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Lucknow, May 18 (IANS) Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
party chief and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati Monday asked for
the resignation of over 50 party leaders heading various corporations,
official sources said.
After becoming chief minister in 2007, Mayawati had given plum postings
to several of her party leaders, with many given red-beacon cars and
enjoying facilities and perks given to ministers of state.
While making the appointments, she had reportedly directed the party
leaders to make all possible efforts for strengthening the party’s base
in their respective regions.
However, Mayawati, who was expecting 40 seats in the Lok Sabha
polls, vented her ire at over 50 party leaders as her party managed to
get only 20 seats.
According to sources, in the coming days Mayawati may take similar
action against several other party leaders over the “poor performance”
of her party.
According to party sources, Over 100 members were summoned to the party
office this evening and were asked to submit their resignations.
On May 17, Mayawati has issued a stern warning to the senior government
officials in the state directing them to solve the problems of the
The directive was issued during a high level meeting to review the law
and order situation and progress of various development works being
carried out by the state government.
“People are still made to run from here and there for their petty
works. Their problems are not solved as per the government directives
issued earlier. This is not acceptable. Those showing laxity in solving
people’s problem will be punished severely,” she said.
The chief minister said she will pay surprise visits to the spots were
the works are being carried out and if she will find any laxity then
the concerned officers would be punished.
She also directed the officials to submit monthly report on the action taken on the complaints of the people.
“The report will be submitted by chief secretary, cabinet secretary,
additional cabinet secretary, director general of police and principal
secretary home,” she said.
Mayawati also asked the chief secretary to call a meeting of all the
district magistrates and senior police officers and apprise them of the
is home to the largest number of poor in the world, but the 543 Members
of Parliament, who have been elected to the Lok Sabha, have a combined
asset of Rs 3,075 crore. In a nation where over 28 crore people live
below poverty line, the average asset of the MPs elected to the Lower
House of Parliament works out to be over Rs five crore.
to United Nation’s estimates, 80 per cent of Indians live on less Rs
100 a day. Interestingly, the total asset size of the new MPs makes
their congregation more valuable than a vast majority of the public
companies in the country. There are close to 4,700 listed companies in
India, out of which just about 150 companies have a market valuation of
more than Rs 3,000 crore.
There are an estimated 300 MPs with
assets worth Rs one crore or more in the new Lok Sabha, which is nearly
double from the 154 in the 14th Lok Sabha. Telugu Desam Party’s Namma
Nageswara Rao, who has won the election from Khammam in Andhra Pradesh,
leads the tally of MPs with assets worth about Rs 174 crore, followed
by Congress leader and industrialist Naveen Jindal (Rs 131.07 crore).
Jindal has won the election from Kurukshetra in Haryana for the second
A total of four MPs have assets worth more than Rs 100
crore and include Congress’ L Rajagopal in Andhra Pradesh and NCP’s
Padamsinha Bajirao Patil from Maharashtra. These are followed by NCP’s
Praful Patel (Rs 89.9 crore), Congress’ G Vivekanand (Rs 72.9 crore),
Congress’ Y S Jaganmohan Reddy (Rs 72.8 crore), Congress’ Rajkumar
Ratna Singh (Rs 67.8 crore), Akali Dal’s Harsimrat Kaur (Rs 60.3 crore)
and National Congress Party’s Supriya Sule (Rs 50.4 crore).
there are Bahujan Samaj Party’s Surendra Singh Nagar (Rs 49.2 crore),
BJP’s Shivakumar Udasi (Rs 48.2 crore), Congress’ Preneet Kaur (Rs 42.3
crore), Congress’ Annu Tandon (Rs 42.1 crore), Congress’ Rajamohan
Reddy (Rs 36.3 crore), Congress’ Priya Dutt [Images] (Rs 34.9 crore)
and Congress’ Kapil Sibal (Rs 31.9 crore).
In terms of
parties, Congress has as many as 138 crorepati MPs, followed by
Bharatiya Janata Party’s [Images] 58, Samajwadi Party’s 14 and Bahujan
Samaj Party’s 13. Besides, there are 11 from Dravida Munnettra
Kazhagam, nine from Shiv Sena , eight from the Janata Dal - United,
seven from NCP and six each from Biju Janata Dal and Trinamool Congress.
note that of every 4 MPs 1 has a criminal case against him. SO, do we
elect rich or criminals? Is it if we want to be rich we have to resort
to crime and vice versa? I am sure a common man can never reach
parliament either he is a crook or has a sufficiently suitable hook. Of
course, exceptions are every where; let us call them intervention of
The two prominent winners among the legislators include senior
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Lalji Tandon and Samajwadi Party
(SP) chief Mulayam Singh Yadav.
Tandon, who won the Lucknow seat, represents the Lucknow West
assembly seat, while Yadav, who won the Mainpuri seat, represented the
Bharthana assembly seat in Etawah district.
Similarly, SP’s Mithlesh Kumar, who represents Powayan assembly
seat, won from the Shahjahanpur seat and the Bahujan Samaj Party’s
(BSP) Dhananjay Singh, a legislator from the Rari assembly seat, won
the Jaunpur seat.
Congress’ Pradeep Aditya Jain, a legislator from the Jhansi assembly
seat, has got elected from the Jhansi seat, while the party’s R.P.N.
Singh, legislator from the Padrauna assembly seat, won the Kushinagar
Kadir Rana, a legislator of the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) from the Morna assembly seat, won the Muzaffarnagar seat.
The three legislators who had resigned include Rajiv Channa, Gauri Shankar and Dhaniram Verma.
Channa, who was a BJP legislator from Moradabad (West) assembly
seat, resigned after he was given a ticket by the BSP to contest the
Lok Sabha polls from the Moradabad constituency.
Gauri Shankar, a SP legislator from the Malihabad assembly seat,
also resigned when he was given a Lok Sabha ticket by the BSP from
Etawah parliamentary seat.
Verma, who was an SP legislator from the Kannauj assembly seat, also
resigned after the BSP made his son, Mahesh Verma its candidate from
| Adopt a more expanded and more enriched
concept of what constitutes voter freedom, says Jagatheesan Chandrasekharan
There is still a way to go in
ensuring a truly level playing field for Chief Election Commission,
Chief Justice of India, Government of India, the entire media, parties,
candidates and the voters at large.
As we enter into the final week of the electoral dead-heat, a basic thing is that election must and should be free and fair.
what constitutes a
‘free and fair’ election?
If freedom is merely lack of physical coercion, then it is
reasonable to suggest that Indians exercise their voting rights freely.
There are still some exceptions. There are serious allegations of
coercion in Darjeeling, and other places in West Bengal, and in the
Outer Manipur constituency. It is hard to believe that citizens living
in fear under the shadow of the Maoists and security forces in the
Salwa Judum area of Chhattisgarh exercised their franchise freely. At
the same time, we must take note of the absence of similar reports from
Bihar, eastern Uttar Pradesh, and Rayalaseema in Andhra Pradesh and,
above all, from the Kashmir valley. The Election Commission and the
entire machinery working under it deserve credit for the intelligent
scheduling of phases, for the careful deployment of security forces,
and for sending out tough signals.
But we need to expand and enrich this excessively narrow definition
of voter freedom. A free election does not merely involve the absence
of direct physical coercion, but also the absence of the possibility of
such coercion. A free election means the lack of fear. The lack of
freedom can have many shades to it.
Landless Dalits who live under perpetual fear of their landlords
will not suddenly become free on the day of voting, except in places
where the Bahujan Samaj Party or other Dalit parties are active. Ethnic
or religious minorities – for example, the Muslims in Gujarat, the
Christians in Orissa and the Chakmas in Mizoram – may not have voted
under truly free conditions. The dread of the security forces in
Kashmir, the possibility of caste violence in Bihar and the
omnipresence of ‘The Party’ in West Bengal point to curtailment of
The Election Commission’s special attention to such groups, with the
help of ‘vulnerability mapping,’ was a welcome initiative. But such an
exercise cannot alter the everyday equations of power in an area or
Our electoral rolls continue to be faulty, seriously both in rural as well as in urban
centres; they are skewed in a way to systematically exclude
some section of the population or the supporters of a party. So
far the Election Commission has not bothered to see that all the
eligible names are in the voting list. And they are informing the world
that nearly 40% of the names are not found in the voters list and in
many consttuencies voters names have deleted. SC/STs, Muslims and
Christians names have been deliberately by the revenue department as
they are all supporters of the upper caste rulers. hence, the Chief
Election, Judiciary, Executive and the Views Papers and the Caste based
Media are least bothered about Free and Fair elections as the present
system suits them and it is benificial to them. The right to vote as
enshrined in the Consitution has been removed from this back door
method. They have
just redrawn the boundaries of most constituencies, a highly
contentious exercise in any democracy to suit the ruling castes in the
Centre. While the exercise left a lot to
be desired, almost all the voters allege that the delimitation was
partisan and continue to be so.
Voter impersonation can never be there, if all the citizens are included in photo electoral rolls. This is also deliberately not done because it will not benefit the ruling castes in the Centre. In
these days of computerisation within no time photo electrol rolls could
be prepared. Crores of public money is being spent on elections and
preparing such rolls will not even work out to be fraction of the
expenditure. The CEC,
Judiciaray, Executive and the media are quite aware of this, but they
are just closing their eyes as they are comfortable with the current
Machine can definitely eliminate the possibility of fraud at the
counting centre provided the source code of the program in the machine
is made transparent and made public. It is very much possible to create
fraud EVMs. Rigging
in all its forms can come to an end, if a genuine photo electrol rolls
are generated with all the eligible voters names are included in such
rolls. In fact with such photo electrol rolls and unfradulant EVMs the
polling agents along with the Election Officers and staff can go
door-to-door and collect votes.This will ensure 100% voting in any
election. That will never happen with the present rulers in power,
since it will not benefit them.Any party which wants to rule as per the
Constitution only will be able to do this.
Instead of doing this, the EC the whole world saw the unseemly war between the former
and current Chief Election Commissioners and allegations of
partisanship against the current CEC had left the EC with an image
problem. However each one of them will be rewarded for their partisanship by the respective parties they supported.
should salvage the situation by appointing the
new Election Committee representing different political parties, such
as any other Parliamentary committee. Since each and every party
represent different castes and religions, such a committee will ve
represented by different caste and religion groups. Yet the Election Commission is surviving this general
election losing its moral authority. On balance, the EC has not handled violations of the Code of Conduct was not firm and
even handed. No matter what its composition, the EC as an institution is not seen to be neutral. That is bad news for democracy.
However, there is still a way to go in
ensuring a truly level playing field for Chief Election Commission,
Chief Justice of India, Government of India, the entire media, parties,
candidates and the voters at large. As in the recent
elections, the EC allowed the tunnelled vision of the Indian middle
class to shape its initiatives in some respects. Much of its energy was
spent in pursuing relatively small infringements of the letter of the
law while remaining a mute spectator to the gross violation of the
spirit of fair play.
The EC and its observers demanded loads of paper work from
candidates (including a daily account of expenditure in the middle of a
campaign), required written permission for every poster or banner (one
letter each from every house where a poster is to be pasted), strictly
enforced the timing of meetings (leading to mid-sentence termination of
speeches) and insisted on written permission for each campaign vehicle
(including bicycles!). The sight of politicians being made to submit to
some authority may gladden some hearts, but it is hard to see how this
contributes substantially to a fairer election.
All that these well-meaning curbs have done is to push the
expenditure underground. Stories of the quantum of election expenditure
in Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh are simply shocking. This phenomenon is
not confined to the rich States: crores of rupees were spent by
candidates in the Orissa Assembly election. Big money is the
preserve of big parties: some BJP and Congress candidates are believed to have spent
Rs. 30 to 40 crores in all the states. No wonder that most parties seek
An analysis of the affidavits of all candidates in the first four
phases by National Election Watch shows that the proportion of
‘crorepatis’ (those who have declared assets of more than Rs.1 crore)
has increased from nine per cent in 2004 to over 16 per cent this time.
Among the major parties, this proportion is alarmingly high: 60 per
cent for the Congress, 42 per cent for the BJP,
Similarly, the EC’s curbs on the media are misplaced. The big new
initiative this time was a ban on exit polls in between various phases
of polling. Though it is doubtful whether the ban is legally
sustainable, there seems to be a rationale behind it — namely, the
irresponsible and non-transparent use of opinion polls by an immature
industry unwilling to regulate itself. But it is not clear if this ban,
like most other bans, achieved very much. This gave rise to speculative
reporting, to surrogate polls passing off as ‘analyses’, to the
circulation of many confidential exit polls, and to the acquisition of
a new respectability for satta market rates. This ban is further confirmation that there is no substitute for media self-regulation.
In one respect, some kind of regulation of the media, internal or
external, was badly needed. The restrictions on public campaigns led to
more and more money being invested in the media. The EC has allowed
political advertising on television — this has had far reaching
negative consequences for democracy in much of the global north —
without so much as a national debate on this question. Surrogate
political advertisements — advertisements issued by parties or
candidates in the name of some front organisations — were largely
This time, there was a large scale use of ‘news advertisements’ —
advertisements by parties or candidates that appear on the news pages
and look like news. There were widespread complaints that political
advertisements of this kind were also linked to news coverage and that
those candidates who did not offer such advertisements were simply
blacked out. This gross violation of journalistic ethics does not
appear to have attracted the attention to the Election Commission.
News papers are functioning as views papers of their respective
political parties representing different castes and religions. Once
Napolean said that he could face two battalians but not two scribes.
Now it is so. Nobody fears these views papers. The media is worst and
most corrupt than even the political, executive, judiciary system. They
do not command any respect in this Great Prabuddha Bharath.
If we take the ideal of free and fair elections seriously, we need
to move beyond a back-slapping celebration of the success of our
democracy. We have long crossed the stage of seeking external
certification. As a mature democracy, it is incumbent upon us to look
below the surface and for effective ways of tackling the deeper flaws
revealed during this election.
LUCKNOW - Chief Minister Mayawati Wednesday accused the Election
Commission of being biased towards opposition parties in Uttar Pradesh,
reacting sharply to the poll panel’s order to remove the state’s
principal home secretary.
Addressing a hurriedly convened press conference just before flying
off to Maharashtra for her election campaign, Mayawati said: ‘Removal
of the state’s principal home secretary Fateh Bahadur was arbitrary and
has apparently been done simply on the basis of flimsy, false and
one-sided complaints made by some opposition parties.’
Mayawati, who is chief of the ruling Bahujan Samaj Party, said: ‘The
least that the Election Commission should have done is to authenticate
these complaints before ordering such a drastic step.’
‘In the past also, the poll panel went about ordering the removal of
some district magistrates and superintendents of police, besides some
lower officials without verifying facts, which is not being fair to the
She alleged that many new appointments were ‘made directly by the
commission without even seeking a panel from the state government’.
‘The Uttar Pradesh government is committed to strictly adhering to
the norms and rules laid down by the Election Commission and I have
also issued firm directives not only to my officials but also to party
candidates and workers not to allow the slightest violation of the
Election Commission’s model code of conduct.’
‘I would like to make an humble appeal to the Election Commission to
point out any violation in the code of conduct or in the guidelines
given by it. I can assure them that corrective action would be taken
promptly by the state government, but it should not be guided by
baseless and false complaints made by the opposition.’
She warned: ‘If the commission continues with such arbitrary
practices, then let me tell them that the state government will not be
responsible for any untoward incidents like a terrorist strike, a
communal flare-up or any other breakdown of law and order, including
mishaps with some candidate.’
Criticising the Election Commission for transferring a top state official, UP Chief
Minister Mayawati on Wednesday said that such action could demoralise
the officialdom ahead of the first phase of
“Removing of the officer just due to political reasons on basis of their baseless allegation will demoralize
officers of the state due to which law and order problem could erupt in the
state. EC will be responsible if there is any terrorist or Naxal problem or any
incident happens with me or any other leader during campaigning,” Mayawati told
The EC on Tuesday had ordered transfer of UP
principal secretary of home, Fateh Bahadur Singh following complaints from the
Assuring the commission that the BSP in the
state was committed to hold free and fair polls, Mayawati said that she had
given orders to its officers to follow directions of the commission and ensure
that there should be no violation of model code of conduct during the elections.
“I have not only directed the officials, but also party candidates,
office-bearers and workers that they must adhere by the model code of conduct
and cooperate with the government machinery,” she said.
Mayawati alleged that a number of officers including district magistrates and SSPs of
several district were removed by the EC “merely on politically motivated
complaints from the opposition parties without any proper investigation”.
“I would like to request the EC that if it finds any shortcoming in
a particular officer, it must apprise the state government about the facts so
that corrective measures could be taken,” she said.
“Ordering removal of an important officer like principal secretary home who is discharging
his duties with honesty and dedication merely on the basis of baseless
complaints lodged by the opposition parties is not justified,” she said.
The chief minister alleged that the EC had broken the traditions by
appointed DMs and SSPs without asking for panel of officers from the state
“This was against the old tradition where the state
government is asked to give a panel of officer. I have already sent a letter to
the EC in this regard,” she said.
Denied their right, Muslims seethe with rage
names of a large number of minority voters were found missing from the
Bangalore: Widespread complaints of exclusion of Muslims from
electoral lists were reported from minority-dominated localities across
the three Bangalore Urban parliamentary constituencies on Thursday.
Reporters from The Hindu who visited Yarabnagar,
Madinanagar, Shivajingar, D.J. Halli, Fraser Town and many other
localities found voters angry, yet helpless at being disenfranchised.
“I have lived here for 15 years in a permanent house. Every election
day I have gone to the polling booth right after the morning prayers,”
said a livid Mohammed Rehamath Ullah, the 70-year-old “mutuvalli” of
Khaja mosque in Madinanagar in Bommanahalli, who has never missed his
chance to vote in the Lok Sabha elections since 1962.
There were at least three ways in which people were denied their
right to vote. First was the category of voters with EPICs acquired as
recently as a few weeks ago who found their names missing.
The second was of persons who had voted earlier and who found their names stamped “deleted”.
Thirdly, in many cases names had been changed, mis-spelt or identities duplicated.
The widespread perception in these localities was that minority
votes had been deliberately eliminated as hundreds of voters found that
they could not exercise their constitutional right to vote.
Ameer Jan, an autorickshaw driver, had taken a day’s off from work
to vote. But when he arrived at Kaverinagar in Bangalore South (booth
numbers 115), he found that his name and those of his mother
Zaibunneesa and wife Parveen Taj were missing in the list.
Holding up his EPIC in one hand and his ration card in the other,
Ibrahim Shariff (60) said: “I have shut my shop to vote, but my name is
not on the list.” Out of the 11 voters in his family, only two had been
included in the list. In this predominantly Muslim and working class
pocket of the city this was only one of many such cases.
Abdul Wahid (57), a welder with the Karnataka State Road Transport Corporation (KSRTC), had a similar complaint.
Ward no. 79 in Shivajinagar (Bangalore Central) had 806 eligible
voters, but by mid-morning nearly 250 people who had voted in the same
polling booth during the 2008 Assembly elections found their names
missing from the list.
Malar Nisha, a resident of Moore Road in Fraser Town, who got a new
EPIC on March 18, was one of the 14 members of her family who had been
turned away from the polling booth at Sir Ismail Sait Nursery School.
“The only two Muslim families in my lane (G-block) seem to have disappeared from the list,” she said.
At least four wards of Bharatinagar from Bangalore Central
constituency reported cases of missing names. “Out of 1,092 voters on
the roll in part 58 of Bharathinagar, 250 names were missing. The
majority were Muslim,” said Azam, a resident who was keeping track of
voting in four booths in this area.
Anger over missing names culminated in protests in some areas such as Yarabnagar.
There were rumours that some, whose names had been stamped
“deleted”, were being allowed to vote by late evening if they had
However, Bangalore city Police Commissioner Shankar M. Bidari denied this.
The Police Commissioner said: “there is no question of allowing
people to vote if their names do not figure in the electoral roll even
if they possess the EPIC. It is against election rules.”
BANGALORE: The Congress candidate for Bangalore South Lok Sabha seat
Krishna Byre Gowda has demanded repoll in select polling booths,
alleging that a large number of voters from economically weaker
sections have been deliberately and illegally deleted from the
In his complaint to Chief Electoral Officer M.N. Vidyashankar on
Thursday, Mr. Byre Gowda said the Election Commission provided
electoral list on April 1 and a revised list subsequently on April 10.
“Many names in the revised list have been marked ‘deleted’ in the
list provided to the returning officers. How can such large-scale
deletions take place? It’s a deliberate attempt to deny the fundamental
right of the electorate,” he said.
Mr. Byre Gowda said he was appalled that names of only a section of
people have been deleted from the rolls. For example, he showed the
EPIC of Ayesha Banu (WEC3848405) issued on April 8, Salman Khan (WEC
3832540) on April 1 and M.D. Musheer (WEC 3848397) on April 8. “These
names have been deleted in the revised roll,” he said.
Mr. Byre Gowda said such deletions had occurred in the electoral
rolls in the three Bangalore city Lok Sabha constituencies. “What
bemuses me is that such deletions have occurred only in areas where
there are economically weaker sections. You do not find such
large-scale deletions in urban electorate,” he said.
Asked who could be held responsible for this, Roshan Baig,
Shivajinagar MLA, said: “It is obvious that the exclusion has been done
by officials in the Revenue Department.” “The saffronisation of the
official machinery has led to the wholesale deletion of Muslim voters
from the list,” he remarked.
Their names were missing from electoral rolls
Belgaum: A large number of voters in Belgaum and Chikkodi Lok Sabha
constituencies in the district, which went to the polls on Thursday,
lost their once-in-a-five-year opportunity to cast their votes in
parliamentary elections because of defective voter list.
Despite carrying Elector’s Photo Identity Cards (EPICs), a large
number of voters in the two constituencies were forced to return home
as their names were missing from the electoral rolls.
The changes in the polling stations only added to the confusion that
prevailed in almost every polling station in the two constituencies.
Perhaps, this is one of the major reasons behind the less than
expected voter response in the two constituencies, particularly in
The polling agents of different political parties assisting the
voters outside the polling stations were apparently annoyed over the
manner in which the electoral rolls were prepared.
One of the major mistakes which the polling agents pointed out was
the deletion of certain voters who are alive and continued to reside in
the same place.
At polling station number 164 in Belgaum city, names against serial
numbers 121, 137, 138, 141, 185, 232, 232, 271, 295, 308 and a few
others were missing.
A polling agent, Asif A., said only a few of them were not alive and
he was forced to send others back home as their names were missing.
Citing another example, he showed the electoral roll in respect of
polling station number 163 where the serial number 3,900 was missing.
Voters in several polling stations said though they had voter cards, their names were missing in the voters list.
Sunil K., a voter in Hanuman Nagar, said many voters were not aware of the changes in polling stations hence the confusion.
The voters went to the same polling stations where they had cast
their vote in the Assembly elections held last year when they had to
cast their votes elsewhere.
GULBARGA: An estimated 50 per cent of the electorate voted in the Gulbarga Lok Sabha constituency on Thursday.
Polling was marred by sporadic incidents of clashes between Congress
and BJP workers and boycott of elections in a few polling booths by
people demanding basic amenities. There were also reports of many
people complaining that their names were missing from the voter list.
Speaking in a similar tone, the former Minister Kagodu Thimmappa
makes a blistering attack on the BJP Government for pursuing “unfair”
poll practices by allegedly distributing money and liquor to woo
Stung by defeat, Mayawati
to revert to SC/ST agenda
the results in the just-concluded Lok Sabha polls, BSP leader and Uttar Pradesh
Chief Minister Mayawati on Tuesday advocated
returning to the old SC/ST agenda and spent 30 minutes
of her nearly three-hour speech to party workers discussing a former aide who
has been elected as a Congress MP.
About 1,000 Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) workers, including all ministers,
legislators, newly elected MPs and the defeated candidates from different parts
of the country, together with all district and zonal coordinators from Uttar
Pradesh, gathered at the party headquarters here.
According to a party insider, the meeting
went on for four hours, with Mayawati’s speech taking up most of the time. It
began and concluded with just one theme - a return to the old SC/ST agenda.
Her national ambitions dashed with her BSP managing
just 21 seats in Lok Sabha, Mayawati’s lengthy speech was focused on rethinking
the “social engineering” strategy, carefully formulated to also woo
the upper castes and abandoning its “only SC/ST” ideology, said a BSP
leader who attended the meeting.
While announcing dissolution of all party level committees, she declared at the
closed-door meeting: “The re-constituted committees will give precedence
She voiced her disillusionment with Muslims who she accused of deserting her
What took party workers by surprise was her nearly 25-minute reference to one time
blue-eyed retired bureaucrat P.L. Punia, who has won from the reserved
Barabanki Lok Sabha seat on a Congress ticket.
Punia was Mayawati’s principal secretary during her three earlier stints as
chief minister but fell out of favour when he gave a statement against her in
the Rs.175 crore Taj Corrridor corruption scam being investigated by the
Central Bureau of Investigation.
BSP leaders present at the meeting said her insistence on spending so much time
talking about the former Indian Administrative
Service (IAS) officer was disconcerting.
“Why is she devoting so much attention to Punia. After all he is just one
elected MP; by spending nearly half an hour talking about Punia, we are only
showing our panic,” a party leader told a colleague.
She said he did not belong to her most favoured lot among the SC/ST. “I
wonder if you all are aware that Punia does not belong to the ‘chamar’
(cobbler) community; he is a ‘danuk’ from Haryana.”
While Mayawati called a separate meeting with newly elected MPs Tuesday
evening, she has convened another on Wednesday when she proposes to make an
assessment of the votes secured by the BSP in the constituency of every
minister and legislator.
Party leaders holding prominent positions in the state council of ministers or
in the party hierarchy are likely to be pulled up if the party has not done
well. And insiders are worried that some heads could roll.
The UP General Elections Result 2009 is given below : Read as constitunency , Winner Name and Winner PartyUttar Pradesh
Maya’s social engineering formula fails to click this time
Sangita Bakaya/ Press Trust of India / Lucknow May 18, 2009, 11:18 IST
BSP supremo Mayawati’s social engineering formula, which reaped rich
dividends in the assembly polls, failed to click with voters this time
around with only a handful of Brahmins, Thakurs and Muslims winning.
Fresh from the 2007 experiment, the BSP had pinned its hopes on
bringing into its fold Brahmins and Muslims along with its loyal
votebank among the SC/STs.
The party, earlier known for its extreme views on the upper castes,
had liberally distributed tickets to Brahmins (20), Thakurs (six) and
Muslims (14) hoping that the votes of these castes along with its core
vote base would make a smooth sail for the party nominees but the
success rate this time was unlike the assembly polls with only five
Brahmins, four Thakurs and four Muslim candidates managing to win.
In the last assembly polls, the BSP chief had given tickets to some 80
Brahmins of which 42 had won their seats and the party had returned
the favour by giving them important positions in the government
besides going all out to woo them in the party fold by organising
Brahmin Bhaichara committees.
Even the BSP’s successful slogans belittling high castes were replaced
by new ones.
By bringing these castes together, the BSP chief had worked out a
winning combination for herself that could well put her on the
national scene and realise her dreams of acquiring power at the
But elections this time have demonstrated a specific shift in the
Muslim and upper caste vote bank of other parties and to some extend
the SC/ST vote bank to the Congress in places where the BSP had
fielded Brahmin or upper caste candidates.
SC: Constitution bench to take up relaxation in general category
A three-judge bench of the Supreme Court has referred to a five-judge
Constitution bench the issue whether the candidates selected from the
general category can be allowed to be considered from the reserved
categories of OBC’s/SC/ST at the time of service allocation.
A bench comprising Chief Justice K G Balakrishnan and Justices P
Sathasivam and J M Panchal in their judgment noted, ‘The question that
has to be answered are whether reserved category candidate i.e.
OBC/SC/ST who were selected on merit and placed in the list of general
category candidate could be considered as reserved category candidate
at the time of service allocation.
Whether rule 16 (2) (3) (4) and (5) of CSE rules are inconsistent with
16(1) and violative of Articles 14, 16(4) and 335 of the Constitution
of India.’ The Madras High Court had quashed rule 16(2) of the Civil
Services examination rules which permits the reserved category
candidates selected from the general category on merit to be
considered as reserved category candidate during allocation of service
cadre like IAS, IPS and IRS etc.
In all 31 OBC category candidates selected in the general merit list
were not included in the general category and instead they were part
of 117 OBC category candidates selected with relaxed standard and an
equal number of OBC category candidates in the lower order of merit
were denied job.
The apex court in its 18-page judgment written by Chief Justice K G
Balakrishnan for the bench noted, ‘In view of the fact that the issues
raised and discussed relating to amended rule 16 of CSE applicable to
all central civil services, we are of the view that an authoritative
pronouncement is needed, particularly, in the light of the various
decisions referred above, hence, all these SLP’s and writ petitions
are referred to a Constitution bench.
It is also to be clarified whether the persons from reserved category
who are already selected in the merit category without taking any
relaxation/concession available for the reserved category candidate
can actually avail the better preference of service from the services
under reserved category list as that will be solely based upon the
caste of the candidate that is whether he is SC/ST or OBC as he has
already been selected in the general category on the basis of his
merit only.’ Appeal was filed by the Union government and others.
BSP’s vote share increases in LS polls
For starters, the BSP may have finished third
in terms of the seat tally, but it has become a clear number 1 in terms of
With 27.4%, it is now more than 4% ahead of the SP at second
spot. So why has this translated into just one seat more than the 2004 tally for
One key reason is that unlike all the other three front
runners, the BSP’s support is more evenly spread across the state. Nothing
reveals that better than the fact that apart from the 20 seats the party won, it
finished second in 48 others.
In other words, in all but a dozen of
UP’s 80 seats, Mayawati’s men and women were among the front-runners. In
contrast, the SP won 22 of the 38 seats in which it was one of the two main
contenders. The Congress had an even better conversion rate, winning 21 of the
28 in which it was among the front-runners.
This higher strike rate
was clearly achieved due to the fact that the party’s votes were more
concentrated in a few constituencies than those of any of the other big players.
Thus it could win more than twice as many seats as the BJP though its vote share
was less than 1% more than the saffron party’s.
The BJP had a lower
conversion rate than either of these two parties, winning 10 of the 19 where it
finished in the top two rungs. But it would be more alarmed by the fact that in
over three-fourths of the seats in UP it wasn’t even one of the leading
The relatively more even distribution of the votes this
time than in the past few elections in Uttar Pradesh helps to explain a rather
unusual statistic — while three parties have got 20 or more seats, none
has got to even 25, something that has never happened before in
While seemingly even, don’t forget that two parties — BSP
and Congress — are on the way up, while SP and BJP are on the decline. Of
course, compared to the 2007 assembly polls, BSP’s vote share is down too,
but it has always got more votes in state polls than in national ones.
Sunil Jain: Caste in a new mould
Caste warriors like Lalu Prasad, Ram Vilas and Mulayam Singh have
taken a severe beating and Mayawati’s elephant didn’t quite conquer
Sunil Jain / New Delhi May 18, 2009, 0:59 IST
Election 2009 has been remarkable in more ways than one. The most
obvious of course is that, in this era of fractured mandates, the
Congress has got such a solid base—the party has more seats within the
UPA than even the BJP had in the NDA during Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s
tenure, and that makes it relatively less open to blackmail. This
means Manmohan Singh can provide a clean government this time around
and a lot more reforms—whether he can do this despite the Congress’s
internal Left is a different matter. Second, the caste warriors like
Lalu Prasad, Ram Vilas and Mulayam Singh have taken a severe beating
and Mayawati’s elephant didn’t quite conquer the country. Lalu’s down
from 24 seats to 4, Mulayam from 36 to 23, Paswan from four to zero,
Mayawati’s up from 19 to 20 but a far cry from the 40 she was looking
So is caste dead? You just have to look around to know it isn’t—it’s
like saying the BJP’s drubbing shows India is a lot more tolerant than
it was in 2004 when the BJP got 182 seats. But caste is dead in the
caste qua caste sense. Of course Dalits are discriminated against and
earn just around half what upper castes do on average (Rs 45,900 per
household per annum versus Rs 86,700 respectively), but how will 12
statues of Mayawati and 8 of Kanshi Ram or 11 of elephants help narrow
this difference? OBC households, on average, also earn (Rs 59,700 per
year) much less than upper castes do, but after 15 years of voting
Lalu, OBCs in Bihar still earn just Rs 40,800.
Given that even the upper castes in Bihar earn just Rs 51,200 today
(against an average of Rs 86,700 across the country), how can you say
Lalu never improved the lot of the OBCs in Bihar? Since there is no
historical data at a sufficiently disaggregated level, this is
difficult to prove (all income data cited here are from a book that
Rajesh Shukla and I are writing, explaining how income and expenditure
patterns vary among various castes, across various education and
occupation groups, in different states, and so on). This is what
brings us to Nitish Kumar and his campaign across Bihar.
Data from the NCAER’s latest all-India income survey, on which the
book is based, clearly show the big differences in income levels
across castes doesn’t have as much to do with discrimination as is
commonly believed. As compared to a Scheduled Caste family living in a
village, an SC family living in a town with under 5-lakh persons earns
Rs 62,300 per annum, or 60 per cent more. The average SC family in a
city with more than a million persons earns Rs 82,560 a year. While an
illiterate SC family earns Rs 30,630 per year, the average income goes
up to Rs 52,434 if the head of the family studies till Class X, and to
Rs 109,147 if the head is a graduate.
This is what Nitish Kumar is aiming at. He may play the caste card to
perfection in Bihar—in the sense of developing infrastructure in
certain caste-pockets—but he knows this can only be a short-term
strategy. The overall strategy has to be to move villagers to towns
and cities, to move them from agriculture to industry, to educate
them—he’s promising 100 per cent literacy, bicycles for girls who
reach high school, and more. Since even the poorest fifth of the
population spend 6-7 per cent of incomes on education, it’s obvious
they realise its importance.
The essential point is that you can’t fight election campaign after
campaign on an old idea, and the BJP hasn’t had a new idea for a very
long time. When Rajiv Gandhi was alive, LK Advani would taunt him for
being weak and not pursuing Pakistani terrorists across the LoC—it’s
almost 30 years since, but the taunt remains much the same, never mind
if the BJP’s track record is equally poor with the attack on
Parliament, Kandahar, and so on; kamandal versus mandal brought the
party to power and worked very well when VP Singh was dividing the
country into as many castes as possible, but it has ceased to matter
since most Hindus think the Ram Mandir issue was over the day the
Babri Masjid was demolished. The issue is not of LK Advani who, at
last, has offered to do the right thing by quitting; even tomorrow’s
bright hope, Narendra Modi, speaks the same language of the past—he’s
tackling critical issues like getting water to different parts of his
state, developing roads and ports, getting more industry to the state,
and so on, but when he’s campaigning outside the state, it’s primarily
about Christians and Muslims.
This may draw crowds, but the BJP’s not going to win by preaching to
the converted—the core or the hardline Hindu vote has got the party to
where it is, it won’t get much better. Here’s a thought: reach out to
the Muslims. All data show education is the most critical input to
raising income levels and it is equally clear that none of those who
harness Muslim votes are interested in educating their youth since
this may upset the clergy: Muslims are just slightly better off than
SC/STs when it comes to being educated beyond secondary school. The
BJP, however, has little to lose from this—it doesn’t get any Muslim
votes anyway. Will this alienate the BJP’s traditional voter-base?
Possibly, but this is where leadership comes in. Gujarat would be a
good place to start, considering the party’s prime ministerial hopeful
has the administrative capacity to make it happen.
By G Babu Jayakumar
18 May 2009 04:30:00 AM IST
BSP emerging as an alternative SC/ST party?
CHENNAI: Mayawati’s BSP has made a humble beginning in Tamil Nadu. The
SC/ST party, which is not averse to taking along even Brahmins with
it, contested in 37 of the 39 constituencies and polled a total of
In the pecking order, BSP now stands fourth after actor Vijayakanth’s
DMDK in the state.
While the number of votes that went to the BSP was lowest in Central
Chennai (2068), the highest number of votes went to Priscilla Pandian,
who secured 39,086 votes in Ramanthapuram.
The other constituencies where the BSP’s votes touched the five figure
mark were Thiruvallur (reserved) with 10,750 and Pollachi with 16,815.
Such a vote share is significant in the context of the State already
having its own SC/ST political parties. The VCK, which contested the
election as an ally of the DMK and Congress, even saw its leader Thol
Thirumavalan winning from Chidambaram (reserved) constituency.
Besides, this was the first time the BSP contested elections in such a
big way in the state.
Though the BSP cannot be accused of splitting votes, there are a few
constituencies where it had polled votes more than the difference
between the winning and losing candidates. For example, in Pollachi
the difference is just over 5,000 while the BSP’s number is 16,815.
The vote share apparently indicates that the BSP may emerge as a force
to reckon with in future by trying to be part of alliances and
contesting elections more seriously.
A first, BSP to pay for official trip
18 May 2009, 0003 hrs IST, Dipak Kumar Dash, TNN
NEW DELHI: Shaken by the drubbing her party received in the capital,
Mayawati now wants to meet her office bearers from block, district and
level and the seven Delhi candidates in Lucknow on Tuesday. And in a
first, the party will provide transport and incur all expenses of the
trip, unlike earlier when candidates and office-bearers were asked to
bear all costs. Over 100 members are expected to attend the meeting.
In another first, the BSP supremo called the meeting in Lucknow
immediately after the poor performance in Delhi rather than ask state
party in-charges to convene a meeting in the capital. Party insiders
say this is Mayawati’s way of ensuring direct dialogue with workers
and keeping the flock together. So far, Mayawati maintained a distance
from grassroot party mangers to protect her “importance. “
In this election and the last assembly poll, the BSP banked on the
money power of its candidates. During the Delhi assembly elections,
party national general secretary Nasimuddin Siddique had told the 70
candidates to manage all expenses including lodging of their “guests,”
leaders from UP who were managing their campaigns.
In this election, BSP fielded two billionaires Deepak Bhardwaj worth
Rs 604 crore and Kanwar Singh Tanwar worth Rs 153 crore, though none
could do the trick for the party. Bhardwaj ended up with only 44,111
votes. “The shift from winning Dalit votes to over-dependence on money
power did the maximum damage in all the seven Lok Sabha seats. Our
whole campaign of being a party of the poor and Dalit completely
failed as we became more popular for fielding the money bags,'’
admitted a party insider.
Although the state BSP unit is yet to calculate which way the Dalit
votes swung, quite a few party candidates admitted that the share of
Dalit votes in BSP basket was not more than 1%. “She became the
untouchable (beyond the reach) for Dalits and our Dalit vote bank
eroded,'’ said a party leader.
Here is detail of India Lok Sabha Elections 2009 - Party wise position
|Party||Winners/No of Seats||Party Type|
|Bahujan Samaj Party||21||National|
|Bharatiya Janata Party||116||National|
|Communist Party of India||4||National|
|Communist Party of India (Marxist)||16||National|
|Indian National Congress||206||National|
|Nationalist Congress Party||9||National|
|Rashtriya Janata Dal||4||National|
|All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam||9||State|
|All India Forward Bloc||2||State|
|All India Trinamool Congress||19||State|
|Asom Gana Parishad||1||State|
|Assam United Democratic Front||1||State|
|Biju Janata Dal||14||State|
|Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam||18||State|
|Jammu & Kashmir National Conference||3||State|
|Janata Dal (Secular)||3||State|
|Janata Dal (United)||20||State|
|Jharkhand Mukti Morcha||2||State|
|Kerala Congress (M)||1||State|
|Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam||1||State|
|Muslim League Kerala State Committee||2||State|
|Nagaland Peoples Front||1||State|
|Revolutionary Socialist Party||2||State|
|Shiromani Akali Dal||4||State|
|Sikkim Democratic Front||1||State|
|Telangana Rashtra Samithi||2||State|
|All India Majlis-E-Ittehadul Muslimeen||1||UnRecognized|
|Bahujan Vikas Aaghadi||1||UnRecognized|
|Bodaland Peoples Front||1||UnRecognized|
|Haryana Janhit Congress (BL)||1||UnRecognized|
|Jharkhand Vikas Morcha (Prajatantrik)||1||UnRecognized|
|Rashtriya Lok Dal||5||UnRecognized|
|Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katch||1||UnRecognized|
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