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33 -Thu 8 Apr 2021 LESSON 3637 Buddha-Sasana-Propagation -100% Masks, 100% Votes in fraud EVMs, 100% success for BJ(P)Ltd. and company, 100 % defeat for all their opponents who will talk about the fraud EVMs with micro chips where the software and the source code are kept hidden from the eyes of the voters undemocratically after the results are declared. Already voters were complaining that if any button is pressed it has gone to the Lotus symbol of the BJP. Now BSP’s Social Transformation Movement followed by Buddha, Emperor Ashoka to plant fruit, vegetable Bearing trees and plants all over the country to to make humans to cultivate their food as other living beings to overcome hunger the worst illness.
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33 -Thu 8 Apr 2021 LESSON 3637 Buddha-Sasana-Propagation
Masks, 100% Votes in fraud EVMs, 100% success for BJ(P)Ltd. and
company, 100 % defeat for all their opponents who will talk about the
fraud EVMs with micro chips where the software and the source code are
kept hidden from the eyes of the voters undemocratically after the
results are declared. Already voters were complaining that if any button

is pressed it has gone to the Lotus symbol of the BJP. Now BSP’s Social
Transformation Movement followed by Buddha, Emperor Ashoka to plant
fruit, vegetable  Bearing trees and plants all over the country to to
make humans to cultivate their food as other living beings to overcome
hunger the worst illness.


sandstone is deeply associated with the third-century BCE Mauryan
emperor Ashoka, who was a great patron of Buddhism and its arts. Ashoka
raised freestanding columns carved from Chunar sandstone throughout his
vast empire upon which were inscribed edicts along with planting fruit
bearing trees all over the country to feed the hungry as it is the worst
illness as said by the Buddha. In an effort to associate herself with
one of the greatest figures from Buddhist history, Mayawati similarly
erected dozens of Chunar sandstone columns on the grounds of her
monuments hoping that fruit bearing trees will be planted all over the
country as Ashoka did.
Small Fruit Production
UK Extension Plant Professionals
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Rick Durham goes over what home owners need to know about growing small fruits in your back yard.
plant fruit, vegetable Bearing including trees and plants all over the
country to to make humans to cultivate their food as other living beings
to overcome hunger the worst illness. to plant fruit, vegetable Bearing
trees and plants all over the country to to make humans to cultivate
their food as other living beings to overcome hunger the worst illness
with pictures and videos



Buddhism spread geographically through India and into neighboring
landsit began differentiating itself along geographical lines, in small
ways, much as
dialects tend to distinguish themselves over time until eventuallythey
will become mutually unintelligible, yet functionally similar
languages.There also seems to have been an occasional schism, or a split
in a localsangha whereby one group of monks went off in a huff, over
issues of Dharmaor Vinaya or perhaps personalities, and would no longer
deal with theremaining monks, probably in the end with much the same
result asgeographical dispersion.52 The result was a growing set of
sects – at one pointmeasured at eighteen in number – of distinct
identity, generally with a distincthomeland but at the same time with
considerable geographical overlap,especially in the cities. With time,
each sect committed its scriptures to palmleaf, generally in its local
instance, the Mahāsāṃghika were based largely to the east in
Magadha.They are associated with the Second Council, roughly one hundred
years afterthe Buddha in Vaiśālī in the land of the Vijjians, as one
party in a dispute thatresulted in a schism in the Sangha over issues
of Vinaya. The territory of theSthaviravada (precursor of the Theravada)
centered around Avanti in westernIndia. Eventually this sect would
expand to the south and through missionarieswould reach the Island of
Ceylon, where it survives to this day and from whereit would spread into
Southeast Asia. Pali, in which Theravada scriptures arepreserved, may
have been the language of Avanti. The Dharmaguptaka sectarose in the
Greek kingdom of Gandhara. It was known for its practice ofpagoda
worship and its Vinaya even contains an extended set of regulation
forbehavior around pagodas. Its scriptures were recorded in Gandhari
andSanskrit.53 Its early territorial expansion was unmatched as it
spread intoCentral Asia and along the Silk Road, and was probably the
first sect to reachChina. Its Vinaya is still in use throughout East
propagation of the Sasana was reportedly given its first really big
boostthrough the very early missionary zeal of Emperor Ashoka (304–232
BCE),55who sent missions to various places within and beyond his empire –
to SriLanka, to Kashmir, to Persia and as far as the Mediterranean.
With timeBuddhism spread westward across what is now northern Pakistan
andAfghanistan into Persia and Central Asia, southward and eastward
throughSoutheast Asia and island-hopping as far as Java. From Central
Asia it spreadin both directions along the Silk Road, eastward into
China in the first centuryCE, from whence with time it would gain the
bulk of its adherents.
is some tenuous speculation of the influence of the Buddha-Sasana on
earlyChristianity at the far western end of the Silk Road. In the eighth
centuryBuddhism become firmly established in Tibet through Kashmir. In
recentyears the Sasana has spread over much of the world outside Asia
from almostevery sect through Asian diaspora. The growth in literacy and
communicationsin recent times has also sometimes allowed Buddhism to
precede qualifiedsandals-on-the-ground Buddhist teachers in extending
the influence ofBuddhist philosophy and life into uncharted lands.
great variety of people from the most diverse regions traveling hither
andfro along the Silk Road and producing an ample trickle of Buddhists
at theeastern end, eventually made China heir to almost every sect or
latermovement and philosophical school of Buddhism active in India or
elsewhere,such that the early sects no longer retained their individual
identities except toinject their own characteristic scriptural teachings
into the Chinese mix. Ashistory marches on, the West is now
experiencing a repeat of this process asvirtually every form of Buddhism
found in Asia is adding its characteristicheritage to the Western mix.
eventually largely died out in India, in the regions west of India
andin Indonesia and Malaysia, where it has been largely supplanted by
Islam andHinduism. The only early (that is, pre-Mahayana) sect that has
retained itsearly identity is the Theravada of Southern Asia.
mitv - Religious Ceremony: Promotion and Propagation of Buddha Sasana
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Monumental Pride: Mayawati’s Memorials in Lucknow
the past decade, dozens of large-scale architectural memorials
commemorating social reformers associated with Prabuddha Bharat’s
historically oppressed “untouchable” (SC/ST) castes have been built
throughout Uttar Pradesh. The memorials were commissioned by the state’s
former chief minister, Mayawati, herself a Aboriginal Awakened
Scheduled Caste .

intersections of politics, caste, gender, and visibility at two of her
memorials in Lucknow—the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra (a
crematory memorial). Specifically, the forms and decoration of the
memorials highlight the absence of earlier SC/ST leaders and present
Mayawati as their legitimate political heir.

in commemorative architecture (monuments, memorials, historic markers,
museums), we learn whose histories are legitimate, which narratives are
superfluous (or symbolically omitted), or which images are embraced as
part of our official, national accounts of origins and destiny. We learn
who is allowed to speak for history, who is allowed to speak for “us,”
and whose voices will always be considered marginal to the main event.

—Margaret E. Farra

past few years have witnessed radical additions to the built
environment of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), India’s largest and most populous
state. Dozens of large-scale architectural memorials—enshrining
narrative bronze friezes and monumental bronze and marble statues of
social reformers associated with the historically oppressed SC/ST
(Awakened Aboriginal formerly “the so called untouchable”) caste—have
been built in the state capital of Lucknow and in Noida, outside Delhi.
These cities are now also punctuated by statues that stand sentinel at
crowded intersections, outside government office buildings, and by the
side of interstate highways, with smaller cement statues throughout the
state’s rural areas. The memorial buildings and statues were
commissioned by Mayawati (born 1956), herself a Awakened Aboriginal
Scheduled Caste, during her four terms as the U.P. chief minister
between 1995 and 2012. Mayawati’s memorials are the most conspicuous
expression of establishing SC/ST visibility in her state. Others include
renaming districts and prominent buildings to honor SC/ST heroes. The
sheer number of the memorials, coupled with their monumental scale,
arguably make Mayawati the single most prolific architectural patron in
India since the British Raj commissioned New Delhi in 1911.

cast of characters in Mayawati’s sculptural programs includes notable
SC/STs and those who championed the rights of Prabuddha Bharat’s
subalterns. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891–1956), the Awakened Aboriginal
Scheduled Caste founder of the modern anti-caste movement and writer of
the constitution, is the best-known public figure in the statue cycles
(fig. 1). Others include Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890), a campaigner for
the education of women and awakened aboriginal castes, and the Buddha,
who preached against casteism and whose teachings many SC/STs have
consequently adopted. Statues of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram (1934–2006),
her mentor and predecessor in the Bajujan Samaj Party (BSP), are given
pride of place in the memorials and often are duplicated several times
at each site. With the monuments’ scale, their recognizable
architectural forms and decoration, and the ubiquity of the dalit
statues, Mayawati’s commissions have made an indelible mark on Uttar
Pradesh’s urban fabric.

Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. Bronze sculpture in front of the Ambedkar stupā,
Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal (Ambedkar
Memorial), Lucknow

memorials aim to empower SC/ST/OBCs through twin strategies, which
Manuela Ciotti refers to as “presence in space,” and “presence in time,”
both of which have been denied to the SC/ST/OBC community for
centuries. While the former offers visibility, the latter presents an
illustrious dalit history, in which its members may take pride and
aspire to a better future. When criticized for such flagrant
expenditures, Mayawati consistently asserts that the memorials fulfill a
vital social role and give hope and pride to her community. As one
Scheduled caste member of Mayawati’s cabinet remarked, “The statues
have given SC/ST/OBCs a place in the history of this country, nobody can
change that.”SC/ST/OBC

from Foucault’s work on the relationship between space and power,
Margaret E. Farrar remarks that those in power construct and reiterate
social, political, and economic power structures in the built
environment. The situation is circular: power shapes space and vice
versa. Space legitimizes and ennobles some groups and excludes,
denigrates, and silences others. Commemorative architecture is supremely
exclusive and visually amplifies messages of communal belonging or
segregation. For centuries in India, SC/ST/OBCs have been denied a
presence in space and time, both literally and symbolically. This
spatial and historical exclusion then perpetuates SC/ST/OBC social
marginalization, inside and outside the community. It is therefore not
surprising that the territorial claiming of physical space and marking
it with SC/ST/OBC historical figures—thereby visually demanding that
they are recognized—is an integral component of Mayawati’s radical brand
of SC/ST/OBC assertion.

sprawling Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal
(hereafter referred to by its popular name, the Ambedkar Memorial) with
its monumental Ambedkar stupā (figs. 1, 2) and the Bahujan Samaj Prerna
Kendra (hereafter, Prerna Kendra; fig. 3), both in Lucknow, are
Mayawati’s most politically meaningful architectural commissions. The
Prerna Kendra is unique in that it is a funerary memorial that enshrines
Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes. In commissioning her predecessor’s
memorial, Mayawati was participating in a well-established Indic
performance of legitimating political authority. As with her other
architectural commissions, the Ambedkar Memorial and Prerna Kendra’s
formal and decorative programs, statues, and frieze cycles, as well as
the commemorative rituals held at the sites, work in concert to unite
dalits in a singular “imagined community” and establish Mayawati as
their rightful charismatic leader. Images and text present Mayawati as
the political heir to the most celebrated figures in Awakened Aboriginal
SC/ST history, designating Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and Mayawati as
charismatic leaders by referring to models of Indic kingship and linking
Mawayawati to more recent examples of gendered authority. I employ the
term “charismatic leader” in accordance with Max Weber’s definition:

a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is
set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural,
superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities.
These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are
regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them,
the individual is treaded as a leader….What is alone important is how
the individual is actually regarded by those subject to the charismatic
authority, by his “followers” or “disciples.”
2. Ambedkar Memorial, Lucknow
3. Bahujan Samaj Prerna Kendra (Prerna Kendra), Lucknow

Weber suggests that what matters most is that followers believe a
leader possesses exceptional characteristics—not that he or she actually
possesses them. Like many leaders who seek to convince their followers
of their extraordinariness, Mayawati announces her unique and
exceptional powers through monumental public art with straightforward
messages and meaningful, archaized styles.

pertinent for understanding the artworks in the Ambedkar Memorial and
the Prerna Kendra are Weber’s notions about how charisma may be
transmitted (“the routinization of charisma”) from one leader to
another. These include designation by the previous charismatic leader
and being descended from him. Mayawati explicitly references the former
and implicitly suggests the latter in the statues and friezes in her
buildings. Weber also cites support—followers’ lavish donations and
gifts—as a marker of an individual’s charismatic authority, which has
parallels in institutions of traditional Prabuddha Bharatic kingship.
Mayawati has been the recipient of extravagant gifts from her
constituents, a fact that is highlighted in her commissions.

is not surprising that Mayawati has invested so heavily in a
politically charged visual culture and performances of her own charisma.
When she first ran for office, she was an unlikely candidate as chief
minister. While she was not the first Scheduled Caste chief minister in
Prabuddha Bharat, she was the first woman from her community to hold the
office as well as the youngest in the state. Coupled with her
extravagant public displays of wealth and acceptance of gifts from her
community, Mayawati’s prolific memorial building activity has
consistently garnered her both national criticism and praise. The
SC/ST/OBC community itself is divided in its support of her building
programs. Many SC/ST/OBCs to whom I spoke at her sites unanimously and
enthusiastically supported her and echoed her rhetoric of the necessity
of her community building program. Both factions have received ample
media exposure.

SC/ST/OBC movement and Mayawati’s political career have been the
subject of several recent studies. Nicholas Jaoul[13] and Gary Michael
Tartakov examine emerging trends in SC/ST/OBC visual culture,
particularly the increasing prevalence of Ambedkar statues in rural
Uttar Pradesh. They did not consider Mayawati’s monumental urban
statues, presumably because this now statewide phenomenon was only in
its nascent stages during the time of their fieldwork. Focusing her
analyses on its architectural form and location, Maxine Loynd cogently
argues that the Prerna Kendra was created as an intimate, exclusive
SC/ST/OBC communal space, quite different from the Ambedkar Memorial.
However, Loynd’s study does not consider the building’s mortuary roles
and is silent on the subject of its decorative program, whose thematic
content highlights Mayawati’s political lineage and charisma. Thus, a
critical study of these two buildings, their statues, and friezes within
her wider political agenda has yet to be undertaken. Before turning to
the memorials themselves, it is pertinent to first briefly consider
SC/ST/OBC history and key figures esteemed by the community with whom
Mayawati visually associates through her commissions.

(Re)Claiming SC/ST/OBC History and Asserting Communal Presence

from the Sanskrit and Marathi word meaning “ground down, crushed,
destroyed”—is an inclusive term that members of India’s various lowest
castes have used to refer to themselves since the early twentieth
century. Rebuking the Gandhian term harījān (people of God) as
patronizing, Ambedkar defiantly adopted and popularized SC/ST/OBC.
Historically Awakened Aboriginal SC/ST/OBCs’ hereditary occupations,
which in Hinduism are associated with caste, have been characterized by
literal and ritual pollution. For generations, members of various
SC/ST/OBC groups were in contact with corpses (removing dead humans and
animals, working with leather, and butchering); served as sweepers; and
performed other menial jobs. This pollution is popularly regarded as
contagious, leading to forced SC/ST/OBC segregation in their areas of
habitation (predominantly in slums), at religious sites, and at water
sources. SC/ST/OBCs had no recourse or means to better themselves; until
the mid-twentieth century, education was largely denied to them.
Numerous social schemes have been implemented since Indian independence
in 1947 to rectify this, such as reservations for dalits in schools,
universities, government jobs, and political offices. Perhaps the
greatest single public triumph for the community was the 1997 democratic
election of SC/ST K. R. Narayanan as president ( but not allowing a
SC/ST to become the Prime Minister as it is really poewerful than the
President’s post) of Prabuddha Bharat. However, while such concessions
and appointments have markedly improved the SC/ST/OBcs’ opportunities
for upward social and financial mobility, they remain among the poorest
and most socially marginalized people in the nation.

differ on the roots of this discrimination and precisely how long it
has been in effect. chitpavan brahmanical texts dating to the first
millennium BCE outline the various hindutva cult castes and note the
existence of those outside of the order, who are thus “aboriginal
awakened the so called untouchable.” However, since Ambedkar’s campaigns
dating from the 1930s to 1950s, communal pride and assertiveness has
grown steadily. A key factor has been the creation of SC/ST/OBC
“presence in time” and the construction of an alternative dalit history,
which presents the community as the former possessors of wealth,
positions of power, and education—the very qualities popular history
denies them. According to these new trajectories, in the ancient past,
kṣhatryǎs (rulers and warriors of the Hindu caste system) and the
foreigners from Bene Israel, Tibet, Africa, Northern Europe, Western
Germeny, South Russia, Western Europe, Hungary chitpavan brahmans
divested SC/ST/OBCs of their lofty positions by treachery and relegated
them to the lowest social positions. Whether or not these ancient
histories are true is not the point. Explanation, pride, and hope are.
These alternative histories offer the community a reason for their
present subaltern status, a group of role models, and by extension, a
hope that they may achieve equality, if not regain their former status.

BSP has made concerted efforts to increase SC/ST/OBC awareness of key
historical community members of whom they can be proud. Figures from the
ancient past include sages such as Valmiki (who himself was an
aboriginal Awakened Scheduled Caste), the author of the Ramayana. More
recent notable figures include female SC/ST/OBC martial heroes
(viranganī) martyred during the 1857 rebellion against the British. The
most celebrated contemporary SC/ST/OBC heroes are Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram,
and Mayawati. In fact, Mayawati worked closely with Kanshi Ram to
fashion her charismatic public image and promote her qualifications to
lead the community by visually associating her with both Ambedkar and
Kanshi Ram.

memorial commissions are key strategies in the visual articulation of
her political lineage from these two male dalit leaders and her claims
to charismatic authority. Her buildings and statues are metaphorical
lighthouses and visual rallying points, from which the BSP is able to
mobilize the community to vote for their candidates, who then will
demand more rights and better opportunities on the dalits’ behalf. These
messages are amplified through a scale that is larger than life;
through construction from costly, durable materials that are
historically associated with royalty and political authority; and
finally, through historically meaningful styles.

tradition of public memorialization through sculptures and public
buildings in India began with the British, who installed bronze and
marble images of the imperial family and high-ranking Raj civil servants
and commissioned buildings such as museums and railway stations in
their honor. After independence, colonial statues were largely removed
and replaced by ones depicting nationalist heroes, particularly freedom
fighters such as Gandhi, the Raṇī of Jhansi, and Bhagat Singh. Public
buildings were also renamed, but in honor of figures who were almost
exclusively from the higher castes, thereby effectively excluding
SC/ST/OBCs from Indian postcolonial history and public memorial space.
In the early 1960s, Ambedkar joined his upper-caste nationalist cohorts
when two public bronze statues of him were erected, one in Mumbai, the
other in front of the National Parliament in New Delhi.

two statues established an Ambedkar iconography: dressed in a suit,
tie, and glasses, and holding one hand up with the index finger
punctuating the air. The Mumbai statue added the Indian constitution,
tucked under Ambedkar’s lowered arm, inscribed with “Bharat” (Prabuddha
Bharat) to ensure its meaning (see fig. 1). Both Mayawati’s statues and
the smaller-scale cement statues dalits install in their villages and
slums are based on these models.

Mayawati first came to office in the mid-1990s, public
SC/ST/OBCstatues, particularly those of Ambedkar, have increased
exponentially. Today in Lucknow, Ambedkar has a more conspicuous public
presence than Gandhi does. At the main intersection of Hajarat Ganj, a
fashionable historic shopping district, an older statue of Gandhi has
been joined by a larger and newer Ambedkar companion statue across the
street. Such visual one-upping was surely not unintentional. In fact,
this is a trope in Mayawati’s commissions, expressed through scale and
text. Gandhi and Ambedkar clashed on several occasions over the issue of
caste; while opposing inequality, Gandhi maintained that there were
social and cultural benefits to the system. Ambedkar campaigned for its
abolition. While Gandhi is popularly honored as the father of the
nation, SC/ST/OBC activists such as Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and
particularly Mayawati have publically denounced him on the basis that he
did nothing to improve their situation. In memorializing notable
figures from her own community through buildings and statues, and
renaming districts after them, Mayawati was subscribing to and
amplifying performances of autonomy established by the independent

Iconographies of Androgyny

… it is remarkable that woman is never imagined as an active, sexual being within this discourse on nationalism.

commissions established iconographies for Kanshi Ram’s and her own
images as well (fig. 4). Kanshi Ram is dressed in a casual suit, and
Mayawati has cropped hair; a plain, loose-fitting shalwaar kameez;
chunky sandals; a prominent wristwatch; and a handbag at her side. Her
simple, unadorned appearance depicts her as unfussy and androgynous. The
message conveyed is that she is fully capable of negotiating the
male-dominated political arena. Her distinctly unfeminine appearance
also highlights her unmarried status, and by extension, her complete
dedication to the betterment of her community, which she confirms when
questioned about her marital status.

Mayawati and Kanshi Ram flank a frieze that depicts them inaugurating
the Ambedkar statue. Bronze sculptures, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar

Mayawati’s public identity nor her self-promotion of it through
monumental images is unique within the visual culture of Indian
politics, and there were well-established models available to her all
over India. Among these, as Sikata Banerjee documents, are women in the
Hindutva movement who, like Mayawati, present themselves as celibate,
masculine, and martial to participate in the masculine world of Hindu
nationalism. The most common trope of female politician in India is the
asexual widow, such as Vijayraje Scindia. Like Mayawati, hindutva cult
nationalist women and hndutva widows who have entered politics wear
plain clothing and minimal jewelry and makeup. Perhaps Mayawati’s
androgynous dress and physique as well as her statues bear the closest
resemblance to those of Jayalalitha Jayaram, the former actress and
chief minister of Tamil Nadu, who entered politics and began promoting
herself through public art a few years before Mayawati. In many regards,
the two politicians have similar careers. Both have backgrounds that do
not recommend them for Prabuddha Bharatian politics (Mayawati as a
awakened aboriginal Scheduled and Jayalalitha ex. awakened aboriginal
SC converted as Iyengar by Ramanujar as a former film heroine, a
profession widely regarded as immoral for women in Prabuddha Bharat).
Both claim to have remained unmarried so that they can dedicate
themselves to their political parties. As will be discussed further, two
prominent tropes in Jayalalitha’s and Mayawati’s artistic commissions
are their descent from their male political mentors and their
conspicuous political promotion, which announce their charismatic

Nadu has a well-established history of male actors who enter into
political careers. As Preminda Jacob states in her work on the art of
cinema and political advertisements in the state, one of the typical
means by which actors-turned-politicians promote themselves is through
monumental banners and cutouts (outlines of figures) that are
stylistically based on film advertisements. Since the 1980s, Jayalalitha
has commissioned more banners and cutouts, which are larger and display
more overt political symbolism, than any other politician in the state.
Her public image and political advertisements certainly have served her
well; Jayalalitha has achieved incredible success, attaining landslide
victories in state elections on three occasions. She and her
advertisements are well publicized in the Indian media, and Mayawati
surely is familiar with them.

significant factor to the deconstruction of Mayawati’s public image is
that in the 1990s Jayalalitha’s promotional images shifted dramatically
in their depictions, changing from her wholesome and feminine film roles
to a distinctly androgynous appearance. She now appears in the banners
and cutouts with her hair in a tight bun and her fleshy physique
concealed in a conservatively draped sari and cape. To shift public
focus from her film career, in which her success hinged on her
sexuality, to her charismatic authority, Jayalalitha desexed herself. In
so doing, she likely provided a model for Mayawati. However, as is
typical of Mayawati’s commissions, they surpass their models. The Tamil
banners and cutouts are two-dimensional and ephemeral. They are
constructed of plywood, supported by bamboo scaffolding, and displayed
only for a few weeks. In contrast, Mayawati commissions buildings and
statues of durable, luxury materials to convey her wealth and ensure
both their permanence and their patron’s public memory.

awakened aboriginal converted as Iyengar by Ramanujan Jayalalitha’s
androgyny may be attributed to her desire to distance herself from her
film-star past in an effort to be taken seriously as a politician,
Mayawati had different, yet equally compelling reasons to publically
desex herself. In her analysis of gender among scheduled castes,
Eva-Maria Hardtman draws attention to the fact that the few
aboriginal-caste Prabuddha Bharatian women who rise to positions of
political power are subject to intense moral scrutiny by the media, male
members of their own political parties, and the entertainment industry.
There is far less speculation about the morality of Indian high- and
middle-caste female politicians (unless they are former film stars) or
male politicians, whatever their caste. All Aboriginal Awakened , the so
called Untouchables have popularly been considered impure and their
touch defiling which is not true as they are Buddhists Scheduled Caste
women have the added stigma of being widely considered immoral and

cites the late Scheduled Caste outlaw-turned-politician Phoolan Devi
and Mayawati as examples. Among the multiple atrocities committed
against the former was being gang-raped on several occasions and paraded
naked, which were then exposed in a book and internationally
best-selling film, Bandit Queen, without her permission. Phoolan Devi
denounced the film in particular, likening it to being raped again. In
1996 a male politician publically accused Mayawati of engaging in a
long-term affair with Kanshi Ram that resulted in a secret love child.
The accusation received widespread coverage in the Indian media for
several months. It cannot be coincidental that photographs of Mayawati
taken until 1997 show her with shoulder-length hair pulled back into a
ponytail, wearing a pastel-pink shalwaar kameez or occasionally a sari,
and gold jewelry. About a year after the accusation, Mayawati cropped
her hair and has since appeared exclusively in a shapeless,
cream-colored shalwaar kameez, which is how she is immortalized in her
statues. Phoolan Devi and Mayawati are both also well known for their
public cursing and for addressing upper-caste males in the derogatory
third-person, tu—behaviors associated with low-caste males in India. It
would appear that for these two dalit female politicians, androgyny and
the adoption of stereotypically low-caste masculine behaviors were
protective responses to having their private lives and morality the
subject of public consumption.

Mayawati as Kanshi Ram’s Charismatic Political Heir

was born into the chamar jatī, one of the lowest dalit subcastes, whose
members have historically been tanners. Positive accounts of Mayawati’s
biography emphasize her dedication to her studies at a young age and
her academic success; her higher degrees include a law degree (LLB). In
1977, she was studying for her civil service examinations when she met
Kanshi Ram, who was establishing the BSP at the time. Kanshi Ram groomed
Mayawati as a party leader, and in 2001, at a large rally in Lucknow,
he named her as his successor as president of the BSP (fig. 5). When he
suffered a paralyzing stroke in 2004, he convalesced at Mayawati’s home
in Delhi while she personally cared for and fed him. When he died in
2006, as per the tenets of his will, he was cremated in a Buddhist
ritual, and Mayawati personally lit his funeral pyre.

both hindutvaism and Buddhism, performance of the last rites is the
final responsibility of a father’s eldest son and heir. By taking on
this central and traditionally male role in Kanshi Ram’s funeral,
Mayawati challenged gender discrimination and decisively established
herself as the heir of Kanshi Ram. Her action also suggested a more
intimate, familial descent from the founder of the party and, by
extension, her inheritance of his charismatic authority through two
well-established paths: designation by the previous leader or descent
from him. Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes were placed in an urn, which was
processed in a cortege through Lucknow and which Mayawati personally
installed under bronze statues of the two of them in the Prerna Kendra.
These two acts—Kanshi Ram’s announcement that Mayawati was his successor
and her performance of his last rites—irrefutably established her as
his heir apparent. The two occasions are also among the most popular
subjects in the bronze friezes in Mayawati’s memorials.

5. Kanshi Ram announcing Mayawati as his successor. Bronze frieze, sculpture gallery, Ambedkar Memorial

Kanshi Ram specified that he receive his last rites according to
Buddhist tradition is also significant. Although neither he nor Mayawati
formally converted to the faith, Buddhism has been politically and
religiously associated with the SC/ST/OBC movement since Ambedkar’s
highly public conversion in 1956. Adding another layer to dalit
alternative history, Ambedkar asserted that members of India’s lowest
castes were Buddhists who had been ostracized for not accepting
hindutvauism. Since Ambedkar’s conversion, the faith has undergone a
profound revival among dalits, who seek to cast off the stigma of their
low status and shun the system that degraded them for centuries. As
several dalit Buddhists noted during conversations with me, they
subscribe to Ambedkar’s claims and view their conversion as a
reconversion to the faith and a reclaiming of their history. Due to the
SC/ST/OBC revival of Buddhism; its associations with Ambedkar, the
founder of the modern SC/ST/OBC movement; and Ambedkar’s assertions that
dalits were previously Buddhists, Mayawati’s SC/ST/OBC memorials quote
liberally from ancient Indian Buddhist monuments. Ultimately the
neo-Buddhist style of Mayawati’s memorials makes a SC/ST/OBC “presence
in time” visual.
“A Modern-day Female Ashoka”: Claiming SC/ST/OBC Space and Establishing a Dalit Style of Architecture

of Mayawati’s sculptures are executed by Ram and Anil Sutar, a
father-and-son, Noida-based team. Ram Suthar graduated at the top of his
class from one of India’s most prestigious art schools, the Sir
Jamsetjee Jeejebhoy School of Art, in 1953. Significant to the work he
would later do for Mayawati, during the 1950s, Ram Sutar served as
modeler for the Department of Archaeology in Aurangabad and restored
sculptures in the Ellora and Ajanta caves, which familiarized him with
ancient Indian Buddhist art. Since he established his own studio in
1959, Ram Sutar’s national fame has grown steadily. He has been
commissioned to cast and carve statues and friezes of a diverse range of
public and mythological figures throughout India. Sutar is best known
for his bust of Gandhi, which has been recast multiple times and which
the government of India has given to numerous countries. In 1995 Sutar
was awarded the prestigious Padmashri medal.

doubtlessly chose the Sutars for their reputation as the most
celebrated sculptors to work in a large scale and for the realism,
dynamism, and quality materials that characterize their work. That the
Sutars are well known for their sculptures of Hindu subjects and
high-caste leaders was probably also attractive. Their past work
associated Mayawati and her community with the establishment and the
galaxy of national heroes. By retaining their services, she effectively
communicated that now dalits too have access to the finest quality
materials and the most sought-after artists to memorialize their heroes.

was an active agent in the construction and dissemination of her public
image. The Sutars and Jay Kaktikar, Mayawati’s chief architect,
discussed building and decorative styles and their associations with her
at great length. She then became highly involved in the design and
planning of her commissions. While in office, she frequently toured the
building sites from the air in her private helicopter. Her commissions
certainly have kept the artists in her employ busy. Both Kaktikar and
the Sutars work exclusively for her. When Mayawati first retained the
Sutars’ services in the early 2000s, they only employed twenty-four
full-time workers in their foundry, and they only worked during the day.
When I met the Sutars in August 2011, when Mayawati was still in
office, to keep up with her commissions, they had increased their
workforce to one hundred during the day and another one hundred at
night. Their foundry was open twenty-fours a day, seven days a week.
Still, they were backlogged with work for Mayawati.

was not only the rate of her commissions that kept her artists busy, it
was their quality. Kaktikar recounts that Mayawati insisted that her
projects be constructed with an aim toward permanence. Her great concern
was that after her tenure, her non-SC/ST/OBC successors would raze what
she had built. Her fears were certainly well founded. Throughout India
memorial statues of Ambedkar and other dalit icons are routinely
vandalized—toppled, defaced, or garlanded with rows of shoes, with the
aim of insulting them. Only months after she was voted out of office in
2012, statues of Mayawati and Ambedkar were decapitated in Lucknow. In
an attempt to ensure that Uttar Pradesh was not subjected to further
visual programs to erase the dalits from Lucknow’s built environment,
Kaktikar worked with thicker than usual slabs of stone, and the Sutars
cast Mayawati’s statues and friezes with extra thick bronze.

and Kaktikar devised an instantly recognizable style for her
architectural commissions through their formal and decorative programs
and construction material. Patron and architect perfectly understood the
sociopolitical need not only to build but also to claim space and
territorially mark it through a sectarian style of architecture.
Mayawati’s buildings draw heavily from ancient Indian Buddhist
architecture, as exemplified by sites such as the Great Stupa at Sanchi
(circa first century BCE). Kaktikar notes that he and Mayawati intended
to appropriate this style. Her buildings are not pastiches. Rather than
recreating facsimiles of ancient Buddhist structures, Kaktikar combined
select features from notable Indian buildings to associate his patron
and her community with politically legitimizing models.

construction materials are uniform light-pink and red sandstone from
Karuli, Rajasthan, and buff-colored sandstone from Chunar, Uttar
Pradesh. As with all of her commissions, Mayawati’s choice of materials
was well informed and meaningful. Red sandstone and white marble have
been the preeminent building materials for royal and government
structures in North India since the fourteenth-century Khilji Sultan
Ala-ud-din’s commission of the Alai Darwaza at the Qutub complex in
Delhi. Following the Khiljis, other Delhi Sultanates, the Mughals,
several Rajput dynasties, the British, and finally the independent
nation of India employed these building materials for their political
structures. Light-pink sandstone is frequently substituted for white
marble. Mayawati’s use of these materials brings her into the visual
language of North Indian rulership.

sandstone is deeply associated with the third-century BCE Mauryan
emperor Ashoka, who was a great patron of Buddhism and its arts. Ashoka
raised freestanding columns carved from Chunar sandstone throughout his
vast empire upon which were inscribed edicts along with palnting fruit
bearing trees all over the country to feed the hungry as it is the worst
uillness as said by the Buddha. In an effort to associate herself with
one of the greatest figures from Buddhist history, Mayawati similarly
erected dozens of Chunar sandstone columns on the grounds of her
monuments hoping that fruit bearing trees will be planted all over the
country as Ashoka did (fig. 6). Her pillars are not facsimiles of the
Ashokan pillars. While the former are constructed exclusively of
sandstone and present a variety of animals, upturned lotuses, and wheels
on their capitals, Mayawati’s pillars are more uniform. Their bronze
capitals are capped by wheels borne on the backs of four addorsed
elephants. Here, the elephants carry polysemic meanings: they are
symbols of Indic authority; are associated with Ashoka, as they are
featured on several of his capitals; and are the BSP party symbol. These
messages also are carried by the dozens of life-size, carved stone
elephants that punctuate the grounds of Mayawati’s buildings. The
Ashokan pillars were erected singly, but Mayawati’s are in clusters.
Furthermore, Kaktikar notes that, per Mayawati’s orders, her columns are
slightly taller than Ashoka’s. The association between Mayawati and
Ashoka has not been lost on her community. Biku Chandra Ma, a Buddhist
monk at the Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Gomti Buddha Vihar, a monastic
residence in Lucknow (commissioned by Mayawati), proudly asserted:
“Mayawati is just like a modern-day female Ashoka.” Perhaps the message
she seeks to deploy through the abundance, more permanent material of
bronze, and superior height of her pillars is not simply that she is
like the great emperor, but that she has in fact surpassed him.

Bronze sculptures of SC/ST/OBC heroes and chunar sandstone pillars,
outside Mayawati’s Rashtriya SC/ST/OBC Prerna Sthal in Noida

likening herself to great leaders from Prabuddha Bharat’s ancient past,
Mayawati again subscribes to popular performances of charismatic
authority in recent Prabuddha Bharatian politics. Jawaharlal Nehru,
India’s first prime minister, is also known to have emulated Ashoka as a
model of Indic sovereignty. He chose icons such as the Ashokan lion
capital and the wheel to represent the new independent nation. More
recently, in 1995, Jayalalitha erected numerous banners and cutouts of
herself surrounded by eminent ancient Tamil leaders at the World Tamil
Conference in Thanjavur. In several banners, she appeared next to the
most celebrated Chola emperor, Raja Raja I (reigned 985–1015 CE) and
images of his monumental Brihadeshvara temple. Like Mayawati’s
“Ashokan” pillars, Jayalalitha’s visual propaganda focused on an ancient
leader’s monument that signified his glorious rule, constructed a
fictive lineage, and presented her own rule as a revival of a Golden

exterior parameters of Mayawati’s architectural commissions are bound
by sandstone railings whose forms and low reliefs of chaitya arches are
appropriated from the vedikas (stupā railings) at ancient Buddhist sites
such as Sanchi (fig. 7). Because the first phase of construction at the
Sanchi Stupa was a Mauryan commission, Mayawati’s railings further her
Ashokan associations. Like the pillars, the railings are not copied
exactly from their original sources. While ancient Buddhist vedikas
offer detailed reliefs of a variety of subjects associated with
Buddhism, those at Mayawati’s sites are largely devoid of carvings.
Representations of yakshīs (fertile nymphs) and other figures from the
Buddhist pantheon and scenes from the jatakas would be inappropriate at
the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra. While informed tangentially
by Buddhism, the faith and its architectural styles are employed in the
service of politics in Mayawati’s commissions. These are not sites
built to honor the Buddha. It could even be argued that their ultimate
function is not to honor Ambedkar or Kanshi Ram, but Mayawati.

The Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra

Ambedkar Memorial complex is Mayawati’s largest and most ambitious
commission. Completed in 2008 at an estimated cost of seven billion
rupees, the site spans more than twenty-five acres and is enclosed by a
vedika-like fence. It is located at the bottom of a hill, next to the
Gomti river and beside a flyover, a strategic location that ensures its
visibility. The vast, open, granite-lined courts, which are kept
scrupulously clean; prominent ticket booths; and monumental entrance
gates invite visitors inside. As they travel through, visitors can read
about each structure, figures depicted in the statues, and the BSP, and
gaze at images of Mayawati inaugurating the complex in the brochures
that are given with the entrance tickets.

is also an open-air sculpture gallery, whose walls are adorned with
high-relief bronze narrative friezes depicting key events from the
political careers of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. In one, they stand side by
side on a stage as Kanshi Ram addresses the assembled, cheering,
flag-waving crowd. The accompanying Hindi inscription informs viewers
that on December 15, 2001, at Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Kanshi
Ram, the founder of the BSP, named Mayawati as his successor (see fig.
5). Another frieze depicts Mayawati feeding cake to a convalescing
Kanshi Ram; the inscription states that this happened on the occasion of
his seventieth birthday at Batra Hospital in Delhi (fig. 8) . The
figures are flanked by plants and diminutive statues of the Buddha,
again associating Kanshi Ram and Mayawati with Ambedkar and the faith
adopted by so many of their community members.

Mayawati feeding birthday cake to a sick Kanshi Ram at the Batra
Hospital in Delhi. Bronze frieze, sculpture gallery, Ambedkar Memorial

friezes establish a highly personal, parental relationship between
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The frieze depicting the rally maps Mayawati’s
inheritance of Kanshi Ram’s charisma via his designation, while the
frieze of her feeding him suggests that she received his charisma via
hereditary descent. Significantly, during Jayalalitha’s campaign for
office in the early 1990s, she commissioned cutouts and banners that
placed her next to her political mentor, the much-loved Tamil
politician, MGR, whose promotion of Jayalaltiha’s career paralleled
Kanshi Ram’s promotion of Mayawati. During her campaign, Jayalalitha was
depicted attending to MGR like a dutiful daughter, again mapping the
transference of charisma from one political generation to the next. It
is also worth noting that it remains difficult for women to rise to
positions of political authority in South Asia. Thus, nearly all female
politicians are initiated into politics by elder male relatives,
particularly husbands or fathers. Mayawati and Jayalalitha are notable
exceptions, and both use public art to create necessary fictive lineages
from their male mentors.

high degree of detail and photorealism displayed by the friezes and
their brief, concise text recall photographs and their text captions in
newspapers. If, as Roland Barthes argues, a photograph operates as a
“certificate of presence,” proving that what it depicts happened and who
it depicts existed, newspaper photographs and their captions are
ultimate certificates of presence. Mayawati, whose political and
personal life is so frequently the subject of media scrutiny, is surely
aware of the power of this form of presentation for its believability.
The newspaper format allows her to convey in the most convincing format
that certain events occurred and that others did not. The presentation
of Mayawati as a nurturing, attentive child who feeds her enfeebled, yet
smiling father was probably intended to convey an additional message
about the nature of their relationship. Several high-ranking male
members of the BSP have publically accused Mayawati of wielding undue
influence over Kanshi Ram and holding him hostage in her house after his
stroke.The newspaper-photograph-like presentation of the frieze showing
her feeding him “proves” otherwise.

Ambedkar Memorial is dominated by a monumental stupā, measuring
approximately two hundred feet in height. As with the pillars and
vedekās, the Ambedkar stupā appropriates from, but is not a copy of, any
specific Indian monument. The most striking difference between the
Great Stupa at Sanchi, and the Ambedkar stupā is that while the former
is comprised of solid hemispherical masses that cannot be entered, the
latter is architectural, with a domed central chamber. The Ambedkar
stupā’s four prominent directional entrances create an imposing,
palatial structure. They are accessed by monumental staircases arranged
in the form of a lotus blossom, a prominent symbol in Buddhist
art.Significantly, the only way to view the stupā’s lotus plan is from
the air, which is Mayawati’s exclusive vantage point.

exterior of the Ambedkar stupā references a glorious ancient dalit past
through the appropriation of ancient Indian stupā form and decoration,
including blind chandrashala arches (see fig. 7), a monumental
chandrashala-arched entrance, and a harmikā (square planned fence on top
of stupās). The stupā form has additional, more immediate significance
for the dalit community, beyond its antiquity: Ambedkar was cremated and
his ashes interred in the Chaitya Bhoomi stupā at Dadar Choupati,

interior of the Ambedkar stupā is dominated by a twenty-seven-foot-high
bronze statue in the round of a seated Ambedkar (fig. 9). Inscribed at
the base of the sculpture is the phrase, “My life struggle is my
message.” Ambedkar never said this; Mayawati devised the phrase,
considering it more appropriate than his more famous, somewhat militant
galvanizing slogan, “Educate, Organize, Agitate!” Mayawati’s phrase
likely is also a rebuttal to the popular Gandhian phrase, “My life is my
message.” Here, the emphasis is on how Ambedkar struggled and overcame
(more so than Gandhi), thereby providing a communal model.
Bronze sculpture of Bhimrao Ambedkar; the base is inscribed “My life
struggle is my message.” Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial

intended the Ambedkar statue to be modeled on the sculpture of Abraham
Lincoln at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.[50] The reference is
apt. Ambedkar, who was a lawyer, wrote the Indian constitution, and
Lincoln, also a lawyer, amended the American constitution to extend
rights to all (male) citizens, including African Americans, after the
Civil War. Ambedkar frequently likened Indian dalits to African
Americans and viewed Lincoln as a champion of the rights of the
subalterns in his own nation. Mayawati herself received her LLB and is
also an admirer of Lincoln; she sought to link the founder of her
movement to a well-known international figure and make the SC/ST/OBCs’
struggle universal.

central statue is ringed by high-relief bronze friezes on the
surrounding walls that depict key events from Ambedkar’s life. In one,
he sits at a desk, pen in hand, writing the constitution (fig. 10). He
is flanked by a map of Prabuddha bharat, over which is inscribed
“Bharat,” and a table bearing a Buddha statue and an Ashokan lion
capital, which Ambedkar and Nehru promoted as the national icon of
independent Prabuddha Bharat. If the iconography is unclear, a Hindi
inscription informs the viewer of the events depicted. In another
frieze, the viewer is again informed in text and image that Ambedkar is
presenting the constitution to President Rajendra Prasad (fig. 11). They
are surmounted by the Ashokan lion capital and the circular-planned
Indian Parliament House, which crowns the three figures like an
honorific umbrella. The bronze friezes within the stupā also reference
Ambedkar’s religious conversion. Wearing monastic robes, Ambedkar stands
next to an enshrined image of the Buddha with a monk on the other side
(fig. 12). The accompanying inscription informs us that in Nagpur, on
October 14, 1956, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism.

10. Ambedkar drafting the Indian constitution. Bronze frieze, Ambedkar stupa, Ambedkar Memorial

Ambedkar presenting the Indian constitution to President Rajendra
Prasad beneath an Ashokan lion capital and the Parliament House. Bronze
frieze, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial

12. Ambedkar converts to Buddhism. Bronze frieze, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial

in a clockwise direction—the established direction for progressing in
Buddhist monuments and thus the logical direction in the Ambedkar
stupā—the penultimate frieze offers an aerial view of the sprawling
memorial complex (the way Mayawati would view the site from her
helicopter), with inscriptions naming each structure. An eleven-foot
sculpture in the round of Mayawati stands beside the frieze, emphasizing
her role as patron. The cycle concludes with eleven-foot sculptures in
the round of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram that flank and gesture toward a
bronze frieze of the Ambedkar sculpture enshrined within the stupā (see
fig. 4). The inscriptions inform us that Sushrī (Most Honorable)
Mayawati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, laid the foundation for the
stupā on August 15, 1995. In publically laying the memorial’s
foundation, Mayawati was again participating in an established
expression of her charisma, in what Sara Dickey terms Indian
“person-centered politics.” Participating in public cornerstone-laying
ceremonies amid much fanfare is a common means by which an Indian
politician spreads awareness of his or her “person.” The date of the
ceremony is also significant, as it was the anniversary of both
Ambedkar’s birthday and Indian Independence Day during Mayawati’s first
year in office.

centrally located Ambedkar statue and the friezes highlight Ambedkar’s
various achievements. Ultimately, they link him to Mayawati, whose
agency in the construction of the very site in which all these
sculptures are housed, is underscored at the end of the cycle. Mayawati
stands with Kanshi Ram by the bronze frieze depicting the Ambedkar
statue, thereby visually mapping the lineage of SC/ST/OBC political
power from Ambedkar to Kanshi Ram and finally to herself.

also uses the Ambedkar stupā as a stage for performing her political
lineage from Ambedkar. In addition to commencing construction at the
site on Ambedkar’s birthday and personally laying its foundation stone,
Mayawati annually holds ceremonies for Ambedkar’s birthday at the
complex. During these events, Mayawati, who is accompanied by throngs of
party officials, Buddhist monks, and constituents from throughout the
state, publically garlands the main Ambedkar statue and delivers
speeches before it.

between 2003 and 2005, the Prerna Kendra is a very different type of
structure. The Ambedkar Memorial is open, sprawling, and of a monumental
scale. By contrast, the far smaller Prerna Kendra is woven into the
dense urban fabric of upper-middle-class apartments and shops in a
residential area across Lucknow. With its high, battered surrounding
walls, which block visibility from the street, and discreet entrance,
the Prerna Kendra is evocative of a fortress. The form of the Ambedkar
stupā is based on ancient Indian stupās. The formal inspiration for the
105-foot-tall steep pyramidal Prerna Kendra was another well-known
Buddhist pilgrimage site, the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya. The most
important Buddhist pilgrimage site, the temple marks the site of the
Buddha’s enlightenment, again linking dalits to their Buddhist past and a
wider international Buddhist community.

intended audiences of the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra are
also different. With its entrance fees and well-run infrastructure, the
Ambedkar Memorial was intended as public space for members of the upper
and middle castes as well as dalits; there Mayawati broadcasts versions
of dalit history, the achievements of her community members, and her own
charisma to the widest possible audience. The Prerna Kendra’s entrance
is discreet, the building’s form is largely obscured by its high outer
walls, and the site is frequently closed. It is therefore far less
inviting to non-community members.

inaugurated the Prerna Kandra in 2005 during a Buddhist ritual
performed by monks. Media coverage of the event noted her benevolence to
the monks; she gave them large sums of money, fruit, and umbrellas. In
demonstrating such largesse, she again used her architectural commission
as a stage to perform her political legitimacy. Not only did she ally
with the Buddhist monks, most of whom are former dalits, she reminded
all that the faith is deeply associated with dalit activism. Moreover,
in showing such magnanimity, Mayawati was subscribing to a
well-established tradition in Indian rulership: generous support of
religious organizations and their monastic members.

on a pyramidal marble block on the ground floor offer excerpts from
Kanshi Ram’s will that state he wanted Mayawati to light his pyre and
his ashes to be enshrined in the Prerna Kandra. The will also specifies
that Kanshi Ram wanted Mayawati’s cremated remains to be enshrined at
the site, which will thus transform the Prerna Kendra into a political,
dynastic funerary memorial.

weaving prominent dalit memorials into a land that had denied the
community a presence in space, Mayawati demanded to be recognized.
Weaving dalit corporeal remains into Lucknow’s urban fabric was an even
more assertive gesture. Her sculptural and architectural memorials
suggest permanence and, by extension, the irreversible betterment of her
community. By interring their ashes in the Prerna Kandra, Kanshi Ram
and Mayawati themselves are symbolically eternally present and are
always leading their community toward an ever better future. Mayawati
was voted out of office in early 2012, but her successor Akhilesh Yadav
has affirmed that the new government will not disturb the dalit
memorials. This is hardly surprising, given that Mayawati vowed on
several occasions that there would be major dalit protests and communal
unrest if her memorials were destroyed.[55] Her threat was put to the
test immediately after her and Ambedkar’s statues were vandalized; as
she had predicted, her community members retaliated by peacefully
demonstrating and blocking roads in Lucknow. Images have power, and
Mayawati intends to ensure that their messages will be heard for as long
as possible.

Ram and Mayawati surely would have been aware of the long history and
potentially legitimizing messages of funerary memorials in India. In
addition to stupās, there are several other types of South Asian
funerary memorials. In Islamic India, rulers commissioned lavish,
monumental tombs for their late fathers. The formal and decorative
programs and construction materials of the Indo-Islamic tombs helped
their royal patrons project their own public identities.[56] Rajput and
Maratha kings similarly memorialized their predecessors through
cenotaphs (chatrīs) with politically charged forms and decoration.[57]
By installing Kanshi Ram’s ashes in the Prerna Kendra, Mayawati
appropriated an established royal Indic practice of architectural
memorialization. Similar to performing a father’s funerary rites,
commissioning his memorial is a legitimizing act in India that
irrefutably establishes dynastic lineage and the transference of
political authority from one generation to the next. Thus, in the Indic
context, a funerary memorial is an index not only of absence (of the
memorialized deceased) but also of presence and legitimate power (of the
memorial’s heir and patron).

those of many other notable examples of Indian funerary architecture,
the Prerna Kendra’s ultimate message appears to refer more to its patron
than the one memorialized. Perhaps even more than the Ambedkar stupā,
the sculptural program at the Prerna Kendra asserts Mayawati’s charisma
and ability to lead her party. As noted in a lengthy inscription at the
site, the urn with Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes is contained in a marble
plinth located in the center of the main chamber on the second floor.
The plinth supports three bronze monumental statues in the round. A
life-sized Ambedkar is elevated above flanking eighteen-foot statues of
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The triangular composition, with Ambedkar’s
raised position, once again visually reiterates the lineage of
charismatic leadership in dalit politics.

walls of the Prerna Kendra’s chambers, which are spread over three
floors, are lined with bronze friezes that feature episodes from
Mayawati’s life, with an emphasis on major events in her political
career. Over the three levels of the Prerna Kendra, the friezes’
narrative unfolds in a clockwise direction. Mayawati first appears,
uncharacteristically in a sari, on a frieze with an inscription noting
that it marks her fiftieth birthday and wishing her congratulations. She
then appears with her family in a group portrait as a child (fig. 13);
she studies for her exams with a Buddha image on her bookshelf; she is
sworn in as chief minister (fig. 14); she dines with high-ranking
members of government while in close conversation and laughing (fig.
15), clearly accepted by and completely at ease in these circles of
power. The friezes also depict Mayawati’s major architectural
commissions, again calling attention to her prolific building activity,
which has made dalit public presence conspicuous, material, and

13. Mayawati (second right) with her parents and siblings. Bronze frieze in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney

Mayawati being sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the
third time. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney
Mayawati and the Indian vice president share a meal at the chief
minister’s house in Lucknow. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by
Arthur Dudney

Mayawati and the Indian vice president share a meal at the chief
minister’s house in Lucknow. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by
Arthur Dudney

the fact that the Prerna Kendra houses his ashes, Kanshi Ram himself
makes few appearances in its friezes. When he is depicted, it is during
key events that validate Mayawati’s political power: when he publically
declared her as his successor, and when she cared for him during his
illness as if she were his child. In fact, Kanshi Ram appears most
frequently in the friezes as a corpse and as cremated ashes. Mayawati
first mourns over her mentor’s corpse, she lights his pyre, she places
the cremated ashes on an altar before the Buddha and finally in the
Prerna Kendra (figs. 16, 17). The funerary friezes all carefully record
in Hindi that Kanshi Ram’s last rites were done in accordance with his

Mayawati overseeing preparations of Kanshi Ram’s corpse for his
cremation. Bronze frieze in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur
Mayawati helps with the preparations of Kanshi Ram’s corpse: “In
accordance with his wishes, Mayawati oversees everything.” Bronze frieze
in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney

final frieze in the program presents Mayawati in one of her most
controversial and well-documented performances of charismatic authority
(fig. 18). She is well known and frequently criticized for allowing
herself to be festooned with colossal garlands made from countless one
thousand rupee notes. Each garland has an estimated value of between
$500,000 to $2 million. Since 2010, Mayawati has accepted these money
garlands, which the BSP claims represent donations from party members,
at public events like political rallies and celebrations of Kanshi Ram’s
birthday. In what have become iconic media images, she appears flanked
by aides who hoist the cumbersome money garland over her shoulders.
Mayawati raises one arm and holds her hand in a gesture that parallels
the one displayed by the Ambedkar statues she commissions, again
visually linking these two political figures.

18. Mayawati is draped with a mala (garland) made of one thousand rupee
notes on the occasion of Kanshi Ram’s birthday and the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the BSP, for which she organized a public rally in
Lucknow. Photograph by Arthur Dudney

detractors sharply criticize such performances as vulgar and
inappropriate, particularly because she claims to represent the poorest
and most disadvantaged members of Indian society. Moreover, when she
accepted the garlands, she was chief minister of one of the poorest
states in the nation. Mayawati herself has remained silent on the
subject of the money garlands. However, it is worth considering that,
because dalits historically have been denied access to vast sums of
money and political authority, their chosen representative’s conspicuous
display of both undeniably announces their assertion of their power and
defiance in the face of criticism.

her performances of such conspicuous displays of wealth Mayawati again
draws from models of ancient Indic kingship, which are being revived by
democratically elected politicians. Weber observed followers’ donations
of large sums of cash and luxury items as recognition of their leaders’
charisma.[59] Beyond signifying Mayawati’s wealth and charismatic
authority, the money garlands are metonyms that signify the prosperity
her community members may now legitimately claim through her leadership.
In models of traditional Indic kingship, the ruler’s body and his state
were to an extent conflated. It was therefore a royal responsibility to
appear in public “in the beauty and dazzle of his person,”[60] to amass
wealth, and stage awesome performances of conspicuous consumption to
convey the well-being of the state. Established in ancient India, royal
acts of conspicuous displays of wealth continued to hold currency into
the colonial period. The practice is enjoying a resurgence under
Jayalalitha[61] and Mayawati. Indian media frequently covers the
spectacular decorations and gifts Jayalalitha’s supporters bestow upon
her during public appearances: her route to the venue is bedecked with
illuminated triumphal arches, her footpath strewn with flowers and the
air perfumed. After mounting a lavishly decorated stage, she is given
gold coins, reminiscent of performances of support by subjects to their
kings, and a silver-plated scepter, a traditional symbol of kingship in
India.[62] Mayawati has claimed that she amasses her personal wealth on
behalf of her community, making her ostentatious displays of wealth
symbols of dalit pride and empowerment.[63]

the frieze cycle at the Prerna Kendra concludes with this iconic image
of Mayawati’s power, wealth, and charisma is fitting. As with the
statues and friezes in the Ambedkar stupā, those in the Prerna Kendra
laud the achievements of previous dalit leaders and activists, but
ultimately map a trajectory to Mayawati as their rightful heir. Her
money garlands announce her charisma and the upward mobility she secures
for her community. As with other aspects of her commissions—scale,
semantic content of the inscriptions, durability of materials, and
overall cost—her money-garland frieze surpasses its models.

ensure that the memories of those they commemorate and their patrons
remain. They thus possess enormous potential for communal mobilization,
empowerment, and pride. The Nawabs of Awadh left their impress on
Lucknow’s visual landscape through their imambaras (congregation halls
for Shia commemoration ceremonies for Muharram) and the Rumi Darwaza.
The British are remembered in Lucknow through their Residency and
several government buildings. Mayawati’s memorials now join these sites,
as well as the Taj Mahal, on the official website of the U.P. State
Tourist Board, indicating that they are worth visiting by those seeking
permanent, visual traces of the state’s history.[64]

her ultimate political fate and enduring legacy, Mayawati has given
dalits an equitable share in the urban fabric of one of India’s largest
cities. In Lucknow, dalits now have their own monumental spaces, defined
by a communal style of architecture, spaces where they can be ennobled
by the BSP’s version of their history. Mayawati announces messages of
dalit pride and empowerment through a visual language that is at once
recognizably authoritative and unique to the dalit experience. She
claims to speak for her community. In flaunting her command of the very
best materials and artistic skill as well as her lavish displays of
personal wealth, she participates in well-established acts of
upper-class privilege and entitlement.

is too soon to assess how successful Mayawati’s commissions will be for
her community. Will they persuade more members of the non-dalit Indian
public to accept the historical figures they commemorate, such as
Ambedkar, as national heroes? To return to Farrar, it remains to be seen
if, through Mayawati’s memorials, dalits actually will be granted a
legitimate history and their voices thus will cease to be “considered
marginal to the main event.” Surely the greatest mark of their success
would be if they could actually alter the quotidian realities of living
community members.

appears that Mayawati’s memorials failed in what may have been their
patron’s greatest aim—to secure her continued leadership of Uttar
Pradesh. Perhaps, in the end, her commissions announced her wealth too
well. Her political opponents claim that she focused on her memorials at
the cost of more immediate needs—for example, land reform and grooming
other dalits for leadership. One political commentator alleged,
“Mayawati only made statues. That is her only achievement.”

for now Mayawati has been divested of her political power, there is
wide speculation that she has designs on becoming the prime minister of
India. It is worth considering what impact this would have on the built
environment of New Delhi.

note: All photographs were taken by the author unless otherwise stated.
Those not taken by the author have been reproduced with the
photographer’s permission. I would like to thank Rebecca M. Brown and my
two blind reviewers at Ars Orientalis for their careful reading of
earlier drafts of this essay and for making thoughtful comments and
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The Buddha said that “hunger is the worst kind of illness” and “the gift of food is the gift of life.”

Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make Prabuddha Bharat Buddhist)

All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha
Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch)

People have started returning back to their original home Buddhism.

Proposed programmes to be conducted by

Mahabodhi Diyun

1. Construction of an Auditoriumin the name of Bada Bhanteji

2. Establishment of a new centre at Itanagar

3. Distribution of photo frames (Life of the Buddha) to 50 village monastries

4. Dhamma camp for children

5. Dhamm preaching and meditation programmes in the villages

6. Plantation of 300 fruit bearing trees

7. Old Age Home project at Mudoi

8. 10-Free Medical Camps in  remote villages

9. To Honour elderly momks and lay devotees who contributed in the preservation of Buddha Sasana in Arunachal Pradesh

10. Distribution of 10 Lord Buddha statues to different villages

11. Painting of special events in the life of Bada Bhanteji

12. Distribution of water filters to at least 100 poor families

13. Publish Magazine in the name of Bada Bhanteji by monks and students of runachal Pradesh

14. Organise Seminars on the Dhammapada/Preservation of Dhamma

15. Free distribution of notebooks, stationery and study material at villages

16. Build a statue of Bada Bhanteji at Mahabodhi Diyun

17. Build Seema Temple at Mahabodhi centre, Diyun

18. Distribution of Bada Bhanteji’s books in 50 monasteries

19. Dhamma based personality development workshops in 20 schools

20. Organise 3 blood donation camps

21. Provide 15 Ven.Acharya Buddharakkhita scholarships to boys residing in the hostels from deserving background

22. Organise a drama on the life of Bada Bhanteji

23. Distribution of 9000 candles to the monasteries

24. Provide medical support for surgeries to the most deserving people

25. Ordination od 20 new novices




Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda- Free Online Analytical …
Search domain sarvajan.ambedkar.org/?m=20190517sarvajan.ambedkar.org/?m=20190517
the Master Key by Murderers of democratic institutions and Master of
diluting institutions (Modi) by tampering the fraud EVMs with its
software and the source code kept hidden to the eyes of voters and
candidates have become emboldened to commit atrocities on SC/ST/
OBCS/Religious minorities. Therefore 99.9% All Awakened Aboriginal

Hindus’Tantrum: Sid Harth - Google Groups
chip would give ‘fixed’ results on the EVM screen. In other words,
whatever the voters’ preference, the control unit would display numbers
as per the hacker’s plan. Mr Gonggrijp is a prominent campaigner for
election transparency and verifiability, and his technical opinion
appears to have clinched the

Murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) has not revealed the microchip its software and
source code of EVM which is kept hidden from the voters

Free Online Analytical Research … - Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda
days ago — committed now as said by Zaidi. Electronic voting machines.
EVM is not tamper- free & needs rectification : Swamy to Delhi HC

Free Online Analytical Research … - Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda
to tamper with it. India uses about 1.4m electronic voting machines in
each general election. ‘Dishonest totals’. A video posted on the  …

SOS e Voice For Justice & SOS e Clarion of Dalit
It would be easy to program a dishonest EVM or EVM component so that
the … The electronic voting machines are safe and secure only if the
source code used … But saving democracy is more critical than saving
election costs or gain in efficiency. … Does not hiding information
about land crimes , in itself also a crime ?

Imagehttps://indianexpress.com › india
EVM fraud? Roll out VVPATs, only way to silence doubting politicians …
— Calling for a quick rollout of the Voter Verified Paper Audit Trail (
VVPAT) machines in all polling stations across the …

Imagehttps://www.scribd.com › document
Web results
Book Democracy at Risk 2010 | Electronic Voting | Electoral Fraud
at Risk! Can we trust our Electronic Voting Machines? Copyright @ GVL
Narasimha Rao 2010. All rights reserved. Published in 2010 by …

How many languages are there in the world?

  • 7,117 languages are spoken today.

    That number is
    constantly in flux, because we’re learning more about the world’s
    languages every day. And beyond that, the languages themselves are in
    flux. They’re living and dynamic, spoken by communities whose lives are
    shaped by our rapidly changing world. This is a fragile time: Roughly 0%
    of languages are now endangered, often with less than 1,000 speakers
    remaining. Meanwhile, just 23 languages account for more than half the
    world’s population.

    When a just
    born baby is kept isolated without anyone communicating with the baby,
    after a few days it will speak and human natural (Prakrit) language
    known as Classical Magahi Magadhi/Classical Chandaso language
    /Magadhi Prakrit,Classical Hela Basa (Hela Language),Classical Pāḷi which are the same. Buddha spoke in Magadhi. All the 7111 languages and dialects are off shoot of Classical Magahi Magadhi. Hence all of them are Classical in nature (Prakrit) of Human Beings, just like all other living speices have their own naturallanguages for communication. 116 languages are translated by https://translate.google.com

    in 01) Classical Magahi Magadhi,
    02) Classical Chandaso language,

    03)Magadhi Prakrit,

    04) Classical Hela Basa (Hela Language),

    05) Classical Pāḷi,

    06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,

    07) Classical Cyrillic
    08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans

    09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,
    10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
    11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى
    12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,

  • 13) Classical Assamese-ধ্ৰুপদী অসমীয়া

    14) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
    15) Classical Basque- Euskal klasikoa,
    16) Classical Belarusian-Класічная беларуская,

    17) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা,
    18) Classical  Bosnian-Klasični bosanski,
    19) Classical Bulgaria- Класически българск,
20) Classical  Catalan-Català clàssic
21) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo,

22) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa,
23) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体),

24) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體),

25) Classical Corsican-Corsa Corsicana,

26) Classical  Croatian-Klasična hrvatska,

27) Classical  Czech-Klasická čeština

28) Classical  Danish-Klassisk dansk,Klassisk dansk,

29) Classical  Dutch- Klassiek Nederlands,
30) Classical English,Roman,
31) Classical Esperanto-Klasika Esperanto,

32) Classical Estonian- klassikaline eesti keel,

33) Classical Filipino klassikaline filipiinlane,
34) Classical Finnish- Klassinen suomalainen
35) Classical French- Français classique,
36) Classical Frisian- Klassike Frysk,
37) Classical Galician-Clásico galego,
38) Classical Georgian-კლასიკური ქართული,
39) Classical German- Klassisches Deutsch,
40) Classical Greek-Κλασσικά Ελληνικά,
41) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી,
42) Classical Haitian Creole-Klasik kreyòl,

43) Classical Hausa-Hausa Hausa,
44) Classical Hawaiian-Hawaiian Hawaiian,

45) Classical Hebrew- עברית קלאסית
46) Classical Hmong- Lus Hmoob,
47) Classical Hungarian-Klasszikus magyar,

48) Classical Icelandic-Klassísk íslensku,
49) Classical Igbo,Klassískt Igbo,
50) Classical Indonesian-Bahasa Indonesia Klasik,
51) Classical Irish-Indinéisis Clasaiceach,
52) Classical Italian-Italiano classico,
53) Classical Japanese-古典的なイタリア語,
54) Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa,
55) Classical Kannada- ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರೀಯ ಕನ್ನಡ,
56) Classical Kazakh-Классикалық қазақ,

57) Classical Khmer- ខ្មែរបុរាណ,

  • 58) Classical Kinyarwanda

    59) Classical Korean-고전 한국어,

    60) Classical Kurdish (Kurmanji)-Kurdî (Kurmancî),
    61) Classical Kyrgyz-Классикалык Кыргыз,
    62) Classical Lao-ຄລາສສິກລາວ,
    63) Classical Latin-LXII) Classical Latin,

    64) Classical Latvian-Klasiskā latviešu valoda,
    65) Classical Lithuanian-Klasikinė lietuvių kalba,
    66) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,

    67) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,
    68) Classical Malagasy,класичен малгашки,
    69) Classical Malay-Melayu Klasik,
    70) Classical Malayalam-ക്ലാസിക്കൽ മലയാളം,

    71) Classical Maltese-Klassiku Malti,
    72) Classical Maori-Maori Maori,
    73) Classical Marathi-क्लासिकल माओरी,

    74) Classical Mongolian-Сонгодог Монгол,

    75) Classical Myanmar (Burmese)-Classical မြန်မာ (ဗမာ),

    76) Classical Nepali-शास्त्रीय म्यांमार (बर्मा),
    77) Classical Norwegian-Klassisk norsk,

    78) Classical Odia (Oriya

    79) Classical Pashto- ټولګی پښتو
    80) Classical Persian-کلاسیک فارسی

    81) Classical Polish-Język klasyczny polski,
    82) Classical Portuguese-Português Clássico,

    83) Classical Punjabi-ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,
    84) Classical Romanian-Clasic românesc,

    85) Classical Russian-Классический русский,

    86) Classical Samoan-Samoan Samoa,
    87) Classical Sanskrit छ्लस्सिचल् षन्स्क्रित्
    88) Classical Scots Gaelic-Gàidhlig Albannach Clasaigeach,
    89) Classical Serbian-Класични српски,
    90) Classical Sesotho-Seserbia ea boholo-holo,
    91) Classical Shona-Shona Shona,
    92) Classical Sindhi,
    93) Classical Sinhala-සම්භාව්ය සිංහල,
    94) Classical Slovak-Klasický slovenský,

    95) Classical Slovenian-Klasična slovenska,

    96) Classical Somali-Soomaali qowmiyadeed,

    97) Classical Spanish-Español clásico,
    98) Classical Sundanese-Sunda Klasik,
    99) Classical Swahili,Kiswahili cha Classical,

    100) Classical Swedish-Klassisk svensk,
    101) Classical Tajik-тоҷикӣ классикӣ,
  • 102) Classical Tamil-102) கிளாசிக்கல் தமிழ்

103) Classical Tatar

104) Classical Telugu- క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు,
105) Classical Thai-ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก,
106) Classical Turkish-Klasik Türk,

107) Classical Turkmen

108) Classical Ukrainian-Класичний український,
109) Classical Urdu- کلاسیکی اردو

110) Classical Uyghur,

111) Classical Uzbek-Klassik o’z,

112) Classical Vietnamese-Tiếng Việ,

113) Classical Welsh-Cymraeg Clasurol,

114) Classical Xhosa-IsiXhosa zesiXhosa,

115) Classical Yiddish- קלאסישע ייִדיש

116) Classical Yoruba-Yoruba Yoruba,

117) Classical Zulu-I-Classical Zulu

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