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LESSON 3209 Thu 12 Dec 2019 Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING from KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL Let us Do good. Purify mind - ‘The gift of Dhamma excels all other gifts – sabba danam dhamma danam jinati’ at 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL 3rd Stage, Bangalore- Magadhi Karnataka State -PRABUDDHA BHARAT through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org runs Analytic Insight Net - FREE Online Tipiṭaka Law Research & Practice University in
 111 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES Good News Good News GIF - GoodNews FairlyOddParents GIFs VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS) for Sarvajan Hithaya Sarvajan Sukhaya i.e for the welfare, happiness and Peace for all societies and to attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal Capturing the Master Key Babasaheb Dr B.R Ambedkar has said that “political power is the master key using which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”. If Foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmins of Rowdy/Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks (RSS) can call this as manusmriti manuvad hindutva land why can not we declare this land as PRABUDDHA BHARAT for the benefit of All Aboriginal Societies ? As we were Buddhists, are Buddhists and continue to be Buddhists.
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Posted by: site admin @ 11:06 pm


LESSON 3209 Thu 12 Dec 2019

Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING


from

KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL


Let us Do good. Purify mind -


‘The gift of Dhamma excels all other gifts – sabba danam
dhamma danam jinati’


at 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL 3rd Stage, Bangalore- Magadhi Karnataka State -PRABUDDHA BHARAT
through

http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org

runs
Analytic Insight Net - FREE Online Tipiṭaka Law Research & Practice University in
 111 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES




Good News
Good News GIF - GoodNews FairlyOddParents GIFs
VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS) for Sarvajan Hithaya
Sarvajan Sukhaya i.e for the welfare, happiness and Peace for all
societies and to attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal

Capturing the Master Key

Babasaheb
Dr B.R Ambedkar has said that “political power is the master key using
which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.

If Foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmins of Rowdy/Rakshasa Swayam
Sevaks (RSS) can call this as manusmriti manuvad hindutva land why can
not we declare this land as PRABUDDHA BHARAT for the benefit of All
Aboriginal Societies ?

As we were Buddhists, are Buddhists and continue to be Buddhists.

in 76) Classical Pashto- ټولګی پښتو

76) Classical Pashto- ټولګی پښتو

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=35l85vofZmU
پښتو تـــرانه ( امام می د مذهب دی )

اسلامي معلومات
بِسْمِ اللهِ الرَّحْمنِ الرَّحِيم


الحمدلله نحمده ونستعينه ،ونستغفره ،من يهده الله فلامضل له ،ومن يضل
فلاهادی له ، و‌اشهد الااله الله الا الله وحده لاشريک له ، واشهدان محمد ا
عبده ورسوله صلی الله عليه وسلم .
دا پاڼه په افغانستان کې د اهل سنت
والجماعت (مذهب امام ابوحنيفه رحمه الله ) د ديني څيړنو او تحقيقاتو يوه
معتبره پاڼه ده چې هدف يې ټولنې ته د شرعي اوامرو رسول د کفر ، شرک ، بدعت
او ټولو نا روا کړنو پر وړاندې په دلائلو ولاړه کلکه مبارزه ده .
دا پاڼه کاملاً شخصي ده او مصارف يې کاملاً شخصي د انفاق فی سبيل الله څخه دي .
ددې پاڼې د فعاليت هدف د اسلامې شريعت ددې حکم پلي کول دي چې الله جل جلا له فرمايي :
تَأْمُرُونَ بِالْمَعْرُوفِ وَتَنْهَوْنَ عَنِ الْمُنْكَر (۱۱۰ ال عمران )
تګ لياره يې د الله جل جلا له ددې حکم پر بنا ده چې فرمايي :
ادْعُ إِلِى سَبِيلِ رَبِّكَ بِالْحِكْمَةِ وَالْمَوْعِظَةِ الْحَسَنَةِ وَجَادِلْهُم بِالَّتِي هِيَ أَحْسَنُ (النحل ۱۲۵).
د اسلامې معلومات پاڼه په نړيواله سطحه خپلو لوستونکو ته په ساده او واضح
ډول علوم لکه علم صرف ، علم نحوه ، علم تجويد ، علم حديث او د دين ټول
ضروري احکام او مسائل برابروي او په دې لاره کې شپه او ورځ کوښښ کوي تر څو
په آسانه او روانه ژبه هر مسلمان ورور د نړی په هر ګوټ کې په آساني سره له
هغه څخه استفاده وکړي .
دغه وړه هڅه مو چې پيل کړی ده هدف مو د امکان
تر حده پورې د اسلام قيام او نصرت دی څو پورې مو چې ذهن او ګوتې کار کولای
شي تر هغه پورې به د اسلام د يو کلک دفاعي سنګر په توګه د ټولو کفرياتو ،
شرکياتو ، بدعاتو او منکراتو پر وړاندې مبارزه کوو او خلک ته به الهي احکام
رسوو ، په حق ويلو کې له چا نه نه ويريږو او نه شرميږو ، هدف مو د الله جل
جلا له رضا ده پر الله تعالی مو توکل کړی دی ،د حق او حقيقت په بيانولو کې
د خلکو خوښۍ او نا خوښۍ ، آفرين او رد هيڅ پروا نه لرو .
که مو ددې
پانې په مطالبو کې څه داسې غلطي وليدله چې خدای (جل جلاله ) مه کړه د قرآن
او سنتو خلاف وي فوراً مو ور باندې خبر کړئ مونږ به يي ان شآء الله فوراً
اصلاح کړو.
د هر مسلمان ورور چې نيت يې د دين نصرت ، اصلاح او خيرخواهي وي نيوکې ، وړانديز او نصيحت ته د قدر په سترګه ګورو .
Category
Education
) 76) کلاسیک پښتو- ټولګی پښتو

له څخه ښه خبرونه
د آنلاین وړیا آنلاین روزنه
له
د کوشینار نبیبان بهومي پاګود - د وروستي هدف په توګه د ابدي تلویزیون پای ته رسیدو لپاره
د تحلیلاتي بصیرت خالص - وړیا آنلاین ټاپيکاکا قانون ریسرچ او عمل پوهنتون په 111 کلاسیک ژبو کې د بډا په خپلو ټکو کې
له لارې
http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org

https://wisdomquotes.com/buddha-quotes/

150 د بودا قولونه چې تاسو به ویزر (فټ) رامینځته کړي د مزاحیہ نڅا سندرې ویډیوګانې

د هغه چا لپاره ویره نلري چې ذهن یې له غوښتنو نه ډک وي. بودا

د خپل ځان خلاصون لپاره کار وکړئ. په نورو تکیه مه کوئ. بودا د ټویټ کولو لپاره کلیک وکړئ

که کوم شی د کولو ارزښت لري ، نو دا په ټول زړه سره وکړئ. بودا د ټویټ کولو لپاره کلیک وکړئ


یو سړی عقل نه ویل کیږي ځکه چې هغه خبرې کوي او بیا ورسره خبرې کوي. مګر
که هغه سوله ایز ، مینه وال او ویره لرونکی وي نو هغه په ​​ریښتیا هم
عقلمند بلل کیږي. بودا

په خپل ځان کې پرته په بل چا کې د پټنځایونو په لټه کې مه اوسئ. بودا

هیڅوک موږ ځان نه بچ کوي. هیڅ څوک نشي کولی او هیڅ څوک نشي کولی. موږ باید خپله لاره پرمخ یوسو. بودا

د یو خالص بې غرضه ژوند ژوند کولو لپاره ، یو څوک باید د خپل ځان په توګه د عظمت په مینځ کې هیڅ شی حساب نکړي. بودا

ټول هغه څه دي چې موږ یې فکر کوو د هغه څه پایله ده. بودا

که موږ د نورو مرستې ته اړتیا ونلرو کله چې دوی مرستې ته اړتیا لري ، څوک به زموږ څخه ګوري؟ بودا

څوک چې په حق باندې عمل کوي پدې نړۍ او هاخوا کې خوشحاله دي. بودا

د غوره بودا نرخونه

ورکړئ ، حتی که تاسو یوازې یو څه ولرئ.

حتی مرګ د هغه چا لخوا ویره نلري څوک چې په هوښیارۍ سره ژوند کړی وي.

د اوبو لګولو کانالونه فلیچرونه غشي غشي ترکا ؛ي لرګي هوښیاره ماسټر پخپله.

غورځول په اوبو کې د اوبو کڅوړه ډکه شوې. په ورته ډول ، عاقل سړی ، دا په لږه اندازه راټولوي ، ځان د ښه سره ډکوي.

ترټولو لوی ډالۍ خلکو ته ستاسو د پوهاوي ورکول دي ، ترڅو یې شریک کړئ. دا باید ترټولو لوی وي.

که تاسو پوهیږئ چې زه یې د ورکولو ځواک په اړه پوهیږم ، نو تاسو به اجازه ورنکړئ یو خواړه دې په یو څه ډول شریکولو پرته انتقال کړي.

د کړاو جرړه د انسجام دی.

په غوسه سړي چوپتیا سره په مینه. ناروغه انسان په مهربانۍ سره چوپ وساتئ. بدبختي په سخاوت سره خاموش کړئ. دروغجن په حقه غلي اوسئ.

خلک چې نظرونه لري یوازې یو بل ته ځوروي.

حتی لکه څنګه چې یو قوي ډبرې د باد په واسطه نه منونکی دی ، نو هوښيار هم د ستاینې او تور په واسطه نه تکیه کیږي.

تاسو پخپله باید هڅه وکړئ. بودا یوازې لاره په ګوته کوي. د ټویټ لپاره کلیک وکړئ

هیڅ شی تاسو ته دومره زیان نه رسوي هغومره چې ستاسو خپل فکرونه ساتل کیږي.

مراقبت وکړئ … ځنډ مه کوئ ، ځکه چې تاسو به وروسته پښیمانه شئ.

له زرو تش کلمو څخه غوره ، یوه کلمه ده چې سوله راولي.

پوهه د ښه ویل شوي ټکو زړه سواندی دی.

د بد عمل کولو څخه مخنیوی ، د ښه کښت کښت کول ، د زړه پاک کول: دا د بودایی تعلیم دی.

په مراقبت او یووالي کې خوشحاله اوسئ. ځان کمپوز کړئ ، خوشحاله اوسئ. تاسو سالک یاست.

په منظم ډول نن ورځ هغه څه وکړئ چې باید ترسره شي. څوک پوهیږي؟ سبا ، مرګ راځي.

هغه څه چې تاسو یې هغه څه دي چې تاسو یې لرئ. څه چې تاسو اوسئ هغه څه دي چې اوس یې کوئ.

که تاسو د خبرو کولو وړاندیز وکړئ تل له ځانه وپوښتئ ، ایا دا ریښتیا ده ، ایا دا اړین دی ، مهربان دی.


که تاسو هیڅوک ونه مومئ چې په روحاني لار کې ستاسو ملاتړ وکړي ، یوازې په
لاره اچول. (دا زما د غوره بودا یوه برخه ده. یو ځواب پریږدئ او ما ته خبر
راکړئ چې څه شی دی!)

دوهمه برخه - د بودا یادونه چې دي…
د الهامي بودا نرخونه

ودرېږه ، ودرېږه. خبرې مه کوه. حتمي حقیقت حتی فکر کولو ته هم نه دی.

موږ هغه څه یو چې موږ یې فکر کوو. ټول هغه څه چې موږ زموږ د افکارو سره راپورته شوي یو. زموږ د افکارو سره ، موږ نړۍ جوړوو.

لکه څنګه چې لوی سمندر یو خوند لري ، د مالګې خوند ، نو هم دا درس او ډسپلین یو خوند لري ، د خلاصون خوند.


هغه څوک چې په هغه کې نور هیڅ لیوالتیا او تنده شتون نلري چې تل پاتې
کیږي؛ تاسو څنګه وکولی شئ چې دا راپاڅیدلی ، بې لار او بې محدوده حد دی.

برداشت یو له خورا سختو ډسپلینونو څخه دی ، مګر دا هغه څوک ته دی چې دوام ورکوي چې وروستۍ بریا راځي.


د هغه چا لپاره شپه اوږده ده چې ويښ وي د هغه لپاره اوږد دی چې څوک ستړی
دی؛ د احمقانو لپاره ژوند اوږد دی څوک چې په قانون نه پوهیږي.

هر هغه قیمتي ګاwelه چې په آسماني نړۍ کې شتون لري ، د هغه چا سره پرتله کولو لپاره هیڅ شی نشته چې بیدار دی.

زموږ ژوند زموږ د ذهن جوړ شوی دی؛ موږ هغه څه شو چې موږ یې فکر کوو. جویا د سیوري په څیر یو خالص فکر تعقیبوي چې هیڅکله نه پریږي.

د ښه ګل په څیر ، د لیدو لپاره ښکلی مګر پرته د بوی پرته ، ښایسته الفاظ په سړي کې بې ګټې دي څوک چې د دوی سره سم عمل نه کوي.

زموږ د ابدي تیورۍ هماغومره ارزښت لري لکه هغه څوک چې یوه چرګ چې د هغې پوټکی یې نه وي مات کړی ممکن بهرنۍ نړۍ رامینځته کړي.

یوه مفکوره چې رامینځته شوې او په عمل کې یې رامینځته کیږي د یوې مفکورې څخه خورا مهم دي چې یوازې د یوې نظر په توګه شتون لري.

په هرصورت ډیری سپیڅلي کلمې چې تاسو لوستل کوئ ، په هرصورت تاسو ډیری خبرې کوئ ، که تاسو دوی باندې عمل ونکړئ نو څه به ښه وي؟

افراتفري په ټولو مرکب شیانو کې داخلي ده. په ډیر زحمت سره مبارزه وکړئ.
د لنډ بودا نرخونه

ضمیمه د رنځ لامل کیږي.

ټول ژوندي خوشحاله ذهنونه ولري.

https://tenor.com/…/%D9%88%D9%84%D8%AF-%D9%88%D8%A5%D9%84%D…
زه معجزه یم.
یوه ټوټه په څنډه ډوبیږي.
هر انسان د خپل روغتیا یا ناروغۍ لیکوال دی.
ژبه د تیز چاقو په څیر … پرته له دې چې وینه توی کړي وژني.
لاره په اسمان کې نه ده. لاره په زړه کې ده.

برخه 3.
بودا د ژوند ، کورنۍ او ملګرتیا په اړه ویناوې

هر عمل په بشپړ ډول ژوند وکړئ ، لکه څنګه چې دا ستاسو وروستی وي.
فضیلت د بدکارانو لخوا ډیر ځورول کیږي ځکه چې دا د ښه کارونو سره مینه کیږي.
هیڅ هم هیڅکله یوازې په بشپړ ډول شتون نلري؛ هرڅه د بل هرڅه سره تړاو لري.
پاکتیا یا ناپاکه په ځان پورې اړه لري. هیڅوک نشي کولی یو بل پاک کړي.
د مور او پلار ملاتړ کول ، د ښځې او ماشوم احترام کول او یو ساده معیشت دا ښه بخت دی.
یوه شیبه یوه ورځ بدلولی شي ، یوه ورځ کولی شي ژوند بدل کړي او یوه ژوند کولی شي نړۍ بدل کړي.
هغه څوک چې پوهیږي د ژوند جریان لري ، نه د اغوستلو یا اوښکې احساس کوي ، نه ترمیم او ترمیم ته اړتیا لري.
یو ځناور او بد ملګري د وحشي ځناور په پرتله ډیر وېره لري. یو ځناور
ممکن ستاسو بدن ټپي کړي ، مګر یو بد ملګری به ستاسو ذهن ټپي کړي.

هر هغه ټکي چې موږ یې وایو باید د خلکو لپاره د پاملرنې سره وټاکل شي دوی
به یې واوري او د ښه یا ناروغ لپاره د دوی لخوا اغیزمن شي.
بې اعتباره کیدل د مرګ لنډ لاره ده او له زغم څخه کار اخیستل د ژوند یوه لاره ده. احمق خلک بې کاره دي ، هوښیاره خلک هوښیار دي.
که چیرې یو سالک ملګری ونه موندل شي چې غوره یا مساوي وي ، دوی په کلکه د یووالي کورس تعقیب کړي.
که موږ وکولی شو د یو ګل معجزه په څرګنده توګه وګورو ، نو زموږ ټول ژوند به بدل شي.

بودا د مینې او قدر په هکله ویناګانې

ریښتیني مینه د پوهیدو څخه زیږیدلی ده.
د ټولې نړۍ په لور بې لاري مینه وخورئ.
تاسو ، خپل ځان ، هرڅومره چې په ټول کاینات کې څوک شتون لري ، ستاسو مینه او محبت مستحق یاست.
هویت د مینې په څیر دی ، د ځنډ او سیالانو دواړه بې حوصله.
مینه د یو چا د داخلي روح روح ته ډالۍ ده نو دواړه کولی شي بشپړ وي.
پرېږدئ چې د ټولو مخلوقاتو لپاره ټول تشویشونکي فکرونه ستاسو وي.
موږ به د شفقت سره د ذهن خلاصون وده او وده وکړو ، دا به زموږ وسیله
جوړه کړو ، دا زموږ اساس رامینځته کړو ، ثبات ورکړو ، په دې کې خپل ځان
تمرین کړو ، او بشپړ بشپړ.
نفرت هیڅکله د نفرت له مینځه نه ځي. نفرت د مینې له لارې بندیږي. دا نه بدلیدونکی قانون دی.
هغه څوک چې 50 خلک خوښوي 50 مصیبتونه لري؛ هغه څوک چې هیڅ څوک سره مینه نه لري کومه ویره نلري.
مهربانۍ باید د ژوند طبیعي لاره شي ، نه استثنا.
یوازې په زړه پوری وینا وغږیږئ ، هغه وینا چې ښه راغلاست ویل کیږي.
وینا ، کله چې دا نورو ته هیڅ شر نه راوړي ، یو خوندور شی دی.
یو څوک نباید نه ویل کیږي څوک چې ژوندي مخلوقاتو ته زیان رسوي. ژوندي موجوداتو ته زیان نه رسولو سره شهادت ته ویل کیږي.
په ژوره توګه زده کړې او مهارت لرئ ، ښه روزل شوي او د ښه ویلو کلمو کارول: دا ښه نیکمرغي ده.
لکه څنګه چې یوه مور به د هغه یوازینۍ ماشوم د خپل ژوند ساتنه وکړي ،
همداسې یو څوک اجازه ورکوي چې د ټولو مخلوقاتو سره بې مینه شي.
په کوم کې چې د ژوندي موجوداتو سره خواخوږي شتون نلري: هغه د وتلو په توګه پیژنئ.
راځئ چې پورته شو او مننه ، ځکه چې که نن موږ ډیر څه زده نه کړل ،
لږترلږه موږ یو څه زده کړل ، او که موږ یو څه زده نه کړو ، لږترلږه موږ
ناروغ نه شو ، او که موږ ناروغ شو لږترلږه موږ مړه نه شو نو ، راځئ چې ټول
مننه وکړو.

د بودا ذهن او په ځان کې ماهر کیدل

هغه وړ دی څوک چې فکر کوي هغه وړ دی.
دا د سړي خپل ذهن دی ، نه د هغه دښمن یا دښمن ، چې هغه یې بدو لارو ته اړوي.
په غفلت کې خوشحاله اوسئ! خپل افکار ښه ساتئ!
هرڅه د ذهن پراساس دي ، د ذهن لخوا رهبري کیږي ، د ذهن په واسطه فیشن
کیږي. که تاسو خبرې وکړئ او د ککړ ذهن سره عمل وکړئ ، تکلیف به تاسو تعقیب
کړي ، لکه څنګه چې د آکسکارټ څرخ د ګلو پښو تعقیبوي.
دلته د بې پامه ذهن په څیر هیڅ داسې نافرماني شتون نلري ، او د ډیسپلین ذهن په څیر هیڅ داسې کوم فرمانبردار شتون نلري.
یو ذهن چې د قسمت د تغیراتو لخوا بې قید دی ، د غم څخه خلاص شوی ، د
بدن څخه پاک شوی ، له ویره آزاد شوی - دا ترټولو لوی نعمت دی.
په
دریابونو او ډنډونو کې د سیندونو څخه پوهیږئ: په کوچني کانالونو کې هغه په
​​شور سره جریان لري ، لوی جریان غلی دی. څه چې بشپړ ندي شور کوي. څه چې
بشپړ دي خاموش دي.
تاسو سالک یاست. د خپلو لاسونو ، پښو ، خپلو ویناوو او نظرونو په مهارت سره خوند واخلئ.
دوی وګورئ ، د دوی احساس زما په مینځ کې ځوړند دی ، لکه د وچې جریان
کې د کبانو په څیر - او د دې لیدلو سره ، پرته له ما سره ژوند کوي ، نه د
رامینځته کیدو وضعیت.
‘لکه څنګه چې زه یم ، همدلته دي. لکه څنګه چې دا دي ، نو زه هم یم. ’ځان ته موازي رسم کول ، نه وژنئ او نه یې نور وژنئ.
ټولې تجربې د ذهن لخوا مخکې دي ، ذهن د خپل ماسټر په توګه ذهن لري ، د ذهن لخوا رامینځته شوی.
د ښه روغتیا څخه خوند اخیستو لپاره ، د یوې کورنۍ ته د ریښتیني خوښۍ
راوستو لپاره ، ټولو ته د سولې راوستو لپاره ، یو څوک باید لومړی د ډیسپلین
اداره وکړي او خپل ذهن کنټرول کړي. که یو څوک کولی شي خپل ذهن کنټرول کړي
نو هغه کولی شي پوهاوي ته لاره ومومي ، او ټول عقل او فضیلت به طبیعي هغه
ته راشي.
ټولې غلطې کړنې د عقل له امله راپورته کیږي. که ذهن بدل شي ایا ناسم کار پاتې کیدی شي؟

هغه څه چې موږ نن لرو زموږ د پرون له افکارو څخه راځي ، او زموږ اوسني
افکار زموږ د سبا ژوند جوړوي: زموږ ژوند زموږ د ذهن جوړول دی

ولد وإلا GIF - ولد وإلا بنوتة GIFs

https://www.youtube.com/watch…
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هغه څوک چې ځان یې فتح کړی د هغه په ​​پرتله خورا لوی اتل دی څوک چې زر ځله زره سړو ته ماتې ورکړې.


ژبني استقلالیت هغه وخت راپورته کیږي کله چې فکري ذهن خپل حد ته ورسیږي او
که شیان په ریښتیني او اړین طبیعت کې درک شي ، نو د هغې فکري پروسې باید د
ادبیاتو ځینې عالي پوهنځیو ته د اپیل سره لاسرسی شي.

زه به د خطا موندلو لپاره د بل کڅوړې اراده ونه ګورم: یو روزنه چې باید مشاهده شي.


بهرنۍ نړۍ یوازې پخپله د ذهن د فعالیتونو څرګندونه ده ، او ذهن یې د
بهرنۍ نړۍ په توګه ګ simplyي ځکه چې د هغه د عادت او غلط استدلال عادت دی.
شاگرد باید عادت شي چې شیانو ته په ریښتیني ډول وګوري.

ذهن د ټول فکري حالت څخه مخکې دی. ذهن د دوی مشر دی؛ دوی ټول ذهني فکرونه لري.

د خوشالۍ او جوی غږ په غږولو سره میوزیک ، میوزیک

د خوښۍ لپاره هیڅ لاره نشته: خوښۍ لاره ده.

خوښۍ هغه وخت راځي کله چې ستاسو کار او ټکي د ځان او نورو لپاره ګټه ولري.

پوهیدونکی ، د جهاني اراده لري ، باید په ځنګل کې خوند واخلي ، باید د ونې په پښه کې د جهان تمرین وکړي ، خپل رضایت ترلاسه کړي.

په زرهاو شمعې د یوې شمعې څخه ر beا کیدی شي ، او د شمعې ژوند به لنډ نشي. خوښۍ هیڅکله د شریکیدو سره نه کمیږي.

دا د شیانو په نوعیت کې دي چې خوښۍ په هغه شخص کې رامینځته کیږي چې له پښیماني څخه پاک وي.

د ښه کار کولو لپاره خپل زړه تنظیم کړئ. دا بار بار ترسره کړئ ، او تاسو به په خوښۍ ډک شئ.


په تیرو کې مه اوسئ ، د راتلونکي خوب مه کوئ ، په اوسنۍ شیبه کې ذهن
متمرکز کړئ. دا هم وګورئ: په موجوده کې د ژوند پیل کولو لپاره 10 لارښوونې


که یو څوک ښه وکړي ، نو هغه دې بیا او بیا ترسره کړي. پرېږدئ چې هغه
دې په هغه کې خوند ومومي ، ځکه چې د نیکیو راټولیدل نعمتونه دي.


موږ زموږ د افکارو لخوا جوړ او جوړ شوی. هغه څوک چې ذهنونه د بې غرضه
فکرونو شکل لري کله چې خبرې کوي یا عمل کوي خوښوي. خوند دوی د سیوري په څیر
تعقیبوي چې هیڅکله یې نه پریږدي.

د ذهن او روحانیت په اړه د بودا لخوا قیمتونه

لکه څنګه چې شمعې پرته له اور پرته سوځي ، نارینه د روحاني ژوند پرته ژوند نشي کولی.

ژوند ته ژوره کتنه لکه څنګه چې پدې شیبه کې ده ، مراقبه په ثبات او خپلواکۍ کې ژوند کوي.


مراقبت عقل راوړي؛ د مینځګړیتوب نشتون ناپوهي پریښي. ښه پوهیږئ چې څه
شی تاسو مخې ته راوړي او څه شی چې تاسو شاته نیسي ، او هغه لاره غوره کړئ
چې عقل ته لاره پیدا کوي.

هر یو راہب چې د هغه فکر او فکر سره تعقیبوي ، دا د هغه د پوهاوي جذبه کیږي.

د سولې ، بخښنې او پریښودو په اړه د بودا لخوا ویناوې

سولې ته د رسیدو لپاره ځان په کلکه روزئ.


په حقیقت کې هغه څوک چې په بشپړه توګه ستن شوی دی په هر ډول کې آرام
وي. هیڅ احساس د هغه چا سره نه تعقیب کیږي څوک چې اور سوځیدلی وي ، د تیلو
څخه بې برخې دی. ټولې اړیکې پرې شوې ، زړه له درد څخه لرې شوی؛ آرام ، هغه
په ​​خورا اسانۍ سره آرام کوي. ذهن سولې ته خپله لاره موندلې ده.


هغه څوک چې یوازې ناست وي ، یوازې خوب کوي ، او یوازې په لاره ځي ، څوک
چې سخت دی او یوازې ځان لاندې کوي ، د ځنګل په یووالي کې به خوند واخلي.


هغه څه مه واورئ چې تاسو ته درکول کیږي ، او نه د هغه څه لپاره لاس ته
راوړئ چې نورو ته درکول کیږي ، نه دا چې تاسو خپله چوپتیا ګډوډ کړئ.

هغه څوک چې له خفګان فکر څخه پاک دي خامخا به سوله ومومي.

د حکمت او فضیلتونو په اړه د بودا لخوا قیمتونه

احمق چې پوهیږي هغه یو احمق دی هغه ډیر هوښیار دی. د ټویټ لپاره کلیک وکړئ

هرڅه چې د راپورته کیدو طبیعت لري د بندیدو طبیعت لري.

یووالی یوازې د بائنری لخوا څرګند کیدی شي. پخپله اتحاد او د اتحاد مفکوره لا دمخه دوه دي.


د نړۍ په مینځ کې د سړي یا ښځینه لپاره مناسب سلوک څه شی دی ، چیرې چې
هر سړی د خپل ټوټې ټوټې سره چپلیږي؟ څنګه چې خلک پدې سیلاب کې یو بل ته
تیروي د خلکو تر مینځ مناسب سلام کول څه دي؟

کله چې د خپل ځان په اړه ګورئ ، تاسو د نورو وروسته ګورئ. کله چې د نورو څارنه کوئ ، تاسو خپل ځان وروسته ګورئ.


پرېږدئ چې هیڅوک له نورو سره خطا ونه کړي؛ هیڅوک پرې مه ږدئ چې د نورو
غفلتونه او کمیسیونونه وویني. مګر اجازه راکړئ یو څوک د هغه خپل عمل وګوري
، بشپړ شوی او نه پاک شوی.

ریښتینی بادار په حقیقت کې ژوند کوي ، په نیکمرغۍ او زغم کې ، عدم تشدد ، اعتدال او پاکوالي کې.


په هیڅ یوه کلمه یا عمل کې سرغړونه. د اعتدال سره خورئ. په زړه کې
ژوند وکړئ. ترټولو لوړ شعور ولرئ. ځان د قانون سره سم ماسټر کړئ. دا د
بیدارولو ساده ښوونه ده.

ژوند د هارډ تار په څیر دی ، که چیرې
دا ډیر ټینګ وي دا به ونه لوبوي ، که چیرې دا ډیر لږ وي دا ځړول کیږي ، هغه
رنځ چې ښکلی غږ رامینځته کوي مینځ کې پروت دی.

په هیڅ شی باور مه
کوئ ځکه چې تاسو یې اوریدلی. په ساده ډول په هیڅ باور مه کوئ ځکه چې دا د
ډیری خلکو لخوا خبرې او افواه دي. په ساده ډول په هیڅ باور مه کوئ ځکه چې
دا ستاسو په دیني کتابونو کې لیکل شوی موندل شوی. یوازې د خپلو ښوونکو او
مشرانو په اختیار باندې باور مه کوئ. په دودونو باور مه کوئ ځکه چې دا د
ډیری نسلونو لپاره سپارل شوي دي. مګر د مشاهدې او تحلیل وروسته ، کله چې
تاسو وموندئ چې هرڅه دلایل سره موافق دي او د یو او ټولو لپاره ښه او ګټي
لپاره مناسب دي ، نو بیا یې ومنه او په هغې کې ژوند وکړئ

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د شمشاد ټلویزیون د همکارانو ژبښویدنه ډیره ښایسته ویډیو ده

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لاندې لینک په کیکاږلو سره زموږ د چینل غړي شئ
https://www.youtube.com/channel/UCR0E
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وړیا انټرنیټ زده کړې لپاره لاندې لینک خلاص کړئ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1Usz9
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ګمیونو د هیک (ماتولو) لپاره لاندې لینک خلاص کړئ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=nUxbn
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فسبوک وړیا فالوورز لپاره لاندې لینک خلاص کړئ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xYL7F
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ښایسته نوی ټوکې لپاره لاندې لینک خلاص کړئ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LN6Cl
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د فسبوک د ملګرو ریکوسټ بندول لاندې لینک خلاص کړئ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=cd3V3
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بودا د ریښتیني ژړولو ، میوزیک ، ډانس ویډیو باندې قولونه

هغوی چې د حق په لور کار کولو کې پاتې راغلي د ژوند هدف له لاسه ورکړی.

ټولو ته دا درې چنده درس ورکړئ: درانه زړه ، مهربان وینا ، او د خدمت او شفقت ژوند هغه شیان دي چې انسانیت تازه کوي.

دوه غلطي شتون لري څوک کولی شي د حق په لاره کې جوړ کړي … په ټوله لاره نه ځي ، او نه پیل کوي.


راحته وایو چې هغه څه چې ویل کیږي ښه دي؛ دوهم ، دا چې باید ووایی څه
سم دي ، نه ظالم. دریم ، څه چې خوښ دي ، خوښ نه کوي؛ څلورم ، څه چې ریښتیا
دي ، دروغ ندي.

په غوسه کې ناراض کس باندې فتح کول؛ په نيکۍ سره د بدکارانو فتح وکړه. درواغ او فریب د حق په ویلو سره فتح کړئ.

درې شیان اوږد نشي پټیدلی: لمر ، سپوږمۍ او حقیقت.

برخه 4. د بودا په اړه نرخونه

که تاسو خپل ذهن د بودا په لټه کې وکاروئ ، نو تاسو به بودا ونه ګورئ. بودیدارما

او بودا هغه څوک دی څوک چې آزاد دی: پرته له پلانونو ، بې پروایی. بودیدارما

هرڅومره چې تاسو د بل بودا په لټه کې یاست ، تاسو به هیڅکله ونه ګورئ چې ستاسو خپل ذهن بودا دی. بودیدارما

بودا د پوهاوي معنی لري ، د بدن او ذهن هوښیارتیا چې په یوه کې د شر رامینځته کیدو مخه نیسي. بودیدارما

بودا بې مانا تمرین نه کوي. بودیدارما

بودا هغه څوک دی چې په ښه بخت او بد کې ازادي ومومي. بودیدارما

بودا په آزاد ډول د زیږون او مړینې له لارې حرکت کوي ، څرګندیږي او په خپله خوښه ورک کیږي. بودیدارما

مګر دروغجن خلک پدې نه پوهیږي چې د دوی خپل ذهن بودا دی. دوی بهر لټون ته دوام ورکوي. بودیدارما

د بودا موندلو لپاره ټول هغه څه چې تاسو یې باید وکړئ ستاسو طبیعت وګورئ. بودیدارما


هیڅوک نه شي کولی زموږ ذهن بدل کړي ، نه بودا. موږ باید داوطلبانه کار
وکړو. له همدې امله بودا وویل ، “تاسو خپل مالک یاست”. دلائی لاما

د غرونو رنګ د بودا بدن دی؛ د روان اوبو غږ د هغه عالي وینا ده. ډوګن

بودا او ټول احساساتي مخلوقات د یو ذهن د څرګندولو پرته نور څه ندي. نور څه نشته. هوانګ پو


ناڅاپه بیداریدل دې حقیقت ته چې ستاسو خپل ذهن بودا دی ، چې هیڅ لاسته
راوړلو لپاره شتون نلري یا یو عمل ترسره کول. دا عالي لاره ده. هوانګ پو

د بودا الفاظ دا حقیقت وړاندې کوي: نفرت هیڅکله هم د کرکې سره نه ختمیږي مګر یوازې د مینې په واسطه درملنه کیږي. جک کارنفیلډ

د بودا او خدایانو درناوی پرته د دوی مرستې باندې حساب کول. مییاوموټو موسشي


حتی بودا نه غواړي څوک د هغه تعقیب کړي. حتی لوی ماسټر نشي کولی تاسو
ته یو واحد امر درکړي. دوی تاسو ته په ځانګړي ډول ګوري ، دوی ګوري چې ستاسو
ازادي ستاسو لپاره خورا بې ساري ده. اوشو

یوازې دوه کوچني
شیان: مراقبت او پریږده. دا دوه کلیدي ټکي په یاد ولرئ: مراقبت او
تسلیمیدل. مراقبت به تاسو ته دننه کړي ، او تسلیمیدل به تاسو ته ټول
وسپاري. او دا ټول دین دی. په دې دوو ټکو کې بودا د مذهب ټوله ماهیت قانع
کړی دی. اوشو

خدای ته هیڅ اړتیا نشته! که تاسو غواړئ مراقبت
وکړئ تاسو د خدای پرته مراقبه کولی شئ. بودا د خدای پرته مراقبت وکړ؛ هغه
په ​​خدای باور نه درلود. اوشو

بودا یو بودا دی ، کرشن کرشن دی ، او ته یې. اوشو


هغه فضیلت ، هوښیارتیا او حکمت ښوونه وکړه. دا د بودایی عمل درې ستنې
دي ، په بیله بیا د ورځني هوساینې ، رواني ودې ، او روحاني پوهاوي ښېګ .ې.
ریک هانسن

که تاسو بودا ته سجده نشئ کولی ، نو تاسو بودا نشئ کیدی. دا غرور دی. شونریزو سوزوکی

بودا وايي دوه ډوله رنځونه شتون لري: هغه ډول چې د ډیر تکلیف لامل کیږي او هغه ډول چې د کړاو پای ته رسوي. ټیری ټیمسټیسټ ویلیمز

تاسو اړتیا لرئ ډاډ ترلاسه کړئ چې تاسو د بودا کیدو ظرفیت لرئ ، د بدلون او معالجې ظرفیت. د

برخه 5. بودیزم او د زین نرخونه

انسان یوازې مصیبت لري ځکه چې هغه جدي نیسي چې څه شیطانانو د ساتیرۍ لپاره کړي. الان واټس

یوازینی شی چې ستاسو د سفر په اړه حتمي واقعی دی هغه مرحله ده چې تاسو یې پدې شیبه کې اخلئ. بس همداسې دي. الان واټس

په اعتدال کې هرڅه ، د اعتدال په شمول. بودایی وینا


د پریښودو زده کړه باید د ترلاسه کولو له زده کړې دمخه زده کړل شي.
ژوند باید لمس شي ، نه ګنګوسې. تاسو آرام اوسئ ، دا باید کله ناکله پیښ شي ،
او په نورو کې د دې سره مخ په وړاندې ځي. رې براډبري

حتی که
شیان د هغه تمې سره سمون ونه لري چې تمه یې کیده ، مه خفه کیږئ او مه
پریږدئ. یو څوک چې پرمختګ ته دوام ورکوي په پای کې به وګټي. دایساکو اکیډا

که موږ د زړونو خلاصولو زده کړه وکړو ، هرڅوک ، د خلکو په شمول څوک چې موږ لیوني ګرځوي زموږ ښوونکی کیدی شي. پما چوډرن

پوهاوی د بدلون لپاره ترټولو لوی اجنټ دی. هوانګ پو د ټویټر لپاره کلیک وکړئ

زین د نظرونو سره هیڅ کاروبار نلري. سوزوکي روشي

د هرڅه درک کول هر څه بخښل دي. اوشو

موږ حلقو کې نه ځو ، موږ پورته روان یو. لاره یو سرپل دی؛ موږ لا دمخه ډیری ګامونه پورته کړي. هرمن هیس


د بودایزم راز د ټولو نظرونو ، ټولو مفهومونو لرې کول دي ، ترڅو د
حقیقت لپاره د نفوذ فرصت شتون ولري ، ترڅو خپل ځان څرګند کړي. د


youtube.com
shamshad tv lemar tv tolo tv 1tv sarq tv khost tv afghan tv khyber tv star…
shamshad
tv lemar tv tolo tv 1tv sarq tv khost tv afghan tv khyber tv star sport
tv any tv Info in each section in pashto لاندې لینک په کیکاږلو سره زموږ
د چی…

https://tenor.com/…/%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%84%D9%87%D9%85-%D9%84%D…
د ماسټر کیلي د نیول لپاره ښه خبرونه لکه څنګه چې موږ بودایان وو ،
بودایان او د بودایانو پاتې کیدو ته دوام ورکوو ترڅو د ټولنو لپاره د خوښۍ
او سولې لپاره د ذهن ښه کولو لپاره کار وکړو او د وروستي هدف په توګه د
ابدي نعمت لاسته راوړو لپاره. د زنګ ، میوزیک ، سندرې ، مزاح او ویډیوګانو
سره د 360 درجې حلقه 3D متحرک لید

که تاسو غواړئ نړۍ بدل کړئ ، د راتلونکي شخص سره پیل وکړئ څوک چې تاسو ته اړتیا ته راشي. میژومي روشي

موږ دلته یو چې زموږ د بیلتون له برم څخه بیدار شو. د مارتین لوتر پاچا جونیر

کله چې تاسو یو څه کوئ ، نو تاسو باید خپل ځان په بشپړه توګه وسوزوئ ،
لکه د ښې بونیر په څیر ، د ځان هیڅ نښه مه پریږدئ. ایچارت ټولی

چیرته چې تاسو یاست ، په بشپړ ډول هلته اوسئ. ایچارت ټولی

یوازې هغه لاس چې له مینځه ځي کولی شي ریښتینی شی ولولي. د میټر ایکارټ

هره شېبه د خپل وروستي په توګه چلند وکړئ. دا د کوم بل شی لپاره تیاری نه دی. شونریزو سوزوکی

برخه 6. د مینې ، سولې ، حکمت او خوښۍ په اړه بودا ته ورته لیکوالان

د

پریښودل موږ ته آزادي راکوي ، او آزادي د خوښۍ یوازینۍ شرط دی. که
زموږ په زړه کې ، موږ لاهم په هرڅه - غوسه ، اضطراب یا شتمنۍ پورې تړلي یو -
موږ آزاد نشو. د

که زموږ په ورځني ژوند کې موږ موسکا کړو ، که
موږ سوله ایز او خوښ واوسو ، نه یوازې موږ ، بلکه هرڅوک به ترې ګټه واخلي.
دا د سولې کار ترټولو اساسی ډول دی. د

دا ممکنه ده چې دلته او
اوس په خوښۍ سره ژوند وکړو. نو د خوښۍ ډیری شرایط شتون لري - د کافي څخه
ډیر اوس ستاسو لپاره خوښ اوسئ. تاسو اړتیا نلرئ په راتلونکي کې د نورو
لاسته راوړلو لپاره. د

بودیدارما

ټول په لاره پوهیږي؛ په حقیقت کې یو څو دا پرمخ وړي. بودیدارما

د ذهن ظرفیت محدود دی ، او څرګندونه یې د نه ختمیدونکي دي. ستاسو د
سترګو سره شکلونه ګورئ ، ستاسو غوږونو سره غږونه اوریدل ، ستاسو په پوزې
سره د بوی بوی کول ، ستاسو په ژبه سره خوندونه خوند کول ، هر حرکت یا حالت
ستاسو ټول ذهن دی. بودیدارما

لټول د مصیبت سره مخ دي. د هیڅ شی لټول خوشحاله ندي. د ټویټر کلیک کولو لپاره بودیډرما کلیک وکړئ

کنفوسیوس

زموږ ترټولو لوی ویاړ هیڅکله په راوتلو کې نه دی ، مګر په لوړه کې کله چې موږ راځو. کنفوسیوس

دا مهمه نده چې تاسو څومره ورو ورو ځئ ځکه چې تاسو نه ځئ. کنفیوشیس د ټویټ لپاره کلیک وکړئ

یوازې د پوهانو او احمقانو سړي هیڅکله نه بدل کیږي. کنفوسیوس

دلائی لاما

کله چې امکان ولري مهربان اوسئ. دا تل امکان لري. دلائی لاما

په یاد ولرئ چې غوره اړیکه یو په هغه کې ده چې ستاسو مینه د یو بل لپاره ستاسو اړتیا څخه زیاته وي. دلائی لاما

زما مذهب خورا ساده دی. زما دین مهربان دی. دلائی لاما

لاو ټزو

طبیعت ګړندی نه کوي ، لاهم هرڅه بشپړ شوي. لاو ټزو

روغتیا ترټولو لوی ملکیت دی. قناعت ترټولو لوی خزانه ده. باور ترټولو لوی ملګری دی. بې وجودیت ترټولو لوی خوښ دی. لاو ټزو

د نورو مهارت کول ځواک دی. د خپل ځان روزل ریښتینی ځواک دی. لاو ټزو

افلاطون

عاقل سړي خبرې کوي ځکه چې دوی څه ویل لري؛ احمقان ، ځکه چې دوی باید یو څه ووایی. افلاطون

موږ کولی شو په اسانۍ سره هغه ماشوم وبښه چې له تیاره څخه ویره لري؛ د
ژوند اصلی تراژیدي هغه وخت ده چې سړي له ر ofا څخه ویریږي. افلاطون

تاسو کولی شئ د خبرو په یوه کال کې د ساعت په ساعت کې د یو شخص په اړه ډیر څه ومومئ. افلاطون

ارسطو

د مینځپانګو میز ته لاړ شئ

خپل ځان پوهه کول د ټول حکمت پیل دی. ارسطو

خوښۍ پخپله پورې اړه لري. ارسطو

د زړه روزنې پرته د ذهن ښوونه کول هیڅ ډول تعلیم ندی. ارسطو

جیدو کرسمنورتی

دا د روغتیا اندازه نده چې په پراخه کچه ناروغې ټولنې سره ښه تنظیم شي. جیدو کرسمنورتی

که تاسو د هغه څه په اړه پوهیدل پیل کړئ چې تاسو یې پرته د دې بدلولو
هڅه کوئ ، نو بیا هغه څه چې تاسو یې د بدلون لاندې یاست. جیدو کرشنومورتی

دود زموږ امنیت شي ، او کله چې ذهن خوندي وي دا په زوال کې دی. جیدو کرسمنورتی

یو نظر واخلئ. خپل نظر دې خپل ژوند ته جوړ کړئ؛ د دې خوب په اړه یې
فکر وکړه؛ په دې نظر ژوند وکړئ. دماغ ، بدن ، عضلې ، اعصاب ، ستاسو د بدن
هره برخه دې نظر څخه ډکه وي ، او یوازې هر بل نظر یوازې پریږدئ. دا د بریا
لاره ده ، او دا هغه لار ده چې لوی روحاني جنات تولید کیږي. سوامی
ویویکانند

سقراط

ریښتیني پوهه په دې پوهیدو کې شتون لري چې تاسو هیڅ نه پوهیږئ. سقراط د ټویټ لپاره کلیک وکړئ

هغه ترټولو بډای دی څوک چې لږترلږه مطمین وي ، ځکه چې مینځپانګه د طبیعت شتمني ده. سقراط

تعلیم د اور لمبه ده ، نه د رطوبت ډکول. سقراط

اللهم لك GIF - اللهم لك الحمد GIFs


https://www.dalailama.com/messages/world-peace/a-human-approach-to-world-peace


    Messages
    ↝
    World Peace

A Human Approach to World Peace
All sensitive and compassionate Awakened Aboriginal Societies question seriously the progress of our modern world.

Internet
Social Media, Science and technology have worked wonders in many fields
because there is unprecedented literacy. To speak simply as a human
being, as an upholder of the humanitarian
values that are the bedrock not only of Buddhism but of all the
great world religions. From this perspective :

1. Universal humanitarianism is essential to solve global problems;
2. Compassion is the pillar of world peace;
3. All world religions are already for world peace in this way, as are all humanitarians of whatever ideology;
4. Each individual has a universal responsibility to shape institutions to serve human needs.

Different
religions, ideologies, and political systems of the world are meant for
human beings to achieve happiness, the supremacy of humanity over
matter and ideology must always be maintained.

99.9%
All Awakened Societies are in a position to influence their leaders and
scientists, as they do good and keep purifying their minds, to exercise
their sanity and begin to work at dismantling and destroying
all nuclear weapons. Following all good precepts of showing kindness and
compassion towards all sentient and non-sentient beings, giving
charities to the needy, always speaking the truth, treating every one as
sisters and brothers, avoiding intoxicant drinks and drugs they become
fearless.

Whether they belong to more evolved species like humans or to simpler
ones such as animals, all beings primarily seek peace, comfort, and
security. Life is as dear to the mute animal as it is to any human
being; even the simplest insect strives for protection from dangers that
threaten its life. Just as each one of us wants to live and does not
wish to die, so it is with all other creatures in the universe, though
their power to effect this is a different matter.

The training of the mind will endure suffering and attain a more
lasting state of happiness with a combination of inner peace, economic
development, and, above all, world peace. It is necessary to develop a sense of universal responsibility, a deep
concern for all irrespective of creed, colour, sex, or nationality.

Compassion as the Pillar of World Peace

Kindness and compassion are the moral fabric of world peace.

When you have pity or compassion for a very poor person, you are showing
sympathy because he or she is poor; your compassion is based on
altruistic considerations.

This type of compassion is what we must strive to cultivate in
ourselves, and we must develop it from a limited amount to the
limitless. Undiscriminating, spontaneous, and unlimited compassion for
all sentient beings.

The rationale
for compassion is that every one of us wants to  gain happiness. This,
in turn, is based on the valid
feeling which determines the universal desire for happiness.
Indeed, all beings are born with similar desires and should have an
equal right to fulfill them. Others are more important because they are
many. Further, view all sentient beings as our dear mothers and to show
our gratitude by loving them all. For, according to Awakened With
awareness theory, we
are born and reborn countless numbers of times, and it is conceivable
that each being has been our parent at one time or another. In this way
all beings in the universe share a family relationship.

Just
0.1% intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorists of the
world,  ever shooting, mob lynching, cunning, crooked, lunatic, mentally
retarded FOREIGNERS from BENE ISRAEL chitpavan brahmins of
Rqwdy/Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks (RSS) remotely controlling slaves, stooges,
chamchas, chelas, bootlickers, own mother’s flesh eaters, Murderers of
democratic institutions and Masters of diluting institutions (Modi) of
Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) after gobbling the MASTER KEY are
indulging in manusmriti hindutva land ideology. But the 99.9% All
Awakened Aboriginal Societies including SC/STs/OBCs/Religious
Minorities/ non-chitpavan brahmins of Ashoka’s PRABUDDHA BHARAT have
decided to throw out these chitpavan brahmins to save Universal Adult,
Franchise, Liberty, Equality, Fraternity as enshrined in our Marvelous
Modern Constitution. And not to disobey the illegal chitpavan brahmins
who have enslaved judiciary, executive, parliament, media. And declare
this land as PRABUDDHA BHARAT and Ultimately PRABUDDHA PRAPANCH  for the
welfare, happiness and peace of all societies and for them to attain
Eternal Bliss as Final Goal.

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Happiness and Life Satisfaction
by Esteban Ortiz-Ospina and Max Roser

First published in 2013; substantive revision May 2017.

The French translation of this entry is here: Bonheur et satisfaction

Cite this research

How
happy are people today? Were people happier in the past? How satisfied
with their lives are people in different societies? And how do our
living conditions affect all of this?

These are difficult
questions to answer; but they are questions that undoubtedly matter for
each of us personally. Indeed, today, life satisfaction and happiness
are central research areas in the social sciences, including in
‘mainstream’ economics.

Social scientists often recommend that
measures of subjective well-being should augment the usual measures of
economic prosperity, such as GDP per capita.1
But how can happiness be measured? Are there reliable comparisons of
happiness across time and space that can give us clues regarding what
makes people declare themselves ‘happy’?

In this entry, we discuss
the data and empirical evidence that might answer these questions. Our
focus here will be on survey-based measures of self-reported happiness
and life satisfaction. Here is a preview of what the data reveals.

    Surveys asking people about life satisfaction and happiness do measure subjective well-being with reasonable accuracy.
    Life
    satisfaction and happiness vary widely both within and among countries.
    It only takes a glimpse at the data to see that people are distributed
    along a wide spectrum of happiness levels.
    Richer people tend to
    say they are happier than poorer people; richer countries tend to have
    higher average happiness levels; and across time, most countries that
    have experienced sustained economic growth have seen increasing
    happiness levels. So the evidence suggests that income and life
    satisfaction tend to go together (which still doesn’t mean they are one
    and the same).
    Important life events such as marriage or divorce
    do affect our happiness, but have surprisingly little long-term impact.
    The evidence suggests that people tend to adapt to changes.

Happiness across the world today

The
World Happiness Report is a well-known source of cross-country data and
research on self-reported life satisfaction. The map here shows,
country by country, the ‘happiness scores’ published this report.

The underlying source of the happiness scores in the World Happiness Report is the Gallup World Poll—a
set of nationally representative surveys undertaken in more than 160
countries in over 140 languages. The main life evaluation question asked
in the poll is: “Please imagine a ladder, with steps numbered from 0 at
the bottom to 10 at the top. The top of the ladder represents the best
possible life for you and the bottom of the ladder represents the worst
possible life for you. On which step of the ladder would you say you
personally feel you stand at this time?” (Also known as the “Cantril
Ladder”.)

The map plots the average answer that survey-respondents
provided to this question in different countries. As with the steps of
the ladder, values in the map range from 0 to 10.

There are large
differences across countries. According to 2016 figures, Nordic
countries top the ranking: Finland, Norway, Denmark, the Netherlands and
Iceland have the highest scores (all with averages above 7). In the
same year, the lowest national scores correspond to Central African
Republic, South Sudan, Tanzania, Rwanda and Haiti (all with average
scores below 3.5).

You can click on any country on the map to plot time-series for specific countries.

As
we can see, self-reported life satisfaction correlates with other
measures of well-being—richer and healthier countries tend to have
higher average happiness scores. (More on this in the section below.)

Self-reported Life Satisfaction, 2018

Life satisfaction is self-reported as the answer to the following question: “Please imagine a ladder, with steps numbered
from 0 at the bottom to 10 at the top. The top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you and the bottom of the
ladder represents the worst possible life for you. On which step of the ladder would you say you personally feel you
stand at this time?”
0

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Happiness over time
Findings from the World Value Survey

In addition to the Gallup World Poll (discussed above), the World Value Survey
also provides cross-country data on self-reported life satisfaction.
These are the longest available time series of cross-country happiness
estimates that include non-European nations.

The World Value
Survey collects data from a series of representative national surveys
covering almost 100 countries, with the earliest estimates dating back
to 1981. In these surveys, respondents are asked: “Taking all things
together, would you say you are (i) Very happy, (ii) Rather happy, (iii)
Not very happy or (iv) Not at all happy”. This visualization plots the
share of people answering they are Very happy or Rather happy.

As
we can see, in the majority of countries the trend is positive: In 49 of
the 69 countries with data from two or more surveys, the most recent observation is higher than the earliest.
In some cases, the improvement has been very large; in Zimbabwe, for
example, the share of people who reported being ‘very happy’ or ‘rather
happy’ went from 56.4% in 2004 to 82.1% in 2014.

Share of people who say they are happy

Share of people who say they are ‘very happy’ or ‘rather happy’.
198419901995200020052010201450%60%70%80%90%SwedenBrazilArgentinaGermanyZimbabweIndiaRussiaGeorgia

Note:
Full question asks: “Taking all things together, would you say you are
(i) Very happy, (ii) Rather happy, (iii) Not very happy, (iv) Not at all
happy,
or (v) Don’t Know”.
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Findings from Eurobarometer

The Eurobarometer
collects data on life satisfaction as part of their public opinion
surveys. For several countries, these surveys have been conducted at
least annually for more than 40 years. The visualization here shows the
share of people who report being ‘very satisfied’ or ‘fairly satisfied’
with their standards of living, according to this source.

Two
points are worth emphasizing. First, estimates of life satisfaction
often fluctuate around trends. In France, for example, we can see that
the overall trend in the period 1974-2016 is positive; yet there is a
pattern of ups and downs. And second, despite temporary fluctuations,
decade-long trends have been generally positive for most European
countries.

In most cases, the share of people who say they are
‘very satisfied’ or ‘fairly satisfied’ with their life has gone up over
the full survey period.2
Yet there are some clear exceptions, of which Greece is the most
notable example. Add Greece to the chart and you can see that in 2007,
around 67% of the Greeks said they were satisfied with their life; but
five years later, after the financial crisis struck, the corresponding
figure was down to 32.4%. Despite recent improvements, Greeks today are
on average much less satisfied with their lives than before the
financial crisis. No other European country in this dataset has gone
through a comparable negative shock.

Share who say they are ‘very satisfied’ or ‘fairly satisfied’ with their life

The full question asks: “On the whole are you very satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied with
the life you lead?”
19731980199020002010201670%75%80%85%90%95%NetherlandsUnited KingdomFrance

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The distribution of life satisfaction
More than averages—the distribution of life satisfaction scores

Most
of the studies comparing happiness and life satisfaction among
countries focus on averages. However, distributional differences are
also important.

Life satisfaction is often reported on a scale
from 0 to 10, with 10 representing the highest possible level of
satisfaction. This is the so-called ‘Cantril Ladder’. This visualization
shows how responses are distributed across steps in this ladder. In
each case, the height of bars is proportional to the fraction of answers
at each score. Each differently-colored distribution refers to a world
region; and for each region, we have overlaid the distribution for the
entire world as a reference.

These plots show that in sub-Saharan
Africa—the region with the lowest average scores–the distributions are
consistently to the left of those in Europe. In economics lingo, we
observe that the distribution of scores in European countries stochastically dominates the distribution in sub-Saharan Africa.

This
means that the share of people who are ‘happy’ is lower in sub-Saharan
Africa than in Western Europe, independently of which score in the
ladder we use as a threshold to define ‘happy’. Similar comparisons can
be made by contrasting other regions with high average scores (e.g.
North America, Australia and New Zealand) against those with low average
scores (e.g. South Asia).

Another important point to notice is
that the distribution of self-reported life satisfaction in Latin
America is high across the board—it is consistently to the right of
other regions with roughly comparable income levels, such as Central and
Eastern Europe.

This is part of a broader pattern: Latin American
countries tend to have a higher subjective well-being than other
countries with comparable levels of economic development. As we will see
in the section on social environment, culture and history matter for self-reported life satisfaction.

If
you are interested in data on country-level distributions of scores,
the Pew Global Attitudes Survey provides such figures for more than 40
countries.

image.png
image.png


(Mis)perceptions about others’ happiness

We
tend to underestimate the average happiness of people around us. The
visualization shown demonstrates this for countries around the world,
using data from Ipsos’ Perils of Perception—a
cross-country survey asking people to guess what others in their
country have answered to the happiness question in the World Value
Survey.

The horizontal axis in this chart shows the actual share
of people who said they are ‘Very Happy’ or ‘Rather Happy’ in the World
Value Survey; the vertical axis shows the average guess of the
same number (i.e. the average guess that respondents made of the share
of people reporting to be ‘Very Happy’ or ‘Rather Happy’ in their
country).

If respondents would have guessed the correct share, all
observations would fall on the red 45-degree line. But as we can see,
all countries are far below the 45-degree line. In other words, people
in every country underestimated the self-reported happiness of others.
The most extreme deviations are in Asia—South Koreans think that 24% of
people report being happy, when in reality 90% do.

The highest
guesses in this sample (Canada and Norway) are 60%—this is lower than
the lowest actual value of self-reported happiness in any country in the
sample (corresponding to Hungary at 69%).

Why do people get their
guesses so wrong? It’s not as simple as brushing aside these numbers by
saying they reflect differences in ‘actual’ vs. reported happiness.

One
possible explanation is that people tend to misreport their own
happiness, therefore the average guesses might be a correct indicator of
true life satisfaction (and an incorrect indicator of reported
life satisfaction). However, for this to be true, people would have to
commonly misreport their own happiness while assuming that others do not misreport theirs.

And
people are not bad at judging the well-being of other people who they
know: There is substantial evidence showing that ratings of one’s
happiness made by friends correlate with one’s happiness, and that
people are generally good at evaluating emotions from simply watching
facial expressions.

An
alternative explanation is that this mismatch is grounded in the
well-established fact that people tend to be positive about themselves,
but negative about other people they don’t know.It has been observed in
other contexts that people can be optimistic about their own future,
while at the same time being deeply pessimistic about the future of
their nation or the world. We discuss this phenomenon in more detail in
our entry on optimism and pessimism, specifically in a section dedicated to individual optimism and social pessimism.
Happiness of others


image.png


Differences in happiness within countries
East and West Germany

In global surveys of happiness and life satisfaction, Germany usually ranks high.
However, these national averages mask large inequalities. In the map
shown we focus on regional inequalities—specifically the gap in life
satisfaction between West and East Germany.

This
map plots self-reported life satisfaction in Germany (using the 0-10
Cantril Ladder question), aggregating averages scores at the level of
Federal States.3
What stands out is a clear divide between the East and the West, along
the political division that existed before the reunification of Germany
in 1990.
For example, the difference in levels between neighboring
Schleswig-Holstein (in West Germany) and Mecklenburg-Vorpommern (in East
Germany) are similar to the difference between Sweden and the US – a considerable contrast in self-reported life satisfaction.

Several
academic studies have looked more closely at this ‘happiness gap’ in
Germany using data from more detailed surveys, such as the German
Socio-Economic Panel (e.g. Petrunyk and Pfeifer 2016).4 These studies provide two main insights:

First,
the gap is partly driven by differences in household income and
employment. But this is not the only aspect; even after controlling for
socioeconomic and demographic differences, the East-West gap remains
significant.


image.png

image.png
Germany’s happiness gap over time

And
second, the gap has been narrowing in recent years, as the chart shows.
In fact, the finding that the gap is narrowing is true both for the raw
average differences, as well as for the ‘conditional differences’ (i.e.
the differences that are estimated after controlling for socioeconomic
and demographic characteristics).

The observation that
socioeconomic and demographic differences do not fully predict the
observed East-West differences in self-reported happiness is related to a
broader empirical phenomenon: Culture and history matter for
self-reported life satisfaction—and in particular, ex-communist
countries tend to have a lower subjective well-being than other
countries with comparable levels of economic development.
Trends in life satisfaction for East and West Germany, 1992-2013



Happiness inequality
Happiness inequality in the US and other rich countries

The
General Social Survey (GSS) in the US is a survey administered to a
nationally representative sample of about 1,500 respondents each year
since 1972, and is an important source of information on long-run trends
of self-reported life satisfaction in the country.5

Using this source, Stevenson and Wolfers (2008)6
show that while the national average has remained broadly constant,
inequality in happiness has fallen substantially in the US in recent
decades.

The authors further note that this is true both when we
think about inequality in terms of the dispersion of answers, and also
when we think about inequality in terms of gaps between demographic
groups. They note that two-thirds of the black-white happiness gap has
been eroded (although today white Americans remain happier on average,
even after controlling for differences in education and income), and the
gender happiness gap has disappeared entirely (women used to be
slightly happier than men, but they are becoming less happy, and today
there is no statistical difference once we control for other
characteristics).7

The
results from Stevenson and Wolfers are consistent with other studies
looking at changes of happiness inequality (or life satisfaction
inequality) over time. In particular, researchers have noted that there
is a correlation between economic growth and reductions in happiness
inequality—even
when income inequality is increasing at the same time. The
visualization here uses data from Clark, Fleche and Senik (2015)8
shows this. It plots the evolution of happiness inequality within a
selection of rich countries that experienced uninterrupted GDP growth.

In
this chart, happiness inequality is measured by the dispersion —
specifically the standard deviation — of answers in the World Value
Survey. As we can see, there is a broad negative trend. In their paper
the authors show that the trend is positive in countries with falling
GDP.

Why could it be that happiness inequality falls with rising income inequality?

Clark,
Fleche, and Senik argue that part of the reason is that the growth of
national income allows for the greater provision of public goods, which
in turn tighten the distribution of subjective well-being. This can
still be consistent with growing income inequality, since public goods
such as better health affect incomes and well-being differently.

Another
possibility is that economic growth in rich countries has translated
into a more diverse society in terms of cultural expressions (e.g.
through the emergence of alternative lifestyles), which has allowed
people to converge in happiness even if they diverge in incomes, tastes
and consumption. Steven Quartz and Annette Asp explain this hypothesis
in a New York Times article, discussing evidence from experimental psychology.

Evolution of happiness inequality within countries during periods of
uninterrupted economic growth
19811985199019952000200520071.41.61.822.22.4BelgiumPortugalFranceAustriaNorwayFinlandItalyCanadaGreat
BritainSwedenSpainNetherlands

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The link between happiness and income
The link across countries
Higher national incomes go together with higher average life satisfaction

If
we compare life satisfaction reports from around the world at any given
point in time, we immediately see that countries with higher average
national incomes tend to have higher average life satisfaction scores.
In other words: People in richer countries tend to report higher life
satisfaction than people in poorer countries. The scatter plot here
shows this.

Each dot in the visualization represents one country.
The vertical position of the dots shows national average self-reported
life satisfaction in the Cantril Ladder (a scale ranging from 0-10 where
10 is the highest possible life satisfaction); while the horizontal
position shows GDP per capita based on purchasing power parity (i.e. GDP
per head after adjusting for inflation and cross-country price
differences).

This correlation holds even if we control for other
factors: Richer countries tend to have higher average self-reported life
satisfaction than poorer countries that are comparable in terms of
demographics and other measurable characteristics. You can read more
about this in the World Happiness Report 2017, specifically the discussion in Chapter 2.

As we show below, income and happiness also tend to go together within countries and across time.

Self-reported Life Satisfaction vs GDP per capita, 2017

The vertical axis shows the national average of the self-reported life satisfaction on a scale ranging from 0-10, where 10
is the highest possible life satisfaction.
The horizontal axis shows GDP per capita adjusted for inflation and cross-country price differences.
Life satisfaction (country average; 0-10)234567

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The link within countries
Higher personal incomes go together with higher self-reported life satisfaction

Above
we point out that richer countries tend to be happier than poorer
countries. Here we show that the same tends to be true within countries:
richer people within a country tend to be happier than poorer people in
the same country. The visualisations here show us this this by looking
at happiness by income quintiles.

Firstly we show each country in
individual panels: within each panel is a connected scatter plot for a
specific country. This means that for each country, we observe a line
joining five points: each point marks the average income within an
income quintile (horizontal axis) against the average self-reported life
satisfaction of people at that income quintile (vertical axis).

What
does this visualization tell us? We see that in all cases lines are
upward sloping: people in higher income quintiles tend to have higher
average life satisfaction. Yet in some countries the lines are steep and
linear (e.g. in Costa Rica richer people are happier than poorer people
across the whole income distribution); while in some countries the
lines are less steep and non-linear (e.g. the richest group of people in
the Dominican Republic is as happy as the second-richest group).

In
a second visualization we present the same data, but instead of
plotting each country separately, showing all countries in one grid.

The
resulting connected scatter plot may be messy, resembling a ‘spaghetti’
chart, but it is helpful to confirm the overall pattern: despite kinks
here and there, lines are by and large upward sloping.


image.png


Looking across and within countries
A snapshot of the correlation between income and happiness—between and within countries

Do
income and happiness tend to go together? The visualization here shows
that the answer to this question is yes, both within and across
countries.

It may take a minute to wrap your head around this
visualization, but once you do, you can see that it handily condenses
the key information from the previous three charts into one.

To
show the income-happiness correlation across countries, the chart plots
the relationship between self-reported life satisfaction on the vertical
axis and GDP per capita on the horizontal axis. Each country is an
arrow on the grid, and the location of the arrow tells us the
corresponding combination of average income and average happiness.

To show the income-happiness correlation within
countries, each arrow has a slope corresponding to the correlation
between household incomes and self-reported life satisfaction within
that country. In other words: the slope of the arrow shows how strong
the relationship between income and life satisfaction is within that
country. (This chart gives you a visual example of how the arrows were constructed for each country). 9

If
an arrow points northeast, that means richer people tend to report
higher life satisfaction than poorer people in the same country. If an
arrow is flat (i.e. points east), that means rich people are on average
just as happy as poorer people in the same country.

As we can see,
there is a very clear pattern: richer countries tend to be happier than
poorer countries (observations are lined up around an upward-sloping
trend), and richer people within countries tend to be happier than
poorer people in the same countries (arrows are consistently pointing
northeast).

It’s important to note that the horizontal axis is
measured in a logarithmic scale. The cross-country relationship we would
observe in a linear scale would be different, since at high national
income levels, slightly higher national incomes are associated with a
smaller increase in average happiness than at low levels of national
incomes. In other words, the cross-country relationship between income
and happiness is not linear on income (it is ‘log-linear’). We use the
logarithmic scale to highlight two key facts: (i) at no point in the
global income distribution is the relationship flat; and (ii) a doubling
of the average income is associated with roughly the same increase in
the reported life-satisfaction, irrespective of the position in the
global distribution.

These findings have been explored in more
detail in a number of recent academic studies. Importantly, the
much-cited paper by Stevenson and Wolfers (2008)10
shows that these correlations hold even after controlling for various
country characteristics such as demographic composition of the
population, and are robust to different sources of data and types of
subjective well-being measures.


image.png

Economic growth and happiness

In
the charts above we show that there is robust evidence of a strong
correlation between income and happiness across and within countries at
fixed points in time. Here we want to show that, while less strong,
there is also a correlation between income and happiness across time.
Or, put differently, as countries get richer, the population tends to
report higher average life satisfaction.

The chart shown here uses
data from the World Value Survey to plot the evolution of national
average incomes and national average happiness over time. To be
specific, this chart shows the share of people who say they are ‘very
happy’ or ‘rather happy’ in the World Value Survey (vertical axis),
against GDP per head (horizontal axis). Each country is drawn as a line
joining first and last available observations across all survey waves.11

As
we can see, countries that experience economic growth also tend to
experience happiness growth across waves in the World Value Survey. And
this is a correlation that holds after controlling for other factors
that also change over time (in this chart
from Stevenson and Wolfers (2008) you can see how changes in GDP per
capita compare to changes in life satisfaction after accounting for
changes in demographic composition and other variables).

An important point to note here is that economic growth and happiness growth tend to go together on average.
Some countries in some periods experience economic growth without
increasing happiness. The experience of the US in recent decades is a
case in point. These instances may seem paradoxical given the
evidence—we explore this question in the following section.


image.png

The Easterlin Paradox

The
observation that economic growth does not always go together with
increasing life satisfaction was first made by Richard Easterlin in the
1970s. Since then, there has been much discussion over what came to be
known as the ‘Easterlin Paradox’.

At the heart of the paradox was
the fact that richer countries tend to have higher self-reported
happiness, yet in some countries for which repeated surveys were
available over the course of the 1970s, happiness was not increasing
with rising national incomes. This combination of empirical findings was
paradoxical because the cross-country evidence (countries with higher
incomes tended to have higher self-reported happiness) did not, in some
cases, fit the evidence over time (countries seemed not to get happier
as national incomes increased).

Notably, Easterlin and other
researchers relied on data from the US and Japan to support this
seemingly perplexing observation. If we look closely at the data
underpinning the trends in these two countries, however, these cases are
not in fact paradoxical.

Let us begin with the case of Japan.
There, the earliest available data on self-reported life satisfaction
came from the so-called ‘Life in Nation surveys’, which date back to
1958. At first glance, this source suggests that mean life satisfaction
remained flat over a period of spectacular economic growth (see for
example this chart from Easterlin and Angelescu 2011).12 Digging a bit deeper, however, we find that things are more complex.

Stevenson and Wolfers (2008)13
show that the life satisfaction questions in the ‘Life in Nation
surveys’ changed over time, making it difficult—if not impossible—to
track changes in happiness over the full period. The visualization here
splits the life satisfaction data from the surveys into sub-periods
where the questions remained constant. As we can see, the data is not
supportive of a paradox: the correlation between GDP and happiness
growth in Japan is positive within comparable survey periods. The reason
for the alleged paradox is in fact mismeasurement of how happiness
changed over time.

In the US, the explanation is different, but
can once again be traced to the underlying data. Specifically, if we
look more closely at economic growth in the US over the recent decades,
one fact looms large: growth has not benefitted the majority of people.
Income inequality in the US is exceptionally high and has been on the
rise in the last four decades, with incomes for the median household
growing much more slowly than incomes for the top 10%. As a result,
trends in aggregate life satisfaction should not be seen as paradoxical:
the income and standard of living of the typical US citizen has not
grown much in the last couple of decades. (You can read more about this
in our entry on inequality and incomes across the distribution.)
GDP per capita vs Life satisfaction across survey questions, Japan, 1958-2007 – Stevenson and Wolfers (2008)14
GDP per capita vs Life satisfaction across survey questions

image.png

Health and life satisfaction
Life expectancy and life satisfaction

Health
is an important predictor of life satisfaction, both within and among
countries. In this visualization, we provide evidence of the
cross-country relationship.

Each dot in the scatterplot represents
one country. The vertical position of the dots shows national life
expectancy at birth, and the horizontal position shows national average
self-reported life satisfaction in the Cantril Ladder (a scale ranging
from 0-10 where 10 is the highest possible life satisfaction).

As
we can see, there is a strong positive correlation: countries where
people tend to live longer are also countries where people tend to say
more often that they are satisfied with their lives. A similar
relationship
holds for other health outcomes (e.g. life satisfaction tends to be
higher in countries with lower child mortality).

The
relationship plotted in the chart clearly reflects more than just the
link between health and happiness, since countries with high life
expectancy also tend to be countries with many other distinct
characteristics. However, the positive correlation between life
expectancy and life satisfaction remains after controlling for
observable country characteristics, such as incomes and social
protection. You can read more about this in the World Happiness Report 2017, specifically the discussion in Chapter 2.

Life satisfaction vs Life expectancy, 2015

The vertical axis shows life expectancy at birth. The horizontal axis shows self-reported life satisfaction in the Cantril
Ladder (0-10 point scale with higher values representing higher life satisfaction).

CC BY

Mental health and happiness

When
trying to discern a relationship between mental health and happiness,
it is important to distinguish between macro and micro-level
correlations. When we look at macro-level, cross-country trends
in the prevalence of mental health disorders such as depression versus
self-reported life satisfaction there is no clear relationship: it does
not appear that countries with higher depression rates have lower
self-reported happiness.

However, when we look at micro-level,
within-country correlations the data tells a different story. In this
visualization, we provide evidence of the relationship between health
and subjective well-being within countries—specifically; we focus here
on mental health and self-reported life satisfaction.

Each bar in
the visualization measures the extent to which mental illness
(depression and anxiety) is associated with self-reported life
satisfaction, once we control for physical illness and other factors
such as income and education. In other words, the bars show a
‘conditional correlation’—the strength of the link between mental
illness and happiness after accounting for other factors.

The
negative values show that people who have been diagnosed with depression
or anxiety tend to be more likely to have lower self-reported life
satisfaction.

The size of the coefficients, particularly in the
US, and Australia, tell us that the relationship we observe is very
strong. For context, in the UK, the US and Australia the magnitude of
the
correlation between mental illness and life satisfaction is higher than
the magnitude for the correlation between income and life satisfaction.

Clearly,
this correlation is likely the result of a two-way relationship:
depressed and anxious people are less likely to be happy, and unhappy
people are more likely to be depressed or anxious. Nevertheless, it is
still important to bear in mind that anxiety, depression and unhappiness
often go together.

Other studies provide further evidence of not
only the negative correlation between depression and life satisfaction
(i.e individuals with more severe depression report lower life
satisfaction), but also evidence that treatment and improvement in
depression are linked to increases in self-reported life satisfaction.15

Evidence
suggests that this correlation between happiness and mental health may
not only be realised through self-reported life satisfaction, but also
through the strength of behaviours related to happiness,
such as smiling and facial expression. When asked to visualize happy
and sad situations, researchers found individuals with depression to
show notably less facial muscle activity relative to those without – a
suggestion sign of both lower emotivity and disengagement.16

Conditional correlation between mental illness and life satisfaction

The correlation reported is conditional on the factors listed in the footnote. Mental illness refers to depression and
anxiety.
-0.2-0.15-0.1-0.050Indonesia-0.07United Kingdom-0.11Australia-0.18United States

Note:
Specifically, the correlation corresponds to the relationship between
life satisfaction and mental illness after accounting for differences in
income,
education, marital status, physical illness, employment status and gender.
CC BY

Life satisfaction through life events
How do common life events affect happiness?

Do people tend to adapt to common life events by converging back to a baseline level of happiness?

Clark et al. (2008)17
use data from the German Socio-Economic Panel to identify groups of
people experiencing significant life and labour market events, and trace
how these events affect the evolution of their life satisfaction. The
visualization here shows an overview of their main findings. In each
individual chart, the red lines mark the estimated effect of a different
event at a given point in time (with ‘whiskers’ marking the range of
confidence of each estimate).

In all cases the results are split
by gender, and time is labeled so that 0 marks the point when the
corresponding event took place (with negative and positive values
denoting years before and after the event). All estimates control for
individual characteristics, so the figures show the effect of the event
after controlling for other factors (e.g. income, etc.).

The first
point to note is that most events denote the evolution of a latent
situation: People grow unhappy in the period building up to a divorce,
while they grow happy in the period building up to a marriage.

The
second point is that single life events do tend to affect happiness in
the short run, but people often adapt to changes. Of course, there are
clear differences in the extent to which people adapt. In the case of
divorce, life satisfaction first drops, then goes up and stays high. For
unemployment, there is a negative shock both in the short and long-run,
notably among men. And for marriage, life satisfaction builds up
before, and fades out after the wedding.

In general, the evidence
suggests that adaptation is an important feature of well-being. Many
common but important life events have a modest long-term impact on
self-reported happiness. Yet adaptation to some events, such as
long-term unemployment, is neither perfect nor immediate.


image.png

Does disability correlate with life satisfaction?

A
number of papers have noted that long-term paraplegics do not report
themselves as particularly unhappy, when compared to non-paraplegics
(see for example the much-cited paper by Brickman, Coates, and
Janoff-Bulman, 1978).18

This
assertion has received attention because it tells us something about
the very meaning of well-being and has important consequences for
policy. It is, for example, considered in courts of law with respect to
the compensation for disability.

However, comparing differences in
self-reported life satisfaction among people with different disability
statuses is not an ideal source of evidence regarding the effect of
tragedy on happiness. Non-paraplegics are potentially different to
paraplegics in ways that are hard to measure. A better source of
evidence are longitudinal surveys where people are tracked over time.

Oswald and Powdthavee (2008)19
use data from a longitudinal survey in the UK to explore whether
accidents leading to disability imply long-term shocks to life
satisfaction.

The chart here, from Oswald and Powdthavee, shows
the average reported life satisfaction of a group of people who became
seriously disabled (at time T) and remained seriously disabled in the
two following years (T+1 and T+2). Here, ‘seriously disabled’ means that
disability prevented them from being able to do day-to-day activities.

As
we can see—and as the authors show more precisely through econometric
techniques—those entering disability suffer a sudden drop in life
satisfaction, and recover only partially. This supports the idea that
while adaptation plays a role for common life events, the notion of life
satisfaction is indeed sensitive to tragic events.
Life satisfaction of those entering serious disability, BHPS 1996-2002 – Oswald and Powdthavee (2006)

image.png

Life satisfaction and society
Culture and life satisfaction

Comparisons
of happiness among countries suggest that culture and history shared by
people in a given society matter for self-reported life satisfaction.
For example, as the chart here shows, culturally and historically
similar Latin American countries have a higher subjective well-being
than other countries with comparable levels of economic development.
(This chart plots self-reported life satisfaction as measured in the
10-point Cantril ladder in the vertical axis, against GDP per capita in
the horizontal axis).

Latin America is not a special case in this
respect. Ex-communist countries, for example, tend to have lower
subjective well-being than other countries with comparable
characteristics and levels of economic development.

Academic
studies in positive psychology discuss other patterns. Diener and Suh
(2002) write: “In recent years cultural differences in subjective
well-being have been explored, with a realization that there are
profound differences in what makes people happy. Self-esteem, for
example, is less strongly associated with life satisfaction, and
extraversion is less strongly associated with pleasant affect in
collectivist cultures than in individualist cultures”.20

To
our knowledge, there are no rigorous studies exploring the causal
mechanisms linking culture and happiness. However, it seems natural to
expect that cultural factors shape the way people collectively
understand happiness and the meaning of life.


image.png


Sense of freedom and life satisfaction

A
particular channel through which social environment may affect
happiness is freedom: the society we live in may crucially affect the
availability of options that we have to shape our own life.

This
visualization shows the relationship between self-reported sense of
freedom and self-reported life satisfaction using data from the Gallup World Poll.
The variable measuring life satisfaction corresponds to country-level
averages of survey responses to the Cantril Ladder question (a 0-10
scale, where 10 is the highest level of life satisfaction); while the
variable measuring freedom corresponds to the share of people who agree
with the statement “In this country, I am satisfied with my freedom to
choose what I do with my life”.21

As
we can see, there is a clear positive relationship: countries where
people feel free to choose and control their lives tend to be countries
where
people are happier. As Inglehart et al. (2008)22 show, this positive
relationship holds even after we control for other factors, such as
incomes and strength of religiosity.

Interestingly,
this chart also shows that while there are some countries where the
perceived sense of freedom is high but average life satisfaction is low
(e.g. Rwanda); there are no countries where the perceived sense of
freedom is low but average life satisfaction is high (i.e. there are no
countries in the top left area of the chart).

To our knowledge
there are no rigorous studies exploring the causal mechanisms linking
freedom and happiness. However, it seems natural to expect that
self-determination and absence of coercion are important components of
what people consider a happy and meaningful life.


image.png


The link between media and gloominess

A number of studies have found that there is a link between emotional exposure to negative content in news and changes in mood.

Johnston and Davey (1997),23
for example, conducted an experiment in which they edited short TV news
to display positive, neutral or negative material, and then showed them
to three different groups of people. The authors found that people who
watched the ‘negative’ clip were more likely to report a sad mood.

This
link between emotional content in news and changes in mood is all the
more important if we consider that media gatekeepers tend to prefer
negative to positive coverage of newsworthy facts (see, for example,
Combs and Slovic 197924).

Of course, mood is not the same as life satisfaction. Yet, as we discuss below in the section on measurement and data quality,
surveys measuring happiness often do capture emotional aspects of
well-being. And in any case, people’s perceptions of what it means to
lead a meaningful life are heavily influenced by their expectations of
what is possible and likely to occur with their lives; and this has also
been shown to depend on media exposure.25

Data Quality and Measurement
Can ‘happiness’ really be measured?

The
most natural way to attempt to measure subjective well-being is to ask
people what they think and feel. Indeed, this is the most common
approach.

In practice, social scientists tend to rely on questions
inquiring directly about happiness, or on questions inquiring about
life satisfaction. The former tend to measure the experiential or
emotional aspects of well-being (e.g. “I feel very happy”), while the
latter tend to measure the evaluative or cognitive aspects of well-being
(e.g. “I think I lead a very positive life”).

Self-reports about
happiness and life satisfaction are known to correlate with things that
people typically associate with contentment, such as cheerfulness and
smiling. (In this scatter plot
you can see that countries where people have higher self-reported life
satisfaction are also countries where people tend to smile more).

Experimental
psychologists have also shown that self reports of well-being from
surveys turn out to correlate with activity in the parts of the brain
associated with pleasure and satisfaction. And various surveys have
confirmed that people who say they are happy also tend to sleep better
and express positive emotions verbally more frequently.

The
following table, adapted from Kahneman and Krueger (2006)26, provides a
list of the variables that researchers have found to be related to
self-reported happiness and life satisfaction.

The
main conclusion from the evidence is that survey-based measures of
happiness and life satisfaction do provide a reasonably consistent and
reliable picture of subjective well-being.
Correlates of high life satisfaction and happiness
Smiling frequency
Smiling with the eyes (”unfakeable smile”)
Ratings of one’s happiness made by friends
Frequent verbal expressions of positive emotions
Sociability and extraversion
Sleep quality
Happiness of close relatives
Self-reported health
High income, and high income rank in a reference group
Active involvement in religion
Recent positive changes of circumstances (increased income, marriage)
Is ‘life satisfaction’ the same as ‘happiness’?

In
this entry we discuss data and empirical research on happiness and life
satisfaction. However, it is important to bear in mind that “life
satisfaction” and “happiness” are not really synonyms. And this is of
course reflected in the data, since self-reported measures of these two
variables come from asking different kinds of questions.

The World Value Survey asks directly about happiness: “Taking
all things together, would you say you are (i) Very happy, (ii) Rather
happy, (iii) Not very happy, (iv) Not at all happy, (v) Don’t know.”

The Gallup World Poll, on the other hand, uses the Cantril Ladder question and asks respondents to evaluate their life: “Please
imagine a ladder, with steps numbered from 0 at the bottom to 10 at the
top. The top of the ladder represents the best possible life for you
and the bottom of the ladder represents the worst possible life for you.
On which step of the ladder would you say you personally feel you stand
at this time?”

As the following scatter plot shows, these
two measures are clearly closely related (countries that score high in
one measure also tend to score high in the other), yet they are not
identical (there is substantial dispersion, with many countries sharing
the same score in one variable but diverging in the other).

The
differences in responses to questions inquiring about life satisfaction
and happiness are consistent with the idea that subjective well-being
has two sides: an experiential or emotional side, and an evaluative or
cognitive side. Of course, the limits between emotional and cognitive
aspects of well-being are blurred in our minds; so in practice both
kinds of questions measure both aspects to some degree. Indeed, social
scientists often construct ‘subjective well-being indexes’ where they
simply average out results from various types of questions.

Happiness vs Life satisfaction, 2014

Vertical axis shows average self-reported life satisfaction scores in the Cantril Ladder.
Horizontal axis shows share of people who say they are ‘very happy’ or ‘rather happy’ – as opposed to ‘not very happy’
or ‘not at all happy’.

Note:
Cantril ladder question: “Please imagine a ladder, with steps numbered
from 0 at the bottom to 10 at the top. The top of theladder represents
the
best possible life for you and the bottom of the ladder
represents the worst possible life for you. On which step ofthe ladder
would you say you
personally feel you stand at this time?” World
Value Survey question: “Taking all things together, would you say you
are (i) Very happy, (ii) Rather
happy, (iii) Not very happy or (iv) Not at all happy”.
CC BY

Are happiness averages really meaningful?

The
most common way to analyze data on happiness consists in taking
averages across groups of people. Indeed, cross-country comparisons of
self-reported life satisfaction, such as those presented in ‘happiness
rankings’, rely on national averages of reports on a scale from 0 to 10
(the Cantril Ladder).

Is it reasonable to take averages of life
satisfaction scores? Or, in more technical terms: are self reports of
Cantril scores really a cardinal measure of well-being?

The
evidence tells us that survey-based reports on the Cantril Ladder do
allow cardinal measurement reasonably well—respondents have been found
to translate verbal labels, such as ‘very good’ and ‘very bad’, into
roughly the same numerical values.27 28

But
as with any other aggregate indicator of social progress, averages need
to be interpreted carefully, even if they make sense arithmetically.
For example, if we look at happiness by age in a given country, we may
see that older people do not appear to be happier than younger people.
Yet this may be because the average-by-age figure from the snapshot
confounds two factors: the age effect (people from the same cohort do
get happier as they grow older, across all cohorts) and the cohort
effect (across all ages, earlier generations are less happy than more
recent generations). If the cohort effect is very strong, the snapshot
can
even give a picture that suggests people become less happy as they grow
older, even though the exact opposite is actually true within all
generations.

This example is in fact taken from the real world: using data from the US, Sutin et al. (2013)29
showed that self-reported feelings of well-being tend to increase with
age across generations, but overall levels of well-being depend on when
people were born.
How much does language matter for cross-country comparisons of happiness?

Linguistic
differences are often seen as a major obstacle for making cross-country
comparisons of happiness. However, there is evidence suggesting that
comparability issues, at least in respect to language, are less
problematic than many people think.

Studies have shown, for
example, that in interviews in which respondents are shown pictures or
videos of other individuals, respondents can broadly identify whether
the individual shown to them was happy or sad; and this is also true
when respondents were asked to predict the evaluations of individuals
from other cultural communities. (For evidence of this see Sandvik et
al., 1993; Diener and Lucas, 1999).30

Studies
have also shown that ‘indigenous emotions’ across cultures (i.e.
feelings that are unique in that they do not have equivalents in the
English language) are not experienced any more frequently or differently
than common translated emotions. (See Scollon et al. 2005).31

The
conclusion, therefore, seems to be that there is some basic
understanding among humans about what it means to be ‘happy’.
Survey-based measures of self-reported life satisfaction are informative
about cross-country differences, even if these comparisons are
obviously noisy.

Data Sources
Cross-country estimates
World Happiness Report

    Data: Country averages of self-reported life satisfaction (Question: Cantril Ladder).
    Underlying source: Gallup World Poll
   
Time span: The data appendix in Chapter 2 of the World Happiness Report
2017 includes series from 2005 to 2016 (shorter for some countries).
    Available at: World Happiness Report 2017

European Commission – Eurobarometer Interactive

   
Data: Life satisfaction (Question: “On the whole are you very
satisfied, fairly satisfied, not very satisfied or not at all satisfied
with the life you lead ?”)
    Geographical coverage: EU countries
    Time span: 1973 – 2015
    Available at: http://ec.europa.eu/commfrontoffice/publicopinion/index.cfm/Chart/index

The World Value Survey (WVS)

    Data:
    Happiness and life satisfaction, as well as many other social and
    cultural characteristics from cross-national time-series surveys. The
    micro data (i.e. a dataset with one observation per respondent) is also
    open to the public.
    Geographical coverage: The
    WVS covers almost 100 societies (nearly 90% of the world’s population).
    But not all countries have observations in each survey wave.
    Time span: Several waves of surveys from 1981 to 2014
    Available at: http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/WVSDocumentationWVL.jsp

Pew Global Attitudes Survey

    Data: Life satisfaction (Question: Cantril Ladder). Country tables report answers by score (i.e. country-level histograms)
    Geographical coverage: 38,000 respondents in forty-four countries
    Time span: Several waves of surveys from 2002
    Available at: www.pewglobal.org

Commonly-cited country-specific estimates with open access
US General Social Survey

    Data: Time-series data on happiness and many other social and cultural characteristics (Question: “Taken
    all together, how would you say things are these days–would you say
    that you are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy?”)
    Geographical coverage: US
    Time span: Yearly surveys since 1972
    Available at: https://gssdataexplorer.norc.org

British Office for National Statistics

    Data:
    Personal well-being estimates (life satisfaction, whether you feel the
    things you do in life are worthwhile, happiness and anxiety); broken
    down by age, disability, relationship status, ethnicity, religion, sex
    and sexual identity, using the Annual Population Survey three year
    combined dataset.
    Geographical coverage: UK and constituent countries
    Time span: Pooled data (2017 release pools 2013-2015) /li>
    Available at: https://gssdataexplorer.norc.org

Germany – Deutsche Post Glücksatlas

    Data: Subnational averages of self-reported life satisfaction
    Geographical coverage: Germany
    Time span: Pooled data (2012-2016 or latest release)
    Available at: http://www.gluecksatlas.de/

Commonly-cited country-specific surveys with restricted access

    German socio-economic panel (SOEP)
    British Household Panel Survey (BHPS)
    Household, Income and Labour Dynamics in Australia survey (HILDA)

Data archives and repositories

The World Database of Happiness, hosted at the ‘Erasmus University Rotterdam’ here,
provides a wealth of data and study results on happiness. It is
described by the authors as “an archive of research findings on
subjective enjoyment of life”.

In this archive you can find
measures of happiness inequality, as well as time series for a vast
range of countries. You also find correlational studies with just about
any measure you can imagine. It also provides a list of tools (‘apps’)
with which one can records one’s own happiness and compare with the
happiness of other people and/or track one’s own happiness over time.

References

   
Particularly important was the Stiglitz-Sen-Fitoussi Commission. It
also relates to Bhutan’s famous measurement of Gross National Happiness
(GNH) as indicator of progress (Wikipedia here).

    To
    be precise, in 27 out of 31 countries with data spanning longer than
    one decade, the estimate for 2016 is higher than the earliest available
    estimate.

    In some cases, the underlying data
    had multiple average estimates for the same territory (e.g. Baden and
    Württemberg were treated as different entities). In these cases the map
    shows the average between these two observations. Details can be found
    in this file

    Petrunyk,
    I., & Pfeifer, C. (2016). Life satisfaction in Germany after
    reunification: Additional insights on the pattern of convergence.
    Jahrbücher für Nationalökonomie und Statistik, 236(2), 217-239.

    The
    GSS asks people a very similar question to the World Value Survey:
    “Taken all together, how would you say things are these days—would you
    say that you are very happy, pretty happy, or not too happy?”

    Stevenson,
    Betsey, and Justin Wolfers. “Happiness inequality in the United
    States.” The Journal of Legal Studies 37.S2 (2008): S33-S79. An ungated
    earlier version of the paper is available here.

    These
    results have been discussed in various blogs. Freakonomics provides a
    quick and interesting overview of the debate, specifically with regard
    to gender gaps.

    Clark,
    Andrew E., Sarah Flèche, and Claudia Senik. “Economic growth evens out
    happiness: Evidence from six surveys.” Review of Income and Wealth
    (2015). An ungated earlier version of the paper is available here

    To
    be precise, the gradients correspond, country by country, to the
    regression coefficients between income quintiles and the related average
    life satisfaction reported by people within each income quintile.

    Stevenson,
    B. and Wolfers, J. (2008). Economic growth and subjective well-being:
    Reassessing the Easterlin Paradox. Brookings Papers on Economic
    Activity, 1-87. An earlier version is available online here.

    The
    dataset includes observations for Egypt. However, we have excluded
    these observations from our analysis. This is because the survey for
    Egypt in the wave labeled 2014 is from 2012, which was a year
    characterized by extreme political instability in that country.

    R.A.
    Easterlin and L. Angelescu – ‘Modern Economic Growth and Quality of
    Life: Cross-Sectional and Time Series Evidence’ in Land, Michalos, and
    Sirgy (ed.) (2011) – Handbook of Social Indicators and Quality of Life
    Research. Springer.

    Stevenson, B. and
    Wolfers, J. (2008). Economic growth and subjective well-being:
    Reassessing the Easterlin Paradox. Brookings Papers on Economic
    Activity, 1-87. An earlier version is available online here.

    Chart
    from Stevenson B, Wolfers J (2008) – Economic Growth and Subjective
    Well-Being: Reassessing the Easterlin Paradox. Brookings Paper Econ
    Activ 2008 (Spring):1–87. Underlying data source: Life in Nation
    surveys, 1958–2007. Note from the authors: “The series in each of the
    four panels reports responses to a different life satisfaction question,
    and therefore comparisons should be made only within each panel. GDP
    per capita is at purchasing power parity in constant 2000 international
    dollars.”

    Koivumaa‐Honkanen, H., Honkanen,
    R., Antikainen, R., Hintikka, J., Laukkanen, E., Honkalampi, K., &
    Viinamäki, H. (2001). Self‐reported life satisfaction and recovery from
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    Scandinavica, 103(1), 38-44. Available at: https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1600-0447.2001.00046.x.

    Gehricke,
    J. G., & Shapiro, D. (2000). Reduced facial expression and social
    context in major depression: discrepancies between facial muscle
    activity and self-reported emotion. Psychiatry Research, 95(2), 157-167.
    Available at: http://www.psy-journal.com/article/S0165-1781(00)00168-2/abstract.

    Clark,
    A. E., Diener, E., Georgellis, Y., & Lucas, R. E. (2008). Lags and
    leads in life satisfaction: A test of the baseline hypothesis. The
    Economic Journal, 118(529).

    Brickman, P.,
    Coates, D., & Janoff-Bulman, R. (1978). Lottery winners and accident
    victims: Is happiness relative?. Journal of personality and social
    psychology, 36(8), 917. Chicago. Available online here.

    Oswald,
    A. J., & Powdthavee, N. (2008). Does happiness adapt? A
    longitudinal study of disability with implications for economists and
    judges. Journal of public economics, 92(5), 1061-1077.

    Diener,
    E., Oishi, S., & Lucas, R. E. (2009). Subjective well-being: The
    science of happiness and life satisfaction. Oxford handbook of positive
    psychology, 2, 187-194.

    To be precise, the
    Gallup World Poll asks: “In this country, are you satisfied or
    dissatisfied with your freedom to choose what you do with your life?”

    Inglehart,
    R., Foa, R., Peterson, C., & Welzel, C. (2008). Development,
    freedom, and rising happiness: A global perspective (1981–2007).
    Perspectives on psychological science, 3(4), 264-285.

    Johnston, W. M., & Davey, G. C. (1997). The psychological impact of
    negative TV news bulletins: The catastrophizing of personal worries.
    British Journal of Psychology, 88(1), 85-91.

    Combs, B., & Slovic, P. (1979). Newspaper coverage of causes of death. Journalism Quarterly, 56(4), 837-849.

    Riddle
    (2010), for example, found that people watching more vivid violent
    media gave higher estimates of the prevalence of crime in the real
    world. (Riddle, 2010, “Always on my mind: Exploring how frequent,
    recent, and vivid television portrayals are used in the formation of
    social reality judgments.” Media Psychology.)

    Kahneman,
    D., & Krueger, A. B. (2006). Developments in the measurement of
    subjective well-being. The journal of economic perspectives, 20(1),
    3-24.

    Ferrer‐i‐Carbonell, A., &
    Frijters, P. (2004). How important is methodology for the estimates of
    the determinants of happiness?. The Economic Journal, 114(497), 641-659.

    Van
    Praag, B.M.S. (1991). ‘Ordinal and cardinal utility: an integration of
    the two dimensions of the welfare concept’, Journal of Econometrics,
    vol. 50, pp. 69–89.

    Sutin, A. R.,
    Terracciano, A., Milaneschi, Y., An, Y., Ferrucci, L., & Zonderman,
    A. B. (2013). The effect of birth cohort on well-being The legacy of
    economic hard times. Psychological science, 0956797612459658.

    Sandvik,
    E., Diener, E. and Seidlitz, L. (1993). ‘Subjective well-being: the
    convergence and stability of self and non self report measures’, Journal
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    ‘Personality and subjective well-being’, in Kahneman et al. (1999)
    chapter 11.

    Scollon, C. N., Diener, E.,
    Oishi, S., & Biswas-Diener, R. (2004). Emotions across cultures and
    methods. Journal of cross-cultural psychology, 35(3), 304-326.

Citation

Our
articles and data visualizations rely on work from many different
people and organizations. When citing this entry, please also cite the
underlying data sources. This entry can be cited as:

Esteban
Ortiz-Ospina and Max Roser (2019) - “Happiness and Life Satisfaction”.
Published online at OurWorldInData.org. Retrieved from:
‘https://ourworldindata.org/happiness-and-life-satisfaction’ [Online
Resource]

BibTeX citation

@article{owidhappinessandlifesatisfaction,
    author = {Esteban Ortiz-Ospina and Max Roser},
    title = {Happiness and Life Satisfaction},
    journal = {Our World in Data},
    year = {2019},
    note = {https://ourworldindata.org/happiness-and-life-satisfaction}
}

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