President of India
K. R. Narayanan, former President of India
Mayawati, Four time Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
Ashok Tanwar,[4] President of Haryana Congress, former Member of Parliament
Ram Vilas Paswan, President of the Lok Janshakti Party, eight time member of Lok Sabha
Kanshi Ram, Founder of Bahujan Samaj Party
B. Shyam Sunder, Founder of Bharatiya Bhim Sena[5]
Damodaram Sanjivayya, First Dalit Chief Minister of an Indian state(Andhra Pradesh), first Dalit President of Indian National Congress party(1962)
Jagjivan Ram (1908–1986), First Labour Minister of Independent India, former Deputy Prime Minister of India
Jignesh Mevani, Independent MLA from Vadgam Gujarat, youth movement leader and activist
Meira Kumar, First woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (2009-2014), Daughter of Jagjivan Ram.
Jogendra Nath Mandal,[6] was one of the central and leading Founding Fathers[7][8] of modern state of Pakistan, and legislator serving as country’s first minister of law and labour, and also was second minister of commonwealth and Kashmir affairs.[9]
Krishna Kumari Kohli, Member of Pakistan Senat[10]
Ram Lal Rahi, Minister of State for Home Affairs and Four times MP from Mishrikh in Sitapur district.
Literature Edit
Madara Chennaiah, the first poet in the history of Vachana literature who was a cobbler.
Namdeo Dhasal, Marathi poet and writer from Maharashtra.[11]
Military Edit
Immanuvel Devendrar[12]
Madurai Veeran, a folk hero of Arunthathiyar origin.[13]
Music Edit
Sumeet Samos[14]
Ginni Mahi[15]
Amar Singh Chamkila[16]
Kanth Kaler[17]
Religion and reform Edit
Gallela Prasad, the fourth bishop of the Roman Catholic Diocese of Cuddapah, in the state of Andhra Pradesh in India.[18]
Marampudi Joji, the third Archbishop of Hyderabad.[19]
Rettamalai Srinivasan, Dalit Activist, politician, freedom fighter and founder of Paraiyar Mahajana Sabha
Ayyankali, social reformer
Giani Ditt Singh, Started Singh Sabha Movement to bring dalits of Punjab to sikh-fold.[20]
Bhagu, a devotee of Krishna[21]
Mangu Ram Mugowalia, started Ad-Dharmi movement
Ravidas, mystic poet-saInt of the bhakti movement
Iyothee Thass, a prominent anti-caste activist and a practitioner of Siddha medicine, a publisher, and writer in Tamil, who is regarded as a pioneer of the Buddhist movement in the Tamil region in the early twentieth century.
Sports Edit
Vithal Palwankar, Cricketer[22]
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kanshi_Ram
Kanshi Ram
Kanshi Ram (15 March 1934 – 9 October 2006), also known as Bahujan Nayak[1] or Saheb,[2] was an Indian politician and social reformer who worked for the upliftment and political mobilisation of the Bahujans, the untouchable groups at the bottom of the caste system in India.[3] Towards this end, Kanshi Ram founded Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS-4), the All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees’ Federation (BAMCEF) in 1971 and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984. He ceded leadership of the BSP to his protégé Mayawati who has served four terms as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh.
Kanshi Ram
Founder and National president of the Bahujan Samaj Party
In office
14 April 1984 – 18 September 2003
Succeeded by
Mayawati
Member of the Indian Parliament
for Hoshiarpur
In office
1996–1998
Preceded by
Kamal Chaudhry
Succeeded by
Kamal Chaudhry
Member of the Indian Parliament
for Etawah
In office
1991–1996
Preceded by
Ram Singh Shakya
Succeeded by
Ram Singh Shakya
Personal details
Born
15 March 1934
Rupnagar district, Punjab Province, British India
Died
9 October 2006 (aged 72)
New Delhi
Political party
Bahujan Samaj Party
Website
www.bamcef.info/manyawar-shri-kanshiram-ji.php
Early life Edit
Kanshi Ram was born on 15 March 1934 in Ropar district, Punjab, British India. Some sources say his birthplace was the village of Pirthipur Bunga[4] and others that it was Khawaspur village. Although his family were Ramdasia Sikhs, an untouchable sect, in Punjab at that time there was relatively little stigma attached to being an untouchable.[5][6]
After studies at various local schools,[7] Ram graduated in 1956 with a BSc degree from Government College Ropar.[8]
Career Edit
Kanshi Ram joined the offices of the Explosive Research and Development Laboratory in Pune[5] under the government’s scheme of positive discrimination. It was at this time that he first experienced caste discrimination[8] and in 1964 he became an activist. Those who admire him claim that he was spurred to this after reading B. R. Ambedkar’s book Annihilation of Caste and witnessing what he perceived to be discrimination against a Dalit employee who wished to observe a holiday celebrating Ambedkar’s birth.[9]
Ram initially supported the Republican Party of India (RPI) but became disillusioned with its co-operation with the Indian National Congress. In 1971, he founded the All India SC, ST, OBC and Minority Employees Association and in 1978 this became BAMCEF, an organisation that aimed to persuade educated members of the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backwards Classes and Minorities to support Ambedkarite principles. BAMCEF was neither a political nor a religious body and it also had no aims to agitate for its purpose. Suryakant Waghmore says it appealed to “the class among the Dalits that was comparatively well-off, mostly based in urban areas and small towns working as government servants and partially alienated from their untouchable identities”.[10]
Later, in 1981, Ram formed another social organisation known as Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DSSSS, or DS4). He started his attempt of consolidating the Dalit vote and in 1984 he founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP). He fought his first election in 1984 from Janjgir-Champa seat in Chhattisgarh.[11][12][13][14] The BSP found success in Uttar Pradesh, initially struggled to bridge the divide between Dalits and Other Backward Classes[15] but later under leadership of Mayawati bridged this gap.[16]
In 1982 he wrote his book The Chamcha Age (an Era of the Stooges) and in it he used of the term chamcha (stooge) for Dalit leaders who for their selfish motives work for parties like the Indian National Congress (INC) such as Jagjivan Ram or Ram Vilas Paswan[5] and for Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)[17] keeping in ethical context with Ambedkar’s book What Gandhi and the Congress Have Done to the Untouchables to the politics of Dalit liberation.[citation needed]
However, it was in 1986 when he declared his transition from a social worker to a politician by stating that he was not going to work for/with any other organization other than the BSP. During the meetings and seminars of the party, Ram stated to ruling classes that if they promised to do something, it would pay to keep the promise, or else just accept that they were not capable of fulfilling their promises.[citation needed]
After forming BSP Ram said the party would fight first election to lose, next to get noticed and the third election to win.[18] In 1988 he contested Allahabad seat up against a future Prime Minister V. P. Singh and performed impressively but lost polling close to 70,000 votes.[19]
He unsuccessfully contested from East Delhi (Lok Sabha constituency) in 1989 and came at fourth position. Then he represented the 11th Lok Sabha from Hoshiarpur,[20] Kanshiram was also elected as member of Lok Sabha from Etawah in Uttar Pradesh. In 2001 he publicly announced Mayawati as his successor.
In the late 1990s, Ram described the BJP as the most corrupt (mahabrasht) party in India and the INC, Samajwadi Party and Janata Dal as equally corrupt.[21][22]
Proposed conversion to Buddhism Edit
In 2002, Ram announced his intention to convert to Buddhism on 14 October 2006, the 50th anniversary of Ambedkar’s conversion. He intended for 20,000,000 of his supporters to convert at the same time. Part of the significance of this plan was that Ram’s followers include not only untouchables, but persons from a variety of castes, who could significantly broaden Buddhism’s support. However, he died on 9 October 2006.[23]
Mayawati his successor said “Saheb Kanshi Ram and I had decided that we will convert and adopt Buddhism when we will get “absolute majority” at the Centre. We wanted to do this because we can make a difference to the religion by taking along with us millions of people. If we convert without power then only we too will be converting. But when you have power you can really create a stir”.[24]
Death
Death Edit
Saheb was a diabetic. He suffered a heart attack in 1994, an arterial clot in his brain in 1995, and a paralytic stroke in 2003.[25] He died in New Delhi on 9 October 2006 of a severe heart attack at the age of 72.[26] He had been virtually bed-ridden for more than two years.[27] According to his wishes,[28] his funeral rites were performed according to Buddhist tradition, with Mayawati lighting the pyre.[25] His ashes were placed in an urn and kept at Prerna Sthal, where many people paid their respects.[29]
In his condolence message, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described Ram as “one of the greatest social reformers of our time .. his political ideas and movements had a significant impact on our political evolution … He had a larger understanding of social change and was able to unite various underprivileged sections of our society and provide a political platform where their voices would be heard.” Under Ram’s leadership, the BSP won 14 parliamentary seats in the 1999 federal elections.[30]
See also Edit
Bahujan Samaj Party[31][32]
Mayawati[33][34]
BAMCEF[35]
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/BAMCEF
BAMCEF
BAMCEF is an Indian charitable organization. It was founded in 1978 to enlist the aid of the comparatively well-educated among the bahujans and other communities of India who suffer discrimination. It has no political or religious agenda, nor does it promote agitation to achieve its goals.[6] BAMCEF is an acronym for “The All India Backward and Minority Communities Employees Federation”. The term backward got its significance from the Constitution of India, which divides the oppressed and exploited Indians into categories on the basis of their backwardness, namely: Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), Other Backward Classes (OBC) and Minority Communities.
BAMCEF
The All India Backward And Minority Communities Employees Federation
Formation
6 December 1978 (39 years ago)
Founder
Kanshi Ram
Founded at
BAMCEF Convention at New Delhi
Type
Social organization of educated employees[1]
Legal status
Active
Members
2 million[2]
President
Waman Meshram (Bharat Mukti Morcha faction[3])
B. D. Borkar (Mulnivasi Sangh faction[4][5])
Website
www.bamcef.info
www.bamcef.org.in
www.bamcef.co.in
bamcefmission.com
The origins of BAMCEF lie in an organisation for employees of repressed communities that was established in 1971 by Kanshi Ram.[6] This became BAMCEF at a convention held in Delhi in 1978, with an official launch on 6 December 1978, the anniversary of the death of B. R. Ambedkar.[7] The ideology of BAMCEF is to fight the entrenched system of inequality that divides Indian society, and to abolish the caste system.
History Edit
As an employee of the Defence Research and Development Laboratory in Pune, Kanshi Ram realized that the formation of a bahujan bureaucracy was important to serve Dalits’ interests. He set about forming a federation, through which he worked his way up the bureaucratic hierarchy. By identifying a few zealous officers, he was able to influence lower-ranked staff.[8]
The motto of this organisation was ‘Payback to society’, to inspire the Dalit bureaucrats to do their bit for the Dalit masses. In this way, a continuous supply of intellectual property, money and talent was ensured. Ram did not want to make BAMCEF an employees’ union. He wanted it to become an organisation of educated Bahujan employees: “the think tank, talent bank, and financial bank of the Bahujan samaj”.[9]
BAMCEF raised funds to promote their agenda and for training.Kanshi Ram appointed state-level conveners as well as mandal conveners to act as links between state and district levels.[10] Suryakant Waghmore says it appealed to “the class among the indigenous moolnivasi bahujans that was comparatively well-off, mostly based in urban areas and small towns working as government servants and partially alienated from their untouchable identities”.[11]
Others established the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti (DS4) in 1981. This organization made an impact on people in North and South India. Later, this group was led by Ishaan Singh Tomar. Before the formation of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), DS4 entered local elections in Delhi and Haryana in the name of “Limited Political Action”. Later on, Ram dissolved DS4 and formed BSP as a completely political wing.[12] This caused strain within BAMCEF ranks.[13]
In early 1986, BAMCEF split. Kanshi Ram announced that he was no longer willing to work for any organisation other than BSP. One element of BAMCEF, which was associated with Kanshi Ram, became a shadow organisation to help BSP in electoral mobilisation. Those remaining in BAMCEF after Ram’s departure registered BAMCEF as an independent non-political organisation in 1987.[14]
Khaparde was national president of BAMCEF from 1987 until his death on 29 February 2000. His successor was Waman Chindhuji Meshram.[15][16]
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dalit_Shoshit_Samaj_Sangharsh_Samiti
Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti
The Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti, abbreviated as DS-4 or DSSSS (lit. “Dalit and other Exploited Groups Struggle Committee”) was founded on 6 December 1981[1] by Kanshi Ram to organise dalits and other oppressed groups of India.[2][3] It was related to BAMCEF.
Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangharsh Samiti
Abbreviation
DS4
Founder
Kanshi Ram
Founded
6 December 1981 (36 years ago)
Preceded by
BAMCEF
Succeeded by
Bahujan Samaj Party
Politics of India
Political parties
Elections
DS4’s slogan was “Brahmin, thakur, bania chor, baaki sub hain DS-4″.[4] (”Except the ever-corrupt hordes of Brahmin, Thakur and Bania, everyone else is DS-4.”)
The organisation was absorbed by the Bahujan Samaj Party in 1984.[5]
References
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.collinsdictionary.com/amp/english/dalit
Definition of ‘Dalit’
Dalit in British
(ˈdɑːlɪt )
noun
a member of the lowest class in India, whom those of the four main castes were formerly forbidden to touch
. Formerly called (taboo, offensive): untouchable
The foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmins
are 1st rate athmas (souls), the Kshatriya, vysias, shudras are 2nd, 3rd, 4th rate souls and the aboriginal inhabitants of Jumbudvipa/Prabuddha Bharat as having no souls at all. So that any atrocity can be inflicted upon them. But the Buddha never believed in any soul. He said all are equal.
Word origin of ‘Dalit’
from Hindi, from Sanskrit dalita, literally: oppressed
Nearby words of ‘Dalit’
Dalhousie
Dali
Dalian
Dalit
Dall sheep
Dallapiccola
Dallas
All ENGLISH words that begin with ‘D’
Source
Definition of Dalit from the Collins English Dictionary
https://www.thefreedictionary.com/Dalit
Dalit
Also found in: Thesaurus, Legal, Encyclopedia, Wikipedia.
Da·lit (dä′lĭt)
n.
A member of the lowest class in traditional Indian society, falling altogether outside the Hindu caste categories and subject to extensive social restrictions.
[Hindi dalit, crushed, oppressed, from Sanskrit dalita-, past passive participle of dalayati, to cause to burst, variant of darayati, he splits, derived form (probably a denominative of -daraḥ, smasher, as in puraṃdaraḥ, citadel-smasher, an epithet of Indra) of darati, he splits; see der- in Indo-European roots.]
Da′lit adj.
American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition. Copyright © 2016 by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. Published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights reserved.
Dalit (ˈdɑːlɪt)
n
(Hinduism) a member of the lowest class in India, whom those of the four main castes were formerly forbidden to touch. Formerly called (offensive): untouchable
[from Hindi, from Sanskrit dalita, literally: oppressed]
Collins English Dictionary – Complete and Unabridged, 12th Edition 2014 © HarperCollins Publishers 1991, 1994, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2006, 2007, 2009, 2011, 2014
Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a friend about us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster’s page for free fun content.
Mentioned in
?
Harijan
outcaste
pariah
untouchable
References in periodicals archive
?
Even though Dalits make up 70 percent of the church, only 600 of India’s 17,000 priests and six of the 160 bishops come from the Dalit community.
Caste off: Catholic Dalits (untouchables)in India are divided over how to improve their lot
Energy company Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL) reported on Tuesday the execution of a Heads of Agreement (HOA) to evaluate Floating LNG for the export of natural gas from the Tamar and Dalit fields, offshore Israel.
Noble Energy Inc enters into HOA to evaluate Floating LNG, offshore Israel
The awakening of Dalit awareness of selfhood may be traced to the Marathi literature of the 1970s in India.
Urmila Pawar. The Weave of My Life: A Dalit Woman’s Memoirs
com)– Celebrity stylist Dalit Gwenna shows that hats, the new hip trend, can be worn every day, not just on special occasions.
EM & Co and Stylist Dalit Gwenna Share Hat Styling Secrets
Tamil Dalit literature is a relatively new arrival in the literary landscape of India.
The lives of Tamil Dalit women: a study of the literary works of Bama and P. Sivakami
The Dalit Samaritan woman asked Jesus, “Where can I find this living water?
Global Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits March 21-24, 2009, Bangkok, Thailand The Bangkok Declaration and Call
THE JUNE RECORD contained some introductory comments about the Dalit peoples in caste-affected societies, and about the recent Global Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits, which took place in Bangkok this past March.
Moving mountains: the first step to helping 200 million people is self-education
ISLAMABAD, April 24, 2009 (Balochistan Times) — Human Rights activists are of view that India has been successful in using its regional might and its position as an ally of Western countries in keeping the Dalit issue off the United Nations agenda.
India trying to keep Dalit issue off the UN agenda
Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL), a US-based oil and gas exploration and development company, has announced flow test results from the Dalit natural gas discovery in the Michal licence offshore Israel.
Noble Energy Announces Successful Flow Test Results
John Mary, a 45-year-old Dalit Christian, is knocking doors for help.
Indian Christian ‘untouchables’ face social monsters
Based on primary research conducted with the Karnataka Domestic Workers Movement in Bangalore, India, this paper locates the injustice that a group of dalit women domestic workers identify as structuring their lives, and assesses the strategies that the group employs in resisting and dealing with such injustice.
Articulations of injustice and the recognition–redistribution debate: locating caste, class and gender in paid domestic work in India
8 (ANI): Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Thursday condemned the vandalisation of statues of political and ideological figures across the country including Dalit icon BR Ambedkar’s statue
Mayawati condemns vandalisation of BR Ambedkar statue
More results ►
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-opinion/why-not-dalit/article24911632.ece/amp/ The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI D. Raja 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST The government advisory on the use of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt. The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”, in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable), Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’ such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate. The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar, cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981) had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice, worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds strange when no
TODAY’S PAPER OPINION
OPINION
Why not Dalit?
“The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI
“The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI
D. Raja
10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST
UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST
The government advisory on the use of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt. The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”, in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable), Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’ such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate. The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar, cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981) had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice, worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds strange when no such demand has been made by any Dalit organisation or leader, and when the term is used by the Supreme Court.
Such an advisory at a time when the term Dalit is empowering Dalits in their relentless fight against the increasing levels of atrocities against them, and at a time of heightened Dalit consciousness in the country, only signals the intent of the government to further marginalise the community, which is being asked to conform to the identity determined by the government. This is unacceptable. The government should withdraw its circular and challenge the order passed by the Bombay High Court in the Supreme Court.
D. Raja is National Secretary of the Communist Party of India and a Member of Parliament
https://www.google.co.in/search?client=safari&channel=iphone_bm&source=hp&ei=3xSWW-npAYm-rQG91r7IAw&ins=false&q=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&oq=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&gs_l=mobile-gws-wiz-hp.3..33i160.81482.125234..126856…0.0..2.3171.48130.6-12j9j8j5……0….1…….3..0j41j46j0i131j0i22i10i30j0i22i30j33i22i29i30j33i21.j5QmjAY4Ob4
Just 0.1% intolerant, cunning, crooked, number one terrorists, violent, militant, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded rapists foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmin RSS (Rowdy Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) are the real infiltrators remotely controlling BJP (Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths) full of hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion that are defilement of the mind requiring mental treatment in mental asylums. The 99.9 % Sarva SamJ must unite to catch hold of these mad people to admit them in mental hospitals.
https://www.google.co.in/search?client=safari&channel=iphone_bm&source=hp&ei=3xSWW-npAYm-rQG91r7IAw&ins=false&q=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&oq=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&gs_l=mobile-gws-wiz-hp.3..33i160.81482.125234..126856…0.0..2.3171.48130.6-12j9j8j5……0….1…….3..0j41j46j0i131j0i22i10i30j0i22i30j33i22i29i30j33i21.j5QmjAY4Ob4
Just 0.1% intolerant, cunning, crooked, number one terrorists, violent, militant, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded rapists foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmin RSS (Rowdy Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) are the real infiltrators remotely controlling BJP (Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths) full of hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion that are defilement of the mind requiring mental treatment in mental asylums. The 99.9 % Sarva SamJ must unite to catch hold of these mad people to admit them in mental hospitals.
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-andhrapradesh/patel-would-not-have-allowed-ambedkar-to-draft-constitution/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste, religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’ organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after Independence. The first government had representation from all communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S. Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V. Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were present.
https://youtu.be/qIEbf-i98bo
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-andhrapradesh/patel-would-not-have-allowed-ambedkar-to-draft-constitution/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste, religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’ organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after Independence. The first government had representation from all communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S. Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V. Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were present.
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thequint.com/amp/story/voices%252Fopinion%252Fsardar-patel-and-dr-ambedkar-allies-or-foes
Did You Know?
Sardar Patel and Dr Ambedkar strongly differed on reservation and caste.
They sparred over this in the Constituent Assembly Debates.
Ambedkar wanted to protect Dalit rights via quotas in education and employment.
Patel felt quotas “quotas are anti-national”.
Therefore for this reason Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) after gobbling the Master Key by tampering the Fraud EVMs laid the foundation stone in 2013, he commissioned Patel’s statue at Kevadia in Gujarat, which is billed as being the tallest in the world.
Thus, in this perplexing crucible, it would be worthwhile to delve into the tomes of history and see whether both the icons – Ambedkar and Patel – saw eye-to-eye on caste and reservations.
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-andhrapradesh/patel-would-not-have-allowed-ambedkar-to-draft-constitution/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste, religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’ organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after Independence. The first government had representation from all communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S. Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V. Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were present.
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/m.hindustantimes.com/india/ban-rss-india-s-no-1-terror-organisation-former-maharashtra-cop/story-EqYMsbzYbhDOtNgocROfNM_amp.html
Ban RSS, India’s no 1 terror organisation: Former Maharashtra cop
Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as India’s No.1 terror organisation.
Updated: Feb 23, 2016 20:25:20
SM Mushrif speaking at the launch of his book. (PTI Photo) Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as India’s No.1 terror organisation. At the launch of the Bengali version of his book “RSS - Country’s Greatest Terror Organisation”, Mushrif also termed the ongoing JNU controversy as a manifestation of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) attempt to turn India into a Hindu nation. “The IB has been and continues to be the most powerful organisation in the country and irrespective of which political party is in power at the centre, it continues to operate the way it wants.
Whatever the IB says or does is considered the truth and its claims or acts are never questioned or verified,” said Mushrif, indicting the agency for colluding with the RSS and its subsidiaries for the killing of anti-terror squad chief Hemant Karkare, who was probing the involvement of Hindu radicals in terror acts.
Karkare was killed during the 2008 Mumbai terror attack.
“No other terror organisation has used RDX like the RSS has. At least 18 chargesheets have been filed against the RSS and its subsidiaries like Abhinav Bharat and Bajrang Dal in terror cases.
The RSS should be immediately banned for being the country’s No.1 terror organisation,” said Mushrif.
Condemning the Jawaharlal Nehru University row, Mushrif expressed alarm over rising right-wing extremism.
“This is only a manifestation of the RSS’s bid to establish the Aryavart Hindu Rashtra based on the tenets of Smritis and Vedas. Its time the entire country stood up against this rise of extremism,” said the author of “Who Killed Karkare? : The Real Face of Terrorism in India”.
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization
https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/america-enlisted-rss-in-one-of-the-biggest-terrorist-organisation-in-the-world.444113/
https://defence.pk/pdf/threads/narendra-modi-a-terrorist-who-rose-to-become-the-pm-of-the-largest-democracy-in-the-world.397945/
About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 2006
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization?
What makes one or an organization terrorist?
American Heritage Dictionary: The unlawful use or threatened use of force or violence by a person or an organized group against people or property with the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or governments, often for ideological or political reasons.
Does the Sanghparivar have any of these qualities in its work to make it not to declare a terrorist organization?
An American research centre has placed our ultra-nationalist Rashtrya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) on its terrorist list. The East Virginia-based Terrorism Research Center (TRC) is closely connected to the American government and many of its directors and researchers have closely worked with US administrations and have taken part in research and planning for the US administration.
In the list of ?? in India, the TRC has placed RSS under no. 21. Here is the link as it appeared on 9 September 2004 on the group?s website under the caption ?Known Terrorist Groups Operating in India?.
http://www.terrorism.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=Countries&file=index&view=113
RSS
The RSS was founded in 1925 by the Maratha Brahmin Keshav Baliram Hegdewar on the Aryan Vaishnava Holy day of Vijaya Dashami (the 10th day of the moon) when the Aryan invader Rama destroyed the Dravidian Empire of Lanka [ Sangh ]. This was done to symbolise its inherent anti-Sudra nature. Its organisation is highly skewed, with the Sar Sangh Chalak (supreme dictator) at the top [ Roots ]. This person can only be a Brahmin.
RSS militia is organised around local cells or `shakas’ where weapons are distributed to its hardcore members, who are drilled in a vigorous program of harsh discipline. RSS converted hindu temples serve as repositories of weapons as well as centers of dissemination of its racist ideology of Aryan supremacy. RSS cadre graduate to the BJP.
VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad)
The council was established on August 29, 1964 in Bombay, Maharastra [ Biju ] with a political objective of establishing the supremacy of Hinduism all over the world. It obtains funds and recruits from Aryan Hindus all across the globe, especially from the US, UK and Canada and has grown to become the main fund-raising agency of Brahmanist Fundamentalism. The council was instrumental in the demolition of the holiest Islamic shrine in Oudh, the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya and has organised several massacres of Muslims and Christians. It is in the forefront in the call for a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu State ethnically cleansed of its non-Aryan populations.
Bajrang Dal ( Party of Monkey God called Hanuman.)
The militant wing of the VHP, it was formed “to counter `Sikh militancy’ ” during the Sikh Genocide of 1983-84 [ Bajrang ]. Created with the objective of the eradication of Sikhs which it has termed “Muslims in disguise”, its cadres fought alongside Congress-backed Hindutva militias during the massacre of 200,000 Sikhs under Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Recruits carry a ” knife-like trident to be slung across the shoulder - an answer to the Sikh kirpan ” [ Bajrang ]. later it has subsequently expanded its targets to include Muslims and Christians as well.
ABVP
This front comprises students of Hindu religious schools (vidyalayas). It has expanded its base by infiltration into `secular’ universities. Its higher-ranking cadres are well-equipped with weaponry; they often organise communal campus disturbances against Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains. Most of its members graduate to become hardcore RSS and VHP militants.
About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 2006
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization?
What makes one or an organization terrorist?
American Heritage Dictionary: The unlawful use or threatened use of force or violence by a person or an organized group against people or property with the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or governments, often for ideological or political reasons.
Does the Sanghparivar have any of these qualities in its work to make it not to declare a terrorist organization?
An American research centre has placed our ultra-nationalist Rashtrya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) on its terrorist list. The East Virginia-based Terrorism Research Center (TRC) is closely connected to the American government and many of its directors and researchers have closely worked with US administrations and have taken part in research and planning for the US administration.
In the list of ?? in India, the TRC has placed RSS under no. 21. Here is the link as it appeared on 9 September 2004 on the group?s website under the caption ?Known Terrorist Groups Operating in India?.
http://www.terrorism.com/modules.php?op=modload&name=Countries&file=index&view=113
RSS
The RSS was founded in 1925 by the Maratha Brahmin Keshav Baliram Hegdewar on the Aryan Vaishnava Holy day of Vijaya Dashami (the 10th day of the moon) when the Aryan invader Rama destroyed the Dravidian Empire of Lanka [ Sangh ]. This was done to symbolise its inherent anti-Sudra nature. Its organisation is highly skewed, with the Sar Sangh Chalak (supreme dictator) at the top [ Roots ]. This person can only be a Brahmin.
RSS militia is organised around local cells or `shakas’ where weapons are distributed to its hardcore members, who are drilled in a vigorous program of harsh discipline. RSS converted hindu temples serve as repositories of weapons as well as centers of dissemination of its racist ideology of Aryan supremacy. RSS cadre graduate to the BJP.
VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad)
The council was established on August 29, 1964 in Bombay, Maharastra [ Biju ] with a political objective of establishing the supremacy of Hinduism all over the world. It obtains funds and recruits from Aryan Hindus all across the globe, especially from the US, UK and Canada and has grown to become the main fund-raising agency of Brahmanist Fundamentalism. The council was instrumental in the demolition of the holiest Islamic shrine in Oudh, the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya and has organised several massacres of Muslims and Christians. It is in the forefront in the call for a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu State ethnically cleansed of its non-Aryan populations.
Bajrang Dal ( Party of Monkey God called Hanuman.)
The militant wing of the VHP, it was formed “to counter `Sikh militancy’ ” during the Sikh Genocide of 1983-84 [ Bajrang ]. Created with the objective of the eradication of Sikhs which it has termed “Muslims in disguise”, its cadres fought alongside Congress-backed Hindutva militias during the massacre of 200,000 Sikhs under Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Recruits carry a ” knife-like trident to be slung across the shoulder - an answer to the Sikh kirpan ” [ Bajrang ]. later it has subsequently expanded its targets to include Muslims and Christians as well.
ABVP
This front comprises students of Hindu religious schools (vidyalayas). It has expanded its base by infiltration into `secular’ universities. Its higher-ranking cadres are well-equipped with weaponry; they often organise communal campus disturbances against Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains. Most of its members graduate to become hardcore RSS and VHP militants.
An excellent thesis: articulate, erudite, and dispassionate.
Now go ahead and present this to UN general assemble, UNSC, European and American media, and try to get RSS ban in at least a couple of countries. You would find willing allies among Christian fanatics.
If possible ,get it framed and nail it on entrance of UN building, like Martin Luther nailed his thesis on door of Castle Church of Wittenberg. This thesis of your is more path braking than the one which caused Protestant reformation.
About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 2006
A report on the ‘attack’ on RSS Headquarters on June 01, 2006
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and approached him continuously for five days. That the Commissioner persistently declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries, reveal his unwillingness and/or his inability to answer these questions.
It also suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this leads the team to question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s narration of the encounter. The Cock and bull story of the encounter thus compels the team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and requires, in the interest of the nation, a fair probing.
Constituent member organizations:
People’s Union for Civil Liberties,
Nagpur Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights,
Mumbai Dharma Nirapeksh Nagarik Manch, Nagpur
Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee,
Hyderabad Indian Association of People’s Lawyers Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti
List of Members
Head of the Team, Justice B G Kolse Patil, Rtd Judge of Mumbai High Court, Convenor, Dr Suresh Khairnar,
Members Dr Anand Teltumde, CPDR, Mumbai; Adv. P Suresh Kumar, Andra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee, Hyderabad; Mr Ahmed Latif Khan, Civil Liberty Monitoring Committee, Hyderabad; Dr D John Chelladurai, India Peace Centre, Nagpur; Mr Nagesh Choudhury, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti, Nagpur; Mr Arvind Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Adv. Anil Kale, Indian Assn of People’s Lawyers; Adv. Surendra Gadling, Indian Assn of People’s Lawyers; Mr Gaffar Shakir, Dharma Nirapeksha Nagarik Manch, Nagpur; Mr Ashish K Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Mr Arvind Deshmukh, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti, Nagpur; Mr T V Kathane, Nagpur, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti,Nagpur; Adv. Anand Gajbhiye, IAPL, Nagpur
Introduction
The nation awoke on June 01, 2006 hearing the shocking news of an attempted attack on the RSS headquarters building. It was a respite that the news of police foiling the attempt too came along.
The news of attempted attack on the Head Quarters of the RSS reportedly by fidayeens of a Pak based terrorist group, sent a spine chilling fear in the minds of millions of peace loving people in the country. We all know very well, the potential of such a happening to ignite a trail of tragic clashes among the communities. The peace loving masses heaved a sigh of relief as the leaders of every community promptly condemned the heinous act and appealed to the masses to maintain peace, and peace did prevail. In the next twenty four hours quite a lot of information, almost all the information pertaining to the attackers had been published obviously supplied by the police department to the media.
The narrative of the whole encounter as reported on June 02, 2006, instead of clearing the mystery of the attackers, unfortunately confounded the citizens all the more. The reports were conflicting and left innumerable questions on ground zero situation unanswered.
The foiled attempt and the appreciable tranquility maintained by the masses were a great relief. However the deadly weapon and ammunition with which the ‘fidayeens’ (as told by the Commissioner of Police) appeared, and the ease with which the police claimed to have liquidated them, suggested that the Police team had a ‘cake walk’ over the deadly terrorists. The very next day a section of the media aired their doubt over the whole happening (as reported by the Police Commissioner), most of them quoting wide sections of the national community, including senior leaders.
The peace loving social activists and campaigners for communal harmony based in Nagpur were at first relieved by the success of the police over the terrorists. However the confounding report that appeared in the media and the doubts aired by masses and leaders prompted them to read between the lines. Particularly, the ‘Islamic’ terrorist attempting to attack RSS Head Quarters has a larger implication. It has the potential to push the nation into a communal strife. Scuh a thing should not be allowed to happen in any manner, orchestrated by any group. The confounding report of the ‘encounter’ therefore requires an honest study.
The above stated social organizations, hence constituted a fact finding team comprised of the above mentioned activists. The team is headed by Mr B G Kolse Patil, retired Judge of Mumbai High Court, and Convened by Dr Suresh Khairnar, a renowned social thinker and activist. The team visited the site of the encounter, spoke to the people residing in the vicinity. The team also visited the RSS Head Quarters and met Mr Shirish Wate, the HQ incharge.
The team went to Government Medical College to meet the doctors who carried out the postmortem. Dr Dhavane, who was present gave elementary information but declined to give details. The team spoke to Dr Vibhawari Dani, Dean, Govt Medical Hospital and College on telephone. The Dean also declined to reveal the postmortem report. It was a classified document, she said.
The team repeatedly sought an appointment with the Commissioner of Police. The CP too declined to meet the team. On the contrary the CP asked the respectable members their credentials; who funded the team, what international connections does the team have and similar questions with apparent intention to intimidate the team from their earnest effort to help the society to know the truth.
The Incident as reported by Mr S P S Yadav, the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur
The Special squad of the City police who were on high alert following specific input from intelligence agency spotted a white Ambassador car moving in a suspicious manner in Lakdi Pul in Mahal area and started tailing it. Two cars, a Tata Sumo and a Qualis were used in the operation. The tailing cars were unmarked and all police personal in it were wearing plain clothes.
When the ambassador car with red beacon atop moved towards RSS Head Quarters, one for the constables in the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions. Rattled by the enquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle even as they tried to get away. In the process they dashed into the barricade near the eastern side of the RSS HQ. The alert cops led by PSI Rajendra Tiwari, PSI Arvind Saraf and PSI JA More replied to the Gunfire. It was their bulletproof jackets that saved police personnel. The terrorists also threw a hand grenade on the police party. But it failed to explode. They threw the grenade without pulling out the pin.
The gun battle lasted about 20 minutes in which the militants fired 76 rounds while the cops retaliated with 63 rounds. The terrorists had three AK-M automatic weapons, 12 hand grenades and 5.6 Kgs of highly explosive materials with them. They also had three spare magazines for their fire arms each carrying 30 rounds. They had hundred and twenty rounds each, said Mr S P S Yadav. Mr Yadav also reported to have said, looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’ attack.
Refusing to divulge the exact identity of the three militants, who were in the age group of 20-22 years, Mr Yadav described them as ‘Islamic militants.’ At this point of time, he added, it is too premature to associate them with any outfit.
Media reports
As per the details received from the police a white Ambassador car MH 20-8979 with a red beacon and three persons on board dressed as police sub-inspectors, was first spotted by the patrolling police party at the central avenue some time before the incident. The car was heading towards Badkas Chowk. As it emerged form Chitaroli, two police vehicles, a Tata Sumo carrying two PSI and five constables and a Toyoto Qualis with 5 PSI got suspicious about the car. The police vehicles hastened the chase of the suspicious ambassador car. At Badkas chowk the ambassador car took a left turn towards Junta chowk and again turned right towards the Sangh building from the Lakdipul side.
Presuming the car might have gone towards Ayachit mandir the police stopped the chase for a while. However when the police jeep came back to the same place during their routine patrol, they noticed the same car in a small alley between Lakdipul and Gajanan Mandir towards the eastern gate of the RSS Head Quarters. The Police vans then closed in on the ambassador car. However, without paying heed to the police patrol the car tried to force its way through the temporary barricade erected 50 meters before the main entrance of the RSS HQ. At this juncture the PSI Tiwari intercepted the ambassador car and enquired as to where it was heading. Instantly thereafter the two ultras who were seated on the rear seats came out of the car with a grenade in their left hand and AK56 rifle in the right hand. One of them lobbed the grenade at the police, but since the pin was not fully removed it failed to explode. Seeing this the ultras opened indiscriminate fire at the police party. In the melee PSI Saraf who just alighted from the police vehicle got hit at his abdomen. However, since he was wearing a bullet proof vest the bullet did not pierce his body. Soon after this police force and the ultras started exchanging fire in which two of the three militants were killed on the spot. The driver of the car then tried to flee towards the Bhauji Daftari School. However he could not escape the bullets from the police and he too was killed on the spot. The entire shoot out went on for just around 15 minutes between 4.00 and 4.15 AM.
The police then informed the control room and the commissioner of Police about the shoot out. The senior police officers immediately reached the spot and shifted at the three ultras to the government medical college where they were declared brought dead. The members of Dautkhani family along with other neighbours woke up at the sound of the firing and one of his family members opened the door of their house to peep outside.
However alert cops told the family members to shut the door and remain inside the house only. It was to prevent the terrorists from taking shelter in the Dautkani house and taking them as hostages. The operation was carried out by the city police successfully without any loss of life other than that of the militants. The press reported on the 2nd June that, all the three terrorists are said to be Pak nationals. Two of them hailed from Lahore and the third from Gujranwala. The police had seized from the place a dairy which contained email addresses in Urdu, a few phone numbers of Lohare and Gujranwala. Rs 45,000 and maps of the city were recovered from the terrorists.
The names of three terrorists are said to be Afsal Ahmed Bhat, Bilal Ahmed Bhat and Mohammed Usman Habib. Loksatta, (Indian Express Group) Nagpur Marathi edition, dated June 03 2006 carried an article containing the following detail. ‘Normally the attacks by the terrorists are preplanned meticulously and they seldom fail in their attempt. This being the public opinion, the recent futile attempt by the terrorists on RSS building and the success gained by the police in thwarting the attempt creates suspicion in public mind as well as among RSS people and their rivals.
Though normally terrorists claim the responsibility of the attack, no terrorist group has claimed any responsibility to this attempt. Therefore the question arises, whether they were hardcore Islamic terrorists or just any other newcomers. According to police statement, threat of attack on RSS head quarters loomed large for the last one year and there was security cordon around the building. Yet the attackers seemed to have no idea of any of them, neither did they seem to know the roads leading to RSS building. And no map of the building and its surrounding could be found with them.
During the whole encounter with the police the terrorists got only one chance to lob a grenade and that too did not explode. That not a single policeman was injured by the bullets of the attackers, puts a question mark on the ability of the terrorists. The attackers could bring a car load of guns and bullets, hand grenades, powerful explosives like RDX from places thousands of kilometers away without being detected or checked by any police or civic authorities, is a matter of surprise even in the RSS circles.
The RSS which usually take such attack on them seriously and go for nationwide protest, unusually kept extraordinary silence and the morning shaka at the headquarters went on with more people attending it. It was a surprise even among the cadres of RSS. This also has created among their functionaries doubt over the bona fide of the attackers. However, they speak in a low voice.
‘ Mahanayak, a Marathi news paper from Mumbai, published a title page news from its special correspondent from Nagpur, with the caption: “Mahanayak’s Special Story on the Attack on RSS Head Quarters.” The news goes like this: There is a talk among the Nagpur police that, of the 11 police who conducted the encounter, 6 police did not even know how to handle a carbine. Some of them were under demotion on account of departmental disciplinary action, and they were given this ‘chance’ to prove their ‘worthiness.’ Sources close to the police circle say, none of the eleven cops had special commando training. The authorities punished two of them, for they extorted from a ‘gutka’ merchant a huge amount (Rs 3.5 lakhs) five months ago, in the Panchpoli police station area. At the orders of the CP they were shifted to another ‘punishment’ section. Police inner circle is surprised at the composition of the squad for most of them do not know to handle guns properly.
The reporter gives details of many indisciplines of the eleven police personals and wonders how and on what basis they were selected for Special Squad to handle such an important assignment in the RSS HQ.
Observations of the fact team
1. When the police had prior information about possible attack on RSS Head Quarters and the police were prepared, as stated by the Commissioner of Police (CP), to handle possible attack, why did they allow the attackers to go close to the RSS HQ? Why did the Police not stop them at first sight?
2. We hear from the residents, that the police had a kind of rehearsal to the ‘encounter’ few days back on the same spot. Police even fired in the air on the occasion, they claim. And when the actual encounter took place, these residents said, they first thought that it was yet another demonstration. Why did the police take a demo a few days ago?
3. The CP has said, “when the ambassador car with red beacon atop moved towards RSS HQ, one of the constables in the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions. Rattled by the inquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle even as they tried to get away.” For the constable to ask casually, either he must have brought his car (the police vehicle) side by side to the terrorist vehicle or he (the constable) must have come by foot close to terrorist vehicle (and asked them). In either case the constable must have been exposed to the terrorist attack at close quarter. How did the constable escape unhurt? The narration of the incident doesn’t have any detail to clarify this.
4. There is no eyewitness to the whole happening. The encounter took place according to the police at 4.15 AM. The bodies of the assailants were removed even before the press reporters (who were the first people other than the Police) reached the spot, close to 5.00 AM. Why this hurry?
5. Day one media report says, Deputy Commissioner Mr Prabhat Kumar was in the patrolling team and he smelled foul and started tailing it in their unmarked blue Tata Sumo. Why did the CP not bring him (Mr P Kumar) in his (CP) narration of the encounter? Why did CP hide the DCP?
6. Another report says that the patrolling police that tailed the ambassador at one point “presumed the car might have gone towards Ayachit mandir the police stopped the chase for a while. However when the police jeep came back to the same place during their routine patrol, they noticed the same car in a small alley between Lakdipul and Gajanand Mandir towards the eastern gate of the RSS Head Quarters. As the point where the police missed the ambassador car and the place where they saw them again are the same small alley, do the police mean to say that the attackers were waiting over there until then?
7. It is said that the attackers’ car tried to force its way through the barricade. The said barricade was installed a couple of weeks before June 01 2006, in the aftermath of weapon seizure from antisocial elements in the State. When the attackers came where were the sentries posted at the barricade? They must have been the first one to stop the terrorists or get attacked by the terrorists. Where were they?
8. The exchange of fire took place for twenty minutes, it was reported. Can anyone explain how the police disabled the terrorists from using the dozen hand grenades and the 360 rounds of bullets?
9. That the terrorists had 12 hand grenade, 360 rounds of bullets, 5.6 Kgs of highly explosive material which was later stated to be RDX, and they battled for twenty minutes ‘hopelessly’ not using any of them, is a narration that fails to convince common sense.
10. It was reported that the police recovered from the terrorists’ vehicle a sealed case containing 12 hand grenades. The terrorists coming on a deadly mission carrying their munitions in sealed cases does not comply the logic of terrorist attack. They did not even open them when they were fighting for 20 minutes in a losing battle makes the narration all the more unconvincing.
11. That the terrorists, reported to be ‘fidayeen’ who chose to travel on white ambassador car with red beacon atop, not knowing what is the official protocol but chose to wear PSI dress, does not comply with the statement of the CP that the terrorists were a trained fidayeens.
12. The reported information that the police recovered wet underwear and soaked bathing soap from the white ambassador car suggests that they could not have been ‘terrorists’ on a mission involving their very life.
13. The police declared them as ‘Islamic’ terrorist and Pak based ‘fidayeens’. The stated seizure of a diary containing all their names and their own telephone numbers sounds farce. Usually we do not write our own telephone numbers in our dairy. Terrorists of deadly mission carrying a dairy with their own identities when they were on an attack, do not appeal common sense.
14. Even if the police had found a dairy belonging to the attackers, how did they decipher the code names and codified messages in so short a time that in less than 10 hours the CP could reveal their identity as ‘Islamic’ terrorist and ‘fidayeens’? (the history of terrorist attack tells clearly that the terrorists do not carry written documents. If they have to write anything they choose to write in codes and false names.)
15. What authentication did the police possess to finally declare them as Muslims and bury them according to Islamic rituals? What was the hurry to bury the dead bodies of the terrorists without establishing their identity?
16. Few holes on the walls (opposite to Bharat Mahila Vidyalay) are, said by the CID official present at the site, as bullet marks. Two of the six marks found to be marks of bullets fired from right across, at 90 degrees. One bullet mark, as marked by the police on the Bharat Mahila Vidyalay wall too clearly indicates that the bullet was fired at 90 degrees. Were the police and their vehicle come side by side the terrorists? It was amusing, that the police officer present at the time of the team’s visit to the spot, told that bullets fired by the policemen down the lane from behind the terrorist vehicle possibly took an aerial curve and hit the wall at 90 degree.
17. There is hardly any mark of terrorist bullets on the other side, except on the Police vehicle.
18. The blue Tata Sumo vehicle that was tailing behind the terrorist vehicle had six bullet marks. Two of them were at least apparently pistol bullet marks. The police report did not mention terrorists having used pistols. How did pistol bullet marks appear on the police vehicle?
19. The terrorists were reported to have fired from AK-M automatic guns. The bullet marks on the blue Tata Sumo of the police bear bullet marks that are all single shot marks. There is no series of bullet marks (which is expected if the opponents were using automatic guns) that raises the doubt over nature of the exchange of fire.
20. One bullet hole was found (in the police blue Tata Sumo vehicle) on the right side front door from inside. The point of hit was almost at the hip of the driver. Had the driver been on his seat he should have been hit. There was no such report. It is clear that the driver was not in the seat at the time of firing. We found bullet marks on the same police vehicle hit from three angles on the left side of the vehicle. Three bullets were 45 degrees from behind, two bullets 90 degrees on the left and one bullet 130 degree further that hit just below the front windshield. The question is, if the vehicle is not on the move during the attack, (as the bullet did not hit the driver), then how did the bullet mark appear from three angles? This question assumes significance as it was not possible for the terrorists to move to such wide range and fire from all three angles, for they were caught in their vehicle that was trapped in a narrow alley and they were immobilized.
21. Mr S P S Yadav, Commissioner of Police is reported to have said, “Looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’ attack.” This conclusion of the CP amounts to be hasty in his decision; or the terrorists were in his hands prior to the encounter, for him to know about them in detail.
22. On the site of the encounter was parked a white Maruti Omni car at the premises of Mr Jopat, the compound wall being fenced by barbed wire. As the house is the first one in the lane (in front of which raised the barricade) and the attackers were inside the lane, if the police wanted to target the attackers, they should have gone some where behind this Maruti Omni car. When there was over 140 rounds of fire, there is not a single bullet mark on the vehicle.
This creates strong doubts over the nature of reported encounter.
Recommendations
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and approached him continuously for five days. That the CP persistently declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries, reveal his unwillingness / inability to face these fair queries.
It also suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this lead the team to question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s narration of the encounter. The Cock and Bull story of the encounter thus compels the team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and requires, in the interest of the nation, a fair probing.
The team therefore, calls upon the Central government to appoint a judicial enquiry committee headed by a retired judge of the Supreme Court and probe the whole episode.
Labels: Fake Encounters, RSS Head Quaters
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Arm Strong Ji’s speech if translated in 105 classical languages of the
world will make the Arms strong of 99% Sarvajan Samaj. The just 1%
intolerant, cunning, crooked, violent, militant, number one terrorists
of the world, shooting, lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded chitpavan
brahmin cannibal Psychopaths of RSS (Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) have
gobbled the Master Key by tampering the fraud EVMs for the Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi) of Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP)
who are negating the Universal Adult Franchise as enshrined in our
marvelous Modern Constitution of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. These
chitpavan brahmins say Beb bey to Ballot Papers and the Constitution.
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