‘We are determined to replace the statues of Mayawati
and install statues of Lord Rama at those places,’ Gandhi told a
gathering organised here to welcome the newly elected state BJP chief
Surya Pratap Shahi.
‘After several years,
there appears a ray of hope. We are confident we would be voted to
power under the leadership of our newly elected state chief,’ he added.
Gandhi accused Mayawati of targeting BJP activists for being vocal against her anti-people policies.
‘Once we come to power, those harassing us will definitely have to face action for their ill-deeds,’ Gandhi said.
Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) has convened a meeting of its central
managing committee July 12 in Ayodhya to restart the Ram Mandir
The outcome of the meeting
will “decide the future course of action to pave the way to build a
temple at the birthplace of Lord Ram. Almost 60 per cent of the
construction material is ready to built a two-storeyed temple,” Vinod
Bansal, media coordinator of VHP, said Saturday.
meeting takes special significance as it will be held in Ayodhya after
18 years. It was last held a few months before the December 1992 Babri
‘Gau’ (cow), Ganga and the government’s acquisition of temples will also be discussed.
Lucknow, VHP general secretary Praveen Togadia announced to launch a
nation-wide campaign against the Congress-led central government that is
planning quota for the minorities in jobs and educational institutions.
central government’s plan to provide reservation benefits to Muslims
and Christians is unconstitutional. We would launch a campaign in this
regard after June,” Togadia told reporters at a press conference.
“The campaign against the central government would be carried out at three levels,” he said.
we will garner support from students in colleges and universities.
Thereafter, we will solicit support from the unemployed and finally we
will bring all Hindu castes on a common platform for voicing objection
against the quota for the minorities,” Togadia added.
to quash the Ranganath Mishra Commission report straightaway, Togadia
said the report would pave the way for separatism in the country.
the Congress government of appeasing the minorities, Togadia alleged:
“It is due to vote-bank politics only that the hanging of parliament
attack convict Afzal Guru is yet to take place. Taking this into
account, I feel P. Chidambaram is just not fit to be a minister.”
Come August 16, volunteers of Hanumat Shakti Jagran Yatra — a campaign
planned by VHP’s Akhil Bharatiya Karyakarta Sammelan at Haridwar early
this month, will walk upto MPs and MLAs and request a rethink over the
mandir issue. “The combined power of prayer and persuation cannot be
undermined and results,'’ says central secretary of VHP Purushottam
Narain Singh, “could be truly dramatic.'’
“We have instances in
past where career politicians like Narasimha Rao abandoned party line
to fulfil a commitment dictated by conscience. Moreover, if Parliament
could pass legislation for taking over the control of Somnath temple,
why can’t it clears construction of Ram temple in the Ram Nagri,'’ he
Even though saffron satraps rule out any connection, the
Yatra’s timing has given it a different colour — judgment in the
Ayodhya title suit is round the corner. If the judgment comes out in
their favour, the Yatra could turn into a victory march. And if it is
against, then it could acquire the character of a show of strength,
sources confided claiming it was a calculated and well-planned move to
regain the lost ground.
As always, not sure of public
reception, the parivar once again plans to use seers as cover. The
three-month movement will be spearheaded by senior sants, among them
head of Akhil Bharatiya Akhada Parishad Mahant Gyandas. In fact, the
blueprint has been prepared keeping to the guidelines decided by the
saints in Haridwar Kumbh. And a `Ram Janamabhoomi Mandir Nirman Sant
Ucchadhikar Samiti’ will be leading the way, Singh pointed out.
If the tactic fails, next plan of action entails invoking divine
intervention. The Yatra will organise Hanuman Chalisa recital at every
khand and shakha. The number of recitals will vary from 11 to 101
depending upon the intensity of the response, a senior prachark told
TOI. The recital, he said, would prove to be a major draw and have high
degree of public participation. Ninety percent of Hindu adults can
recite Hanuman Chalisa and unlike others the recital will last a few
minutes, so it will be a sure hit, he said.
The all-India campaign, he said, will have UP as the centre. Therefore, all the star pracharaks will be leading the show here.
Trying to prove to be close with lord Ram, Former Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister and former Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader Kalyan Singh has
pledged once again to build Ram Mandir in Ayodhya.
with reporters, Kalyan affirmed that he is ready to support to anyone
who take the initiative to accomplish the project. He blamed Samajwadi
Party (SP) and the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) over involving in the
corrupt practices to divide the society on caste lines.
once again his entry to BJP, Kalyan supported the caste based census by
saying that it would be helpful for the government to take welfare
Favouring a caste-based census, former BJP leader and Jan Kranti Party
chief Kalyan Singh has said it would bring about “revolutionary changes”
in national politics.
The caste-based census would change the
policies and strategies of political parties as well as governments,
Singh told reporters here last night.
Attacking both the BSP and
the SP for “patronising” criminals, former Uttar Pradesh chief minister
alleged that half of the legislators in the two parties had “shady”
Demanding derecognition of political parties having
criminal elements, Singh termed as a “farce” BSP’s drive to clean up the
party of criminals.
He also described the Samajwadi Party as a “party of criminals”.
Dubbing BJP as a “party of capitalists”, Singh ruled out rejoining the party.
NDIA: Naxalites and Maoists exploit democratic failures
Posted On: 19-May-2010 07:36:07 By: Ch. Narendra Font Size:
INDIA: Naxalites and Maoists exploit democratic failures
The Asian Human Rights Commission
(AHRC) condemns the cowardly attack in Chingavaram by the Maoists that
killed 35 persons including 11 civilians in Chhattisgargh state on 17
May 2010. It is reported that a bus in which the victims were traveling
along the Dantewada-Sukhma road hit an Improvised Explosive Device (IEV)
believed to be planted by the Maoists resulting in this heavy death
toll. 27 persons are reported to be seriously injured in the incident
and are receiving treatment. The exact number of persons killed and
injured in the incident is yet to be confirmed.
It is reported
that immediately after the explosion, the Maoists fired indiscriminately
at the injured and at those who tried to escape. The use of IEDs
similar to landmines in circumstances as reported in Chingavaram is
prohibited under the Second Protocol to the Convention on Prohibitions
or Restrictions on the Use of Certain Conventional Weapons
Which May Be Deemed to Be Excessively Injurious or to Have
Indiscriminate Effects. The incident also violates Common Article 3 of
the Geneva Conventions of 1949, a law that applies to non-international
armed conflicts and to extremist groups like the Maoists and Naxalites in India.
The magnitude of the problem, its root causes and the development paradigm:
It is estimated that 156 districts in 15 states face ‘threats’ from armed movements with the states of Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Orissa, West Bengal, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh the worst affected.
In a press statement released today, AHRC said that today the Maoist and Naxalite movements in the country have evolved into an armed and rebelling group, well organised and fighting locally against the ’state’. Though the theory and practice
of these movements are questionable, they liberally exploit the anger
and frustration from decades of neglect and oppression of the rural
populacein India, particularly the tribal communities. Parallels of this
form of emotional exploitation can be drawn also to the insurgent activities in the north-eastern states in India.
The Maoist and Naxalite movements in the country are mostly rooted in the government’s
failure to guarantee the basic norms of a democratic state to a large
section of the country’s population, particularly in rural regions and
remote villages. This explains why these parallel extremistmovements are
mainly spread across the remotest villages in the country.
such villages are home to various tribal groups. These communities
depend upon forest and agricultural produce for their survival. Owing to
negligent government policies and the drasticexploitation of natural
and forest resources, with complete disregard for the population that
depended upon these products for hundreds of generations, large sections
of the rural population have lost both their habitat and livelihood
Many tribal communities are on the verge of extinction
and the government is in no mood to listen or dialogue as evidenced in
the recent attack upon the Anti-POSCO movement in Orissa. Voices of
protest, and requests by the native population for consultations withthe
government, have faced not just rejection but stiff oppression. The
situation is also plentifully exploited by the extremist movements as
evidenced in the events prior to the police assault on the Anti-POSCO
protesters. It is reported that minutes before the police charging upon
the protesters, shots fired and country bombs hurled at the police.
government policy on mining is spelled out in the National Mining
Policy released in April, 2008. The policy aims at boosting national
development through mining and disregards completely the concerns and
welfare of the original inhabitants of the land. Accepting tenders from
corporations with deplorable records and supporting their activities
using state resources stands proof tothe government’s lack of commitment
to the people.
Left with no means to survive and their original
habitats rapidly being depleted, the rural populations in the country
have become more vulnerable toexploitation by landlords and corrupt
politicians. Exploitation often takes the shape of bonded labour, a
practice criminalised in laws that are hardly enforced. Police and other
state agencies, like the forest department, are easily bought over by
landlords owing to the widespread corruption in the system. In
frustration, the oppressed populations fall prey to extremist ideologies
like those promoted and professed by the Maoists and the Naxalites,
finding in them a means of fighting back to regain dignity at the very
minimum. Such fights, of varying intensity, have spread to an alarmingly
large area of the country. Unfortunately,the government response has
been equally violent, resulting in murders and widespread loss of property. The legal and moral question the government must answer is can development be forced upon a population?
Exploitation of violence:
religiously coloured and politically motivated defence tactics - like
the formation of the ‘Salwa Judum’- have resulted either in standoffs
between government-backed forces like the Judum and the extremists or in
combat, in which lives are lost on both sides. In some parts of the
country, the Judum has replaced the state and those leading the Judumare
using it as a tool for oppression in the excuse of fighting extremism.
is reported that groups like the Judum as well as the Maoists and the
Naxalites are armed with weapons that cannot be procured from licensed
arms dealers in India and for which no private licences are issued.
Procuring weapons and the ammunition required for these weapons is a
matter that the state as well as the central government must investigate
and plug holes with immediate priority. It could be a hard task since
even some parliamentarians and other local political leaders in the
extremist affected regions employ private militiamen and armed private
guards who brandish imported unlicensedweapons. Any attempt to unarm
these private armies will be sabotaged by the local politicians.
the core of this is an important question regarding the quality of law
enforcement in the country. The Maoists and Naxalites are only
exploiting the failure of an important state apparatus, the local
An equally worrying factor is the recruitment of tribal
youth as members of the village defence forces. On the periphery,
volunteering to become a member of the village defence force is a mere
gesture to assist the state in combating violence. However the
constitution of the village defence force has deeper implications. Often
becoming a member of the village defence force is not a matter of
choice, but an issue of survival for the tribal youth.
extremist groups force the tribal youth to join their cadres accusing
those who refuse as state agents. Incidents are common where those who
refused to take up arms are murdered; or their houses burned,
dispossessed of their livestock and forced to flee from the villages. On
the other hand the state agencies,
in particular the state police, seek information from the members of
the tribal communities and once again those who refuse to cooperate are
accused as Maoist or Naxalite cadres and are arbitrarily detained,
tortured and even executed. Such murders are whitewashed as ‘encounter
killings’, a convenient euphemism used by the state agencies for
murdering civilians and circumventing the due process of law in the
excuse of combating violence. Caught between these two opposing and
equally violent forces, the unemployed tribal youth finds the
government’s offer as a means of employment and a source of security.
very concept of village defence force defies accepted norms of state
responsibility to offer protection and security to the life andproperty
of the citizens. The members of the village defence force are given
inadequate combat training; they are not considered as the employees of
the state and their acts, irrespective of its nature, are offered
implied impunity. This unique position exposes the members of the
village defence force toexploitation to carry out the ‘dirty work’ for
the state agencies. Many tribal youth are recruited with the false
promise, that after the operation, they would be inducted to the state
police. On these grounds the recruitment and deployment of the village
defence force have no higher morale or legitimacy than the recruitment
strategies used by the Maoists and Naxalites.
In the fights
between the state and the extremists atrocities have been committed by
both sides, as would be the case in any unregulated war where might and
connivance make right. Hundreds of policemen have lost their lives or
been seriously injured in these wars; a similar number of extremists
have also been killed or injured. This is in addition to the large
number of innocent persons killed by both sides because of mere
accusations and suspicion.
Worst of all is the number of
innocent persons killed in fake ‘encounter killings’ organised by the
state agencies. Men and women are almost daily arrested, tortured and
killed by state agencies in the name of fighting extremism. Such murders
are in no way different from those carried out by the extremist groups.
They are equally coldblooded and criminal. However, so far not a single
such case has been investigated or the perpetrators punished.
killings and the use of torture defy the basic premise of democracy and
it negates the fundamentals of fair trial. Encounter killings violate
India’s legally binding obligations as mandated in the International
Convention on Civil and Political Rights, an international document to
which India is a party. By all means encounter killings have no place of
acceptance within the existing legal framework in the country. The
National Human Rights Commission of India has repeatedly required state
agencies to conduct independent investigations and video document the
autopsy of victims of encounter killings and file reports on each
incident to the Commission. Though a rule sought to be enforced by the
Commission, filing of these reports thus far has remained an exception.
and violence cannot be justified for any reason. On that ground alone,
extremist activities in the country have no moral basis, even though
they would define their activity as a radical political movement,
necessary to fight oppression. When murdering innocent persons and
imparting fear among the populace becomes a means to political ends, the
Maoist and Naxalite movement runs parallel with other terrorist
organisations in the world.
The Naxalite and Maoist problem is
complex. A concoction of caste issues, feudalism and lawlessness in
rural India intoxicates the people, so their minds become fertile ground
for extremist ideologies. The government has responded by opting
principally to counter violence with violence, adding fuel to the fire.
Between these two diametrically opposing forces is no middle ground,
which leaves the common people no way to avoid violence.
murder of civilians and police officers, destruction of private and
government property including vital transportation links like the rail
network by the Maoists and Naxalites has to be analysed and understood
as part of a well calculated and executed strategy to increase state
offensive. It appears that the Maoists and the Naxalites look forward
more towards the state’s use of aerial combat operations, an option the
state has refused to initiate until today.
The continuing offer
by the Union Home Minister for dialogue and a peaceful way of settling
disputes with the extremists shows the intention to deal with the issue
in a mature way, a democratic principle the Maoists, Naxalites and the
leading opposition parties like the Bharatiya Janata Party and the
Communist Party of India (Marxist), repeatedly fails to understand. This
is no surprise since the ideological framework based on violence of
these two political groups runs parallel to that of the Maoists and the
Arbitrary violence used by the state in combating
extremism will only inflate the situation, an opportunity eagerly
awaited by the extremists. It will also further alienate the citizens
affected by the violence from the state, an essential requirement for
the extremist group to expand and sustain.
The democratic way forward:
moral ground for the state to fight the extremist group must not be
thus based on the use of counter violence. The fight against extremism
must begin from a considered approach of gaining confidence of the
citizens, the worst affected rural population in particular. In doing so
the government must be able to prove that the country is a matured
democracy and not a chaotic state of intense vested interests. One of
the important steps towards this is the enactment and the prompt
implementation of a national land reforms policy augmented by the
revision of some of the existing laws like those limiting the rights of
the tribal community to use the forest and forest produce as they did
for hundreds of generations in the past.
Combating violence has
to begin within government agencies. Strict action must be taken against
state agents, in particular officers of the police force and the forest
department, who commit crimes against innocent civilians. But so far no
such action has been taken. In addition there must be a credible and
transparent mechanism to listen to the grievances of people caught in
the crossfire, and a policy of welcoming armed civilian combatants,
including the Maoists and Naxalites, to surrender and be reintegrated
The policy of using village defence force must be
reviewed with inputs from civil society organisations that work with the
tribal communities and the ordinary people who are affected by
extremist violence. State run essential services like medical and
educational facilities must be provided to the rural population and the
regular functioning of these state institutions at the rural level
guaranteed free from corruption and discriminatory practices like caste
Fundamentalist religious forces resorting
to violence in the name of vigilante groups that have rooted in the
extremist affected regions must be banned and actions taken against
political parties that support these groups. Policies behind the
industrial development programmes currently implemented and planned to
be executed in the extremist affected regions must be reviewed with an
intention to realistically assess the environmental as well as human
impact of these programmes. The assessment must be made respecting the
rights of indigenous communities that are affected by these programmes.
these steps are taken by the government, the Maoist and Naxalite
extremism in India has the potential to flare up and burn down the
democratic norms the founders of the nation promised to the future
generations. The Chingavaram incident must be reviewed as an eye-opener,
not an excuse to wage a full blown war.
Devendra Gupta (left) and Chandrashekhar, accused in the Ajmer shrine blast case, being produced in a court in Ajmer on May 1.
May 1, reviving memories of a long-forgotten terror attack, the
Rajasthan Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) came up with a surprising
revelation by arresting one Devendra Gupta for his alleged involvement
in the Ajmer Dargah Sharif blasts of October 11, 2007. Another arrest,
of Chandrashekhar, a Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) worker from
Madhya Pradesh, indicated that the links were spread wider than was
In an interview to a television channel, ATS
chief Kapil Garg pointed out the role played by Abhinav Bharat, a Hindu
nationalist organisation with pre-Independence origins (not the
registered public charitable trust based in Mumbai). The Pune-based
organisation, in its new avatar, is managed by Himani Savarkar, a niece
of Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, who is married to a
nephew of the Hindu nationalist leader V.D. Savarkar. The ATS chief’s
claim was supported by none other than Ashwani Kumar, chief of the
Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI). Speaking to mediapersons at the
sidelines of a function, he said that there was a link between the
Ajmer, Mecca Masjid and Malegaon blasts. The similarity in the modus
operandi and in the explosives used substantiated these claims.
Gupta apparently had links with the RSS. On the day of the blast at
Ajmer, some 5,000 people had gathered for iftaar. The attack was
initially attributed to the Harkat-ul-Jehad-e-Islami (HuJi) by the then
Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil, who is now the Governor of Rajasthan.
The Home Ministry, it was believed, had formed this premature
conclusion primarily because an India-Pakistan meeting on ways to deal
with terror mechanisms was due on October 22 that year. Islamist terror
outfits were blamed for about one and a half years. On the basis of this
belief, several people were rounded up and there were arrests,
detentions and interrogations.
Muslim and secular groups in the
State have demanded a fresh probe into the Ajmer blasts and a ban on the
RSS. In the light of the fresh links that have emerged, groups like the
Rajasthan Sadbhav Manch, the Association for Protection of Civil
Rights, the Bhaichara Foundation and the Jamaat-e-Islami Hind have
demanded that the Jaipur serial explosions of May 2008. in which 70
people were killed, should be investigated again.
In the Ajmer
dargah, when a tiffin box kept a few feet away from the main mausoleum
exploded, three lives were lost and 30 persons were injured. Thankfully,
the casualties were not very high. It was the brazen attempt and the
nature of the attack that shocked the country; this was the first time
that a prominent Sufi shrine had been targeted.
The revelations of
the State ATS were further bolstered by the assertion of the State Home
Minister, Shanti Dhariwal, who said that the investigating agencies had
enough evidence to prove that the arrested person had links with the
RSS, a claim that the organisation denied. He also said that the
bomb-maker had been identified and that the centre of activity lay in
Devendra Gupta, it was claimed, was in touch not
only with Sunil Joshi, an RSS zila pracharak, who died after the blast
in October 2007, but also Sadhvi Pragya Singh, the alleged brain behind
the Malegaon blasts of September 29, 2008, in which six people were
killed. The blasts occurred in the month of Ramzan. In 2006, too,
Malegaon was ripped apart by blasts at three different places, including
a mosque-cum-graveyard where 38 people were killed and a hundred were
injured. The occasion was Shab-e-Baraat and people had come to offer
prayers for their dead. Three persons were then arrested from Indore.
Another person arrested for the Malegaon blasts, Colonel P.S. Purohit,
apparently confessed that Joshi had masterminded the dargah operation
with Devendra Gupta’s help.
In August 2007, two Bajrang Dal activists, Rajeev Mishra and Bhupendra Arora, were killed in Kanpur while assembling bombs.
few months before that, blasts in the Samjhauta Express killed 68
people, all Pakistanis. No one at that time remotely suspected the hand
of homegrown outfits, operating and acting in the name of Hindutva,
though the Rajasthan police had noted that the pattern of the Ajmer
blast resembled that of the Mecca Masjid blasts in Hyderabad. Nine
people were killed in the blasts on May 18, 2007, at the 17th century
Mecca Masjid and five were killed in subsequent police firing. It
emerged only later in some sections of the media that there could be
other possibilities. Muslim groups in Hyderabad have demanded a fresh
Raising the issue at zero hour on May 6 in the Rajya Sabha,
Communist Party of India (Marxist) member Brinda Karat drew the
attention of the House to the recent developments that pointed to the
role played by groups acting in the name of Hindutva. She said: “It is
true that terror has no religion and it is equally true that terrorists
taking the name of any particular religion defame the very religion in
whose name they act. In the current investigations these highly
condemnable anti-national acts of terror and bomb blasts in places of
worship like the Sufi shrine in Ajmer or the Masjid in Hyderabad were
committed by groups acting in the name of Hindutva. In these two blasts
several innocent people were killed and hundreds injured.
in the Malegaon bomb blasts in 2006 and again in 2008 in Malegaon and
Modasa, groups acting in the name of Hindutva have been implicated.
Recently it was reported that the RSS had expelled one of its pracharaks
for his involvement following the investigations.”
surprise at the way Ministers and officials linked the blasts,
immediately after they occurred, to members of the Muslim community and
the HuJi and the Laskhar-e-Taiba. “We know about the culpability of Huji
and Lashkar in many acts of terror in this country, but when it becomes
an automatic reaction to blame Muslims … for blasts, it is the gravest
injustice to the community and in fact it helps terror groups operating
across the border, as the credibility of our own investigation gets
compromised,” she said.
She stated that the arrest, torture and
incarceration of 75 young Muslims in Hyderabad in 2007 and 2008 was a
shameful example of prejudice and community profiling. She called upon
the House to join her in demanding compensation for them.
Simultaneously, she also demanded a fresh probe into the Mecca Masjid
blasts in the light of new evidence of links with the Ajmer Sharif
blasts. She demanded that the government institute an inquiry into the
network of groups, operating in different parts of the country, that had
committed acts of terror in the name of Hindutva.
She called upon
the House to condemn “politics that produces persons who commit such
acts, the politics of communal hatred, the targeting of Muslims, the
false propaganda and the distortions of history”.
In a separate
statement, the CPI(M) said: “The arrest of three persons in the Ajmer
Sharief Dargah blasts of 2007 has revealed the role of Hindutva
extremist elements in this terrorist attack. One of those arrested is
reported to be a member of the RSS. These elements are linked to the
group which conducted the Malegaon blasts in Maharashtra. The enquiries
point to the involvement of the same elements in the Mecca Masjid blast
in Hyderabad.” It also highlighted how after the Mecca Masjid bomb blast
a number of Muslim youth were rounded up and kept in detention and
tortured for weeks; 26 of them were charge-sheeted and kept in prison
for seven months.
The general bias against Muslims in police
investigations into terrorist attacks was disturbing, the party said. It
also called upon the Andhra Pradesh government and the CBI to
compensate suitably all those arrested and detained in the Hyderabad
Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari called for a “a
holistic investigation to discern the linkages of Abhinav Bharat and the
position of Abhinav Bharat in the larger Sangh Parivar”. He also said
that it was disturbing that the name of this organisation was repeatedly
coming up in various blast-related investigations.
TwoCircles.net - May 17, 2010
By Civil Liberties Monitoring Committee, On the occasion of 3rd
anniversary of the Makka Masjid blast and subsequent police firing,
Civil Liberties …
Nitin Gadkari’s Outlook Of 1984 Anti-Sikh Riots
Last Updated: 2010-04-26T12:14:16+05:30
Nitin Gadkari, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president said that the
Congress government cannot be entirely blamed for the anti-Sikh riots of
Gadkari reportedly said that it is not
correct to blame the then government for initiating the riots because
some people’s involvement cannot be concluded as the government’s
involvement. He further said that this type of incidents cannot be
organized or estimated by anyone.
BJP government’s involvement in the Babri mosque demolition and 1992
Gujarat riots he said that if a riot takes place in a particular state
the government of the state cannot be entirely blamed.
He further clarified that BJP is not an anti-Muslim party. He backed his statement by telling that if BJP was against Muslims then they wouldn’t have nominated Dr. Abdul Kalam to be the president of India.
Please read Dalit Voice articles and Reports to understand the Hindutva game!
Brahmin birth-rate falling ? Fear of genetic extinction
Pune: The Brahmin birthrate is falling causing serious worry in Bhoodevata circles, according to a secret circular distributed in Pune city Chitpavan circles.
scholars and experts are discussing the projection that by the year
2050 — 40 years away—the Brahmin population in the country will go down
from the present 2.5% to less than 2%.
“GODS ON EARTH”
a micro-minority in a country of 1,300 millions, the Brahmins have been
the unquestioned lords of the land presiding over every section of the
society: social, cultural, economic, political, media, legal, academic.
They have been also the country’s wealthiest and the most powerful – rightly winning the title of the Bhoodevatas (gods on earth).
Lately, the Editor of Dalit Voice
has added a new feather on their cap calling them the “Jews of India”,
more powerful than the 2% Jews who control the world’s most powerful
country of America.
Caste-wise census enumeration is blocked in
India because a true picture of the country would reveal the
undemocratic picture of power. Not only that. The Moolnivasis
(indigenous), who form over 85% of the country’s population, would get
tremendous courage and strength on realising their population power.
Already the Muslims (20%) are joining the Dalits in a big way to forge a
powerful anti-Bhoodevata battle front.
When such a
powerful united front of the oppressed is taking a solid shape, if the
news of the grass-eating Brahmins — already physically weak and facing
genetic extinction— spreads it will only hasten the gloom and doom
surrounding the country’s worst oppressor community which unfortunately
happens to the country’s core ruling micro-minority ruling class.
But the different oppressed castes and communities are not aware that within a couple of generations their oppressor jati will be facing total extinction.
REASONS FOR POPULATION FALL
two reasons given for the steep fall in their population is the
widespread religious custom of killing the female child at birth (or
before) and their speedy migration to the West, mainly USA.
the thinking sections among non-Brahmins are not aware that the
Brahmins will be left in a state of peril if these facts are published.
the recent gala Pune Marathi Sahitya Sammelan, which is monopolised by
the Chitpavan Brahmins, the killers of their own “Father of the Nation”,
Gandhi — such a life and death issue of the Bhoodevatas — the suicide of the gods on earth — was secretly discussed but not publicised.
MOOLNIVASIS BECAME MUSLIMS
Brahmins, it is learnt, are seriously worried that the land — into
which they came as thugs and pindaries from West Asia over 3,000 years
ago – easily fell into their hands and they became its rulers after
killing the Budhists and finally driving the liberating Budhism out of
India. After killing Budhism, they welcomed the Muslims, became their
loyal servants to further oppress the Moolnivasi Bahujans.
GUJARATI BANIA MADE MAHATMA
Fortunately the oppressed Moolnivasis themselves became Muslims and fought back the Brahmins and became their blood enemies.
Then came the British who again were fooled so that they remained as the Bhoodevatas. They caught hold of the Gujarati Bania and made him give up his Western dress, beef-eating and drinking habits, called him mahatma to fool the innocent Moolnivasis
and ultimately forced the British to quit — but only after vivisecting
the country so that the Dalit-Muslim unity would not imperil their rule.
For about 65 years the Bhoodevatas ruled India enjoying heavenly bliss, manufacturing loyal stooges and destroying the health and happiness of the Moolnivasis.
a time when they became the supreme rulers with none to challenge them,
they get the alarming report that they are facing a genetic genocide.
means our centuries-old oppressors are dying not out of any war and
violence launched by the oppressed majority but because of their own
conspiracies, crimes, perversion, in-breeding as the world’s original
founders of racism.
Meanwhile, the “Jews of India” have received
enough hints that their own cousins, the zionist Jews — on whom they are
today totally depending for their survival — are no longer trusting
them. The zionist Jews have come to know the secret that it was the
Aryan Brahmins who brainwashed Hitler and the innocent Germans to launch
the mass murder of Jews which became world famous as “Holocaust”. The
zionist Jews have at least thoughtfully carved out a homeland for
themselves (Israel) but the hated “Jews of India” can go nowhere as they
have created too many enemies all round including their own blood
brothers, the zionist Jews.
EVERY ETHNIC IDENTITY IS INTACT
Rulers hate our caste but keep their castes safe & strong
Caste enumeration in the current ongoing census operation (2010) is
banned by the upper caste rulers on the ground that such a head-count
will promote “casteism”. The mere 15% upper castes are ruling India only
on the strength of their caste. Even the Supreme Court — dominated by
upper castes — helped the Brahmin castes by ruling that a Brahmin alone
must be the temple priest. The upper castes are holding on to their
caste privileges even as successfully making the SC/ST/BCs lifeless — of
course with the help of their Brahminical casteist media.
Women’s Bill: When the Editor of Dalit Voice got the international LISA award in London (2005), for his book, Caste — A Nation Within the Nation
(Books for Change, Bangalore, 2002, photocopy available with DV office
Rs.100) the Brahminical media blacked out the report. Not a single paper
reviewed the book which went into three editions and translated to
Hindi and Kannada — all sold out.
The politics of “caste”,
however, came to the forefront when the upper caste rulers cunningly got
the Women’s Reservation Bill passed in the Rajya Sabha after clamping
“martial law” and physically throwing out the protestors. The Bill has
to be brought before the Lok Sabha but the upper castes are nervous.
Because the caste is killing the Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) also.
Thakur caste party: The 15% micro-minority upper caste rulers have successfully broken the backbone of the 85% Moolnivasi Bahujan Bharat,
made them deaf, dumb and blind. And yet the oppressors trumpet through
their casteist “national” toilet papers that “India is the world’s
But with all the Brahminical efforts to
beat the “caste” to death, the sole single “ethnic identity” of the
indigenous people, the “caste” is not only not dying but fully alive and
The notorious UP Thakur, Amar Singh, thrown out of
the party by Mulayam Singh, wants to start a caste party of Thakurs. No
Brahmin has so far criticised his proposal.
DV has long back welcomed caste-based parties which will pave the way for caste wars.
In the neighbouring Bihar, the Brahmin favourite, Nitish Kumar, a
Kurmi, wants to give land to certain Dalit subcastes. He has already
introduced a new caste-based reservation to “Maha Dalits” comprising 21
castes. The Kurmi leader is the latest blue-eyed boy of the Brahmins. He
now wants to include the Paswan jati also. (DV April 1, 2010 p.20: “Brahminic hand boosting Nitish Govt. to keep Lalu out”).
four castes — Dusadh, Pasi, Dhobi and Chamar — constitute 69% of
Bihar’s Dalit population living in subhuman condition. Of this Ravidas
and Dusadh (Paswan) form 31.4% and 30.1%. Only 26% of the Dalits in
Bihar are literate.
No subcaste among the Dalits, OBCs or upper
castes is ready to give up its “caste identity” because that is their
ethnic origin. And yet these Dalit castes are brain-washed by Brahmin to
say that caste must go — even as every oppressor caste retains its
“caste identity” in tact.
Not a single Aryan upper caste (15%) has
given up its “ethnic identity”. They are only asking our people to
destroy our castes. This will never happen.
DV Aug.16, 2009 p.10: “DV predictions of caste wars will come true - soon”.
DV March 1, 2009 p.21: “Caste identity & Mahar movement”.
DV Feb.1, 2009 p.11: “Caste identity graduates into caste armies: DV theory takes big leap”
DV April 1, 2009 p.6: “Nitish experiment in caste identity may spoil Lalu chances”.
DV Sept.16, 2004 p.5: “Chamars became slaves when they lost their caste identity”.
Marxist mask of the Hindu editor falls
Bangalore: Brahmins do fight between themselves to share the loot, but never in public and nothing will be known to the outsiders.
But the Iyengar Brahmins belonging to the House of the Hindu, called the “Mount Road Mahavishnu” of Madras, are not only quarreling but washing all the dirty linen in public.
The Indian Express, its rival, was the first to expose the frauds allegedly committed by the Editor of the Hindu, N. Ram, who hides himself under a “marxist” garb and yet remains a hard-core Manuwadi. All his posing as a “marxist”, giving lavish publicity to the bogus Brahmins in CPM, is an attempt to deceive the gullible.
The villain: The Manorama English publication (April 11, 2010), the Week, revealed the ongoing power struggle in the 132-year-old Hindu. Is the Hindu collapsing like the Indian Express?
The villain is N. Ram. He is targeted by the entire family for not retiring as the editor in May, 2010 as he turned 65.
Instead of keeping up the promise, the manuwadi marxist went on appointing his daughter and other close relative to top jobs.
Gail Omvedt & Kancha ousted:
The country’s entire media is either owned by Brahmins or managed by
them when the owners are Mardwadis or some others. The total hold on the
media has kept the voice of the over 85% of the nationalities totally
suppressed. And yet these Rams and Shyams go on shouting that India has
the freest press in the world. Yes. They have the freedom to suck our
A glaring example of N. Ram’s deep love for “free press” is
to kick out Gail Omvedt and Kancha Ilaiah, two of the country’s most
famous Dalit-Bahujan writers, who had a regular column in the Hindu, as soon as he became the Editor. Plenty of frauds are going round the country wearing the marxist mask.
Upper castes alone have the “merit”
The 15% upper castes who rule from centuries have become more merciless
after they got “independence” in 1947. Look at the arrogance of these
These upper castes are carrying on their racist rule only
because the SC/STs are not even getting angry. The moment they start
getting angry, the micro-minority rulers will piss in their pants.
Read the following Times of India report of Dec. 11, 2009:
Madras: The Madras High Court has directed at least five nationalized banks to follow the rule of reservation for promotion of SC/ST candidates to officer ranks.
division bench comprising Justice Elipe Dharma Rao and Justice C.T.
Selvam, citing a central govt. memo of Aug.13, 1997, said: “When the
Constitution has given an extra protection to the underprivileged
communities so as to ensure equal opportunities as guaranteed by the
constitution, the banks are not justified in sleeping over the matter of
providing reservation in promotions for a decade with no good reason to
offer”. The petitions and appeals were filed by the SC/ST employees
associations of various nationalized banks, seeking a direction to the
banks to provide reservation in promotions to officers from scale I to
Scale VII as per the instructions issued by the Centre.
banks, however, said promotion to officers grade is on the basis of
merit-cum-seniority, to which reservation policy cannot be made
Justice Dharma Rao said: “We are unable to
understand such a sweeping and generalized argument advanced on the part
of the banks, as if all the employees belonging to these
underprivileged classes are inefficient and not suitable for promotion.
When the Union of India has directed the banks to follow the rule of
reservation in promotions in all cadres as early as in the year 1997,
there is no impediment for the banks to implement the same. However, for
no better reason to be appreciated, the banks are adamant in not
implementing the office memo”.
Racism in Canara Bank
On the historic occasion of the Dr. Ambedkar birth anniversary (April
14, 2010), this correspondent visited the headoffice of the Canara Bank
in Bangalore to find out the representation of Dalits in this
state-owned bank, 50 years after the constitution came into being. The
following shocking facts have been gathered.
The bank has about 12,000 Dalit employees but only 3,000 officers — that too at lower levels.
the bank is govt.-owned it is run by micro-minority Brahmins and other
upper castes (15%) who never allow Dalits to come up.
evident from the following negligible representation of SC/ST in the
executive posts. Even the couple of SC/STs promoted to executive jobs
are not given responsible postings. Such is the extent of racism inside
this bank and all other govt. institutions.
General Managers (GM) 2 out 38
DGM 6 out of 160
AGM 16 out of 300
Div.M 56 out of 500.
in promotion is given only up to scale-I posts but no reservation above
this. Though the bank is owned by the state the upper caste bosses
behave as if they are its owners.
Please read our DSA book, Merit - My Foot, (Reply to anti-Reservation Racists), V.T. Rajshekar, Rs. 30.
Hindu terrorists to set up Israel-based govt.
Bangalore: The Maharashtra Police have detected that the powerful Chitpavan Brahmin-led Abhinav Bharat (AB) terrorist force is proposing its head quarters in Zionist Israel.
The Maharashtra Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) chargesheet in the Malegaon
blast case claims that as per statements from the accused the town was
singled out for the blast as “it was the ideal place where the Muslim
community crowd was the maximum” and that prime accused Lt. Col. Prasad
Purohit had told fellow conspirators it was time to set up a parallel
Hindu Govt. in-exile which could operate out of Israel and ensure a
completely sashastra (armed) India. Purohit, according to the
4,528-page chargesheet, promised “all logistic help” with finances from
several quarters and support from some of his contacts in Thailand.
the entire govt., both central and state, are silent on the AB
terrorist activities including its involvement in the terrorist attack
(26/11) on Bombay disclosed in the book, Who Killed Karkare?, by S.M. Mushrif.
The govt. itself is afraid of the AB because all the culprits being Brahmins are above the govt.
zionist Israeli connection revealed in the ATS report is yet another
proof that strengthens DV theory that the Jews and “Jews of India” are
BPL population bursting
Bangalore: Under the Brahminist-ruled “Shining India“,
about 40% of its 1,300 million population is living under the below
poverty line (BPL). The Planning Commission has officially admitted this
fact (TOI, April 19, 2010).
If this is the official figure, what
must be the factual situation? The micro-minority upper caste (15%)
rulers pre-occupied with IPL cricket have forgotten this “scum” which
they think is a liability. After the Khatri Sick PM took over, the BPL population has further enlarged. This is because IPL rulers are sucking the blood of the BPL slaves.
AMERICAN EXPERT UPHOLDS D.V. THEORY
Jews & Jews of India are brothers
Dalits alone have the capacity to destroy Brahminism
San Franscisco, USA
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Lut bin Yahya is a well-versed scholar from America with both white and
native American Indian ancestry and a recent convert to Islam. He also
realizes the importance of Indian sages to the world’s inner growth,
including the Budha, Ravidas, Guru Nanak, Birsa Munda, Babasaheb
Ambedkar, and V.T. Rajshekar. Through Dalit Voice, Mleccha became
aware of and studied the hidden alliance between Brahmins and the
Zionist Jews, both descendants of an Aryan elite which still exists
today. He shows that this Aryan cabal promotes anti-Muslim sentiment and
a worldwide caste system. He found even zionist Israel has its own
Dalit class found among the Palestinians and Haredi Jews who oppose the
terrorist Zionist regime known as Likud. Mleccha seeks to continue to
expose the oppressive tactics of Zionists and Brahmins, seeking to
create unity between Muslims, Dalits, and all those people yearning for
2010 Rs. 10
Dalit Sahitya Akademy
No.109 - 7th Cross, Palace Lower Orchards, Bangalore - 560 003, INDIA
email@example.com , firstname.lastname@example.org Website: www.dalitvoice.org
Karkare book makes waves despite media gag
T. RIYAS BABU, THE MILLI GAZETTE, ABUL FAZAL ENCLAVE-I, JAMIA NAGAR, NEW DELHI - 110 025
The English book, Who Killed Karkare?(2010),
is making waves having been translated in 4 languages, 3 more in the
pipe line. This is despite the total blackout of the book in the
Brahminical toilet papers.
The book by S.M. Mushrif, former IG of Police, Maharashtra, would shock you out of your deep sleep.
book comes out with some startling facts and analysis exposing the real
actors behind the “terrorism” drama whose greatest feat was to uphold
the majesty of a less than 3% “Jews of India”. It reveals the silhouette
of cold blooded murder engineered by the Brahminical lobby of an
upright senior officer of the Maharashtra ATS, Hemant Karkare. He was
just one among the hundreds who were inhumanly eradicated from being a
hurdle in the path of the actors. Despite the total media blackout the
book has reached where it wanted to.
A rare Brahmin: The
book was first published in October on the first anniversary of the
26/11 Bombay attacks. Since then it has seen three English editions and
translated in Tamil, Malayalam, Urdu and Kannada. All this due to the
incessant quest of readers to get into the reality of the sensational
life story of Karkare, a rare Brahmin, who believed in truth. The
English edition was the first through which the world came to know about
the dragon claws of Brahminical pigeons who seized the life of Karkare.
was Pharos Media (Abul Fazal Enclave-I, Jamia Nagar, New Delhi) that
brought out the book in English and Urdu. The three English editions
have almost been sold out. The publishers due to the quick response of
readers had to rise to the occasion and produce editions after editions
in quick succession. Hindi and Marathi editions will be out soon.
The Malayalam edition created a real storm because the media had almost
camouflaged the real happenings. Thejas Publication of Calicut, Kerala,
unveiled the first Malayalam edition at Ernakulam on Feb.17.
Tamil edition was published by Vergal Publications, Madras. It was
released at Madurai on March 14. S.M. Mushrif was present.
Kannada, it was Sthuthi Publications, Mangalore, that brought out the
translation. It was released in Bangalore on March 25. V.T. Rajshekar,
Editor, Dalit Voice was the main speaker.
A dedicated website www.whokilledkarkare.com is in place to give readers information about the book. A Face Book page has been created with title Who Killed Karkare? where readers discuss news related to terrorism.
Ulema lacks knowledge of Hinduism
OBAIDUR RAHMAN NADWI, LECTURER, NADWATUL ULAMA, P.B.-93, TAGORE MARG, LUCKNOW - 226 007
breeds hatred, abomination, abhorrence, enmity, and hostility. Besides
it creates gulf and estrangement among a variety of nations. Casteism
has developed to such an extent that every dominant caste despises the
The late S. Abul Hasan Ali Nadwi says:
real credit for evolving the caste-system into a rigid social frame and a
law goes to Manu, who, in the heydays of Brahmanic civilization in
India, 300 years before the birth of Christ, formulated what is commonly
known as the Manu Shastra as the sacred law of Hindu society.”
where casteism is eating away the basic principles of civilization,
will also must ban caste discrimination as done in UK.
letter once again proves that Muslim religious scholars lack knowledge
of the Indian social system governed by Brahminical thought. You say
casteism breeds hatred etc. Yes. This is the very objective of the caste
system. One caste must hate the other. The hatred is on an ascending
scale of reverence and descending degree of contempt. This is called
Hinduism. Islam being the world’s most revolutionary religion and India
having the world’s largest Muslim population, its ulema should
have studied Hinduism and taken steps to destroy it. We twice went round
the huge library at Nadwa but sorry to say we did not find any
literature on Hindu social system. Because of such a lack of knowledge,
Muslims call everybody (including the non-Hindu, if not anti-Hindu
Dalits) as Hindu. Except the Brahmin (2%), India has no Hindu — EDITOR.
Hate-mongering Brahminists better migrate to America
ABHINAV ANAND, MEDIA STUDENT, NEW FRIENDS COLONY, NEW DELHI
form between 5-6% of our population and not 2% as DV has been
depicting. You are totally partial and unfair. You people want to break
the Indian society into castes but we need to unite the Hindus so that
we can fight the terrorists in our country, Kashmir and Pakistan. It is
because of you people that hindutva has become weak in our
country. Do you think that just by Mayawati becoming PM or a handful of
people occupy big posts, Dalits can become happy? Never. Dalits will be
happy when each one of them get livelihood, bread and butter and basic
facilities, education. Don’t play politics in the name of Dalits. I am a
Brahmin and I have many Dalit friends. When they come to my home, they
have lunch with me on the same table and I reiterate that reservation
must be given on the economic parameters. Suppose a Dalit becomes IAS
officer does his son also need a reservation? No. His reservation should
be finished and must be given to a poor Dalit who is the son of a
labour or a worker. Please don’t hate any caste. You are Hindu and
Indian first, a Dalit later.
We get lots of such rubbish advises
from Brahmins. You are at least sincere in saying that you speak on
behalf of your micro-minority alien people. But Dalit Voice is the voice of the country’s over 85% Moolnivasi Bahujans,
cheated and deprived of their human rights and livelihood. The death of
the Women’s Reservation Bill shows things are moving against the
Brahminical aggressors. Your own Brahmana Jati Party (BJP) has
changed its stand on this Bill. The Brahminical micro-minority is able
to continue its cheating, robbing and such other anti-human game only
because of your control on the mass media manipulation. Since 1947, the
Brahminists have been the direct rulers of India. Why then the country
slipped down and became a laughing stock of the world? The country is
passing through a very serious crisis for which the producers of wealth
(SC/ST/BCs and Muslim/Christian/Sikhs) are not responsible. It is the
15% Brahminists led by the “Gods on earth” who are the cause. Any amount
of your brainwashing will not work. The best course of action for the
disgusted Bhoodevatas is to migrate to your fatherland USA. Good riddance to bad rubbish — EDITOR.
“Brave” RSS must fight Maoists
MUSHTAQUE MADNI, PUNE
The brutal killings of the 76 CRPF jawans
in Dantewada, Chhattigrah, undoubtedly, shocked the nation. The danger
of Naxal terror is fast gripping the nation with, reportedly, 1/5 of
India in their complete control. Even well trained jawans find it difficult to counter their well planned terror activities for the simple reason that they(the jawans)
do not seem to have the required passion of patriotism whereas every
single Maoist, virtually, seems to be living his ideology.
am not mistaken, the brave, fearless, and full of patriotism cadres of
the great RSS Hindu terrorists, who are also equally trained in
fighting, could prove to be a befitting reply to the Maoist terror. This
is the time, these courageous, brave, and patriotic cadres offered
their lives and services to protect the “nation”. Or, is their courage
best displayed in government-sponsored carnages and genocides alone?
Brahminists helped British rule & conspired to defeat Muslims
MANSUR RAHMAN KHAN, PRINCIPAL, D.A.H.S.S, PO DEKACHANG, VIA CHAMARIA, KAMRUP DT. - 781 136
and Muslims are India’s most backward and treated not as human beings.
DV readers know this fact so well. They do not have the right to say,
protest or do anything against the ruling upper castes. They are denied
all human rights assured in the constitution.
The problem becomes all the more serious when the persecuted are not even conscious of their exploitation and persecution.
Brahmins feared that if the ignorant slaves are educated they might see
through their game. They feared that if the caste system was not
camouflaged as a religion, they would not be able to perpetuate their
So the intellectuals among Dalits and Muslims with all other deprived sections must seriously study Dalit Voice and DSA books to understand how to fight and defeat Brahminism.
Hindu caused our fall: Their continued persecution inspired them to seek salvation through conversion through Budhism, Islam etc.
Over 95% of Indian Muslims are converts from all persecuted nationalities.
the Dalits are called Hindu they have no access to Hindu temple because
they are not Hindu-blooded. They are called Hindu for political
purposes so that the mere 3% Brahmins remain as rulers.
Editor V.T. Rajshekar says:
principal cause of our people losing the power to think, judge and
decide is the Hindu religion that has converted us into monkeys. (DV
Feb.16, 2010, p.4)
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar has shown the path for emancipation. But the Dalits are not eager to follow him.
Aryan upper castes did not fight against the British rule. Rather the
Aryans destroyed Muslim kingdoms, co-operating with the British East
India Company and helped the British establish their empire. They
supported the British whole heartedly.
Both British and the
Aryans are aliens. The British East India Company in India conspired
against Muslim Nawabs in collusion with some Aryan officials of the
Nawabs and caused the downfall of Muslim empire.
The British have left India. But their co-conspirators are still
remaining in India. They are dominating the administration without any
History books are full of evidence of the combined efforts of the British and Aryans to denigrate the Muslim rule.
I was so happy to read that thousands of Dalits of Kanpur on Sept.2008 took out a procession and held Ravana Mela to protest against the burning of ravana effigies on Dasara.
Ravana is the hero of the original inhabitants of India. Dalits all over India must start worshipping Ravana as the hero of the Asuras — non-Aryans.
It is very nice to know the natives of India are being called the Moolnivasi Bahujans. Hinduism is swimming only on the policy of dividing different castes.
Babri Mosque Demolition:
Why On December 6?
By Ashok Yadav
21 February, 2009
it a mere coincidence that the Babri mosque was demolished on December
6? Of course, there are strong reasons to believe that the event was not
an act of spontaneous mob frenzy but rather an outcome of a high-level
conspiracy. No wonder the issue was utilised by the Sangha Parivar to
generate communal euphoria across the length and breadth of the country.
Moreover, this euphoria was manufactured and nourished sequentially and
saw its logical culmination in the ultimate levelling of the mosque.
However, the pertinent question is: what drove the saffron forces to
chose this particular date for their heinous act? What was so
exceptional about this particular date that it overrode all other
options in the 366 days of that year (1992 being a leap year)? A
scrutiny of this question, I posit, would unveil the true character of
Hindu communalism or Hindutva.
we are all aware the class struggle between the exploiters and exploited
sections continues unceasingly in all human societies. Though at
certain critical junctures in history this struggle manifests itself in
violent forms most of the time it is fought unabated at the
psychological level. This psychological war is fought between the
collective/folk memory of the people and the institutionalised memory by
the oppressed. The strategy of the ruling classes everywhere and at all
times has been to efface this folk memory of the people which is
nothing but an historical record of the resistance offered by the people
and their heroes to the powers that be. Of course, the oppressors are
aware that the oppressed sections get more agitated listening to the
tyranny meted out to their ancestors than the fact of actual oppression
that they face themselves. Hence the powerful use all the instruments at
their disposal to erase this collective memory—from the organs of the
state to all the institutions of indoctrination (education) and
propaganda (media/cinema). They are also often successful at that.
the other hand the subject classes strive to eternalise this collective
memory by bequeathing it to the successive generations through its own
literature, culture, art and folk traditions. In our own times the
autobiographies being penned by Dalit authors exemplify this best. They
also celebrate and observe the decisive dates in their history or those
associated with their leaders (their birth and death anniversaries for
instance) to keep the flame of their cause alive. How this memory of
tyranny unleashed against their ancestors inspires the oppressed to do
something remarkable can be glimpsed in one of the statements by Vivian
Richards, a renowned Black cricketer from Antigua in West Indies. Vivian
Richards, as we all know, was not only a sportsman par excellence but
also a vocal crusader against racial injustice. He once said:
member of my team is haunted by the memory of white oppression faced by
our ancestors for centuries. When we do lethal fast bowling or bat
explosively against them it is as if we are extracting revenge from them
for those misdeeds and consequently restoring prestige for our
race.(Source: Student Federation of India’s journal Student Struggle’s
issue published sometime in 1984-85. Independent translation based on
recall of the quotation. )
we can see how this collective memory often acts as the chief weapon in
the armory of the oppressed sections. However, there are certain
memories which the powerful can never erase despite their best efforts.
In such cases they take recourse to adulterating this memory and
channelising it for their own nefarious ends. I contend that on December
6, 1992 when the Babri mosque was razed to the ground similar efforts
were made. But I will come back to it later. First a few words on the
true character of Hindutva.
paramount feature of the Hindu faith is the caste system. Moreover, the
ideology of Hindutva only nurtures and sustains this system. In Gita,
which is accorded the highest place in the corpus of Hindu scriptures,
God animated as Krishna states that the varna system is His creation.
Besides, all the scriptures of Hindu faith unequivocally support the
caste system. It can be further asserted that those sitting pretty at
the top of the varna hierarchy have their dominance, superiority,
privileges, heaven, salvation, or for that matter everything, secure so
far as the varna system operates. How the superiority of the twice-born
and their social, political, economic and cultural hegemony can be
perennially maintained seems to be the primary concern of the sanatana
dharma. Otherwise why do proponents of Hindutva go berserk on the
question of 27% reservation for the Other Backward Classes (OBC’s)?
real history of India is yet to be written. The central role of the
struggle against the caste system in the historical development of this
land has not yet been rigorously investigated. This will only become a
reality once the Dalit-Bahujan masses undergo a process of Cultural
Revolution or, dialectically speaking, it is the very writing of this
history that will inaugurate the Cultural Revolution for Dalit-Bahujan
The history of India is an
account of the struggles against the caste system. The emergence of
Jainism, Buddhism, Sikhism or the influx of Islamic and Christian faiths
and their acceptability would not have been possible but for the caste
system. One may also propose that it is this very exploitative system
which is responsible for the historical stagnation of the productive
forces and development of knowledge and science in this country. This
historical stagnation was however, consciously or otherwise, arrested by
the advent of the British colonial state. In this respect the
formulations of Karl Marx, Raja Rammohun Roy and Jotiba Phule bear
remarkable similarity. In the mediaeval ages many a dalit-bahujan took a
sigh of relief at the demolition of the Hindu temples by the Muslim
invaders as these temples were also centres of social monopoly power
which was no less oppressive and exploitative than the state power. In
these temples the entry of shudra-atishudra was prohibited quite unlike
the mosques, churches. gurudwaras or monasteries which were more or less
open to general masses and they could pray there collectively without a
thought of high and low pervading caste society. Even during the
heydays of the struggle against British colonialism the banner of revolt
against social imperialism was hurled high by people like Jotiba Phule,
Narayana Guru, Periyar, Shahuji Maharaj and Babasaheb Ambedkar.
Organisations like Bihar’s Triveni Sangha multiplied in all parts of the
The developments since
Independence also narrate the story of this struggle—the protagonists
being Dr. Rammanohar Lohia, Karpuri Thakur, Kanshiram, Annadurai, BP
Mandal and VP Singh.
anti-caste proclivities received a great boost when VP Singh government
announced its decision to implement the Mandal Commission
recommendations. In the wake of this move by VP Singh the challenge
posed by Dalit-Bahujan masses to the caste elite multiplied many times.
Thus they unleashed the genie of kamandal to counter the politics of
Mandal. Advani subsequently stormed the nation on his ‘Ram-rath’ leaving
behind a trail of blood wherever the rath crossed. When Laloo Prasad
finally arrested him BJP withdrew support from the VP Singh government
thereby ‘chastising’ him for attempting the unpardonable. Communal
polarisation and galvanisation by the Hindutva forces gained momentum
resulting in the ultimate demolition of the Babri mosque. No wonder, the
‘Brahmin’ and Brahminist Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao kept himself
busy with an afternoon siesta on a wintry day and by the time he woke up
the mosque had been razed to the ground.
seem to be many reasons behind the demolition of the mosque. First, to
counter the influence of Mandal by the velour of demolition. Second, to
transform the feeling of defeatism plaguing the Hindu psyche due to
repeated defeats at the hands of invaders (a consequence of the divisive
caste system one may add) into a feeling of glory. Third, to dilute the
social contradictions and caste struggle arising out of the assertion
of the dalit-bahujan masses by a wider Hindu resurgence and unity.
Fourth, the consolidation of the Hindu vote bank by arousing communal
passions for BJP in order to achieve the ideal of the so-called Hindu
Rashtra and so on. However, when we investigate the reason behind a
particular choice of date (December 6) we are informed of at least one
In the twentieth
century the major challenge to Hindutva has been indisputably presented
by Dr. BR Ambedkar. This challenge is more ideological than political.
Along with Dr Ambedkar two other names can be shortlisted for having
contested Hindutva effectively—namely, E.V. Ramaswamy Naicker (or
Periyar) and Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia. It is unfortunate that Periyar’s
influence remained restricted to South India only. Dr Lohia’s slogan
pichda pawe sau mein sath (let the backward bag sixty out of hundred)
effectively challenged the political power of the proponents of
Hindutva. The process of social change and consciousness that we witness
in North India today, especially in UP and Bihar, would have been
scarcely possible without the contribution of Lohiaite ideology.
However, one can surely find grounds to critique the contradictions and
inconsistencies in his thought regarding Hindu religion, philosophy and
tradition. Despite his powerful slogans this lacuna in his thought
severely hampers the march of the caravan of social justice towards any
meaningful destination. A harmonious integration of Lohiaite and
Ambedkarite ideology is therefore imperative to give the much required
edge to the politics of social justice.
Saffron brigade trembles when it hears the names of Ambedkar or
Periyar. Afterall, it is they who have bitterly exposed the reality of
Hindu faith and have established beyond doubt that this faith is nothing
but Brahmanism or the varna system. Both urged their followers not to
stop before the complete destruction of this religion. While Periyar
swithched to atheism for this purpose Ambedkar advocated disowning of
Hinduism and adoption of Buddhism respectively. It is another matter
that even Buddhism is silent on the concept of God.
being a constitutionalist Dr. Ambedkar often finds a pride of place in
the league of the world’s greatest revolutionaries. He stood up to
combat a system that had been reigning undeterred in this country for
the last three thousand years. He could not have urged the voiceless and
powerless untouchables leading a life worse than animals for attempting
an armed insurrection. That is why he was a constitutionalist. By
investigating meticulously the Hindu religious scriptures and authoring
powerful tracts (like Riddles in Hinduism, Annihilation of Caste and
Revolution and CounterRevolution in Ancient India), and, also by such
powerful symbolic gestures like setting Manusmriti on fire and
articulating and voicing the concerns and demands of the untouchables in
round table conferences and such forums, he laid bare the hypocrisy,
contradictions and inhumanity of the Hindu religion and society in front
of the whole world. He did not even deter from engaging in a vitriolic
polemic and conflict with a personality like Gandhi in order to secure
an independent identity and place for Dalits in the Indian political
landscape. On the one hand he managed to pocket a few concessions for
the dalits by making his way into the Constituent assembly, on the other
he also criticised the Indian Constitution on various counts in no
uncertain terms. When he became the first law minister in independent
India, he strived and struggled to ameliorate the condition of Hindu
society, and especially the pitiable condition of its women, by drafting
the ‘Hindu Code Bill’ and making efforts to get it passed in the
Parliament. However, his efforts came a cropper due to the influence of
fanatic Hindus in the Congress party and government which were against
modern and radical reforms. Now he saw no point in continuing as a
member of Hindu society. During all these years he had been postponing
the actualisation of his call to leave Hindu religion that he gave
twenty years back. All this time he had been genuinely working at
reconciliation with his adversaries. But now he could take it no longer.
He converted to Buddhism with lakhs of his followers and reestablished
the faith that had been exiled from the country of its origin some
fifteen centuries back due to the inexcusable crime of challenging the
caste system. In other words, Dr. BR Ambedkar now donned the mantle of a
Until the day the
Indian society liberates itself from the tentacles of the caste system
his legacy shall continue to inspire the dalit-bahujan masses. It would
be a parochial stance if we recognise Ambedkar only as a champion of
shudras-atishudras. He is the leader of all Hindus because his primary
concern was to liberate the entire Hindu society by breaking innumerable
divisive caste walls. The path of liberation, for a Brahmin as well as a
scavenger, from this inhumane caste system is ingrained in the
theoretical insights of Ambedkar.
is the only reason why Dr. Ambedkar’s life, actions, thoughts and
struggle pose such a great challenge for Hindutva. His ideology is a
guide to action for the dalit-bahujan masses. However, the efforts to
destroy his legacy continue to proliferate. It is to meet such sinister
objectives that books like Worshipping False Gods are written by Saffron
theoreticians like Arun Shourie. Surely, for them a memory which cannot
be erased, a legacy which cannot be vanished, can be surely mitigated
by aduleration, illusions and sleight of hand pure and simple.
December 6, 1992 when the dalit bahujan of the nation was observing the
death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, remembering his struggle against the
brahminical system for establishment of a society based on equality,
fraternity and liberty and taking pledge in his name to carry forward
the struggle that Dr Ambedkar waged, at that very moment, quite
simultaneously, the Sangha Parivar was engaged in demolishing the Babri
mosque with the aid of thousands of its cadres and supporters. A
countervailing ‘Hindu glory’ was being forged opposed to Dr. Ambedkar’s
memory and legacy. Hindutva was making unholy inroads into the
dalit-bahujan psyche generally permeated with Dr Ambedkar’s legacy till
then. By demolishing Babri mosque an attempt was being made to violate
and pollute the great memory of Dr Ambedkar. A conspiracy was being
enacted to erect a symbol of Hindutva pride, inherent in the demolition
of Babri mosque, parallel to Dr Ambedkar’s memory, so that every year
when on December 06 the dalit bahujan would assemble to commemorate Dr
Ambedkar’s life and struggle, the anniversary of Babri mosque demolition
would also be there as a parallel force to counter Dr Ambedkar’s
legacy. The demolition of Babri mosque on the same date as the death
anniversary of Dr Ambedkar would never leave the commemoration of Dr
Ambedkar’s death anniversary as uncontaminated. The demolition of Babri
mosque on December 06 was an intense psychological war against the
dalit-bahujan which was no less lethal or violent than the organised and
frequent pogroms against dalits and Muslims.
may well ask why was Ambedkar’s birth anniversary (14 April) not chosen
as a date for demolition? The answer is simple. In comparison to his
death anniversary his birth anniversary is widely celebrated with much
vitality and grandeur. It would have been a risky proposition because
then their anti-Ambedkar ideology would have been brought out into broad
daylight. They could not have afforded such a big risk at that time.
Babri mosque is after all not the last mosque to be levelled. There are
other mosques on their hit-list as well. Whenever they find themselves
powerful enough to take such a risk they will show the temerity to do
so. Why only Ambedkar there are many other icons that give sleepless
nights to the Hundutva forces.
the end, the explanation rendered above is purely theoretical. No
concrete proof was available for this assumption. However, later I
happened to discover a somewhat similar proof in some extracts of Malay
Krishna Dhar’s book Open Secrets: India’s Intelligence Unveiled
published in Outlook (Hindi, 7 Feb 2005):
On 25th December K. N. Govindacharya called me on phone and expressed
his desire to come over for dinner to my house along with two of his
friends…After dinner the conversation continued till midnight. I
shivered from what I got to learn from my friends. They gave me
sufficient indications that the Sangha Parivar was not obverse to the
demolition of the mosque and putting in its place a temple-like
structure…Why in December only? I asked. Gurumurthy promptly replied
that I should read history once again. Did not Mahmud Gaznavi destroy
Somnath temple in December 1025?”
is strange that the author did not ask why only on a particular day in
December. It is also possible that the author may have asked the
question and would have been promptly replied back that because it is
the death anniversary of Dr. Ambedkar, and that he did not share this
part of the conversation with his readers for the fear of completely
unmasking the mindset of the saffron brigade. Who knows?
The Politics of Hindutva in India
Carnegie Asian Wall Street Journal,
January 28, 2003
Originally appeared in the Asian Wall Street Journal, January 28, 2003
outcome of recent legislative elections in India’s western state of
Gujarat could define the future of politics in South Asia in terms of
religious polarization. The ruling Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata
Party won last month’s polls in Gujarat by a landslide. But that victory
was achieved by whipping up sentiment against India’s religious
minorities, mainly Muslims. Gujarat was the scene last year of religious
riots that caused the death of more than 1,000 people, most of them
Muslims, and forced several thousands more to leave their homes. The
Gujarat BJP leader, Narendra Modi, won the majority’s support by
creating the specter of “Hindus in danger.” For this dubious
achievement, he earned the title “The Master Divider,” conferred by a
leading Indian newsmagazine.
Mr. Modi’s success has received
little attention outside the region. But given the turbulent history of
South Asia, a region that has witnessed two partitions and several
violent insurgencies during the last five decades, the developments in
Gujarat must not be ignored.
The 1947 partition of British India
into Muslim-majority Pakistan and Hindu-majority India was the result of
the two-nation theory that emphasized the separate religious identity
of Hindus and Muslims. Pakistan underwent division in 1971 with the
emergence of Bangladesh, indicating that ethnic and linguistic
differences could overcome religious unity. But the rise of Hindu
nationalism (termed “Hindutva”) in India is reviving the religious
confrontation of the 1940s. With Islamists defining Pakistani nationhood
and Hindu ideologues in the driver’s seat in India, there is little
prospect of dialogue or peace in South Asia.
As is often the case,
extremism on one side is encouraging extreme ideas on the other.
Moderates are gradually being squeezed out of the political arena,
leaving hardliners to set the terms of the discourse. And the fact that
India and Pakistan possess nuclear weapons complicates this rivalry
between religiously driven forms of nationalism.
The founders of
modern India, Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, identified with a
secular nationalism that was the basis of India’s constitutional
democracy. But the BJP and an assortment of Hindu political groups
emphasize the communal identity. They speak of creating a Hindu Rashtra,
or Hindu nation, and criticize what they believe is the privileged
status of religious minorities in India. They saber rattle against
Pakistan, which is itself witnessing a rise in Islamist sentiment.
Polarization — rather than reconciliation — and the fear of “the
enemy” — rather than that of poverty, ignorance and disease — drive
Hindu nationalist politics in India and Islamist politics in Pakistan.
global war currently is under way against extremist Islamists who feel
that their historic grievances justify terrorism. But the seekers of
Hindu Rashtra are not yet seen as a serious threat internationally
because they are confined to India and their extremism is not seen as
having international ramifications. This might prove to be a grave
The rise of Hindu extremism serves as a catalyst
for recruitment by extremist Islamists in South Asia. For that reason
alone, it is and should be a cause for concern, both in India and in the
international community. Hindu-revivalist organizations have defined
Hindutva and Hindu Rashtra in a manner that renders adherence to
minority religions and loyalty to India incompatible. Their ideology has
a lot in common with that of the extremists that are the object of U.S.
President George W. Bush’s war against terrorism.
supporters attribute the weakness and backwardness of the Islamic world
to the rise of the West. They justify violence, including terrorism, as a
means of overcoming the weakness imposed by the colonial and
post-colonial experience. They refuse to recognize the virtues of
democracy or tolerance. For them, eliminating the symbols of Western
power and influence are means of Islamic revival. They define Islam in a
particular context and do not accept the right of others to practice it
differently. The Hindutva leadership that is emerging in India also
demands uniformity of belief and conformity in narrative that is similar
in essence to the extremist Islamist mindset.
Extreme beliefs end
Reprinted from The Asian Wall Street Journal © 2003 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All rights reserved.
in the mindset that led to Taliban rule in Afghanistan and last year’s
mayhem in Gujarat. As a phenomenon, the politics of Hindutva should not
be ignored merely as electoral expediency. Religious fever can in the
long run only tear apart the various communities of India and harm the
country’s stability. It will inspire a Muslim reaction, which will
undoubtedly engulf Pakistan and Bangladesh in addition to affecting
India’s own Muslim population.
‘Wireless message establishes Advani’s presence at Babri site’
Senior IPS officer Anju Gupta, who was the personal
security officer of BJP leader L.K. Advani on December 5-6, 1992 at
Ayodhya and key witness in the Babri demolition case, said on Thursday
that she knew he remained at the scene even when she had left because a
police wireless message had notified her of the precise time of his
She was answering questions put to her by
defence counsel of the BJP leaders facing trial in a Rae Bareli court
for their role in the demolition of the historic mosque. Asked how she
could have told court on March 26 that Mr. Advani was present till 7.55
p.m. when she herself had left his side around 6.30 p.m. to control the
crowd elsewhere, Ms. Gupta said she had received a police wireless
message informing her that the BJP leader was getting ready to move at
7.55 p.m. This meant he was definitely at the scene till then, she said.
Defence counsel also asked her whether, at the
December 5 meeting called by IG (Faizabad) A.K. Sharan, it was said ‘kar
sevaks’ would be allowed to do ‘kar seva’ and ‘puja’ but that vigil
would also have to be maintained. She said it was clear even before that
day that vigil would have to be maintained during the ‘kar seva’.
‘ISI threat’ angle was again revisited by the defence lawyers, who
hinted that there were police reports of Pakistani agents mingling with
the ‘kar sevaks’. Ms. Gupta said there were such reports but the police
knew the main threat to the Babri structure came from the ‘kar sevaks’
who had been mobilised.
the Muslim emperor Babur came down from Ferghana in 1527, he defeated
the Hindu King of Chittodgad, Rana Sangrama Singh at Sikri, using cannon
and artillery. After this victory, Babur took over the region, leaving
his general, Mir Baqi, in charge as viceroy.
Mir Baqi enforced Mughal rule over the population and used terror to maintain control over the civlian population. Mir Baqi came to Ayodhya in 1528 and allegedly destroyed the temple,
but he may have only renovated an existing building. The date of the
construction of the Babri Mosque is disputed. Although there exists a
detailed account of the life of Babur in the form of his diary, the
pages of the relevant period are missing. The completion of the mosque
is speculated to have occurred as early as the Ghorid conquests in 1194.
Ayodhya is revered by devout Hindus as the birthplace of ancient King of India and Hindu God Rama, believed by Hindus to be an avatar of Vishnu. Mir Baqi then built a mosque on the site of the destroyed temple. This was called the Babri Masjid (Mosque), named after King Babar. It was originally called the Masjid-e-Janamsthan,
the mosque of the birthplace, which appears to acknowledge that the
mosque was built on Hindu holy ground. During that period many Hindu
temples were destroyed by Islamic rulers for both political and
The 2007 edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica notes that as well as
Ayodhya there are also no temple structures in either of the ancient and
holy Hindu places of Varanasi or Mathura which dates prior to the 17th century.
In 1767, Jesuit priest Joseph Tieffenthaler records Hindus worshipping and celebrating Ramanavami
at the site of the mosque. In 1788, Tiefffenthaler’s French works are
published in Paris, the first to suggest that the Babri Masjid is in
proximity to the birthplace of Rama, saying that “Emperor Aurangzeb got
demolished the fortress called Ramkot, and erected on the same place a
Mahometan temple with three cuppolas.”
the 19th century, the Hindus in Ayodhya were recorded as continuing a
tradition of worshiping Rama on the Ramkot hill. According to British
sources, Hindus and Muslims used to worship together in the Babri Mosque
complex in the 19th century until about 1855. P. Carnegy wrote in 1870:
“It is said that up to that time [viz. the Hindu-Muslim clashes in the
1850s] the Hindus and Mohamedans alike used to worship in the mosque
In 1858, the Muazzin of the Babri mosque says in a
petition to the British government that the courtyard had been used by
Hindus for hundreds of years.
By the middle of the 20th century,
Hindus in the area were claiming that the Mosque had not been used by
Muslims since 1936, and they took over the ‘unused’ mosque in 1949.
On 18 March 1886, the Faizabad District Judge passed an order in which he wrote:
visited the land in dispute yesterday in the presence of all parties. I
found that the Masjid built by Emperor Babar stands on the border of
Ayodhya, that is to say, to the west and south. It is clear of
habitants. It is most unfortunate that a Masjid should have been built
on land specially held sacred by the Hindus, but as that event occurred
356 years ago, it is too late now to agree with the grievances. (Court
verdict by Col. F.E.A. Chamier, District Judge, Faizabad (1886)
The Babri Mosque was destroyed by Hindu activists during a political rally which turned into a riot on December 6, 1992.
 Contradictory evidence
was until about 1990 the standard view that an ancient Ram Janmabhoomi
temple was demolished and replaced with the Babri Mosque. References
such as the 1986 edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica
reported that “Rama’s birthplace is marked by a mosque, erected by the
Moghul emperor Babar in 1528 on the site of an earlier temple”.
there are some contradictory viewpoints, indicating that there may not
have been a significant Hindu temple at the site. In his Communal History and Rama’s Ayodhya, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma writes, “Ayodhya seems to have emerged as a place of religious pilgrimage in medieval times. Although chapter 85 of the Vishnu Smriti lists as many as fifty-two places of pilgrimage, including towns, lakes, rivers, mountains, etc., it does not include Ayodhya in this list.” Sharma also notes that Tulsidas, who wrote the Ramcharitmanas
in 1574 at Ayodhya, does not mention it as a place of pilgrimage. This
suggests that there was no significant Hindu temple at the site of the
Babri Mosque.  After the demolition of the mosque in 1992, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma along with Historians Suraj Bhan, M.Athar Ali and Dwijendra Narayan Jha wrote the Historian’s report to the nation
saying that the assumption that there was a temple at the disputed site
was mistaken, and no valid reason to destroy the mosque.
 Demolition of Babri Structure
On 6 December, 1992 the structure was demolished by karsevaks, 150,000 strong, despite a commitment by the government to the Indian Supreme Court that the mosque would not be harmed. More than 2000 people were killed in the riots following the demolition. Riots broke out in many major Indian cities including Mumbai, Delhi and Hyderabad.
On 16 December, 1992, Liberhan Commission was set up by the Government of India to probe the circumstances that led to the demolition of Babri structure.
It has been longest running commission in India’s history with several
extensions granted by various governments. Politicians like L.K.Advani and Murli Manohar Joshi
were alleged to be influential in the demolition. On 23 November 2009
the Liberhan commission report was leaked to the media. The leaked
report concluded that the demolition was planned by top leaders of the Bharatiya Janata Party.
 Hindu nationalism
The Ayodhya debate has grown along with a revival of Hindu fundamentalism and Hindu Nationalism.
The issue of the disputed structure had remained inactive for four decades, until the mid-1980s.
The Hindu Nationalist movement pressed for reclaimation of three of its
most holy sites which it claimed had suffered at the hands of Islam, at
Ayodhya, Mathura and Varanasi. L K Advani, the leader of the BJP in his
memoirs argued, “If Muslims are entitled to an Islamic atmosphere in Mecca, and if Christians are entitled to a Christian atmosphere in the Vatican, why is it wrong for the Hindus to expect a Hindu atmosphere in Ayodhya?”
The legal case continues regarding the title deed of the land tract which is a government controlled property. While the Muslim parties want the Babri Mosque to be reconstructed through a court order, the Hindu side wants a law in parliament to have a temple constructed, saying faith in the existence of Ram Janmabhoomi cannot be decided in a court of law.
The situation regarding the Ram Janmabhoomi has been compared to the Temple Mount controversies and claims in Israel by Daniel Pipes. In particular, Pipes writes:
Ayodhya prompts several thoughts relating to the Temple Mount.
It shows that the Temple Mount dispute is far from unique. Moslems have
habitually asserted the supremacy of Islam through architecture,
building on top of the monuments of other faiths (as in Jerusalem and Ayodhya) or appropriating them (e.g. the Ka’ba in Mecca and the Hagia Sophia in Constantinople).
Nobel Laureate V. S. Naipaul has praised Hindu Nationalists for “reclaiming India’s Hindu heritage”. He further added that the destruction of Babri mosque was an act of historical balancing and the repatriation of the Ramjanmabhoomi was a “welcome sign that Hindu pride was re-asserting itself.”
Ram Janmabhoomi (Hindi/Devanagiri: राम जन्मभूमि) is the “Birthplace of Rama.” Rama is a major Mythological figure in Indian history and the Hindu religion where he is described as an avatar of Vishnu in Hinduism.
The exact location of Rama’s birth is not stated with any specific
accuracy by the Hindu texts, but the term popularly refers to a tract of
land in the North Indian city of Ayodhya. From 1528 to 1992 this was the site of the Babri Mosque,
which was destroyed when a political rally developed into a riot
involving 150,000 people. Archaeological excavations at the site by the
Archeological Survey of India reported the existence of a massive
structure, presumably the foundations of a former Rama temple, lying
beneath. This Hindu temple was demolished or dramatically modified on the orders of the Mughal Emperor Babur and the mosque was built in its place. A movement was launched in 1984 by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP party) to reclaim the site for Hindus, and wants to erect a temple dedicated to Ram, the infant Rama at this spot. Many Muslim
organizations have continued to express outrage at the destruction of
the mosque and strongly oppose the building of the temple.
References such as the 1986 edition of the Encyclopædia Britannica
reported that “Rama’s birthplace is marked by a mosque, erected by the
Moghul emperor Babar in 1528 on the site of an earlier temple”. According to the Hindu view, the ancient temple could have been destroyed on the orders of Mughal
emperor Babur. This view has been supported by findings of
Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), which carried out an excavation in
The latest archeological evidence comes from examination of the site after the destruction of the Babri Mosque. The Archaeological Survey of India under BB Lal,
although initially published as finding no significant structures as
these reports were based on inconclusive facts and were mere a media
leak, subsequently put forward evidence of a pre-existing temple
predating the mosque by hundreds of years as its final report;.
have been made that worship took place on a platform called the “Ram
Chabutara” prior to Independence. According to British sources, Hindus
and Muslims used to worship together in the Disputed Structure in the
19th century until about 1855. P. Carnegy wrote in 1870:
said that up to that time, the Hindus and Mohamedans alike used to
worship in the mosquetemple. Since the British rule a railing has been
put up to prevent dispute, within which, in the mosque the Mohamedans
pray, while outside the fence the Hindus have raised a platform on which
they make their offerings.”
platform was outside the disputed structure but within its precincts.
Hindu protagonists say that they have been demanding the return of the
site for centuries, and cite accounts from several western travellers to
India during the Mughal rule in India. Colonial British records
maintain that efforts to replace the mosque with a temple dated from
well before independence in 1947, but had been stymied by both the
central government and various Indian courts.
In 12th century, a temple complex is built in honour of Lord Ram.
In 1528, the Babri Mosque is constructed by Babar’s general , Mir Baqi on the orders of the Mughal leader Babur post destruction of existing Ram Mandir.
In 1949, icons of Lord Ram appeared in the Babri Mosque. The semi-governmental Waqf
Board, an Indian Muslim trust owned the land on which the mosque stood.
Both Hindu and Muslim parties launch civil suits. The Indian
government, declaring the site “disputed”, locks the gates to the
In 1984, a movement is started for the creation of the Ram Janmabhoomi temple by the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Bharatiya Janata Party, under the leadership of L K Advani.
In 1986, a district judge of Uttar Pradesh, orders the opening of the disputed structure to Hindus. This, allegedly, came from the Congress government, headed by Rajiv Gandhi, which tried to balance the favour shown to the Muslims in Shah Bano controversy.
1989- 1990, the VHP intensifies its activities by laying foundations of
the Ram temple on the adjacent property. Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar proposes negotiations which only intensify the crisis.
In 1992, on 6 December, the Babri Mosque is forcibly demolished by Kar Sevaks. The then Narasimha Rao led Congress government let a makeshift mosque appear in its place before moving the courts for status quo. The demolition of the mosque triggered large-scale rioting.
In 2005 Islamist terrorists attacked the structure and were gunned down by security forces (for more information see Ram Mandir Attack). On 3 April 2009 the Bhartiya Janta Party - BJP released their Manifesto again promising to construct Ram Mandir - -
In November 2009 details of the Archeological survey are announced, which result in heated exchanges in the Indian parliament.
 Archaeology of the site
excavations by the Archaeological Survey of India in 1970, 1992 and
2003 in and around the disputed site have indicated a large Hindu
complex existed prior to the Babri structure.
Historical accounts of the site
 Joseph Tieffenthaler
The Austrian Jesuit Joseph Tieffenthaler wrote in 1768: “Emperor Aurangzeb
demolished the fortress called Ramcot, and erected on the same place a
Mohammedan temple with three cupolas. Others believe that it was
constructed by Babor.”
Tieffenthaler also writes that Hindus celebrated Ram Navami (Rama’s
birth festival) in front of the mosque, and that the mosque was built on
He wrote: “The reason is that here existed formerly a house in which
Beschan (Vishnu) took birth in the form of Rama and where it is said his
three brothers were also born. Subsequently Aurangzeb and some say
Babar destroyed the place in order to prevent the heathens from
practising their ceremonies. However, they have continued to practice
their religious ceremonies in both the places knowing this to have been
the birth place of Rama by going around it three times and prostrating
on the ground.”
tradition of treating the site as the birthplace of Rama appears to
have begun in early l8th century. The earliest suggestion that the Babri
Mosque is in proximity to the birthplace of Ram was made by the Jesuit
priest Joseph Tieffenthaler, whose work in French was published in
Berlin in 1788. It says:
“Emperor Aurangzeb got demolished the
fortress called Ramkot, and erected on the same place a Mahometan temple
with three cuppolas. Others believe that it was constructed by Babar.
We see 14 columns of black stone 5 spans high that occupy places within
the fortress. Twelve of these columns now bear the interior arcades of
the Masjid; two (of the 12) make up the entrance of the cloister. Two
others form part of the tomb of a certain Moor. It is related that these
columns, or rather the debris of these columns, were brought from Lanka
(called Ceylon by the Europeans) by Hanuman, chief of the monkeys.”
which in French reads as
l’empereur Aurungzeb détruisit la
forteresse appelée Ramkot et construisit sur le même emplacement un
temple musulman avec 3 dômes. D’autres pensent qu’il a été construit par
Babar. On peut voir 14 colonnes faites en pierre noire qui soutiennent
des découpages …
… Plus tard Aurungzeb, ou, selon
certains, Babar, détruisit l’endroit afin d’empêcher des païens de
pratiquer leurs cérémonies. Toutefois ils continuèrent à pratiquer leurs
cérémonies religieuses dans ce lieu, le connaisant comme celui de la
naissance de Rama, en en faisant 3 fois le tour et en se prosternant à
We see on the left a square platform 5 inches above
ground, 5 inches long and 4 inches wide, constructed of mud and covered
with lime. The Hindus call it bedi, that is to say, the birth-place. The
reason is that here there was a house in which Beschan, (Bishan-Vishnu)
took the form of Rama, and his three brothers are also said to have
been born. Subsequently, Aurangzeb, or according to others, Babar razed
this place down, in order not to give the Gentiles (Hindus) occasion to
practice their superstition. However, they continued to follow their
practices in both places, believing it to be the birthplace of Rama.” Questions of history
record reveals that Aurengzeb demolished the Ramkot fortress; that
either he, or Babar constructed a Mosque there; the 12 columns of black
stone pillars were brought from Lanka; and when veneration of Rama
became prevalent after the 17th century, a small rectangular mud
platform was built to mark the birthplace of Rama.
 Mirza Jan
Jan was a Muslim who participated in an attempt reconquest the Hanuman
Ghari temple (which is a few hundred yards from the Babri Mosque) during
Wajid Ali Shah’s rule.
Mirza Jan wrote in 1856 that “a lofty mosque has been built by badshah
Babar” on “the original birthplace of Rama”, so that “where there was a
big temple, a big mosque was constructed, and where there was a small
temple, a small mosque was constructed”.
Mizra Jan also wrote: ‘wherever they found magnificent temples of the
Hindus ever since the establishment of Sayyid Salar Mas’ud Ghazi’s rule,
the Muslim rulers in India built mosques, monasteries, and inns,
appointed mu’azzins, teachers, and store-stewards, spread Islam
vigorously, and vanquished the Kafirs. Likewise, they cleared up Faizabad and Avadh,
too, from the filth of reprobation (infidelity), because it was a great
centre of worship and capital of Rama’s father. Where there stood the
great temple (of Ramjanmasthan), there they built a big mosque, and,
where there was a small mandap (pavilion), there they erected a camp
mosque (masjid-i mukhtasar-i qanati). The Janmasthan temple is the
principal place of Rama’s incarnation, adjacent to which is the Sita
ki Rasoi. Hence, what a lofty mosque was built there by king Babar in
923 A. H. (1528 A.D.), under the patronage of Musa Ashiqan! The mosque
is still known far and wide as the Sita ki Rasoi mosque. And that temple
is extant by its side (aur pahlu mein wah dair baqi hai) ‘ (Mirza Jan:
Hadiqa-i Shahada (”The garden of martyrdom”), Lucknow 1856p. 247). Mirza
Jan also wrote (quoting a relative of Aurangzeb), that the temples of
Rama, Shiva, Krishna as well as Sita’s
Kitchen (i.e. part of the Ramkot complex) “were all demolished for the
strength of Islam, and at all these places mosques have been
 Shykh Muhammad Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami
Muhammad Azamat Ali Kakorawi Nami (1811–1893) wrote: ‘According to old
records, it has been a rule with the Muslim rulers from the first to
build mosques, monasteries, and inns, spread Islam, and put (a stop to)
non-Islamic practices, wherever they found prominence (of kufr).
Accordingly, even as they cleared up Mathura, Bindraban, etc., from the
rubbish of non-Islamic practices, the Babari mosque was built up in
923(?) A.H. under the patronage of Sayyid Musa Ashiqan in the Janmasthan
temple (butkhane Janmasthan mein) in Faizabad-Avadh, which was a great
place of (worship) and capital of Rama’s father’ (p. 9). ‘Among the
Hindus it was known as Sita ki Rasoi’ (p. 10).
Zak Kakorawi, in his publication of the work of Shykh Azamat Ali
Kakorawi Nami, also includes an excerpt written by Mirza Rajab Ali Beg
Surur. Mirza Rajab Ali Beg Surur (1787–1867) wrote in Fasanah-i Ibrat
that ‘a great mosque was built on the spot where Sita ki Rasoi is
situated. During the regime of Babar,
the Hindus had no guts to be a match for the Muslims. The mosque was
built in 923(?) A.H. under the patronage of Sayyid Mir Ashiqan…
Aurangzeb built a mosque on the Hanuman Garhi… The Bairagis effaced the
mosque and erected a temple in its place. Then idols began to be
worshipped openly in the Babari mosque where the Sita ki Rasoi is situated,’ (pp. 71–72).
some observers have likened this account very similar to this Colonial
exchange between the British Viceroy and the Prime Minister “Every civil
building connected with Mahommedan tradition should be levelled to the
ground without regard to antiquarian veneration or artistic
predilection.” British Prime Minister Palmerston’s Letter No. 9 dated 9
October 1857, to Lord Canning, Viceroy of India, Canning Papers.
 Guru Nanak Dev
According to Bhai Man Singh’s Pothi Janam Sakhi (late 18th century), Guru Nanak
visited Ayodhya and said to his Muslim disciple Mardana: ‘Mardania! eh
Ajudhia nagari Sri Ramachandraji Ji ki hai. So, chal, iska darsan
kari’e. Translation: ‘Mardana! this Ayodhya city belongs to Sri
Ramachandra Ji. So let us go for his darshan [visit with God].’ Nevertheless, Guru Nanak does not specifically state which temple should be visited.
 Abul Fazl
Abul Fazl’s Ain-i-Akbari (1598), Ayodhya is called “one of the holiest
places of antiquity” and “the residence of Shree Ramchandra”. It
mentions the celebration of Rama’s birth festival (Ram Navmi) in
However, again no specific spot was identified, in this account. He
even mentions small details such as two Jewish priests lay buried in
Ayodhya. Yet there is not the remotest reference to Ram’s birthsite, let
alone to any mosque built on it. Clearly the tradition did not continue
Ram’s birthplace to the existing town of Ayodhya, or the site occupied
by the Babri Mosque.
 Ram Sharan Sharma
In his slim yet insightful booklet, Communal History and Rama’s Ayodhya, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma writes, “Ayodhya seems to have emerged as a place of religious pilgrimage in medieval times. Although chapter 85 of the Vishnu Smriti lists as many as fifty-two places of pilgrimage, including towns, lakes, rivers, mountains, etc., it does not include Ayodhya in this list.” Sharma also notes that Tulsidas, who wrote the Ramcharitmanas in 1574 at Ayodhya, does not mention it as a place of pilgrimage. After the demolition of Babri Mosque, Professor Ram Sharan Sharma along with Historians Suraj Bhan, M.Athar Ali and Dwijendra Narayan Jha came up with the Historian’s report to the nation
on how the communalists were mistaken in their assumption that there
was a temple at the disputed site and how it was sheer vandalism in
bringing down the mosque and the book has been translated into all the Indian languages.
 Other sources
Führer wrote that: ‘Mir Khan built a masjid in A.H. 930 during the
reign of Babar, which still bears his name. This old temple must have
been a fine one, for many of its columns have been utilized by the
Musalmans in the construction of Babar’s Masjid.’
H.R. Neville wrote that the Janmasthan temple “was destroyed by Babar and replaced by a mosque.”
He also wrote “The Janmasthan was in Ramkot and marked the birthplace
of Rama. In 1528 A.D. Babar came to Ayodhya and halted here for a week.
He destroyed the ancient temple and on its site built a mosque, still
known as Babar’s mosque. The materials of the old structure [i.e., the
temple] were largely employed, and many of the columns were in good
Flinch, AD 1608,the British historian William Flinch who stayed in
India during AD 1608-11 gives a detailed description of Ayodhya and the
castle of Ramchand (Ramkot), “extensive enough to undertake a search for
gold.” Though he does not mention the birthplace of Rama, he gives a
detailed account of the place where the ashes of Ram are kept. “Some two
miles on the further side of the river in a cave of his with a narrow
entrance, but so spacious and full of turnings within that a man may
well loose himself there if he taketh not better heed; where it is
thought his ashes were buried. Hither resort many from all parts of
India, which carry from thence in remembrance certain grains of rice as
black as gunpowder which they say have been preserved ever since.” Had
the place been considered sacred for being the birthplace of the Lord
Rama, it should have become one of the places of pilgrimage. Instead the
place where his ashes are kept was considered a place of veneration.
According to Romila Thapar
“If we do not take Hindu mythology in account the first historical
description of the city dates back recently to the 7th century, when the
Chinese pilgrim Xuan Zang observed there were 20 Buddhist temples with 3000 monks at Ayodhya, amongst a large Hindu population. In 1528, nobles under Mughal emperor Babur
constructed a mosque over the disputed site. The mosque, called the
Babri Masjid, has become a source of contention for some Hindus. At the
end of the 19th century, Ayodhya contained 96 Hindu temples and 36 Muslim mosques. Little local trade was carried on, but the great Hindu fair of Ram Navami held every year was attended by about 500,000 people.”.
 Alleged censorship
parties cite that several attempts to censor information regarding the
destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi (and other temples) have been
discovered. The book “Hindustan
Islami Ahad Mein” by Maulana Hakim Saiyid Abdul Hai, which included a
chapter that described the demolition of the Ram Janmabhoomi and other
temples, was suddenly missing in most libraries. The English version
(1977) has the passages that described the destruction of temples
The book Muruqqa-i Khusrawi by Sheikh Mohammed
Azamat Ali Nami, published by Zaki Kakorawi with the financial aid of
the F.A. Ahmad Memorial Committee, has a chapter describing the
destruction of the Ram Janmabhoomi censored out. Zaki Kakorawi later
published the relevant chapter independently. He wrote about this
incident that the ’suppression of any part of any old composition or
compilation like this can create difficulties and misunderstandings for
future historians and researchers’.
The historicity of Rama is a much debated issue as many historians
refuse to agree that the timeline that is represented in Ramayana could
conform to human civilization patterns that existed in various eras of
 Ram Janmabhoomi temple construction
matter is under court investigation but this does not seem to deter the
VHP in preparing for its grand construction and some models and basic
stone work has already been completed channelled by different
organisations including the Vishwa Hindu Parishad
which gains substantial amount of cashflows from expatriate Hindu
populations in the US and Europe. Various workshops in different parts
of India are working continuously since Sept. 1990. Till 2001, about 45%
of the work on Ground Floor was completed.
 The Ayodhya debate
 Architecture of the mosque
rulers of the Sultanate of Delhi and its successor Mugal Empire were
great patrons of art and architecture and constructed many fine tombs,
mosques and madrasas. These have a distinctive style which bears
influences of ‘later Tughlaq’ architecture. Mosques all over India were
built in different styles; the most elegant styles developed in areas
where indigenous art traditions were strong and local artisans were
highly skilled. Thus regional or provincial styles of mosques grew out
of local temple or domestic styles, which were conditioned in their turn
by climate, terrain, materials, hence the enormous difference between
the mosques of Bengal, Kashmir and Gujarat. The Babri Mosque followed
the architectural school of Jaunpur.
Babri was an important mosque
of a distinct style, preserved mainly in architecture, developed after
the Delhi Sultanate was established (1192). The square CharMinar of
Hyderabad (1591) with large arches, arcades, and minarets is typical.
This art made extensive use of stone and reflected Indian adaptation to
Muslim rule, until Mughals art replaced it in the 17th century, as
typified by structures like the Taj Mahal.
hypostyle plan with an enclosed courtyard, imported from Western Asia
was generally associated with the introduction of Islam in new areas,
but was abandoned in favour of schemes more suited to local climate and
needs. The Babri Masjid was a mixture of the local influence and the
Western Asian style and examples of this type of mosque are common in
The Babri Mosque was a large imposing structure with three
domes, one central and two secondary. It is surrounded by two high
walls, running parallel to each other and enclosing a large central
courtyard with a deep well, which was known for its cold and sweet
water. On the high entrance of the domed structure are fixed two stone
tablets which bear two inscriptions in Persian declaring that this
structure was built by one Mir Baqi on the orders of Babur. The walls of
the Babri Mosque are made of coarse-grained whitish sandstone blocks,
rectangular in shape, while the domes are made of thin and small burnt
bricks. Both these structural ingredients are plastered with thick
chunam paste mixed with coarse sand.
The Central Courtyard was
surrounded by lavishly curved columns superimposed to increase the
height of the ceilings. The plan and the architecture followed the
Begumpur Friday mosque of Jahanpanah rather than the Moghul style where
Hindu masons used their own trabeated structural and decorative
traditions. The excellence of their craftsmanship is noticeable in their
vegetal scrolls and lotus patterns. These motifs are also present in
the Firuyyz Shah Mosque in Firuzabad (c.1354) now in a ruined state,
Qila Kuhna Mosque (c.1540, The Darasbari Mosque in the Southern suburb
of the walled city of Gaur, and the Jamali Kamili Mosque built by Sher
Shah Suri this was the forerunner of the Indo Islamic style adopted by
 Babri Masjid acoustic and cooling system
whisper from the Babri Masjid Mihrab could be heard clearly at the
other end, 200 feet [60 m] away and through the length and breadth of
the central court” according to Graham Pickford, architect to Lord William Bentinck
(1828–1833). The mosque’s acoustics were mentioned by him in his book
‘Historic Structures of Oudhe’ where he says “for a 16th century
building the deployment and projection of voice from the pulpit is
considerably advanced, the unique deployment of sound in this structure
will astonish the visitor”.
Modern architects have attributed this
intriguing acoustic feature to a large recess in the wall of the Mihrab
and several recesses in the surrounding walls which functioned as
resonators; this design helped everyone to hear the speaker at the
Mihrab. The sandstone used in building the Babri Mosque also had
resonant qualities which contributed to the unique acoustics.
The Babri mosque’s Tughluquid style integrated other indigenous
design components and techniques, such as air cooling systems disguised
as Islamic architectural elements like arches, vaults and domes. In the
Babri Masjid a passive environmental control system comprised the high
ceiling, domes, and six large grille windows. The system helped keep the
interior cool by allowing natural ventilation as well as daylight.
 Legend of the Babri Mosque’s miraculous well
reported medicinal properties of the deep well in the central courtyard
have been featured in various news reports such as the BBC
report of December 1989 and in various newspapers. The earliest mention
of the Babri water well was in a two line reference to the Mosque in
the Gazette of Faizabad District 1918 which says “There are no
significant historical buildings here, except for various Buddhist
shrines, the Babri Mosque is an ancient structure with a well which both
the Hindus and Mussalmans claim has Miraculous properties.” There is
significant similarity between the supposed miraculous properties of the
water from the Babri mosque well and Kaaba’s Zamzam Well.
is a pilgrimage site for Hindus and the annual Ram festival is
regularly attended by over 500,000 people of both the Hindu and Muslim
faiths, and many devotees came to drink from the water well in the Babri
Courtyard. It was believed drinking water from this well could cure a
range of illnesses. Hindu pilgrims also believed that the Babri water
well was the original well in the Ram Temple under the mosque. Ayodhya
Muslims believed that the well was a gift from God. Local women
regularly brought their new born babies to drink from the reputedly
The 125 foot (40 m) deep well was situated in the
south-eastern section of the large rectangular courtyard of the Babri
Mosque. There was a small Hindu shrine built in 1890 joining the well
with a statue of Lord Rama. It was an artesian well and drew water from a
considerable distance below the water table. Eleven feet (3 m) in
radius, the first 30 feet (10 m) from ground level were bricked. It drew
water from a reservoir trapped in a bed of shale sand and gravel, which
would explain the unusually cool temperature of the water. The water
contained almost no sodium, giving it a reputation of tasting ’sweet.’
Accessing the well involved climbing onto a three foot (1 m) platform,
where the well was covered with planks of thick wood with an unhinged
trapdoor. Water was drawn by means of a bucket and long lengths of rope
and due to its claimed ’spiritual properties’ was used only for
Hindus and Muslims in Ayodhya both considered the Babri
Mosque Complex a haven of peace and spiritual tranquillity. Many people
in the area, of both faiths, had a profound belief in the miraculous
properties of its cold and pure underground water, which was reinforced
by abundant local folklore.
 Hindu account
When the Muslim emperor Babur
came down from Ferghana in 1527, he defeated the Hindu King of
Chittodgad, Rana Sangrama Singh at Sikri, using cannon and artillery.
After this victory, Babur took over the region, leaving his general, Mir
Baqi, in charge as viceroy.
Mir Baqi allegedly destroyed the temple at Ayodhya, built by the Hindus to commemorate Rama’s birthplace, and built the Babri Masjid, naming it after Emperor Babur. Although there is no reference to the new mosque in Babur’s diary, the Baburnama,
the pages of the relevant period are missing in the diary. The
contemporary Tarikh-i-Babari records that Babur’s troops “demolished
many Hindu temples at Chanderi”
evidence of an older Hindu temple on the site emerged from an
inscription on a thick stone slab recovered from the debris of the
demolished structure in 1992. Over 260 other artifacts were recovered on
the day of demolition, and many point to being part of the ancient
temple. The inscription on the slab has 20 lines, 30 shlokas (verses),
and is composed in Sanskrit written in the Nagari script. The ‘Nagari
Lipi’ script was prevalent in the eleventh and twelfth century. The
crucial part of the message as deciphered by a team comprising
epigraphists, Sanskrit scholars, historians and archaeologists including
Prof. A.M. Shastri, Dr. K.V. Ramesh, Dr. T.P. Verma, Prof. B.R. Grover,
Dr. A.K. Sinha, Dr. Sudha Malaiya, Dr. D.P. Dubey and Dr. G.C.
The first twenty verses are the praises of the king
Govind Chandra Gharhwal (AD 1114 to 1154) and his dynasty. The
twenty-first verse says the following; “For the salvation of his soul
the King, after paying his obeisance at the little feet of Vamana Avatar
(the incarnation of a god as a midget Brahmana) went about constructing
a wondrous temple for Vishnu Hari (Shri Rama) with marvelous pillars
and structure of stone reaching the skies and culminating in a superb
top with a massive sphere of gold and projecting shafts in the sky - a
temple so grand that no other King in the History of the nation had ever
It further states that this temple (ati-adbhutam) was built in the temple-city of Ayodhya.
another reference, the Faizabad District Judge on a plaint filed by
Mahant Raghubar Das gave a judgment on 18 March 1886. Though the plaint
was dismissed, the judgment brought out two relevant points;
found that Masjid built by Emperor Babur stands on the border of the
town of Ayodhya…. It is most unfortunate that Masjid should have been
built on land specially held sacred by the Hindus, but as that event
occurred 358 years ago it is too late now to remedy the grievance. All
that can be done is to maintain the parties in status quo. In such a
case as the present one any innovation would cause more harm and
derangement of order than benefit.”
 Jain account
According to Jain Samata Vahini, a social organization of the Jains, “the only structure that could be found during excavation would be a sixth century Jain temple”.
Mehta, the General Secretary of Jain Samata Vahini, claims that the
demolished disputed structure was actually built on the remnants of an
ancient Jain temple, and that the excavation by ASI, ordered by
Allahabad High Court to settle the Babri Masjid-Ramjanmabhoomi dispute,
would prove it.
Mehta quotied writings of 18th century Jain monks
stating Ayodhya was the place where five Jain teerthankars, Rishabhdeo,
Ajeeth Nath, Abhinandanji, Sumati Nath and Anant Nath, stayed. The
ancient city was among the five biggest centres of Jainism and Buddhism
prior to 1527.
 Muslim account
generally dispute the legitimacy of Hindu claims to the site and their
significance. They believe the archeological reports relied on by the Hindu nationalist groups Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP) and Hindu Munnani to lay claim to the Babri Masjid site are politically motivated and inherently biased against Islam.
 Disputes over the site
first recorded incident of violence over the issue between Hindus and
Muslims took place in 1853 during the reign of Nawab Wajid Ali Shah of
According to the District Gazetteer Faizabad 1905, it is
said that “up to this time (1855), both the Hindus and Muslims used to
worship in the same building. But since the Mutiny
(1857), an outer enclosure has been put up in front of the Masjid and
the Hindus forbidden access to the inner yard, make the offerings on a
platform (chabootra), which they have raised in the outer one.”
in 1883 to construct a temple on this chabootra were halted by the
Deputy Commissioner who prohibited it on January 19, 1885. Raghubir Das,
filed a suit before the Faizabad Sub-Judge. Pandit Harikishan was
seeking permission to construct a temple on this chabootra measuring 17
ft. x 21 ft., but the suit was dismissed. An appeal was filed before the
Faizabad District Judge, Colonel J.E.A. Chambiar who, after an
inspection of spot on March 17, 1886, dismissed the appeal. A Second
Appeal was filed on May 25, 1886, before the Judicial Commissioner of
Awadh, W. Young, who also dismissed the appeal. With this, the first
round of legal battle fought by the Hindus came to an end.
the “communal riots” of 1934, walls around the Masjid and one of the
domes of the Masjid were damaged. These were reconstructed by the British Government.
midnight on December 22, 1949, when the police guards were asleep,
statues of Rama and Sita were quietly brought into the mosque and
erected. This was reported by the constable, Mata Prasad, the next
morning and recorded at the Ayodhya police station. The following
morning a large Hindu crowd attempted to enter the mosque to make
offerings to the deities. The District Magistrate K.K. Nair has recorded
that “The crowd made a most determined attempt to force entry. The lock
was broken and policemen were rushed off their feet. All of us,
officers and men, somehow pushed the crowd back and held the gate. The
sadhus recklessly hurled themselves against men and arms and it was with
great difficulty that we managed to hold the gate. The gate was secured
and locked with a powerful lock brought from outside and police force
was strengthened (5:00 pm).”
On hearing this news Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru directed UP Chief Minister Govind Ballabh Pant,
to see that the deities were removed. Under Pant’s orders, Chief
Secretary Bhagwan Sahay and Inspector-General of Police V.N. Lahiri sent
immediate instructions to Faizabad to remove the deities. However, K.K.
Nair feared that the Hindus would retaliate and pleaded inability to
carry out the orders.
Following these efforts by the Hindu groups
to occupy the mosque, a suit was filed before Faizabad’s civil judge on
January 16, 1950, by one Gopal Singh Visharad, asking for unrestricted
access. The senior saint and former Ramjanmabhoomi Trust chairman, the
late Mahant Ramchandra Paramhans also filed a similar suit.
In 1985 the Rajiv Gandhi government ordered the locks on the Ram Janmabhoomi-Babri
Masjid in Ayodhya to be removed. Until then, only a Hindu priest had
been permitted to perform yearly puja for the idols there in 1949. After
the ruling, all Hindus were given access to what they consider the
birthplace of Rama, and the mosque resumed its function as a Hindu temple.
In 1984, the VHP launched a massive movement for the opening of the locks of the mosque, following which the Faizabad session judge on February 1, 1986, allowed Hindus to worship at the site and the locks were opened.
 Archaeology Society of India report
excavations by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) in 1970, 1992
and 2003 in and around the disputed site have indicated a large Hindu
complex existed on the site.
In 2003, by the order of an Indian
Court, The Archaeology Society of India was asked to conduct a more
indepth study and an excavation to ascertain the type of structure that
was beneath the rubble. The summary of the ASI report 
indicated definite proof of a temple under the mosque. In the words of
ASI researchers, they discovered “distinctive features associated
with… temples of north India”. The excavations yielded:
and decorated bricks as well as mutilated sculpture of a divine couple
and carved architectural features, including foliage patterns, amalaka,
kapotapali, doorjamb with semi-circular shrine pilaster, broke octagonal
shaft of black schist pillar, lotus motif, circular shrine having
pranjala (watershute) in the north and 50 pillar bases in association
with a huge structure” 
Muslims strongly criticized the report, claiming that it failed to
mention any evidence of a temple in its interim reports and only
revealed it in the final report which was submitted during a time of
national tension, making the report highly suspect.. This view was shared by many Muslim religious groups including the Sunni Waqf Board and the All India Muslim Personal Law Board.
Examining the ASI’s conclusion of a mandir
(Hindu temple) under the structure, the VHP and the RSS stepped up
demands for Muslims to restore the three holiest North Indian mandirs to
On 6 December 1992, the Liberhan Commission
was set up by the Government of India to probe the circumstances that
led to the demolition of the Babri Masjid. It has been the longest
running commission in India’s history with 48 extensions granted by
various governments. The commission submitted its report to Prime
Minister Manmohan Singh on 30 June 2009, more than 16 years after the incident.
of the report were leaked to the news media in November 2009. The
report blamed the high-ranking members of the Indian government and
Hindu nationalists for the destruction of the mosque. Its contents
caused uproar in the Indian parliament.
The Liberhan report has
pieced together a sequence of events as they happened on December 6,
1992, the day the Babri Masjid was demolished by Kar Sevaks.
On that Sunday morning, LK Advani and others met at Vinay Katiyar’s residence. They then proceeded to the disputed structure, the report says. Advani, Murli Manohar Joshi
and Katiyar reached the puja platform where symbolic Kar Seva was to be
performed, and Advani and Joshi checked arrangements for the next 20
minutes. The two senior leaders then moved 200 metre away to the Ram
Katha Kunj. This was a building facing the disputed structure where a
dais had been erected for senior leaders.
At noon, a teenage Kar
Sevak was “vaulted” on to the dome and that signaled the breaking of the
outer cordon. The report notes that at this time Advani, Joshi and
Vijay Raje Scindia made “feeble requests to the Kar Sevaks to come
down… either in earnest or for the media’s benefit”. No appeal was
made to the Kar Sevaks not to enter the sanctum sanctorum
or not to demolish the structure. The report notes: “This selected act
of the leaders itself speaks of the hidden intentions of one and all
being to accomplish demolition of the disputed structure.”
report holds that the “icons of the movement present at the Ram Katha
Kunj… could just as easily have… prevented the demolition.” 
 In popular culture
In fiction, Lajja, a controversial 1993 novel in Bengali by Bangladeshi writer Taslima Nasrin,
has a story based in the days after the demolition. After its release,
the author received death threats in her home country and has been
living in exile ever since.
The events that transpired in aftermath of the demolition and the riots are an important part of the plot of the films Bombay (1995), Striker (2010) and Naseem (1995), and also mentioned in Slumdog Millionaire (2008).
Hindutva (Devanagari: हिन्दुत्व, “Hinduness”, a word coined by Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in his 1923 pamphlet entitled Hindutva: Who is a Hindu? ) is the term used to describe movements advocating Hindu nationalism. Members of the movement are called Hindutvavādis.
In India, an umbrella organization called the Sangh Parivar champions the concept of Hindutva. The sangh comprises organizations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Bajrang Dal, and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad.
This ideology has existed since the early 20th century, forged by Veer Savarkar, but came to prominence in Indian politics in the late 1980s, when two events attracted a large number of mainstream Hindus to the movement. The first of these events was the Rajiv Gandhi government’s use of its large Parliamentary Majority to overturn a Supreme Court verdict granting alimony to an old woman that had angered many Muslims (see the Shah Bano case). The second was the dispute over the 16th century Mughal Babri Mosque in Ayodhya — built by Babur
after his first major victory in India. The Supreme Court of India
refused to take up the case in the early 1990s, leading to a huge
outcry. Tempers soon flared, and a huge number of nationalist Hindus
from all parts of India razed the mosque in late 1992, causing
nationwide communal riots. The razing of the mosque and subsequent
conflict arguably lifted the BJP and Hindutva to international
Ancient Hindu flag with two pennants.
According to Savarkar, Hindutva is meant to denote the Hindu characteristic, or Hinduness.
In a judgment the Supreme Court of India ruled that “no precise meaning can be ascribed to the terms ‘Hindu’, ‘Hindutva’ and ‘Hinduism‘; and no meaning in the abstract can confine it to the narrow limits of religion alone, excluding the content of Indian culture and heritage.”
The Court also ruled that “Ordinarily, Hindutva is understood as a way
of life or a state of mind and is not to be equated with or understood
as religious Hindu fundamentalism. A Hindu may embrace a non-Hindu
religion without ceasing to be a Hindu and since the Hindu is disposed
to think synthetically and to regard other forms of worship, strange
gods and divergent doctrines as inadequate rather than wrong or
objectionable, he tends to believe that the highest divine powers
complement each other for the well-being of the world and mankind.”
believes in an “integral” and “holistic” approach to create a
harmonious society. It does not accept the Western political
philosophies as a blueprint for the Indian society, because of their
“preoccupation” with materialism,
and their overall over-looking of the social well-being of the
individual. Both capitalism and socialism are seen as inadequate –
stimulating as they do from greed, class antagonisms, exploitation and
According to this, the natives of India share a common culture, history and ancestry.
S Golwalkar, one of the main proponents of Hindutva believed that
India’s diversity in terms of customs, traditions and ways of worship
was its uniqueness and that this diversity was not without the strong
underlying cultural basis which was essentially native. He believed that
the Hindu natives with all their diversity, shared among other things
“the same philosophy of life”, “the same values” and “the same
aspirations” which formed a strong cultural and a civilizational basis
for a nation.
Savarkar similarly believed that the Indian subcontinent (which includes the area south of the Himalaya and the Hindu Kush or Akhand Bharat (undivided India, अखण्ड भारत) is the homeland of the Hindus. He considered “Hindus” as those who consider India (Bharat, भारत) to be their motherland (matrubhumi), fatherland (pitrubhumi, पितृभूमि) as well as their holy land (punyabhumi, पुण्यभूमि), hence describing it purely in cultural terms..
one of the main votaries of Hindutva has stated that it believes in a
cultural connotation of the term Hindu. “The term Hindu in the
conviction as well as in the constitution of the RSS is a cultural and
civilizational concept and not a political or religious dogma. The term
as a cultural concept will include and did always include all including
Sikhs, Buddhists, Jains, Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The cultural
nationality of India, in the conviction of the RSS, is Hindu and it was
inclusive of all who are born and who have adopted Bharat as their
Motherland, including Muslims, Christians and Parsis. The answering
association submit that it is not just a matter of RSS conviction, but a
fact borne out by history that the Muslims, Christians and Parsis too
are Hindus by culture although as religions they are not so.”
Emphasizing historical oppression of Hindus by colonial invaders like the Muslims (see Muslim conquest of the Indian subcontinent) and the Christians (see Goa Inquisition) and the call to “reverse” the cultural influence resulting from these intrusions.
acceptance that Hindu social structure “is ridden with castes and
communities”, and that this has led to “barriers and segregation” and
condemnation of “obnoxious vice of social inequality” and
“untouchability”. The supporters of Hindutva have a positive outlook towards the Dalit community, which they aim to bring to leadership positions in their organizations.
Uniform Civil Code
Leaders subscribing to Hindutva have been known for their demands for a Uniform Civil Code
for all the citizens of India. They believe that differential laws
based on religion violate Article 44 of the Indian Constitution and have
sowed the seeds of divisiveness between different religious communities.
The advocates of Hindutva often use the term pseudo-secularism
to refer to policies which they believe are unduly favorable towards
the Muslims and Christians. They oppose what they see as a ‘separate-but-equal‘ system; some supporters of Hindutva see it as the Indian National Congress party’s effort to woo the sizable minority vote bank at the expense of true equality.
The subject of a Uniform Civil Code, which would remove special
religion-based provisions for different religions (Hindus, Muslims,
Christians, etc.) from the Indian Constitution, is thus one of the main agendas of Hindutva organizations. The Uniform Civil Code is opposed by Muslims and political parties like the Indian National Congress and The Communist Party of India (Marxist)
of Hindutva have questioned differential religious laws in India which
allows polygamy and triple talaq among Muslims and thereby compromises
on the status of Muslim women and “marginalizes” them.
The passing of the Muslim Women (Protection of Rights on Divorce) Act, 1986
by Rajiv Gandhi government to dilute the secular judgment of Supreme
Court under pressure from the conservative Muslims was opposed by
Hindutva organisations. The new act, in tune with the Shariat, denied even utterly destitute Muslim divorcees the right to alimony from their former husbands.
Protection of Hindu interests
The followers of Hindutva are known for their criticism of the Indian government as too passive with regard to the ethnic cleansing of Kashmiri Hindus by Kashmiri Muslim separatists and advocates of Hindutva wish a harder stance in Jammu and Kashmir.
They have called for the protection of native Hindu traditions, holy structures, rivers and the cow (which is considered holy by Hindus).
Hindu nationalists have the stated aim of uniting the Hindu society which is plagued by casteism, regionalism, and passive religion.
Views on other faiths
The votaries of Hindutva believe that the way Muslims and Hindus have treated each other in the past is a one-way compromise and they intend on making society more balanced and fair towards the majority Hindu population.
The BJP has also invited Muslims to be a part of this new society and
work with the Hindus, Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs for a better India. Even more militant parties such as the Shiv Sena have invited Muslims to join and the party leader declared after the Babri Mosque incident,
“We must look after the Muslims and treat them as part of us.”
Hindutva groups are supportive of the Jewish State of Israel, including Savarkar himself, who supported Israel during its formation. The RSS is politically pro-Israel and actively praised the efforts of Ariel Sharon when he visited India. RSS spokesperson Ram Madhav recently expressed support for Israel.
Views on Indian history
Hindu organisations like the RSS believe that the history of India was
written by the British with a condescending attitude towards the native
people and their culture. M S Golwalkar writes that the history of
ancient India was summed up as “Tanglewood Tales“. Similar concerns were raised by Nobel Laureate
Rabindranath Tagore in his essay, “The History of Bharatvarsha”, in
1903. He calls the history books “nightmarish account of India”. He
writes “while the lands of the aliens existed, there also existed the
indigenous country” meaning the latter was grossly being neglected. He
adds that the British accounts of Indian history “throw a beam of
artificial light on such a spot that in our own eyes the very profile of
our country is made dark”.
M S Golwalkar argues that it was a delibrate Imperialist strategy to teach Indians a wrong version of history. In this context, writings of Lord Macaulay,”the brain behind the system of English education”, are referred to as an indication of this.
Macaulay had stated “We must at present do our best to form a class who
may be interpreters between us and millions whom we govern-a class of
persons Indian in blood and colour, but English in tastes, in opinions,
in morals and in intellect.” 
had also written “No Hindu who has received an English education ever
remains sincerely attached to his religion. It is my firm belief that if
our plans of education are followed up, there will not be a single
idolater among the respected classes 30 years hence.” 
Senior RSS leader H V Sheshadri refers to this attitude of “White man’s burden” which he believes shaped the English education system in India and British version of Indian history.
The RSS is opposed to the theory of Indo-Aryan migration to India, a number believing in the alternative Out of India theory. While largely uncontroversial in academia, the “Aryan Invasion theory” debate in India, involving e.g. Sita Ram Goel, Romila Thapar, Irfan Habib and Arun Shourie, is also a matter of politics.
Main article: Sangh Parivar
Hindutva is commonly identified as the guiding ideology of the Sangh Parivar, a family of Hindu Nationalist organizations, and of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in particular. In general, Hindutvavaadis (followers of Hindutva) believe that they represent the well-being of Hinduism, Sikhism, Buddhism, Ayyavazhi, Jainism and all other religions prominent in India.
nationalists are organized into political, cultural and social
organizations. The first Hindutva organisation formed was the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), founded in 1925. A prominent Indian political party, the Bharatiya Janata Party
(BJP) (BJP) is closely associated with a group of organisations that
advocate Hindutva. They collectively refer to themselves as the “Sangh
Parivar” or family of associations, and include the RSS, Bajrang Dal and the Vishva Hindu Parishad. Other organisations include:
major political wing is the BJP which was in power in India’s Central
Government for six years from 1998 to 2004 and is now the main
opposition party. It is also in power in the states of Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Karnataka, and Uttaranchal. It is an alliance partner in the states of Orissa, Punjab, and Bihar.
Political parties pertaining to the Hindutva ideology are not limited to the Sangh Parivar. Examples of political parties independent from the Sangh’s influence include Praful Goradia’s Akhil Bharatiya Jana Sangh and Uma Bharti’s Bharatiya Janshakti Party. The influence of these groups is relatively limited.
The controversial Maharashtrian political party, the Shiv Sena, converted its ideology to the Hindutva one in recent times. It has been very influential in the Indian state of Maharashtra. The party is not part of the Sangh Parivar but is associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party. Similar is the Shiromani Akali Dal, which is a Sikh religious party but maintains ties with Hindutva organizations, as they also represent Sikhism.
Criticism and support
opponents of Hindutva philosophy consider Hindutva ideology as a
euphemistic effort to conceal communal beliefs and practices.
Indian Marxist sociologues have described the Hindutva movement as
fascist in classical sense, in its ideology and class support specially
targeting the concept of homogenised majority and cultural hegemony. The Hindutva movement on the other hand terms such description as coming from the far left.
More moderate critics of Hindutva do not base their criticism on
allegations of “fascism”, but raise issues with regards to their
sometimes-vacillating attitudes towards non-Hindus and secularism. The
epithet of “fascism” is also used to evoke double standards against
Hindus in political and academic discourse. The academia and polity have
been accused of engaging in a form of anti-Hindu McCarthyism against Hindu political expression by leveling the accusation of “fascism” against anyone who expresses sympathy for Hindus.
Marxist critics, have used the political epithets of “Indian fascism” and “Hindu fascism” to describe the ideology of the Sangh Parivar. For example, Marxist social scientist Prabhat Patnaik has written that the Hindutva movement as it has emerged is “classically fascist in class support, methods and programme”
bases this argument on the following “ingredients” of classical fascism
present in Hindutva: the attempt to create a unified homogenous
majority under the concept of ‘the Hindus’; a sense of grievance against
past injustice; a sense of cultural superiority; an interpretation of
history according to this grievance and superiority; a rejection of
rational arguments against this interpretation; and an appeal to the
majority based on race and masculinity.
on Hindutva and fascism include those of the Christian convert to the
RSS viewpoint, Anthony Elenjimittan, who based his views on RSS’s
symbolism of the Bhagva (the banner of lord Shiva), Dharma Chakra [the Wheel of Faith] and Satyameva Jayate [Truth alone triumphs] (one must note that these symbols are normative in Hinduism and bear no relation to Hindutva and the latter is the national motto of a secular democratic India).
The description of Hindutva as fascist has been condemned by pro-Hindutva authors such as Koenraad Elst
who claim that the ideology of Hindutva meets none of the
characteristics of fascist ideologies. Claims that Hindutva social
service organisations such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh are “fascist” have been disputed by academics such as Vincent Kundukulam.
Chetan Bhatt and Parita Mukta reject the identification of Hindutva
with fascism, because of Hindutva’s embrace of cultural rather than
racial nationalism, because of its “distinctively Indian” character, and
because of “the RSS’s disavowal of the seizure of state power in
preference for long-term cultural labour in civil society“. They instead describe Hindutva as a form of “revolutionary conservatism” or “ethnic absolutism”..
Nobel Laureate V.S. Naipaul also rejects these allegations and views the rise of Hindutva as a welcome, broader civilizational resurgence of India.