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11/19/08
Vinayapitaka Nissaggiya Pācittiya [go up] Rules entailing forfeiture and confession Part One: The Robe-cloth Chapter -Sutta Pitaka Samyutta Nikaya-Food for the Heart-Abhidhamma Practice Introduction -Mayawati appeals for clear mandate in MP-Uttar Pradesh to host its first children parliament-13 booked for selling Waqf property in Uttar Pradesh -DDA denies permission for Mayawati rally-BSP rides on support from UP migrants-BSP banking on ’social engineering’ formula in MP
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Rules entailing forfeiture and confession

Part One: The Robe-cloth Chapter [go up]

1. When a bhikkhu has finished
his robe and the frame is dismantled (his kathina privileges are
ended), he is to keep extra robe-cloth ten days at most. Beyond that,
it is to be forfeited and confessed.

2. When a bhikkhu has finished
his robe and the frame is dismantled (his kathina privileges are
ended): If he dwells apart from (any of) his three robes even for one
night — unless authorized by the bhikkhus — it is to be forfeited and
confessed.

3. When a bhikkhu has finished
his robe and the frame is dismantled (his kathina privileges are
ended): Should out-of-season robe-cloth accrue to him, he may accept it
if he so desires. Having accepted it, he is to make it up immediately
(into a cloth requisite). If it should not be enough, he may lay it
aside for a month at most when he has an expectation for filling the
lack. If he should keep it beyond that, even when he has an expectation
(for further cloth), it is to be forfeited and confessed.

4. Should any bhikkhu have a
used robe washed, dyed, or beaten by a bhikkhunī unrelated to him, it
is to be forfeited and confessed.

5. Should any bhikkhu accept
robe-cloth from the hand of a bhikkhunī unrelated to him — except in
exchange — it is to be forfeited and confessed.

6. Should any bhikkhu ask for
robe-cloth from a man or woman householder unrelated to him, except at
the proper occasion, it is to be forfeited and confessed. Here the
proper occasion is this: The bhikkhu’s robe has been snatched away or
destroyed. This is the proper occasion here.

7. If that unrelated man or
woman householder presents the bhikkhu with many robes (pieces of
robe-cloth), he is to accept at most (enough for) an upper and a lower
robe. If he accepts more than that, it is to be forfeited and confessed.

8. In case a man or woman
householder unrelated (to  the bhikkhu) prepares a robe fund for the
sake of a bhikkhu, thinking, “Having purchased a robe with this robe
fund, I will clothe the bhikkhu named so-and-so with a robe”: If the
bhikkhu, not previously invited, approaching (the householder) should
make a stipulation with regard to the robe, saying, “It would be good
indeed, sir, if you clothed me (with a robe), having purchased a robe
of such-and-such a sort with this robe fund” — out of a desire for
something fine — it is to be forfeited and confessed.

9. In case two householders —
men or women — unrelated (to the bhikkhu) prepare separate robe funds
for the sake of a bhikkhu, thinking, “Having purchased separate robes
with these separate robe funds of ours, we will clothe the bhikkhu
named so-and-so with robes”: If the bhikkhu, not previously invited,
approaching (them) should make a stipulation with regard to the robe,
saying, “It would be good indeed, sirs, if you clothed me (with a
robe), having purchased a robe of such-and-such a sort with these
separate robe funds, the two (funds) together for one (robe)” — out of
a desire for something fine — it is to be forfeited and confessed.

10. In case a king, a royal
official, a brahman, or a householder sends a robe fund for the sake of
a bhikkhu via a messenger, (saying,) “Having purchased a robe with this
robe fund, clothe the bhikkhu named so-and-so with a robe”: If the
messenger, approaching the bhikkhu, should say, “This is a robe fund
being delivered for the sake of the venerable one. May the venerable
one accept this robe fund,” then the bhikkhu is to tell the messenger:
“We do not accept robe funds, my friend. We accept robes (robe-cloth)
as are proper according to season.”

If the messenger should say to the bhikkhu, “Does the venerable one
have a steward?” then, bhikkhus, if the bhikkhu desires a robe, he may
indicate a steward — either a monastery attendant or a lay follower —
(saying,) “That, my friend, is the bhikkhus’ steward.”

If the messenger, having instructed the steward and going to the
bhikkhu, should say, “I have instructed the steward the venerable one
indicated. May the venerable one go (to him) and he will clothe you
with a robe in season,” then the bhikkhu, desiring a robe and
approaching the steward, may prompt and remind him two or three times,
“I have need of a robe.” Should (the steward) produce the robe after
being prompted and reminded two or three times, that is good.

If he should not produce the robe, (the bhikkhu) should stand in
silence four times, five times, six times at most for that purpose.
Should (the steward) produce the robe after (the bhikkhu) has stood in
silence for the purpose four, five, six times at most, that is good.

If he should not produce the robe (at that point), should he then
produce the robe after (the bhikkhu) has endeavored further than that,
it is to be forfeited and confessed.

If he should not produce (the robe), then the bhikkhu himself should
go to the place from which the robe fund was brought, or a messenger
should be sent (to say), “The robe fund that you, venerable sirs, sent
for the sake of the bhikkhu has given no benefit to the bhikkhu at all.
May the you be united with what is yours. May what is yours not be
lost.” This is the proper course here.

Sutta Pitaka
Samyutta Nikaya

The Samyutta Nikaya, the third division of the Sutta Pitaka, contains 2,889 suttas grouped into five sections (vaggas). Each vagga is further divided into samyuttas, each of which in turn contains a group of suttas on related topics. The samyuttas
are named according to the topics of the suttas they contain. For
example, the Kosala Samyutta (in the Sagatha Vagga) contains suttas
concerning King Pasenadi of Kosala; the Vedana Samyutta (in the
Salayatana Vagga) contains suttas concerning feeling (vedana); and so on.

An excellent modern print translation of the complete Samyutta Nikaya is Bhikkhu Bodhi’s The Connected Discourses of the Buddha: A New Translation of the Samyutta Nikaya (Boston: Wisdom Publications, 2000; originally published in two volumes, but now available in a single volume). A fine anthology of selected suttas is Handful of Leaves (Vol. 2), by Thanissaro Bhikkhu (distributed by the Sati Center for Buddhist Studies).

The suttas are numbered here by samyutta (chapter) and sutta, with
the suttas numbered sequentially from the start of each samyutta, using
as a guide the Rhys Davis & Woodward PTS English translations of the Samyutta Nikaya (The Book of the Kindred Sayings).
The braces {} that follow each sutta and samyutta title contain the
corresponding volume and starting page number, first in the PTS
romanized Pali edition of the Samyutta Nikaya, then in Bhikkhu Bodhi’s Connected Discourses of the Buddha (”CDB”). The translator appears in the square brackets [].



Food for the Heart

Abhidhamma Practice

Introduction [go up]

One of the most notable features of Venerable Ajahn Chah’s teaching
was the emphasis he gave to the Sangha, the monastic order, and its use
as a vehicle for Dhamma practice. This is not to deny his unique gift
for teaching lay people, which enabled him to communicate brilliantly
with people from all walks of life, be they simple farmers or
University professors. But the results he obtained with teaching and
creating solid Sangha communities are plainly visible in the many
monasteries which grew up around him, both within Thailand and, later,
in England, Australia, Europe and elsewhere. Ajahn Chah foresaw the
necessity of establishing the Sangha in the West if long-term results
were to be realized.

This book is a collection of talks he gave to the monastic
communities in Thailand. They are exhortations given to the communities
of bhikkhus, or Buddhist monks, at his own monastery, Wat Ba
Pong, and some of its branches. This fact should be born in mind by the
lay reader. These talks are not intended to, and indeed cannot, serve
as an introduction to Buddhism and meditation practice. They are
monastic teachings, addressed primarily to the lifestyle and problems
particular to that situation. A knowledge of the basics of Buddhism on
the part of the listener was assumed. Many of the talks will thus seem
strange and even daunting to the lay reader, with their emphasis on
conformity and renunciation.

For the lay reader, then, it is essential to bear in mind the
environment within which these talks were given — the rugged, austere,
poverty-stricken North-East corner of Thailand, birth place of most of
Thailand’s great meditation teachers and almost its entire forest
monastic tradition. The people of the North-East are honed by this
environment to a rugged simplicity and gentle patience which make them
ideal candidates for the forest monk’s lifestyle. Within this
environment, in small halls dimly lit by paraffin lamps, surrounded by
the assembly of monks, Ajahn Chah gave his teachings.

Exhortations by the master occurred typically at the end of the
fortnightly recitation of the Patimokkha, the monks’ code of
discipline. Their content would be decided by the current situation —
slackness in the practice, confusion about the rules, or just plain
“unenlightenment.” In a lifestyle characterized by simplicity and
contentment with little, complacency is an ongoing tendency, so that
talks for arousing diligent effort were a regular occurrence.

The talks themselves are spontaneous reflections and exhortations
rather than systematic teachings as most Westerners would know them.
The listener was required to give full attention in the present moment
and to reflect back on his own practice accordingly, rather than to
memorize the teachings by rote or analyze them in terms of logic. In
this way he could become aware of his own shortcomings and learn how to
best put into effect the skillful means offered by the teacher.

Although meant primarily for a monastic resident — be one a monk,
nun or novice — the interested lay reader will no doubt obtain many
insights into Buddhist practice from this book. At the very least there
are the numerous anecdotes of the Venerable Ajahn’s own practice which
abound throughout the book; these can be read simply as biographical
material or as instruction for mind training.

From the contents of this book, it will be seen that the training of
the mind is not, as many believe, simply a matter of sitting with the
eyes closed or perfecting a meditation technique, but is, as Ajahn Chah
would say, a great renunciation.



Mayawati appeals for clear mandate in MP

Bhopal, November 19: Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
supremo and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati applealed to the
people of Madhya Pradesh to vote for her party which has ensured the
welfare of all as both Congress and the BJP have cheated them after
getting their votes.

Addressing poll rallies at Khandwa and Bhopal in
support of the BSP candidates, Mayawati appealed to the people to vote
like in Uttar Pradesh where her party got a clear mandate following
which it has ensured welfare of all.

Criticising both Congress and BJP, she alleged
that both of them cheat people for coming to power and later their
policies aimed towards the welfare of industrialists and capitalists.

Mayawati said that like Uttar Pradesh, people of
Madhya Pradesh also should give their valuable vote to BSP which is
capable of providing a government committed to “sarvajan sukhay,
sarvjan hitay” (welfare of all).

She said that because of landslide verdict, her
party has changed the situation in Uttar Pradesh and conditions in that
state is far better now than what it was earlier.

The BSP supremo said that her party has fielded
candidates on almost all the seats in the state and is capable of
forming government on its own.

She also highlighted several steps taken by her government for welfare of people of Uttar Pradesh

Uttar Pradesh to host its first children parliament

Lucknow, Nov 19 (IANS) A first ever ‘Children’s Parliament’ of Uttar
Pradesh will be held at the state assembly here Thursday, officials
said.A consortium of voluntary organisations working on child rights in
assistance with the Unicef is organising the event, which will start
from 11 a.m. Thursday.

“In the parliament, nearly 200 children from across the state will
discuss various issues related to child welfare,” said Augustine
Veliath, communication head at Unicef, Lucknow.

Ministers and politicians will attend the parliament to listen to
these children as they take up various issues concerning them,
officials said.

According to social activists, the parliament will enable Uttar Pradesh to have a concrete policy on child protection.

13 booked for selling Waqf property in Uttar Pradesh

Lucknow, Nov 19 (IANS) As many as 13 people,
including a government official, have been booked for encroaching on
‘Waqf’ (a Muslim charitable endowment) property, and selling it off
fraudulently in Uttar Pradesh, the police Tuesday said.

Waqf is a gift of land or property made by a Muslim, intended for religious, educational, or other charitable use.

‘Out of the 13 people, one is a Waqf inspector, who apparently
procured fake documents and managed to sell a building in Khwaja Qutub
locality in Bareilly, which is Waqf property,’ police inspector N.K.
Bhatnagar told IANS over telephone from Bareilly, 250 km from Lucknow.

He declined to reveal to whom the property was sold. Efforts are on to trace the 13 people, who are still at large, he added.

DDA denies permission for Mayawati rally

Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj party
has gone on the warpath after being denied permission to hold a rally
at a DDA park on the outskirts of Delhi.

The rally was scheduled for 23 November as part of a series of rallies to be addressed by Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati.

Now after being denied permission the BSP is considering moving court.

BSP rides on support from UP migrants

NEW
DELHI: Despite both BJP and Congress maintaining that they don’t see BSP as a threat in this assembly. Bahujan leaders are sure to spring a surprise, particularly in east and northeast parliamentary constituencies.
Party poll
managers feel the regions’ proximity to UP and a sizable migrant population that
empathises with Mayawati will help it clinch victory in all the seats where
SC and sarvajan samaj voters have a large presence.

Majority of the migrants in east Delhi are from UP. Behnji’s
(Mayawati’s) rise in UP is hailed by most of them. Since we are into this
assembly election on the lines of UP polls, we will get support of these voters.
They are aware of how good governance has reached their native villages and
towns,'’ said Chandrapal Jatav, party general secretary in charge of Trilokpuri,
Kondli, Patparganj, Jangpura and Okhla constituencies of east
Delhi
.

Dr I A Khan who is responsible for poll campaign in Gokalpur,
Seemapuri, Mustafabad, Karawal Nagar and Rohtas Nagar, also said the party’s
reach to all communities and sub-groups working at grass-root level would help
the party emerge victorious. “We don’t believe in getting huge numbers when on
the campaign trail. Other political parties get full-time campaigners because
they are paid,'’ Khan added.



Prem Chand Pramookh, in-charge of east
Delhi Lok Sabha constituency, said, “I have been working here since August and
since then we have been reaching out to voters. Other parties have begun
campaigning only after filing nominations. We have our underground network to
take care of voters.'’



To ensure that Original Inhabitants of Jambudvipa, that is The Great Prabuddha Bharath votes don’t get eroded,
UP leaders and local campaigners are freely using Mayawati’s name to campaign.
“She has restored our dignity. Now in UP, cops provide you a seat when you go to
lodge an FIR. This will also happen in Delhi when we come to power,'’ a local
leader was heard saying while addressing a meeting in Maujpur
village.



Senior UP leaders are looking beyond the assembly elections.
One of them said party’s performance in winning significant support would help
them to chalk out the strategy for next Lok Sabha elections. “The ultimate aim
of the party is to see Mayawati becoming the PM,'’ said a sitting BSP MP.

From: David Plouffe
Subject: The Presidential transition
To: “Sashikanth Chandrasekharan”
Date: Thursday, November 20, 2008, 5:19 PM

Sashikanth –

Please take a few minutes and help shape the future of this movement.

Share your campaign experience and your thoughts on the best way to keep supporting our agenda for change.

The inauguration is just 62 days away, and as President-elect Obama and
Vice President-elect Biden prepare to take office, they’ll need your
support more than ever.

You’ve built an organization in your community and across the country
that will continue to work for change — whether it’s by building
grassroots support for legislation, backing state and local candidates,
or sharing organizing techniques to effect change in your neighborhood.

Your hard work built this movement. Now it’s up to you to decide how we move forward.

Take this short survey and share your ideas:

http://my.barackobama.com/whatsnext

Thanks to you, this country has an historic opportunity. Electing
Barack was the first big step, but there’s a lot of challenging and
important work ahead.

Together, we can keep making history,

I have a special request for you.

The Obama-Biden Transition Project is a nonpartisan entity whose
purpose is to facilitate the transition to a new government and prepare
for the next administration.

In the past, efforts like these have often been very secretive and funded by the D.C. lobbying and corporate community.

But, like in the campaign, we’ve decided to do things differently.

For the first time, transition efforts won’t be financed with donations
from Washington lobbyists and PACs — which means we’ll need to keep
asking for your help. Your generosity during the campaign helped get us
here, but building a more transparent and open government means
continuing to rely on a broader group of people to do this the right
way.

We only have a few weeks to assess the state of the federal agencies,
prepare our agenda, and staff key positions in the new administration.
Your support right now will be crucial to helping us accomplish these
goals.

Will you help support the urgent mission of our transition team with a donation of $25 or more?

https://donate.barackobama.com/transition

You know that we got here by building this campaign from the ground up.
We’re committed to building the White House team the same way.

Thank you,

David

David Plouffe
Campaign Manager
Obama for America

The message of Gautam Buddha has endured the passage
of time and continues to resonate around the world, more than two and a half
millennia later. For centuries, the life, spirituality and the teachings of
Gautam Buddha have offered solace to millions of people across the world, and
his teachings are an invaluable part of our proud national heritage. Gautam
Buddha’s uniqueness lay in the fact that he prescribed a moral code of conduct,
based on love and compassion, which could enable any person to realize the
Truth.


More than 2,500 years after Lord Gautam Buddha’s
Maha-parinibbana, we find his teachings still casting a lasting influence on
the political and social priorities of our times.

Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar, too, was deeply influenced by
the egalitarianism and humanism of Gautam Buddha’s teachings. He eventually
embraced Buddhism because he was seeking, in his own words, ‘Pragyan
that is enlightenment; Karuna, that is compassion; and Samata,
that is equality.’

Dr.
Ambedkar, gave a new meaning and relevance to the ancient wisdom of Gautam
Buddha.


Dr. Bhimrao
Ramji Ambedkar, affectionately called ‘Baba Saheb’ by millions of his admirers
and followers, played a pivotal role in shaping the destiny of free India and
left an indelible imprint on our national life and polity. The architect of our
Constitution, the champion of the downtrodden, and a rebel against social and
economic inequities, Dr. Amebdkar was rightly described
by Mahatma
Gandhi as ‘a
patriot of sterling worth.’

Born in a
‘Mahar’ family, Baba Saheb had to suffer the ugliest forms of caste oppression
and social discrimination in his early days. But he fought against them with
indomitable courage, and overcoming the twin social barriers of extreme poverty
and caste prejudice, obtained a law degree and multiple doctorates in law,
economics and political science from universities in the UK and USA.


Dr. Ambedkar
was chiefly instrumental in creating a new awakening, a new sense of social
significance and a unique sense of dignity and self-respect amongst a large
section of our people who were otherwise placed at the lowest strata in our
hierarchical social order with first, second, third and fourth rate souls and
human beings without any soul who are treated in a most ugliest form of caste
oppression and social discrimination, while the Buddha never believed in any
soul but all were equal . Endowed with extraordinary brilliance, great
foresight, tenacious purpose and courage of conviction, Babasaheb inspired the
deprived sections of our society to question the basis of the exploitative and
degrading social milieu in which they lived and to stand up for their
legitimate rights.


Baba Saheb’s
eminence as a national leader, jurist, constitutional expert and
Parliamentarian was fully recognized when he was elected to Constituency
Assembly in 1946, and appointed as the Chairman of Drafting Committee of the
Indian Constitution in August, 1947. Working prodigiously, literally burning
the midnight oil, Dr. Ambedkar sat for 141 days to draw up the Draft
Constitution of India.
Being an economist, legal luminary and socialist, he was deeply aware that the
Constitution was not merely a legal document but an organic entity,
representing the aspirations of millions of our countrymen. Speaking on the
vitality and the endurability of the Constitution, Dr. Ambedkar said ‘The
Constitution as settled by the Drafting Committee is workable. It is flexible
and it is strong enough to hold the country both in peace time and war time.
Indeed,
  if things go wrong under the new Constitution, the reason
will not be that we had a bad Constitution. What we will have to say is that
man was vile.’


Dr.
Ambedkar’s attempt was to link the interest of the depressed classes and their
liberation with the common national movement for freedom. Nationalism in him
emerged out of his principled fight against both external domination and
internal oppression. His view of nationalism not only contemplated the
liberation of every country enslaved by colonial domination but also the
freedom for all subjects and subjugated people even in free countries. He
emphasized that without freedom that ensured the dignity of all individuals
social brotherhood cannot be achieved.


He believed
that certain political rights alone did not constitute the basis of democracy.
He perceived it as a form of social engineering, a way of life. The fundamental
elements in the democracy of his concept were: liberty, equality, fraternity,
reason, human experience, prevalence of rule of law, respect for natural
rights, and an emphasis on the individual in social relationships

On the
inauguration of the Constitution, he declared in unequivocal terms that though India had
attained equality in politics, there still existed inequality in social and
economic life. In his concluding Address in the Constituent Assembly, Dr.
Ambedkar forcefully put forth his views in this regard. He said, and I quote: ‘We
must make our political democracy a social democracy. It means a way of life,
which recognizes liberty, equality and fraternity as the principles of life.
Without equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many.
Equality without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity,
liberty and equality could not become a natural course of things.’

The Indian
Constitution as given to us by Dr. Ambedkar is a unique affirmation of
individual rights and social justice. Its great value lies in the fact that it
guarantees social empowerment through constitutional and democratic means. Our
unique path of achieving social and economic emancipation through peaceful and
democratic means holds lessons for all societies in transition and for all
countries striving to cope with social and economic disparities
.


Dr.
Ambedkar’s role as a political leader and his intellectual contribution have
become an integral part of our country’s political evolution. He brought to the
forefront of our nation’s conscience, the deprivations suffered by a large
section of our people due to our exploitative social system. More than anything
else he will be remembered for his role in laying the institutional foundation
of our Republic and for his heroic struggle for raising the down-trodden to a
life of dignity and self-respect.


What a steamroller intellect he brought to bear upon this
magnificent and tremendous task; irresistible, unconquerable…; whatever he felt
to be right he stood by, regardless of consequences.


In
recognition of the distinguished services rendered by Dr. Ambedkar, the
Government of India conferred on him the nation’s highest award ‘the Bharat
Ratna’ posthumously in 1990, and commemorated the centenary year of his birth
in 1990-91 as the Year of Social Justice.


Even today,
Dr. Ambedkar’s vision for a just and free society continues to guide political
thought and action in India.
The scheme for affirmative action or positive discrimination in favour of the
weak, enjoys support of all political parties across the ideological spectrum.
Drawing inspiration from Dr. Ambedkar’s life - where education provided empowerment,
the Indian State is paying special attention to
making education, especially higher education, more accessible to the weaker
sections of society.


However,
administrative measures alone cannot bring about societal changes. There is a
need to change our mind-sets too. This requires an all - encompassing political
and cultural movement against various forms of injustice in our society.
Ultimately, the battle for a just social order has to be waged and won in the
minds of our people.


Today, there
are thousands of young men and women in India whose lives mirror that of
Baba Saheb. More and more talented young persons from the so-called backward
castes are able to achieve recognition in different fields due to their merit
despite disadvantages and discrimination faced by them. And that is because of
their educational attainments. As this trickle becomes a flood, Indian Society
and Economy will speedily become more just, more equalitarian, more inclusive
and above all, more productive.


India’s
position as an emerging global power will lie in the manner it treats its
weaker sections and its minorities, and in following a path of inclusive
growth. The vision of Baba Saheb and his life continue to be a beacon light,
showing us the way forward in our search for a just social order
.


Now his
caravan is being carried forward by
Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) supremo and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and Prime Minister
in waiting


Mayawati who appleals to the people of the entire Nation to vote for
her party which has ensured the welfare of all.


Mayawati appeals to the people to vote like in
Uttar Pradesh where her party got a clear mandate following which it has
ensured welfare of all.


Mayawati says that like Uttar Pradesh, people of
the entire Nation also should give their valuable vote to BSP which is capable
of providing a government committed to ” sarvjan hitay, sarvajan sukhay ”
(welfare of all).


She says that because of landslide verdict, her
party has changed the situation in Uttar Pradesh and conditions in that state
is far better now than what it was earlier.


The BSP supremo says that her party will  field candidates on almost all the seats in
the coming Lok Sabah and  all the states
and is capable of forming government on its own.


She also highlights several steps taken by her
government for welfare of people of Uttar Pradesh

BSP banking on ’social engineering’ formula in MP

ge


Indore,
Nov 20: After the success in the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections last
year, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is banking on the formula of “social
engineering” for the success in Madhya Pradesh assembly elections.




While justifying her decision about not entering into alliance with
either Congress or BJP, BSP Chief Mayawati said, “people of the region
irrespective of all classes had been cheated by Congress and the BJP
for the past 60 years.” “We are not against upper castes. But the union
government is not ready to amend the Constitution for reservation based
on economic condition,” she said.




The UP chief minister also spoke on the achievements of the BSP government in Uttar Pradesh.

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