Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda- Free Online Analytical Research and Practice University
Kesamutti [aka Kālāmā] Sutta
20) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo,
21) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa,
22) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文（简体）,
23) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文（繁體）,
B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make
Prabuddha Bharat Buddhist) Now All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder
” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world
Prabuddha Prapanch)
whole world will follow the teachings of the Awakened One with
Awareness for their happiness, welfare and peace to enable them to
attain Eternal Bliss as their Final Goal.
whole world will follow the teachings of the Awakened One with
Awareness for their happiness, welfare and peace to enable them to
attain Eternal Bliss as their Final Goal.
excerpt from Dr. Ambedkar and Democracy about Ambedkar’s analysis of
the affinities of Buddhism with democracy that led to his conversion.
times, it seems that Ambedkar looked at democracy as a western creation
that he had learnt from outside and imported. Certainly, he has read
most of the European and American political philosophers of democracy
and drew most of his inspiration from outside for drafting the Indian
Constitution. His intellectual affinities with the Western developed
during his stays in the United States and in England. A good part of his
ideas ensued from them. He also waited from the westerners an actual
support. In 1931, his “Appeal on behalf of the Depressed Classes
Institute”, by which he tried to collect 40,000 pounds sterling, asked
“the Europeans and the Americans” to help a “deprived humanity” — a part
of the human race (Dr. Ambedkar often resorted in his Marathi writings
to the word manuski in English translated as “humanness”). However, he
found variants of humanism in the Indian civilization, through Buddhism.
Ambedkar was a religious person in some ways. He considered that
“Religion is absolutely essential for the development of mankind” and
diverged from the Marxists’ atheism in that respect. But his vision of
religion was overdetermined by social considerations. He rejected
Hinduism because he thought that the caste system was co-substantial to
this religion, whereas equality was inherent in Buddhism:
remaining in the Hindu religion nobody can prosper in any way. Because
of the stratification in Hindu religion, it is fact that higher varnas
and castes are benefitted. But what about the others? The moment Brahmin
woman delivers a child, her eyes are focussed towards a post of High
Court Judge where it is lying vacant. On the contrary, when our sweeper
‘woman delivers a child, her eyes are focussed on a post of sweeper
where it is lying vacant. The Varna-System of Hindu religion is
responsible for such a strange social structure. What improvement can
take place from this? Prosperity can be achieved only in the Buddhist
religion.
the Buddhist religion 75% Bhikkhus were Brahmins. 25% were the Shudras
and others. But the Lord Buddha said, « O Bhikkhus, you have come from
different countries and castes ». Rivers flow separately when they flow
in their provinces, but they lose their identity when they meet the sea.
They become one and the same. The Buddhist Sangh is like an ocean. In
this Sangh all are equal.
reading of Buddhism does not only have social implications – it also
has political implications. Considering that the “religion of the Buddha
gives freedom of thought and freedom of self-development to all”,
Ambedkar argues that “the rise of Buddhism in India was as significant
as the French Revolution” – a political even in the first place.
Ambedkar saw deep affinities between Buddhism and the French Revolution.
In an All-India Radio broadcast speech on 3 October 1954 he declared:
my Social Philosophy, may be said to be enshrined in three words:
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Let no one, however, say that I have
borrowed my philosophy from the French-Revolution. I have not. My
philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have
derived them from the teachings of my Master, the Buddha. In his
philosophy, liberty and equality had a place. (…) He gave the highest
place to fraternity as the only real safeguard against the denial of
liberty or equality or fraternity which was another name for brotherhood
or humanity, which was again another name for religion.
that sense, Buddhism is a democratic religion and Ambedkar, eventually
found in this religion the societal values he had tried to promote via
political democracy. Between 1919 and 1949-50 he tried to instill in the
Indian society a more fraternal sense of human relations by making
assemblies places of endosmosis, by arguing in favour of a new unity
between the majority and the minorities within the Constituent assembly
itself. To no avail: fraternity never resulted from these political
arrangements. Hence the last resort device that conversion to Buddhism, a
democratic religion, became in his eyes by the mid-1950s.
rediscovery of Buddhism had important implications. If the teaching of
the Buddha was democratic, then democracy is not an invention of the
West – as the manner in which Dr. Ambedkar drew his inspiration from so
many European and American scholars and leaders suggested -, but it’s a
product of the Indian history. In his historic speech of 25 November
1949 where Dr. Ambedkar presented the final draft of the Indian
Constitution to the Assembly which was to pass it on 26 January 1950, he
pointed out that by becoming a parliamentary constituency “again”,
India is back to its Buddhist roots:
is not that India did not know Parliaments or Parliamentary Procedure. A
study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only there
were Parliaments—for the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments—but the
Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known
to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules
regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting
by Ballot, Censure Motion, Regularization, Res Judicata, etc. Although
these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the
meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of
the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time.
an “invention of the tradition” (to use the words of Eric Hobsbawm)
shows that even in his interpretation of the historical impact of
Buddhism over India, Dr. Ambedkar remains deeply interested in political
ideas. This is evident from a tangible fact: on 13 October 1956, the
day before he converted to Buddhism in a grand ceremony in Nagpur, he
addressed a press conference in which he announced that he had drafted
the constitution of his new party, the Republican Party of India. (He
called it the Republican Party of India by reference, at the same time,
to Lincoln’s American Republican Party and to the Republics of the
Buddhist era in India). In this charter, it was stated that this party
would “stand for the Parliamentary system of Government as the being the
best form of Government both in the interest of the public and in the
interest of the individual”. This party would also uphold “the secular
character of the State”. These components of Dr. Ambedkar’s ideology of
Republicanism reflect his liberal values, which are even more obvious in
his deep attachment to the rule of law.
Constitution of India came into force on 26th January, 1950. At the
time of its adoption, the Constitution contained 395 Articles and 8
Schedules and was about 145,000 words long, making it the longest
national Constitution to ever be adopted. Every Article in the
Constitution was debated by the members of the Constituent Assembly, who
sat for 11 sessions and 166 days to frame the Constitution, over a
period of 2 years and 11 months.
section contains every Article in the amended Constitution of India (as
of 2020), with its corresponding Article in the Draft Constitution of
India, 1948. Each Article also contains a summary of the debates on that
Article in the Constituent Assembly. The Articles are grouped into 22
different parts, which reflects how they are organized in the text of
the Constitution of India, 1950 The Schedules to the Constitution, which
are now 12 in number, elaborate on government policy or rules in
relation to specific Articles of the Constitution. Each Schedule in this
section is tagged with the corresponding Article(s) for ease of
understanding.
THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a
SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all
OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do
HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION
Constituent Assembly debated the Preamble on 17th October 1949. The
debates around the Preamble revolved around the name of India and
inclusion of ‘God’ and ‘Gandhi’.
member urged the Assembly to rename India as the ‘Union of Indian
Socialistic Republics’, similar to the USSR. Members were not convinced
with this suggestion as they felt that it would go against the already
adopted constitutional scheme.
member sought to include ‘In the name of God’. Many were opposed to
this suggestion – it was noted that it was unfortunate to put ‘God’ on
vote. One member believed that inclusion of ‘God’ would amount to
‘compulsion of faith’ and violate the fundamental right to freedom of
faith.
proposal was made to include Gandhi’s name in the Preamble. A member
was discontent with the already adopted draft articles as he felt that
the Indian constitution was based on the American Supreme Court cases
and Government of India Act. He opposed any association of Gandhi with
the ‘rotten Constitution’.
amendments moved by the members were negatived. However, this was one
of the rare instances of the Assembly proceedings wherein the members
voted on the proposal to include ‘God’ by a show of hands.
greatest thing the Buddha has done is to tell the world that the world
cannot be reformed except by the reformation of the mind of man and the
mind of the world.’
Ambedkar.Dr Ambedkar wrote:“Buddhism was a revolution. It was as great a
revolution as the French revolution. Though it began as a religious
revolution, it became more than religious revolution. It became a social
and political revolution. To be able to realize how profound was the
character of this revolution, it is necessary to know the state of the
society before the revolution began its course. ..The aryan community of
his time was steeped in the worst kind of debauchery; social, religious
and spiritual.”While Buddha showed the unique path of awakenment with
awareness or self-realisation using noble eight-fold path, it was his
revolution against the social evils and his fight against the
Chaturvarnya (varna system) that made him a revolutionary.
fierce attack on the Chaturvarya actually irked the beneficiary of the
social system —namely the priestly class.“Buddha preached against
Chaturvarnya.
order of Chaturvarnya had been turned upside down. Shudras and women
could become sannyasis, a status which counter-revolution had denied
them. Buddha had condemned the Karma kanda and the Yajnas.
condemned them on the ground of himsa or violence.”So each time our
ISRO scientists seek divine blessings ahead of the launch of
Chandrayaan, or our defence minister indulges in unscientific acts like
placing a pair of limes under a fighter jet or our HRD minister does
what the IIT Bombay students call a “scientific blasphemy” at a
convocation ceremony, or a house speaker cites the supremacy of Brahmin
caste, we betray Buddha’s revolutionary teachings.
state and local government offices, post offices and banks are closed
on this date. Stores and other businesses and organizations may be
closed or have reduced opening hours.
not have a permanent constitution at this time. The drafting committee
presented the constitution’s first draft to the national assembly on
November 4, 1947. The national assembly signed the final English and
Hindi language versions of the constitution on January 24, 1950.
came into effect on Republic Day, January 26, 1950. This date was
chosen as it was the anniversary of Purna Swaraj Day, which was held on
January 26, 1930.The constitution gave citizens the power to govern
themselves by choosing their own government. Dr Rajendra Prasad took
oath as first president at the Durbar Hall in the Government House,
followed by a residential drive along a route to the Irwin Stadium,
where he unfurled national flag. Ever since the historic day, January 26
is celebrated with festivities and patriotic fervor across the country.
flag is a horizontal tricolor of deep saffron (kesaria) at the top,
white in the middle and dark green at the bottom in equal proportion.
The ratio of the flag’s width to its length is two to three. A navy-blue
wheel in the center of the white band represents the chakra. Its design
is that of the wheel which appears on the abacus of the Sarnath Lion
Capital of Ashoka. Its diameter approximates to the white band’s width
and it has 24 spokes.
our republic from anti national traitors foreigners kicked out from
Bene Israel,Tibet, Africa ,Eastern Europe, Western Germany, South
Russia, Western Europe, Hungary chitpavan brahmins of RSS Rowdy Swayam
Sevaks and their stooges, slaves, BJ(P)ltd (Bevakoof Jhoothe
Psychopaths) who are own mother’s flesh eaters saving the Constitution
are the biggest challenges today.
idea of a nation is rooted in division and not in harmony. The politics
of hate the Sangh Parivar preaches is dependent on othering, in the
name of religion, caste, gender, nationality and so on.
chief Bhagwat said: “If someone is hindutva cult member he has to be
patriotic, that will be his or her basic character and nature. At times
you may have to awaken his or her patriotism but he can never be
anti-India.” The quoted section created a controversy as people were
quick to recognise and call out the divisive agenda behind such
utterings. RSS-BJP leaders are making such remarks which are
disrespectful of the spirit of our Constitution and are reflective of
the nefarious designs of the RSS-BJP.
RSS-BJP combine religion has been and will remain an axis around which
it tries to gather diverse groups of people by imposing a uniformity of
hindutva to complete their agenda of a communal authoritarian state.
RSS has based its outlook on texts like manusmriti which envisioned a
divided society, the chitpavan brahmins are 1st rate asthmas (souls),
Kshatriya, Vyshia, Shudra as 2nd, 3rd, 4th rate souls and the aboriginal
awakened SC/STs and women having no souls at all with no space of
dignity but only perpetual suffering and degradation. But the Buddha
never believed in any soul. He said all are equal.
in 1925, the RSS was quick in recognising its role, preaching hatred
against the minorities and a faithful allegiance to the British.
environment of hate it had created around the partition of the country
claimed the life of gandhi by nathuram godse, whom the BJP-RSS leaders
are hailing as a great patriot. According to Bhagwat’s definition of
patriotism, a nathuram godse will qualify as a patriot but not a
Babasaheb Ambedkar, who chose Buddhism as his faith rejecting the
inhuman and discriminatory hierarchical stealth shadowy hindutva cult.
RSS idea of a nation is rooted in division and not in harmony. The
politics of hate the Sangh Parivar preaches is dependent on othering, in
the name of religion, caste, gender, nationality and so on. The second
Sarsanghchalak and the most influential RSS ideologue ms goal walker
wrote: “The non hindutva people in hindutvasthan either adopt the
hindutva cult and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence
hindutva cult or “may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the
hindutvasthan, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less
preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.
is this aggressive homogenizing politics of hindutva that sees a
significant population of the country as foreigners or ‘others’ and has
to offer only a second-class citizenship to them with no regard to any
democratic norm of the world or to the approach to the citizenship that
our Constitution makers adopted.
remarks by the RSS chief also have another agenda, to derecognise and
wash away the contribution made in the freedom movement or in the
development of the republic by people from other religions, secularists
and atheists. According to Mohan Bhagwat, a Maulana Azad or a Khan Abdul
Gaffar Khan would not be patriot because of them being Muslims. A
Dadabhai Naoroji or a Homi Jehangir Bhabha won’t qualify too. A
revolutionary patriot like Bhagat Singh, because of him being an avowed
atheist would have his patriotism questioned, ironically by those who
never took part in the freedom movement because of their firm loyalty
towards the colonizers.
linking of a particular religion as a criterion for citizenship of the
country has dangerous implications for the population and for the
secular inheritances of our freedom movement. India opted to be a
secular, multi-cultural, multi-lingual democracy instead of the
theocratic Brahamanical Hindu-Rashtra as the RSS wanted, and now with a
RSS pracharak leading the government, we need to be ever-vigilant about
the attempts at tampering with our Constitution, secular democracy and
the inclusive legacy of our freedom movement.
Ambedkar who returned from London in 1920 questioned the caste system
and brought the issues of social justice and annihilation of caste to
the focus.
had differences in their understanding on several critical issues. But
worked together to unite the people and to end colonial rule.
patriotism and commitment towards building a better India was beyond
questions. Their discourse was historic and source of inspiration today.
These three played a great role and made immense contributions for
making the new modern Prabuddha Bharat.
we gained independence in 1947 and the Constituent Assembly was
convened to draft a Constitution for the soon to be inaugurated
Republic, these three streams engaged with each other to consolidate the
ideals of equality, liberty and fraternity in our Constitution.
group in pre-independence led by the progenitors of those who are in
power today, was trying to sabotage every demand for national liberation
and unity. That group was the hindutva right-wing namely the RSS under
kb headgearwar and ms goal walker and the hindutva Mahasabha under vd
savarkar . Ever since their inception, they preached unconditional
loyalty to the British colonizers and waged their struggles against
those who were fighting for the independence of the country, those who
were fighting against caste discrimination and against those who wanted
to build a more equal society once country gains independence.
whole world will follow the teachings of the Awakened One with
Awareness for their happiness, welfare and peace to enable them to
attain Eternal Bliss as their Final Goal.
excerpt from Dr. Ambedkar and Democracy about Ambedkar’s analysis of
the affinities of Buddhism with democracy that led to his conversion.
times, it seems that Ambedkar looked at democracy as a western creation
that he had learnt from outside and imported. Certainly, he has read
most of the European and American political philosophers of democracy
and drew most of his inspiration from outside for drafting the Indian
Constitution. His intellectual affinities with the Western developed
during his stays in the United States and in England. A good part of his
ideas ensued from them. He also waited from the westerners an actual
support. In 1931, his “Appeal on behalf of the Depressed Classes
Institute”, by which he tried to collect 40,000 pounds sterling, asked
“the Europeans and the Americans” to help a “deprived humanity” — a part
of the human race (Dr. Ambedkar often resorted in his Marathi writings
to the word manuski in English translated as “humanness”). However, he
found variants of humanism in the Indian civilization, through Buddhism.
Ambedkar was a religious person in some ways. He considered that
“Religion is absolutely essential for the development of mankind” and
diverged from the Marxists’ atheism in that respect. But his vision of
religion was overdetermined by social considerations. He rejected
Hinduism because he thought that the caste system was co-substantial to
this religion, whereas equality was inherent in Buddhism:
remaining in the Hindu religion nobody can prosper in any way. Because
of the stratification in Hindu religion, it is fact that higher varnas
and castes are benefitted. But what about the others? The moment Brahmin
woman delivers a child, her eyes are focussed towards a post of High
Court Judge where it is lying vacant. On the contrary, when our sweeper
‘woman delivers a child, her eyes are focussed on a post of sweeper
where it is lying vacant. The Varna-System of Hindu religion is
responsible for such a strange social structure. What improvement can
take place from this? Prosperity can be achieved only in the Buddhist
religion.
the Buddhist religion 75% Bhikkhus were Brahmins. 25% were the Shudras
and others. But the Lord Buddha said, « O Bhikkhus, you have come from
different countries and castes ». Rivers flow separately when they flow
in their provinces, but they lose their identity when they meet the sea.
They become one and the same. The Buddhist Sangh is like an ocean. In
this Sangh all are equal.
reading of Buddhism does not only have social implications – it also
has political implications. Considering that the “religion of the Buddha
gives freedom of thought and freedom of self-development to all”,
Ambedkar argues that “the rise of Buddhism in India was as significant
as the French Revolution” – a political even in the first place.
Ambedkar saw deep affinities between Buddhism and the French Revolution.
In an All-India Radio broadcast speech on 3 October 1954 he declared:
my Social Philosophy, may be said to be enshrined in three words:
Liberty, Equality and Fraternity. Let no one, however, say that I have
borrowed my philosophy from the French-Revolution. I have not. My
philosophy has roots in religion and not in political science. I have
derived them from the teachings of my Master, the Buddha. In his
philosophy, liberty and equality had a place. (…) He gave the highest
place to fraternity as the only real safeguard against the denial of
liberty or equality or fraternity which was another name for brotherhood
or humanity, which was again another name for religion.
that sense, Buddhism is a democratic religion and Ambedkar, eventually
found in this religion the societal values he had tried to promote via
political democracy. Between 1919 and 1949-50 he tried to instill in the
Indian society a more fraternal sense of human relations by making
assemblies places of endosmosis, by arguing in favour of a new unity
between the majority and the minorities within the Constituent assembly
itself. To no avail: fraternity never resulted from these political
arrangements. Hence the last resort device that conversion to Buddhism, a
democratic religion, became in his eyes by the mid-1950s.
rediscovery of Buddhism had important implications. If the teaching of
the Buddha was democratic, then democracy is not an invention of the
West – as the manner in which Dr. Ambedkar drew his inspiration from so
many European and American scholars and leaders suggested -, but it’s a
product of the Indian history. In his historic speech of 25 November
1949 where Dr. Ambedkar presented the final draft of the Indian
Constitution to the Assembly which was to pass it on 26 January 1950, he
pointed out that by becoming a parliamentary constituency “again”,
India is back to its Buddhist roots:
is not that India did not know Parliaments or Parliamentary Procedure. A
study of the Buddhist Bhikshu Sanghas discloses that not only there
were Parliaments—for the Sanghas were nothing but Parliaments—but the
Sanghas knew and observed all the rules of Parliamentary Procedure known
to modern times. They had rules regarding seating arrangements, rules
regarding Motions, Resolutions, Quorum, Whip, Counting of Votes, Voting
by Ballot, Censure Motion, Regularization, Res Judicata, etc. Although
these rules of Parliamentary Procedure were applied by the Buddha to the
meetings of the Sanghas, he must have borrowed them from the rules of
the Political Assemblies functioning in the country in his time.
an “invention of the tradition” (to use the words of Eric Hobsbawm)
shows that even in his interpretation of the historical impact of
Buddhism over India, Dr. Ambedkar remains deeply interested in political
ideas. This is evident from a tangible fact: on 13 October 1956, the
day before he converted to Buddhism in a grand ceremony in Nagpur, he
addressed a press conference in which he announced that he had drafted
the constitution of his new party, the Republican Party of India. (He
called it the Republican Party of India by reference, at the same time,
to Lincoln’s American Republican Party and to the Republics of the
Buddhist era in India). In this charter, it was stated that this party
would “stand for the Parliamentary system of Government as the being the
best form of Government both in the interest of the public and in the
interest of the individual”. This party would also uphold “the secular
character of the State”. These components of Dr. Ambedkar’s ideology of
Republicanism reflect his liberal values, which are even more obvious in
his deep attachment to the rule of law.
Constitution of India came into force on 26th January, 1950. At the
time of its adoption, the Constitution contained 395 Articles and 8
Schedules and was about 145,000 words long, making it the longest
national Constitution to ever be adopted. Every Article in the
Constitution was debated by the members of the Constituent Assembly, who
sat for 11 sessions and 166 days to frame the Constitution, over a
period of 2 years and 11 months.
section contains every Article in the amended Constitution of India (as
of 2020), with its corresponding Article in the Draft Constitution of
India, 1948. Each Article also contains a summary of the debates on that
Article in the Constituent Assembly. The Articles are grouped into 22
different parts, which reflects how they are organized in the text of
the Constitution of India, 1950 The Schedules to the Constitution, which
are now 12 in number, elaborate on government policy or rules in
relation to specific Articles of the Constitution. Each Schedule in this
section is tagged with the corresponding Article(s) for ease of
understanding.
THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a
SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all
OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this twenty-sixth day of November, 1949, do
HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION
Constituent Assembly debated the Preamble on 17th October 1949. The
debates around the Preamble revolved around the name of India and
inclusion of ‘God’ and ‘Gandhi’.
member urged the Assembly to rename India as the ‘Union of Indian
Socialistic Republics’, similar to the USSR. Members were not convinced
with this suggestion as they felt that it would go against the already
adopted constitutional scheme.
member sought to include ‘In the name of God’. Many were opposed to
this suggestion – it was noted that it was unfortunate to put ‘God’ on
vote. One member believed that inclusion of ‘God’ would amount to
‘compulsion of faith’ and violate the fundamental right to freedom of
faith.
proposal was made to include Gandhi’s name in the Preamble. A member
was discontent with the already adopted draft articles as he felt that
the Indian constitution was based on the American Supreme Court cases
and Government of India Act. He opposed any association of Gandhi with
the ‘rotten Constitution’.
amendments moved by the members were negatived. However, this was one
of the rare instances of the Assembly proceedings wherein the members
voted on the proposal to include ‘God’ by a show of hands.
greatest thing the Buddha has done is to tell the world that the world
cannot be reformed except by the reformation of the mind of man and the
mind of the world.’
Ambedkar.Dr Ambedkar wrote:“Buddhism was a revolution. It was as great a
revolution as the French revolution. Though it began as a religious
revolution, it became more than religious revolution. It became a social
and political revolution. To be able to realize how profound was the
character of this revolution, it is necessary to know the state of the
society before the revolution began its course. ..The aryan community of
his time was steeped in the worst kind of debauchery; social, religious
and spiritual.”While Buddha showed the unique path of awakenment with
awareness or self-realisation using noble eight-fold path, it was his
revolution against the social evils and his fight against the
Chaturvarnya (varna system) that made him a revolutionary.
fierce attack on the Chaturvarya actually irked the beneficiary of the
social system —namely the priestly class.“Buddha preached against
Chaturvarnya.
order of Chaturvarnya had been turned upside down. Shudras and women
could become sannyasis, a status which counter-revolution had denied
them. Buddha had condemned the Karma kanda and the Yajnas.
condemned them on the ground of himsa or violence.”So each time our
ISRO scientists seek divine blessings ahead of the launch of
Chandrayaan, or our defence minister indulges in unscientific acts like
placing a pair of limes under a fighter jet or our HRD minister does
what the IIT Bombay students call a “scientific blasphemy” at a
convocation ceremony, or a house speaker cites the supremacy of Brahmin
caste, we betray Buddha’s revolutionary teachings.
state and local government offices, post offices and banks are closed
on this date. Stores and other businesses and organizations may be
closed or have reduced opening hours.
not have a permanent constitution at this time. The drafting committee
presented the constitution’s first draft to the national assembly on
November 4, 1947. The national assembly signed the final English and
Hindi language versions of the constitution on January 24, 1950.
came into effect on Republic Day, January 26, 1950. This date was
chosen as it was the anniversary of Purna Swaraj Day, which was held on
January 26, 1930.The constitution gave citizens the power to govern
themselves by choosing their own government. Dr Rajendra Prasad took
oath as first president at the Durbar Hall in the Government House,
followed by a residential drive along a route to the Irwin Stadium,
where he unfurled national flag. Ever since the historic day, January 26
is celebrated with festivities and patriotic fervor across the country.
flag is a horizontal tricolor of deep saffron (kesaria) at the top,
white in the middle and dark green at the bottom in equal proportion.
The ratio of the flag’s width to its length is two to three. A navy-blue
wheel in the center of the white band represents the chakra. Its design
is that of the wheel which appears on the abacus of the Sarnath Lion
Capital of Ashoka. Its diameter approximates to the white band’s width
and it has 24 spokes.
our republic from anti national traitors foreigners kicked out from
Bene Israel,Tibet, Africa ,Eastern Europe, Western Germany, South
Russia, Western Europe, Hungary chitpavan brahmins of RSS Rowdy Swayam
Sevaks and their stooges, slaves, BJ(P)ltd (Bevakoof Jhoothe
Psychopaths) who are own mother’s flesh eaters saving the Constitution
are the biggest challenges today.
idea of a nation is rooted in division and not in harmony. The politics
of hate the Sangh Parivar preaches is dependent on othering, in the
name of religion, caste, gender, nationality and so on.
chief Bhagwat said: “If someone is hindutva cult member he has to be
patriotic, that will be his or her basic character and nature. At times
you may have to awaken his or her patriotism but he can never be
anti-India.” The quoted section created a controversy as people were
quick to recognise and call out the divisive agenda behind such
utterings. RSS-BJP leaders are making such remarks which are
disrespectful of the spirit of our Constitution and are reflective of
the nefarious designs of the RSS-BJP.
RSS-BJP combine religion has been and will remain an axis around which
it tries to gather diverse groups of people by imposing a uniformity of
hindutva to complete their agenda of a communal authoritarian state.
RSS has based its outlook on texts like manusmriti which envisioned a
divided society, the chitpavan brahmins are 1st rate asthmas (souls),
Kshatriya, Vyshia, Shudra as 2nd, 3rd, 4th rate souls and the aboriginal
awakened SC/STs and women having no souls at all with no space of
dignity but only perpetual suffering and degradation. But the Buddha
never believed in any soul. He said all are equal.
in 1925, the RSS was quick in recognising its role, preaching hatred
against the minorities and a faithful allegiance to the British.
environment of hate it had created around the partition of the country
claimed the life of gandhi by nathuram godse, whom the BJP-RSS leaders
are hailing as a great patriot. According to Bhagwat’s definition of
patriotism, a nathuram godse will qualify as a patriot but not a
Babasaheb Ambedkar, who chose Buddhism as his faith rejecting the
inhuman and discriminatory hierarchical stealth shadowy hindutva cult.
RSS idea of a nation is rooted in division and not in harmony. The
politics of hate the Sangh Parivar preaches is dependent on othering, in
the name of religion, caste, gender, nationality and so on. The second
Sarsanghchalak and the most influential RSS ideologue ms goal walker
wrote: “The non hindutva people in hindutvasthan either adopt the
hindutva cult and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence
hindutva cult or “may stay in the country, wholly subordinated to the
hindutvasthan, claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less
preferential treatment—not even citizen’s rights.
is this aggressive homogenizing politics of hindutva that sees a
significant population of the country as foreigners or ‘others’ and has
to offer only a second-class citizenship to them with no regard to any
democratic norm of the world or to the approach to the citizenship that
our Constitution makers adopted.
remarks by the RSS chief also have another agenda, to derecognise and
wash away the contribution made in the freedom movement or in the
development of the republic by people from other religions, secularists
and atheists. According to Mohan Bhagwat, a Maulana Azad or a Khan Abdul
Gaffar Khan would not be patriot because of them being Muslims. A
Dadabhai Naoroji or a Homi Jehangir Bhabha won’t qualify too. A
revolutionary patriot like Bhagat Singh, because of him being an avowed
atheist would have his patriotism questioned, ironically by those who
never took part in the freedom movement because of their firm loyalty
towards the colonizers.
linking of a particular religion as a criterion for citizenship of the
country has dangerous implications for the population and for the
secular inheritances of our freedom movement. India opted to be a
secular, multi-cultural, multi-lingual democracy instead of the
theocratic Brahamanical Hindu-Rashtra as the RSS wanted, and now with a
RSS pracharak leading the government, we need to be ever-vigilant about
the attempts at tampering with our Constitution, secular democracy and
the inclusive legacy of our freedom movement.
Ambedkar who returned from London in 1920 questioned the caste system
and brought the issues of social justice and annihilation of caste to
the focus.
had differences in their understanding on several critical issues. But
worked together to unite the people and to end colonial rule.
patriotism and commitment towards building a better India was beyond
questions. Their discourse was historic and source of inspiration today.
These three played a great role and made immense contributions for
making the new modern Prabuddha Bharat.
we gained independence in 1947 and the Constituent Assembly was
convened to draft a Constitution for the soon to be inaugurated
Republic, these three streams engaged with each other to consolidate the
ideals of equality, liberty and fraternity in our Constitution.
group in pre-independence led by the progenitors of those who are in
power today, was trying to sabotage every demand for national liberation
and unity. That group was the hindutva right-wing namely the RSS under
kb headgearwar and ms goal walker and the hindutva Mahasabha under vd
savarkar . Ever since their inception, they preached unconditional
loyalty to the British colonizers and waged their struggles against
those who were fighting for the independence of the country, those who
were fighting against caste discrimination and against those who wanted
to build a more equal society once country gains independence.
29) Classical English,Roman,
Buddha
asked them to experience,to seek their own truths,not to conform to
what they heard,but rather to observe. To build their own conclusions on
gathered & observed evidence.He explained that there was no other
way of determining if something was good or not, except by living it.
Buddha’s
discourses have been named the Suttas. Normally, the word accompanying
Sutta refers to the people to whom he was speaking to. The speech he
made for the Kalamas is very well known, because it’s the text that
emphasizes Buddha’s appreciation for inquiry. This is why this Sutta is
also named The Inquiry Sutta.
The Beginning
When Buddha
reached the Kalamas they were all very excited to be face to face with
the Awakenement with Awareness One. They had questions, and were also
eager to learn from the Buddha himself.
They all gathered around the
Buddha, along with his disciples. That’s when a Kalama man approached
Buddha, in the most respectful way, and asked him about the wise men
that would come and go to their village.
He explained that these
men would usually exalt their faith and criticize other beliefs. They
would all have great reasons to justify their own faith over other
faiths. So, all of these men were considered very wise, and this is why
the townspeople didn’t know who to believe, or who to follow
The Way of Inquiry
Buddha
accepted and understood this confusion, because of all the conflicting
information. That’s when he taught them the way of inquiry. He told them
not to believe or accept anything based on who says it, or because it’s
in the scriptures, or because of the nature of the ones practicing it.
Not even his teachings were to be accepted without questioning.
He
asked them to experience, to seek their own truths, not to conform to
what they heard, but rather to observe. And to build their own
conclusions on gathered and observed evidence. He explained that there
was no other way of determining if something was good or not, except by
living it.
The Kalamas had doubts about their capacity of
judgment about what was good and what was not. That’s when Buddha
mentioned a line of reflective questions, numbering behaviors and
consequences, and asking the Kalamas to judge them as good or bad.
The Kalamas did a great job and Buddha made them realize that they already had what was necessary to decide on their own.
The origins of suffering
What
catches our attention is that the reflective questions the Buddha asks
the Kalamas are all based on the three origins of suffering. He asks
about someone who is attached to things, and about someone who’s full of
rage and another living in delusion. The Kalamas recognized that these
were going to lead to negative consequences and therefore should not
serve as examples.
Buddha believed that men’s suffering had three
basic origins or attachments – The first, is the fact that man was
deeply connected to impermanent beings or things, which didn’t belong to
anyone. The second origin of suffering is hatred – the rage one could
experience was enough to blind him to what was good and right. And the
final and third is delusion – the habit of living as if there was no
suffering, as if there was no ending, as if there was no constant
transformation. Believing in a constant reality that does not exist.
Buddha,
as it was common at that time as a good teaching practice, would then
ask about antagonist situations. He would ask about someone with no
attachments, no hatred and no delusions. He would ask about the product
that would come from these men and the consequences of their acts.
Kamma (Law of Cause and Condition)
Explaining
the origins of suffering in that way was a great tool that Buddha used
to show us how we can manage our own kamma. Normally when we hear the
word Kamma we think about the negative consequences.
However,
Kamma is about good things too. All the good you do, also comes back to
you. Doing things for this exclusive purpose is not right, but becomes
natural. Actually, I would dare say it is already, at least to some
degree, natural to you.
You help someone carry a bag upstairs, or
to the car, and a few blocks ahead you encounter someone you really
liked to see again, but you lost his/her phone number. These things can
be seen as coincidence, but often are not. We don’t realize this,
because the good you did before was so natural, you didn’t wait for any
sort of reward.
The Sutta gives you the keys along the path, these
are the philosophical tools necessary for your own growth. They act as
the basic building blocks for your own personal development. The rest is
up to you, for you have to be your own teacher, you have to awaken your
own soul.
els va demanar que experimentessin, que cerquessin les seves pròpies
veritats, que no s’ajustessin al que van escoltar, sinó que observessin.
Per construir les seves pròpies conclusions sobre proves recollides i
observades, va explicar que no hi havia cap altra manera de determinar
si alguna cosa era bona o no, tret de viure-la.
setmana la Vella Quaresma ens porta una norma per treballar, mentre
anem tallant cada una de les seves set cames. Abans de mirar aquesta
presentació, s’aconsella mirar el conte “El Rei Carnestolltes i la Vella
Quaresma” que trobareu en aquest mateix canal.
discursos de Buda s’han batejat com els Suttas. Normalment, la paraula
que acompanya Sutta es refereix a les persones amb qui parlava. El
discurs que va pronunciar per als kalamas és molt conegut, perquè és el
text que emfatitza l’apreciació de Buda per la investigació. Per això,
aquest Sutta també rep el nom de Sutta d’investigació.
El començament
Quan Buda va arribar als Kalamas, tots estaven molt emocionats d’estar
cara a cara amb el despertar amb consciència. Tenien preguntes i també
desitjaven aprendre del propi Buda.
Tots es van reunir al voltant de Buda, juntament amb els seus deixebles.
Va ser llavors quan un home de Kalama es va apropar a Buda, de la
manera més respectuosa, i li va preguntar sobre els savis que anirien i
anirien al seu poble.
Va explicar que aquests homes normalment exaltarien la seva fe i
criticarien altres creences. Tots tindrien grans raons per justificar la
seva pròpia fe sobre les altres confessions. Per tant, es considerava
que tots aquests homes eren molt savis i per això la gent del poble no
sabia a qui creure ni a qui seguir
El camí d’investigació
Buda va acceptar i va entendre aquesta confusió, a causa de tota la
informació conflictiva. Va ser llavors quan els va ensenyar la manera
d’investigar. Els va dir que no creguessin ni acceptessin res en funció
de qui ho digui, o perquè figura a les escriptures o per la naturalesa
dels que ho practiquen. Ni tan sols els seus ensenyaments havien de ser
acceptats sense qüestionaments.
Els va demanar que experimentessin, que cerquessin les seves pròpies
veritats, que no s’ajustessin al que van escoltar, sinó que observessin.
I per construir les seves pròpies conclusions sobre proves recollides i
observades. Va explicar que no hi havia cap altra manera de determinar
si alguna cosa era bona o no, tret de viure-la.
Els Kalamas tenien dubtes sobre la seva capacitat de judici sobre el que
era bo i el que no. Va ser llavors quan Buda va esmentar una línia de
preguntes reflexives, numerant comportaments i conseqüències i demanant
als kalamas que els jutgin com a bons o dolents.
Els Kalamas van fer un gran treball i Buda els va fer adonar-se que ja
tenien allò necessari per decidir ells sols.
Els orígens del patiment
El que ens crida l’atenció és que les preguntes reflexives que Buda fa
als Kalamas es basen en els tres orígens del sofriment. Pregunta sobre
algú que està lligat a les coses i sobre algú ple de ràbia i un altre
que viu enganyat. Els Kalamas van reconèixer que aquestes provocarien
conseqüències negatives i, per tant, no haurien de servir d’exemple.
Buda creia que el patiment dels homes tenia tres orígens o apegats
bàsics: el primer és el fet que l’home estava profundament connectat amb
éssers o coses impermanents, que no pertanyien a ningú. El segon origen
del patiment és l’odi: la ràbia que es podia experimentar era suficient
per encegar-lo del que era bo i correcte. I l’últim i tercer és
l’il·lusió: l’hàbit de viure com si no hi hagués patiment, com si no hi
hagués un final, com si no hi hagués una transformació constant. Creure
en una realitat constant que no existeix.
Buda, com era habitual en aquella època com a bona pràctica docent,
preguntaria llavors sobre situacions antagonistes. Preguntaria per algú
que no tingués fitxers adjunts, ni odi ni deliris. Preguntaria sobre el
producte que provindria d’aquests homes i sobre les conseqüències dels
seus actes.
Kamma (Llei de causa i condició)
Explicar els orígens del patiment d’aquesta manera va ser una gran eina
que Buda va utilitzar per mostrar-nos com podem gestionar el nostre
propi kamma. Normalment, quan escoltem la paraula Kamma, pensem en les
conseqüències negatives.
No obstant això, Kamma també tracta de coses bones. Tot el bé que fas,
també et torna. Fer coses amb aquest propòsit exclusiu no és correcte,
però es fa natural. En realitat, gosaria dir que ja és, almenys fins a
cert punt, natural per a vosaltres.
Ajudeu algú a portar una bossa al pis de dalt o al cotxe i, a poques
quadres, us trobeu amb algú que realment us agradava tornar a veure,
però heu perdut el seu número de telèfon. Aquestes coses es poden veure
com una coincidència, però sovint no ho són. No ens n’adonem, perquè el
bé que feies abans era tan natural que no vas esperar cap mena de
recompensa.
El Sutta us proporciona les claus del camí, aquestes són les eines
filosòfiques necessàries per al vostre propi creixement. Actuen com a
eixos bàsics per al vostre propi desenvolupament personal. La resta
depèn de tu, perquè has de ser el teu propi mestre, has de despertar la
teva pròpia ànima.
sila ni Buddha nga makasinati, sa pagpangita sa ilang kaugalingon nga
mga kamatuoran, dili aron mahiuyon sa ilang nadungog, apan sa
pag-obserbar. Aron makahimo ang ilang kaugalingon nga mga konklusyon sa
natipon & naobserbahan nga ebidensya. Gipasabut niya nga wala’y
ubang pamaagi sa pagtino kung adunay maayo o dili, gawas sa pagpuyo
niini.
mga diskurso ni Buddha ginganlan nga Suttas. Kasagaran, ang pulong nga
kauban ni Sutta nagpasabut sa mga tawo nga iyang nakigsulti. Ang
pamulong nga iyang gihimo alang sa mga Kalamas naila kaayo, tungod kay
kini ang teksto nga nagpasiugda sa pagpasalamat ni Buddha sa
pagpangutana. Kini ang hinungdan nga kini nga Sutta ginganlan usab nga
The Enquiry Sutta.
Ang sinugdanan
Sa pag-abut ni Buddha sa Kalamas silang tanan naghinamhinam nga
mag-atubang sa Awakenement with Awciousness One. Adunay sila mga
pangutana, ug naghinamhinam usab nga makakat-on gikan sa Buddha mismo.
Tanan sila nagpundok libot sa Buddha, kauban ang iyang mga disipulo.
Kana kung ang usa ka Kalama nga tawo miduol sa Buddha, sa labing
matinahuron nga paagi, ug gipangutana siya bahin sa mga tawong maalamon
nga moadto ug moadto sa ilang baryo.
Gipasabut niya nga kini nga mga kalalakin-an kanunay magpataas sa ilang
pagtuo ug manaway sa ubang mga tinuohan. Tanan sila adunay daghang
katarungan nga pakamatarungon ang ilang kaugalingon nga tinuohan sa
ubang mga tinuohan. Mao nga, kining tanan nga mga tawo giisip nga
maalamon kaayo, ug kini ang hinungdan nga ang mga tawo sa lungsod wala
mahibalo kinsa ang tuohan, o kinsa ang magsunod
Ang Paagi sa Pagpangutana
Gidawat ug nasabtan ni Buddha ang kini nga kalibog, tungod sa tanan nga
nagkasumpaki nga kasayuran. Kana sa diha nga gitudloan niya sila sa
paagi sa pagpangutana. Gisultihan niya sila nga dili mutuo o pagdawat
bisan unsa nga gibase sa kung kinsa ang nagsulti niini, o tungod kay naa
kini sa mga kasulatan, o tungod sa kinaiyahan sa mga nagbansay niini.
Bisan ang iyang mga gitudlo dili madawat nga wala’y pagpangutana.
Gihangyo niya sila nga makasinati, sa pagpangita sa ilang kaugalingon
nga mga kamatuoran, dili sa pagpahiuyon sa kung unsa ang ilang nadungog,
apan sa pag-obserbar. Ug aron matukod ang ilang kaugalingon nga mga
konklusyon sa natipon ug naobserbahan nga ebidensya. Gipasabut niya nga
wala’y lain nga paagi aron mahibal-an kung adunay maayo o dili, gawas sa
pagsunod niini.
Ang mga Kalamas adunay pagduhaduha bahin sa ilang katakus sa paghukum
bahin sa kung unsa ang maayo ug kung unsa ang dili. Kana kung kanus-a
gihisgutan ni Buddha ang usa ka linya sa mga nakapabanaag nga mga
pangutana, pag-ihap sa mga pamatasan ug sangputanan, ug paghangyo sa mga
Kalamas nga hukman sila nga maayo o dili maayo.
Ang mga Kalamas naghimo usa ka maayo nga trabaho ug gipabati kanila ni
Buddha nga sila adunay na kung unsa nga kinahanglanon aron magdesisyon
sa ilang kaugalingon.
Ang gigikanan sa pag-antos
Ang nakakuha sa among atensyon mao nga ang mga nagsalamin nga mga
pangutana nga gipangutana sa Buddha sa mga Kalamas tanan gibase sa tulo
nga gigikanan sa pag-antos. Nangutana siya bahin sa usa ka tawo nga
naapil sa mga butang, ug bahin sa usa ka tawo nga puno sa kapungot ug
uban pa nga nabuhi sa sayup. Giila sa mga Kalamas nga kini magdala sa
mga dili maayong sangputanan ug busa dili kini magsilbing mga
panig-ingnan.
Nagtoo si Buddha nga ang pag-antos sa kalalakin-an adunay tulo nga
sukaranan nga gigikanan o kadugtong - Ang una, mao ang kamatuoran nga
ang tawo lawom nga nakakonektar sa dili permanente nga mga binuhat o mga
butang, nga wala sa bisan kinsa. Ang ikaduhang gigikanan sa pag-antos
mao ang pagdumot - ang kasuko nga mahimo’g masinati sa usa ka tawo igo
na aron mabuta siya kung unsa ang maayo ug husto. Ug ang katapusan ug
ikatulo mao ang sayup nga hunahuna - ang batasan sa pagpuyo ingon nga
kung wala’y pag-antus, ingon kung wala’y katapusan, ingon kung wala’y
kanunay nga pagbag-o. Pagtoo sa usa ka kanunay nga reyalidad nga wala.
Ang Buddha, sama sa naandan kaniadto nga maayo nga batasan sa pagtudlo,
mangutana dayon bahin sa mga sitwasyon nga kontra. Mangutana siya bahin
sa usa ka tawo nga wala’y kadugtong, wala’y pagdumot ug wala’y sayup nga
ideya. Nangutana siya bahin sa produkto nga maggikan sa kining mga
lalaki ug ang sangputanan sa ilang mga lihok.
Kamma (Balaod sa Hinungdan ug Kundisyon)
Ang pagpatin-aw sa mga gigikanan sa pag-antos sa kana nga paagi usa ka
maayong gamit nga gigamit sa Buddha aron ipakita sa amon kung giunsa
namon madumala ang among kaugalingon nga kamma. Kasagaran kung madungog
naton ang pulong Kamma gihunahuna naton ang mga dili maayong
sangputanan.
Bisan pa, ang Kamma bahin usab sa maayong mga butang. Ang tanan nga
maayo nga imong gibuhat, mobalik ra usab kanimo. Ang paghimo og mga
butang alang sa kini nga eksklusibo nga katuyoan dili husto, apan
nahimong natural. Sa tinuud, nangahas ako nga isulti nga kini na, labing
menos sa pila ka degree, natural kanimo.
Gitabangan nimo ang usa ka tawo nga magdala usa ka bag sa taas, o sa
awto, ug pila ka mga bloke sa unahan nga mahibalag nimo ang usa nga
gusto nimo nga makita pag-usab, apan nawala kanimo ang iyang numero sa
telepono. Kini nga mga butang makit-an nga sulagma, apan kanunay dili.
Wala namon nahibal-an kini, tungod kay ang maayo nga imong gihimo
kaniadto natural kaayo, wala ka maghulat alang sa bisan unsang klase nga
ganti.
Gihatag kanimo sa Sutta ang mga yawi sa agianan, kini ang mga himan sa
pilosopiya nga kinahanglan alang sa imong kaugalingon nga pagtubo.
Naglihok sila ingon nga sukaranan nga mga bloke sa pagtukod alang sa
imong kaugalingon nga kalamboan. Ang nahabilin naa ra kanimo, tungod kay
kinahanglan nimo nga magtutudlo, kinahanglan nimo pukawon ang imong
kaugalingon nga kalag.
adawafunsa kuti adziwe, kuti afufuze zowona zawo, osati kuti
zigwirizane ndi zomwe adamva, koma kuti azisunga. Kuti apange
malingaliro awo paumboni womwe wasonkhanitsa ndikuwonera. Adafotokoza
kuti palibe njira ina yodziwira ngati china chake chinali chabwino
kapena ayi, kupatula mwa kuchichita.
za Buddha zidatchedwa kuti Suttas. Nthawi zambiri, mawu omwe akutsatira
Sutta amatanthauza anthu omwe amalankhula nawo. Zolankhula zomwe
adapanga Kalamas ndizodziwika bwino, chifukwa ndi zomwe zimatsindika
kuyamikira kwa Buddha kufunsa. Ichi ndichifukwa chake Sutta iyi
imadziwikanso kuti Inquiry Sutta.
Chiyambi
Buddha atafika ku Kalamas onse anali okondwa kwambiri kukumana
pamasom’pamaso ndi Kudzuka ndi Kuzindikira Mmodzi. Anali ndi mafunso,
komanso ofunitsitsa kuphunzira kuchokera kwa Buddha yemweyo.
Onse adasonkhana mozungulira Buddha, pamodzi ndi ophunzira ake.
Ndipamene bambo wina wa Kalama adayandikira Buddha, mwaulemu kwambiri,
ndikumufunsa za anzeru omwe amabwera ndikupita kumudzi kwawo.
Iye adalongosola kuti amunawa nthawi zambiri amakweza chikhulupiriro
chawo ndikudzudzula zikhulupiriro zina. Onse adzakhala ndi zifukwa
zazikulu zodzifotokozera chikhulupiriro chawo pazikhulupiriro zina.
Chifukwa chake, amuna onsewa adawonedwa ngati anzeru kwambiri,
ndichifukwa chake anthu akumatauniwo samadziwa kuti akhulupirire ndani,
kapena ndani
Njira Yofufuzira
Buddha adavomereza ndikumvetsetsa chisokonezo ichi, chifukwa chazambiri
zotsutsana. Ndipamene anawaphunzitsa njira yofunsira. Adawauza kuti
asakhulupirire kapena kuvomereza chilichonse kutengera amene akunena,
kapena chifukwa zili m’malemba, kapena chifukwa cha omwe akuchita.
Ngakhale ziphunzitso zake sizinayenera kuvomerezedwa popanda kufunsa.
Adawafunsa kuti adziwe, kuti afufuze zowona zawo, osati kuti zigwirizane
ndi zomwe adamva, koma kuti azisunga. Ndipo kuti amange mfundo zawo
pazomwe anasonkhanitsa ndikuwona umboni. Iye adalongosola kuti panalibe
njira ina yodziwira ngati china chake chinali chabwino kapena ayi,
pokhapokha mwa kuchichita.
A Kalamas anali kukayikira za kuthekera kwawo kuweruza pazabwino ndi
zomwe sizabwino. Ndipamene Buddha adatchula mzere wamafunso owunikira,
kuwerengera machitidwe ndi zotsatirapo zake, ndikupempha a Kalamas kuti
aweruze ngati abwino kapena oyipa.
A Kalamas adagwira ntchito yayikulu ndipo Buddha adawapangitsa
kuzindikira kuti anali kale ndi zomwe zinali zofunika kudzisankhira
okha.
Chiyambi cha mavuto
Chomwe chimatikumbutsa ife ndikuti mafunso owoneka bwino omwe Buddha
amafunsa a Kalamas onse atengera zoyambitsa zitatu za kuzunzika.
Amafunsa za wina amene ali wolumikizidwa ndi zinthu, komanso za wina
yemwe ndi wokwiya kwambiri ndipo wina amakhala mchinyengo. A Kalamas
adazindikira kuti izi zibweretsa zotsatirapo zoyipa motero siziyenera
kukhala zitsanzo.
Buddha ankakhulupirira kuti kuvutika kwa amuna kunali ndi magwero atatu
kapena zomata - Choyamba, ndichakuti munthu anali wolumikizidwa kwambiri
ndi zinthu zosakhalitsa kapena zinthu, zomwe sizinali za aliyense.
Chiyambi chachiwiri cha kuzunzika ndi chidani - ukali womwe munthu
angakumane nawo unali wokwanira kumuchititsa kuti asaone chabwino ndi
cholondola. Ndipo chomaliza ndi chachitatu ndichinyengo - chizolowezi
chokhala ngati kuti palibe mavuto, ngati kuti palibe mathero, ngati kuti
palibe kusintha kosasintha. Kukhulupirira zenizeni zomwe zilibe.
Buddha, monga momwe zimakhalira nthawi imeneyo ngati njira yabwino
yophunzitsira, amafunsa za zomwe zimatsutsana. Amafunsa za wina wopanda
zomata, wopanda udani kapena wopanda chinyengo. Amatha kufunsa za
mankhwala omwe angabwere kuchokera kwa amunawa ndi zotsatirapo za
machitidwe awo.
Kamma (Lamulo la Zoyambitsa ndi Chikhalidwe)
Kufotokozera zoyambira kuzunzika mwanjira imeneyi chinali chida
chachikulu chomwe Buddha adagwiritsa ntchito kutisonyeza momwe
tingasamalire kamma yathu. Nthawi zambiri tikamva mawu akuti Kamma
timaganizira zoyipa zomwe zingachitike.
Komabe, a Kamma alinso ndi zinthu zabwino. Zonse zabwino zomwe
mumachita, zimabwereranso kwa inu. Kuchita zinthu ndicholinga chokhacho
sichabwino, koma kumakhala kwachilengedwe. M’malo mwake, ndingayesere
kunena kuti, kale, pamlingo winawake, ndi wachilengedwe kwa inu.
Mumathandiza wina kunyamula chikwama kumtunda, kapena kupita naye
mgalimoto, ndipo mabulogu angapo kutsogolo mukumana ndi munthu amene
mumakondanso kumuwonanso, koma mwataya nambala yake yafoni. Zinthu izi
zitha kuwonedwa mwangozi, koma nthawi zambiri sizimatero. Sitikudziwa
izi, chifukwa zabwino zomwe mudachita kale zinali zachilengedwe,
simunadikire mphotho yamtundu uliwonse.
Sutta imakupatsirani makiyi panjira, izi ndi zida zafilosofi zofunika
kuti mukule. Amakhala ngati zida zomangira pakukula kwanu. Zina zonse
zili kwa inu, chifukwa muyenera kukhala aphunzitsi anu, muyenera
kudzutsa moyo wanu.
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開始
當佛陀到達卡拉瑪斯時，他們都非常興奮地與“覺悟一覺醒”面對面。他們有疑問，也渴望向佛陀學習。
他們都和佛陀一起聚集在佛陀的周圍。那時，一個卡拉瑪人以最恭敬的方式走近佛陀，向他詢問要進出村莊的智者。
他解釋說，這些人通常會提升自己的信仰並批評其他信仰。他們所有人都有充分的理由證明自己的信仰高於其他信仰。因此，所有這些人都被認為是非常明智的，這就是為什麼城鎮居民不知道該相信誰或該跟隨誰的原因。
查詢方式
由於所有矛盾的信息，佛陀接受並理解了這種困惑。那是他教他們探究方式的時候。他告訴他們不要基於誰說的話，或者因為聖經中的內容，或者因為練習聖經的人的性質而相信或接受任何東西。毫無疑問，他的教義也不被接受。
他要求他們體驗，尋求自己的真理，而不是遵循他們所聽到的，而是去觀察。並根據收集和觀察到的證據建立自己的結論。他解釋說，除了生活之外，沒有其他方法可以確定某件事是否好。
卡拉馬人對他們對什麼是好是不是的判斷能力感到懷疑。那時，佛陀提到了一系列反思性問題，對行為和後果進行編號，並請卡拉瑪人判斷它們的好壞。
卡拉瑪人做得很好，佛陀使他們意識到自己已經具備了自行決定的必要條件。
苦難的根源
引起我們注意的是，佛陀問卡拉瑪斯的反思性問題都是基於苦難的三個起源。他問一個迷戀事物的人，一個生氣勃勃的人，另一個迷戀的人。卡拉瑪人意識到，這些將導致負面後果，因此不應作為例子。
佛陀認為，人的苦難具有三個基本淵源或依戀-首先，是人與無常之物或不屬於任何人的事物緊密相連的事實。痛苦的第二個根源是仇恨-人們可能經歷的憤怒足以使他看不到善良和正確的事物。最後的和第三個是幻覺–生活的習慣好像沒有痛苦，好像沒有結局，好像沒有不斷的轉變。相信不存在的恆定現實。
佛陀（當時作為一種良好的教學實踐很普遍）然後會詢問反對者的情況。他會問一個沒有依戀，沒有仇恨和妄想的人。他會問這些人的產品及其行為的後果。
業力（因果法則）
用這種方式解釋苦難的根源是佛陀用來向我們展示如何管理自己的業力的一種偉大工具。通常，當我們聽到“業力”一詞時，就會想到負面後果。
但是，Kamma也關乎美好的事物。您所做的一切美好，也將再次回到您身邊。為此目的而做事是不對的，而是自然而然的。實際上，我敢說，至少在某種程度上，這已經很自然了。
您可以幫助某人在樓上或汽車上提起行李，然後在前方幾個街區遇到一個您很想再次見到的人，但您丟失了他/她的電話號碼。這些事情可以看作是巧合，但通常不是。我們沒有意識到這一點，因為您之前所做的事情是如此自然，您無需等待任何回報。
Sutta為您提供沿途的鑰匙，這些是您自己成長所必需的哲學工具。它們是您個人發展的基本組成部分。剩下的取決於您，因為您必須成為自己的老師，您必須喚醒自己的靈魂。
https://www.britannica.com/
https://www.drishtiias.com/to-
https://thebuddhistcentre.com/
https://www.
http://blog.hard.com.br/
https://lifegoalsmag.com/