205 LESSON 23 03 2011Animitto Sutta The Signless FREE ONLINE eNālandā Research and Practice UNIVERSITY and the BUDDHIST ONLINE GOOD NEWS to VOTE for BSP ELEPHANT for Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation to attain Ultimate Bliss-Through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org
Animitto Sutta: The Signless
The Pali title of this sutta is based on the PTS (Feer) edition.
“Then, friends, I thought: ‘The signless concentration of the heart, the signless concentration of the heart, they say — now what is that?’
“Then I thought: ‘In this a monk, paying no attention to any distinguishing signs, enters on and dwells in that concentration of the heart which is without signs. This is called “The signless concentration of heart.”‘
“Then, friends, paying no attention to any distinguishing signs, I entered on and dwelt in that concentration of the heart which is without signs. But as I dwelt thus, the consciousness-conforming-to-signs arose.
“And then, friends, the Blessed One came to me by his powers and said: ‘Moggallaana, Moggallaana, Brahman, do not slacken off in the signless concentration, make your mind steady, make the mind one-pointed, concentrate your mind in the signless concentration!’
“And after that, friends, paying no attention to any distinguishing signs, I entered on and dwelt in the signless concentration of the heart.
ONLINE GOOD NEWS
POLITICS is SACRED with GOOD GOVERNANCE
Tokyo, Japan – The disaster that struck northeastern Japan on March 11 shook members of the nation’s foreign community in different ways. Some booked seats on the next flight out; others decided to stay put.
Mako Hayashi was immediately on the phone, frantic to find a community where hot food was needed. She planned to deliver stir-fried vermicelli rice noodles and “mabo-dofu” tofu in chili-spiced sauce to needy people.
A long-time Tokyo resident, Hayashi hails from Taiwan. Her Chinese name is Rin Jyu-zu. She is a volunteer for the Tzu Chi Foundation, a Buddhist charity organization based in Hualien, Taiwan.
The organization claims 30,000 members in 40 countries, the majority distributed in Chinese-speaking nations. Almost 90 percent of the group’s members are women, as is their spiritual leader, the nun Cheng Yen, who founded the Buddhist Compassion Relief Foundation in 1966.
Nearly 200 members make up the Japan chapter, almost all of whom are married to Japanese.
“This country has supported us, and we’ve been able to build lives here,” says Hayashi. “At a time like this we’re desperate to give something back.”
The group had already shipped in thousands of blankets and vegetarian quick meals from Taiwan to its branch in Tokyo. But with local governments deluged, gasoline rationed and roads to the north closed to all but official traffic, it faced the task of getting the relief assistance farther out.
Almost a week had passed before the group found a supply route to Sendai thanks to the intervention of a local Japanese Buddhist organization. Meanwhile, 18 members set off for the port town of Oarai, Ibaraki Prefecture, located 100 kilometers northeast of Tokyo.
Packed into two cars and a rental truck, they were on a mission to cook noodles and tofu.
“We are not professional rescuers, we are all volunteers,” says Tzu Chi Foundation representative Tan Leong Tat. “In a disaster, our main priority is our own safety. We can’t help if we become victims ourselves and take attention away from those who really need it.”
Tzu Chi Foundation teams have operated in Afghanistan, Pakistan, Indonesia, Haiti, China and, previously in Japan, during the Niigata Prefecture earthquake of 2007, explains Tat.
“I’ve seen the Japanese response before and it’s very calm, very efficient,” he says.
“But even when victims receive food and blankets, they need something else–spiritual warmth. It’s hard to raise your spirits when your food is cold. That’s why it’s important for us to go to where they are and prepare hot meals.”
Oarai residents seemed unsurprised by the arrival of the Taiwanese volunteers and their unconventional comfort food after a 4.2-meter tsunami slammed into the town, cutting off electricity and water lines, but leaving buildings standing.
The Isohama neighborhood around city hall was relatively unscathed, save for the eye-level waterline painted on houses and factories. A short walk away, stores were open for business.
“I was expecting rice balls,” said one 80-year-old woman waiting in a line of about 300 people. “I don’t think I’ve ever had fried vermicelli noodles before, so it sounds a bit extravagant. But there’s a first time for everything.”
“I love Chinese food,” said resident Aya Sato, for whom the taste brought back memories of San Diego and San Francisco, where she often dined in Chinatown.
“I didn’t expect that here today, but nationality is one of the last things you think about at a time like this.”
The mother of one left Oarai after the wave, but returned the next day so her son could join his friends.
“I’m not really sure how they reached us. We weren’t the worst hit. There are a lot of communities that need more help than us. Still, for them to come here is a great comfort. It tells us we’re not alone,” says Oarai Mayor Takaaki Kotani, who offered the volunteers 20 liters of gasoline, enough for them to reach the next gas station on the highway to Tokyo.
“We realize we’re still far from the places that need us most,” says volunteer Ryu Kei-ei on the drive back. “It doesn’t matter from where you start, as long as you act, and believe that somehow, some way, compassion reaches the people who need it.”
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) or Majority People’s Party is one of the only five prominent national political parties of India, which is the largest democracy of the world.
Brief Introduction :
The ideology of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is “Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation” of the “Bahujan Samaj “, which comprises of the Scheduled Castes (SCs), the Scheduled Tribes (STs), the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Religious Minorities such as Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Buddhists and account for over 85 per cent of the country’s total population.
The people belonging to all these classes have been the victims of the “Manuwadi” system in the country for thousands of years, under which they have been vanquished, trampled upon and forced to languish in all spheres of life. In other words, these people were deprived even of all those human rights, which had been secured for the upper caste Hindus under the age-old “Manuwadi Social System”.
Among the great persons (Mahapurush) belonging to “Bahujan Samaj”, who fought courageously and with commitment against the brutal and oppressive Manuwadi system, for providing a level playing field to the downtrodden to help move forward in their lives with “self-respect” and at par with the upper castes Hindus, especially Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar’s socio-political campaign later proved to be very effective in this direction.
Though the contributions of leaders of the downtrodden communities like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Narayana Guru and Periyar E. V. Ramaswami have been immense in the fight against the obnoxious Manuwadi system, but the struggle of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar, who was born in Scheduled Caste community, and that of Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji later proved to be greatly effective and pregnant with far-reaching consequences.
Besides waging a spirited campaign against the Manuwadi Social System, Dr. Ambedkar instilled consciousness among not only the Dalits, but also among those belonging to other backward groups, which continue to be victimised and trampled under this oppressive and unjust Manuvadi Social System.
By virtue of his pivotal role in the framing of the Indian Constitution, these groups were given a number of rights in the Constitution on a legal basis to lead a life of dignity and self-respect. But he was fully conscious of the fact that these exploited sections of the society would not be able to get the full legal rights as long as the governments would remain dominated by the Manuwadi persons and parties.
That’s why Dr. Ambedkar, during his lifetime, had counseled the “Bahujan Samaj” that if they wanted to fully enjoy the benefits of their legal rights, as enshrined in the Constitution, they would have to bond together all the Bahujan groups on the basis of unity and fraternity, bring them on a strong political platform and capture the “Master Key” of political power. This was to be the modus operandi for the formation of Bahujan Governments at the Centre and in States. Only such governments could enforce all the constitutional and legal rights of the “Bahujan Samaj” and provide opportunities to its People to move forward in all spheres of life besides enabling them to lead a life of “self-respect”.
Keeping in view this observation and advice of Dr. Ambedkar, respected Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), with the help of his associates, on April 14, 1984. For many years while he enjoyed good health, he prepared the “Bahujan Samaj” to secure the “master key” of political power, which opens all the avenues for social and economic development.
However, being a diabetic and host of other serious ailments, his health did not permit him to lead an active political life for too long. On December 15, 2001, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji, while addressing a mammoth rally of the BSP at the Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh on the banks of the river Gomti, declared Kumari (Miss) Mayawati Ji, then the lone Vice-President of the Party, as his only political heir and successor.
Moreover, on September 15, 2003, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji’s health suffered a serious setback, and the entire responsibility of the Party fell on the shoulders of Bahan (Sister) Kumari Mayawati Ji. Later, on September 18, 2003, the Party, through a consensus and in keeping with its Constitution, made her its National President.
Being the National President of a National Party, Kumari Mayawati Ji in her address sought to assure that “I would like to make aware people of the country that my Party, the BSP, is committed to not only improving the socio-economic conditions of people belonging to the “Bahujan Samaj” but also of the poor among the upper caste Hindus, small and medium farmers, traders and people engaged in other professions.
But people of the Manuwadi mindset, even if they are in different fields of life, are acting under a conspiracy to project the image of the BSP as if it is confined to championing the cause of Dalits alone and is opposed to the upper castes Hindus and other sections of the society. Also, the BSP has nothing to do with the issues of national interest. However, on the basis of facts, I can say with firmness and conviction that all such talks are a bunch of lies, baseless and devoid of facts and are nothing else more than a slanderous campaign of the status quoits Manuwadi forces. The policies, objectives and ideology of the BSP are crystal clear and attuned to the welfare of the entire country and its vast population.
On the basis of its ideology, the BSP wants to sound the death-knell of the “Manuwadi Social System” based on the ‘Varna’ (which is an inequality social system) and striving hard and honestly for the establishment of an egalitarian and “Humanistic Social System” in which everyone enjoys JUSTICE (social, economic and political) and EQUALITY (of status and of opportunity) as enshrined in the PREAMBLE of the Constitution.
Further, our Party Constitution very clearly states that “the chief aim and objective of the Party shall be to work as a revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India.”
Such a social system is wholly in the overall interest of the Country and all sections of the society too. If, in this missionary work of “Social Transformation”, people of the upper castes (Hindus) shed their Manuwadi mindset and join hands with the Bahujan Samaj, our Party, with all due respect and affection would embrace them. Such people will be given suitable positions in the Party organisation in accordance with their ability, dedication and efficiency, and there would be no distinction between them and those belonging to the Bahujan Samaj. Also they will be fielded as Party candidates in the parliamentary and assembly elections, and if our government is formed, they will also be given ministerial berths.
These are not hollow talks because the BSP in the past, during the three successive governments, had implemented all such promises. In Uttar Pradesh, Ms. Mayawati government was formed four times, and on each occasion, upper castes people were inducted in the Council of Ministers. Even an upper caste person was appointed to an all-important post of Advocate General. They were given the Party ticket for Lok Sabha and Assembly elections and also nominated to the Parliament’s Upper Chamber i.e. Rajya Sabha and state Legislative Councils.
In addition, upper caste people have been given high posts in the Party organisation. For example, Mr. Satish Chandra Mishra was nominated to the Rajya Sabha and also was made national general secretary of the Party. In similar fashion, other castes of the Upper Castes (Hindus) were promoted.
Thus, keeping in view all these facts, it would be injudicious and fallacious to hold that the BSP works for the welfare of a particular group or section. Yes, the Party does give priority to those sections, which have been ignored and scorned all along by the Manuwadi governments in all spheres of life. In addition, the BSP has always contributed positively to all issues pertaining to the welfare of the Country. The BSP has always taken an unequivocal stand on issues of the Country’s welfare and never compromised on the issues related to the interest of the country whenever the need arose.
The chief aim and objective of the party shall be to work as a revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India, to be followed by State in governance, and in particular summed up in the following extract from the Preamble of the Constitution.
We, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its citizens:
Justice, social, economic and political;
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
Equality of status and opportunity; and promote among them all
Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity and integrity of the Nation;”
The Party shall regard its ideology as a movement for ending exploitation of the weaker sections and suppression of the deprived through social and economic change in keeping with the above stated chief aim, and its political activity and participation in governance as an instrument of furthering such a movement and bringing in such a change.
This being the chief aim of the Party, the strategy of the Party in public affairs will be governed by the following general principles:
1. That all citizens of India being equal before law are entitled to be treated as equal in true sense and in all matters and all walks of life, and where equality does not exist it has to be fostered and where equality is denied it has to be upheld and fought for.
2. That the full, free, uninhibited and unimpeded development of each individual is a basic human right and State is an instrument for promoting and realising such development;
3. That the rights of all citizens of India as enshrined in the Constitution of India and subject to such restrictions as are set out in the Constitution, have to be upheld at all costs and under all circumstances;
4. That the provisions of the Constitution requiring the State at Center and in States to promote with special care and protect the socio-economic interests of the weaker sections of the society denied to them for centuries, have to upheld and given practical shape in public affairs as a matter of prime most priority.
5. That economic disparities and the wide gaps between the ‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ must not be allowed to override the political principle of “one man, one vote, one vote, one value” adopted by our republic.
6. That unless political empowerment is secured for the economically deprived masses they will not be able to free themselves from the shackles of economic and social dependence and exploitation.
In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the aims stated above the Party will work specially towards the following objectives:
1. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, the other Backward Castes, and the minorities, are the most oppressed and exploited people in India. Keeping in mind their large numbers, such a set of people in India is known as the Bahujan Samaj. The Party shall organise these masses.
2. The party shall work for these down trodden masses to-
a. to remove their backwardness;
b. to fight against their oppression and exploitation;
c. to improve their status in society and public life;
d. to improve their living conditions in day to day life;
2. The social structure of India is based on inequalities created by caste system and the movement of the Party shall be geared towards changing the social system and rebuild it on the basis of equality and human values. All those who join the party with the commitment to co-operate in this movement of social change shall be ingratiated into the fold of the Party.
Towards the furtherance of the above noted aims and objectives the organisational units of Party as designated in this constitution, shall be empowered to:-
1. purchase, take on lease or otherwise acquire, and maintain, moveable or immovable property for the Party and invest and deal with monies of Party in such a manner as may from time to time be determined;
2. raise money with or without security for carrying out any of the aims and objectives of the Party;
3. to do all other lawful things and acts as are incidental or conducive to the attainment of any of the aforesaid aims and objectives,
Provided that none of these activities will be undertaken without the express approval of the National President.
Vidya Subrahmaniam, Press Release
That today sections of upper castes seem to prefer the BSP to the BJP speaks to the long distance travelled by Mayawati’s party.
FOR THE past month, medical students in the Capital have been protesting the “quota issue” with brooms and mops in their hands - in a crude symbolism against the Scheduled Castes. Were they to travel to Uttar Pradesh, they would discover how much behind the times they are. In her book, ” Mere sangharshmai jeevan evam bahujan movement ka safarnama ” (My struggle-filled life and the journey of bahujan movement), Mayawati explains how she reached out to Brahmins (and later other upper castes) and how the latter, in trickles to begin with but gradually in greater numbers, began to respond. The first step was to tap the more socially committed among Brahmins and through them appeal to the larger community. But lest this should be understood as a dilution of the Bahujan Samaj Party’s opposition to “manuwad”, there was a caveat. The BSP needed Brahmins - and other forward castes - to come over but on its terms. Those who responded, Ms. Mayawati let it be known, would be amply rewarded, by way of the party ticket, Rajya Sabha nominations, and ministerial berths.
The BSP chief’s earliest breakthrough was the induction of Satish Chandra Misra, Advocate General in the BSP Government, who agreed to canvass support among like-minded Brahmins. Mr. Misra’s positive feedback led to the appointment of coordinators tasked with organising district-level Brahmin mahasammelans (Brahmin congregations). The job was not easy. Forward castes in the north were not only more sizeable compared to the south, caste barriers were more entrenched in the absence of an enlightened social movement. The BSP itself was deeply resented for its strident anti-manuwadi campaign.
But mission “Brahmin jodo” (integrate Brahmins) was the worth the time and effort, and on June 9, 2005, Ms. Mayawati addressed the BSP’s first State-level Brahmin mahasammelan. “It is not by chance that you have turned up here in such large numbers here,” the BSP chief told the gathering. Her repeated assurance: the BSP was against “manuwad”, or the Brahminical disdain for lower castes, but it was not against Brahmins. Therefore, any fear of a reverse discrimination in the BSP was unfounded. The Brahmin mahasammelan spawned other mahasammelans - of Rajputs, Vaishyas, and Yadavas, representing forward and backward castes. Each was an attempt to add another community to the BSP’s Dalit core vote.
The enormity of the BSP’s forward caste project is best understood in terms of the BSP-BJP relationship. Each time the BSP aligned with the BJP, the former gained and the latter lost. Between 1991 and 2004, the BJP’s Lok Sabha seats from Uttar Pradesh declined from 51 of 84 seats to 10 of 80 seats. Between 1991 and 2002, its Assembly seats declined from 221 of 425 seats to 88 of 403 seats. In the same period, the BSP’s Lok Sabha tally went up from just one to 19 and its Assembly seats from 12 to 98. There seemed but one explanation for this dramatic reversal: the BJP’s core voters were disillusioned by its repeated pacts with the forward caste-baiting BSP. That the same segments, or even a section of them, could prefer the BSP to the BJP speaks to the amazing journey of a party that targeted, and was in turn targeted by, forward castes. As Sudhir Goyal, national spokesperson of the BSP puts it: “The transformation is a measure of our confidence. It is from a position of strength that we are talking to upper castes.”
So, how do the BSP’s Dalit workers react to the co-option of the “manuwadi” castes? With stoic acceptance: “Our fight is with the system. This is the only way the BSP can capture power on its own.” Undoubtedly, this is the voice of a deeply committed cadre. On the outside, the BSP is all about Ms. Mayawati, with the media obsessively focussing on her clothes, jewellery, and “imperious” manner. On the ground, the BSP could be a cult instead of a party, with the cadre doggedly and silently propagating the party’s ideology in the remotest villages. The commonest refrain among workers is ” hum marne mitne ke liye taiyar hain ” (we are ready to die for the party). For Salim Ansari and Raj Vijay, former and current presidents of the party’s Mau unit, the BSP is a mission where the poorest workers give up bidis and paan to raise funds. The election drill is rigorous and starts early, with party candidates chosen almost two years in advance and put on test. Each constituency is divided into 25 sectors with ten polling booths to a sector. Each booth, accounting roughly for 1000 voters, is under the care of a nine-member committee, headed by a president and with at least one woman member deputed to motivate and mobilise women voters.
Says Mr. Ansari, ” Behenji ’s one message is: do not sleep. And we do not. The booth committees have a single goal - to ensure the maximum turnout of our voters. Each member has a specific duty, and we have already had rehearsals for what to do on voting day [eight months away].” So has the BSP really put together an unbeatable Dalit-forward caste-most backward caste combination? The many caste mahasammelans and the systematic targeting of the smaller caste groups - Chauhan, Rajbar, Malla, Maurya to name a few - would suggest so. Say BSP workers Ashok Kumkar and M.S. Chauhan: “As important as the Brahmin mahasammelans are the many more unpublicised efforts directed at the smaller castes.”
Yet the experiment is not without its pitfalls. For instance, the pro-Mayawati mood, so visible among Allahabad forward castes, seemed driven less by a genuine change of heart towards the BSP than by the immediate imperative of removing Mulayam Singh. The language bordered on communal, with Mr. Mulayam Singh accused of “pandering to Muslims” and “protecting Muslims bullies.” This leads to the question: Is forward caste support for the BSP merely opportunistic, with the BSP temporarily substituting for the BJP?
As important is a second question: Has the BSP been able to break traditional barriers in the villages? This writer travelled into the villages of Mau with a band of BSP workers. The Dalit villagers were easily identified by their enthusiasm and shouts of “Jai Bhim” (for Bhim Rao Ambedkar). The fervours made it impossible to tell between voters and workers. Both spoke of “working to the last breath ” for the BSP and behenji . Bright-eyed Ranjana from Nausopur village typified this mix. “There is a BSP wave. The Brahmins are voting the haathi (elephant),” she gushed, even as she insisted on accompanying us to forward caste homes to “witness the revolution.”
Ashok Kumar, the village pradhan, was emphatic that Brahmins would vote the BSP: ” I have complete respect for Maywati as an administrator. She was tough on criminals and that is what we need now.” Banke Bihari, another Brahmin, voted the BJP in 2002 and wants to give the BSP a try: “I would like to believe that she has changed.” But were forward castes not jailed and harassed by previous BSP regimes? “Those who ought to be jailed, ought to be jailed.” Ram Ashish Tiwari was bitter about the BJP’s forgotten Ram mandir and the “Jinnah betrayal.” “I do not know if I will vote the BSP. But I am not voting the BJP.”
Yet attitudinal mindsets are not so easily demolished. At Umapur, our group ran into the openly hostile Rajnath Tiwari and his son. Said Mr. Tiwari: “The Ram mandir will be built and we will vote the BJP as long as we live.” But were Brahmins not turning to the BSP? The son’s hands flew to his ears, his disgust apparent, his words a torrent of abuse: “Ram, Ram, what are you saying? The BSP and us?” The effect was instantaneous. “Don’t you dare,” began Ranjana only to stop abruptly, her eyes misty, her fists clenched tightly. It was evident that she was holding herself back. Did she not want to retaliate? “I do but we have a larger goal. We have to win.”
That the BSP has gained phenomenally on the ground is clear. But U.P. is a complex State where every day brings a new challenge. In the villages, each major caste has its own political party and the numbers can only increase as election day draws near. The Samajwadi Party’s Muslim base is under threat from a new, more strident Muslim party. This could benefit the BSP or it could breathe life into the BJP. If the Congress revival is better than currently anticipated, it could affect forward caste movement towards the BSP. On the other hand, should the anti-quota forward caste anger spread to U.P. - currently reservation is a non-issue here - the Congress will be affected the most.
VOICE OF SARVAJAN HONEY LEAKS
Enjoy this evergreen songs of Buddha & Bodhisattva dr. ambedkar
with much mettakamlesh
An offer for 12th standard pass Indian Buddhist boys and girls to study six year’s residential course in Buddhism
1.Buddhist Culture and Language.
2.Principles of Theravada and Mahayana
3.Principles of Vinaypitaka, Suttapitaka and Abhidhammapitaka
4.Missionary work, Meditation, Comparative study of all religions.
5.Monastic management and Sangha Development study.
Hui Neng Foundation,
Vaishali Nagar, Nagpur-440017
(M) 9860186680 email : email@example.com
[The Buddhist Circle] Farewell function held at Dr. Ambedkar Thoughts Dept. RTM Nagpur University on March 19, 2011. [1 Attachment]
[Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane included below]
Farewell function held at Dr. Ambedkar Thoughts Dept. RTM Nagpur
University on March 19, 2011.
Dr. Ambedkar Thoughts Department, RTM Nagpur University Nagpur
has organized ” Farewell Function” for M.A. II ( Dr. Ambedkar Thoughts)
students on March 19, 2011 on their seminar Hall. On that function, the
following dignitaries were present.
* Chairperson : Dr. Pradeep Aglawe (Head of Dr. Ambedkar Thoughts.)
* Chief Guests: Dr. Jaideo Khobragde ( Director of Vasantrao Naik
Institute of Social Science)
* Dr. Milind Jiwane (Chairman of Civil Rights Protection Cell)
* Adv. Ramesh Shambharkar
Vote of Thanks : Mr. Hirabhau Shende
1 of 1 Photo(s)
An eminent city based Organization named Jeewak Welfare Society,
which is associated with World Women Summit Foundation (WWSF) Geneva,
Switzerland has declared their National & International Awards on various
fields on the eve of Dr Ambedkar Birth Anniversary. An eminent
personality Hon. Shyam Tagade ( IAS ) Director of Dadasaheb Phalake Chitra
Nagari ( Film Industry ) Mumbai, who will be honored by Dr. Ambedkar
International Award 2011. Hon. Tagade has written many Dhamma Books and
practically engaged in the field of meditation also organized their
related camps in different parts of Maharashtra.
The Award Ceremony will be organized at Vidharbh Hindi Sahitya
Sammelan Hall, 1st Floor, Sitabuldi, Nagpur on Saturday 16, 2011 at 6.00
PM under Chairpersonship of Dr. Milind Jiwane, Chairman of Civil Rights
Protection Cell, and Ven. Dhnyanjyoti, Sangharamgiri, Dist. Chandrapur
will be the Chief Guest. Mrs. Vandana Jiwane have appeal to all of you to
join the function on large scale.
Attachment(s) from Dr. Milind Jiwane
1 of 1 Photo(s)
No SC tag for SC/ST Christians, Muslims?
Subodh Ghildiyal, TNN | Mar 17, 2011, 01.40am IST
NEW DELHI: The Centre seems tilted against the inclusion of “SC/ST”
Christians and Muslims in the Scheduled Castes list, arguing the need
for evidence to show that converts continued to face discrimination of
the same degree as before their exit from the Hindu fold.
The Union law ministry has cited a Supreme Court judgment dismissing
the claim that the constitutional provision limiting the SC tag to
Hindus/Sikhs was discriminatory. The UPA is learnt to favour status
quo on the back of law ministry’s view coupled with the opinion of the
National Commission for SCs — that the touchstone of being a SC/ST was
if converts followed traditions and customs as before conversion and
suffered the same social disabilities.
The contentious issue is before the apex court and the Centre has
marshalled opinion from its key arms to finalize its stand. A senior
minister who was part of recent discussion in the Cabinet Committee on
Political Affairs, suggested caution, telling TOI: “The Constitution
cannot be tinkered with in a casual manner.”
The issue is politically sensitive. SC/STs, as articulated by NCSC,
have opposed stretching the frontiers of SC list to outside Hindu,
Sikh and Buddhist fold, arguing that the fresh addition would encroach
on their share of 15% job quota.
The law ministry has added a strong caveat for continuing with the
existing regime by quoting a 1985 SC ruling that quashed a claim that
the ‘constitutional order 1950, para 3′ discriminated against
The Soosai vs UOI, 1985, ruling said the President of India had based
his judgment on the definition of SCs on the material showing that
Hindus/Sikhs “suffered from economic and social disabilities and
cultural and educational backwardness so gross in character…”
The apex court said, “to prove the said clause as discriminatory in
nature, it must be shown that they (converts) suffer from comparable
depth of social and economic disabilities and cultural backwardness
and similar level of degradation within the Christian community…”
The court noted that merely showing continuance of caste after
conversion was not sufficient. “It is necessary to establish further
that the disabilities and handicaps suffered from such caste
membership in Hinduism continue in their oppressive severity in the
new environment of a different religious community,” it said.
The law ministry told the Centre that the spirit of the apex court
order had to be taken into account while deciding the issue. The NCSC
said it had not conducted any study to establish the truth either way.
Traditionally the are 84,000 Dharma Doors - 84,000 ways to get Awakeness. Maybe so; certainly the Buddha taught a large number of practices that lead to Awakeness. This web page attempts to catalogue those found in the Pali Suttas (DN, MN, SN, AN, Ud & Sn 1). There are 3 sections:
The discourses of Buddha are divided into 84,000, as to separate addresses. The division includes all that was spoken by Buddha.”I received from Buddha,” said Ananda, “82,000 Khandas, and from the priests 2000; these are 84,000 Khandas maintained by me.” They are divided into 275,250, as to the stanzas of the original text, and into 361,550, as to the stanzas of the commentary. All the discourses including both those of Buddha and those of the commentator, are divided into 2,547 banawaras, containing 737,000 stanzas, and 29,368,000 separate letters.
BUDDHA (EDUCATE)! DHAMMA (MEDITATE)! SANGHA (ORGANISE)!
WISDOM IS POWER
Awakened One Shows the Path to Attain Eternal Bliss
Using such an instrument
The Free ONLINE e-Nālandā Research and Practice University has been re-organized to function through the following Schools of Learning :
Buddha’s Sangha Practiced His Dhamma Free of cost, hence the Free- e-Nālandā Research and Practice University follows suit
As the Original Nālandā University did not offer any Degree, so also the Free e-Nālandā Research and Practice University.
The teachings of Buddha are eternal, but even then Buddha did not proclaim them to be infallible. The religion of Buddha has the capacity to change according to times, a quality which no other religion can claim to have…Now what is the basis of Buddhism? If you study carefully, you will see that Buddhism is based on reason. There is an element of flexibility inherent in it, which is not found in any other religion.
Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar , Indian scholar, philosopher and architect of Constitution of India, in his writing and speeches
IKAMMA,REBIRTH,AWAKEN-NESS,BUDDHA,THUS COME ONE,DHAMMA II.ARHA ,FOUR HOLY TRUTHS,EIGHTFOLD PATH,TWELVEFOLD CONDITIONED ARISING,BODHISATTVA,PARAMITA,SIX PARAMITAS III.SIX SPIRITUAL POWERS,SIX PATHS OF REBIRTH,TEN DHARMA REALMS,FIVE SKANDHAS,EIGHTEEN REALMS,FIVE MORAL PRECEPTS IV. MEDITATION,MINDFULNESS,FOUR APPLICATIONS OF MINDFULNESS,LOTUS POSTURE,SAMADHI,CHAN SCHOOL,FOUR JHANAS,FOUR FORMLESS REALMS V. FIVE TYPES OF BUDDHIST STUDY AND PRACTICE,MAHAYANA AND HINAYANA COMPARED,PURE LAND,BUDDHA RECITATION,EIGHT CONSCIOUSNESSES,ONE HUNDRED DHARMAS,EMPTINESS VI. DEMON,LINEAGE
Level I: Introduction to Buddhism,Level II: Buddhist Studies,
Level III: Stream-Enterer,Level IV: Once – Returner,Level V: Non-Returner,Level VI: Arhat
Jambudvipa, i.e, PraBuddha Bharath scientific thought in
Philosophy and Comparative Religions;Historical Studies;International Relations and Peace Studies;Business Management in relation to Public Policy and Development Studies;Languages and Literature;and Ecology and Environmental Studies
Jambudvipa, i.e, PraBuddha Bharath scientific thought in
Buddhist perception of humanity
Buddhism and Information Technology
Buddhist perception of Business Management in Relation to Public Policy and Development and Ecology and Environment
Buddhist perception of Languages and Literature