A Reply to the Mahatma by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar

[1:] 1

I appreciate greatly the honour done me by the Mahatma in taking notice in his Harijan of the speech on Caste which I had prepared for the Jat-Pat-Todak Mandal.
From a perusal of his review of my speech, it is clear that the Mahatma
completely dissents from the views I have expressed on the subject of
Caste. I am not in the habit of entering into controversy with my
opponents unless there are special reasons which compel me to act
otherwise. Had my opponent been some mean and obscure person, I would
not have pursued him. But my opponent being the Mahatma himself, I feel I
must attempt to meet the case to the contrary which he has sought to
put forth.

[2:] While I appreciate the honour he has done me, I must confess to a sense of surprise on finding that of all people the Mahatma
should accuse me of a desire to seek publicity, as he seems to do when
he suggests that in publishing the undelivered speech my object was to
see that I was not “forgotten.” Whatever the Mahatma may choose to say,
my object in publishing the speech was to provoke the Hindus
to think, and to take stock of their position. I have never hankered
for publicity, and if I may say so, I have more of it than I wish or
need. But supposing it was out of the motive of gaining publicity that I
printed the speech, who could cast a stone at me? Surely not those who,
like the Mahatma, live in glass houses.

[3:] 2

Motive apart, what has the Mahatma
to say on the question raised by me in the speech? First of all, anyone
who reads my speech will realize that the Mahatma has entirely missed
the issues raised by me, and that the issues he has raised are not the
issues that arise out of what he is pleased to call my indictment of the
Hindus. The principal points which I have tried to make out in my
speech may be catalogued as follows:

[4:]

1. That Caste has ruined the Hindus;
2. That the reorganization of the Hindu Society on the basis of Chaturvarnya is impossible because the Varnavyavastha
   is like a leaky pot or like a man running at the nose. It is incapable
   of sustaining itself by its own virtue, and has an inherent tendency to
   degenerate into a Caste System unless there is a legal sanction behind it which can be enforced against everyone transgressing his Varna;
3. That the reorganization of the Hindu Society on the basis of Chaturvarnya would be harmful, because the effect of the Varnavyavastha
   would be to degrade the masses by denying them opportunity to acquire
   knowledge, and to emasculate them by denying them the right to be armed;
4. That the Hindu Society must be reorganized on a religious basis which would recognise the principles of Liberty, Equality and Fraternity;
5. That in order to achieve this object the sense of religious sanctity behind Caste and Varna must be destroyed;
6. That the sanctity of Caste and Varna can be destroyed only by discarding the divine authority of the Shastras.

[5:] It will be noticed that the questions raised by the Mahatma are absolutely beside the point, and show that the main argument of the speech was lost upon him.

[6:] 3

Let me examine the substance of the points made by the Mahatma.
The first point made by the Mahatma is that the texts cited by me are
not authentic. I confess I am no authority on this matter. But I should
like to state that the texts cited by me are all taken from the writings
of the late Mr. Tilak, who was a recognised authority on the Sanskrit language and on the Hindu Shastras. His second point is that these Shastras should be interpreted not by the learned but by the saints; and that as the saints have understood them, the Shastras do not support Caste and Untouchability.

[7:] As regards the first point, what I would like to ask the Mahatma
is, what does it avail to anyone if the texts are interpolations, and
if they have been differently interpreted by the saints? The masses do
not make any distinction between texts which are genuine and texts which
are interpolations. The masses do not know what the texts are. They are
too illiterate to know the contents of the Shastras. They have believed what they have been told, and what they have been told is that the Shastras do enjoin as a religious duty the observance of Caste and Untouchability.

[8:] With regard to the saints, one must
admit that howsoever different and elevating their teachings may have
been as compared to those of the merely learned, they have been
lamentably ineffective. They have been ineffective for two reasons.
Firstly, none of the saints ever attacked the Caste System.
On the contrary—they were staunch believers in the System of Castes.
Most of them lived and died as members of the castes to which they
respectively belonged. So passionately attached was Jnyandeo to his status as a Brahmin that when the Brahmins of Paithan
would not admit him to their fold, he moved heaven and earth to get his
status as a Brahmin recognized by the Brahmin fraternity.

[9:] And even the saint Eknath, who now figures in the film “Dharmatma“ as a hero for having shown the courage to touch the untouchables
and dine with them, did so not because he was opposed to Caste and
Untouchability, but because he felt that the pollution caused thereby
could be washed away by a bath in the sacred waters of the river Ganges [].
The saints have never, according to my study, carried on a campaign
against Caste and Untouchability. They were not concerned with the
struggle between men. They were concerned with the relation between man
and God. They did not preach that all men were equal. They preached that
all men were equal in the eyes of God—a very different and a very
innocuous proposition, which nobody can find difficult to preach or
dangerous to believe in.

[10:] The second reason why the teachings of
the saints proved ineffective was because the masses have been taught
that a saint might break Caste, but the common man must not. A saint
therefore never became an example to follow. He always remained a pious
man to be honoured. That the masses have remained staunch believers in
Caste and Untouchability shows that the pious lives and noble sermons of
the saints have had no effect on their life and conduct, as against the
teachings of the Shastras. Thus it can be a matter of no consolation that there were saints, or that there is a Mahatma who understands the Shastras differently from the learned few or ignorant many.

[11:] That the masses hold a different view of the Shastras is a fact which should and must be reckoned with. How that is to be dealt with, except by denouncing the authority of the Shastras
which continue to govern their conduct, is a question which the Mahatma
has not considered. But whatever the plan the Mahatma puts forth as an
effective means to free the masses from the teachings of the Shastras,
he must accept that the pious life led by one good Samaritan may be
very elevating to himself, but in India, with the attitude the common
man has to saints and to Mahatmas—to honour but not to follow—one cannot
make much out of it.

[12:] 4

The third point made by the Mahatma is that a religion professed by Chaitanya, Jnyandeo, Tukaram, Tiruvalluvar,
Ramkrishna Paramahansa, etc., cannot be devoid of merit as is made out
by me, and that a religion has to be judged not by its worst specimens
but by the best it might have produced. I agree with every word of this
statement. But I do not quite understand what the Mahatma wishes to
prove thereby. That religion should be judged not by its worst specimens
but by its best is true enough, but does it dispose of the matter? I
say it does not.

[13:] The question still remains, why the
worst number so many and the best so few. To my mind there are two
conceivable answers to this question: (1) That the worst by reason of
some original perversity of theirs are morally uneducable, and are
therefore incapable of making the remotest approach to the religious
ideal. Or: (2) That the religious ideal is a wholly wrong ideal which
has given a wrong moral twist to the lives of the many, and that the
best have become best in spite of the wrong ideal—in fact, by giving to
the wrong twist a turn in the right direction.

[14:] Of these two explanations I am not prepared to accept the first, and I am sure that even the Mahatma
will not insist upon the contrary. To my mind the second is the only
logical and reasonable explanation, unless the Mahatma has a third
alternative to explain why the worst are so many and the best so few. If
the second is the only explanation, then obviously the argument of the
Mahatma that a religion should be judged by its best followers carries
us nowhere—except to pity the lot of the many who have gone wrong
because they have been made to worship wrong ideals.

[15:] 5

The argument of the Mahatma
that Hinduism would be tolerable if only many were to follow the
example of the saints is fallacious for another reason. (In this
connection, see the illuminating article on “Morality and the Social
Structure” by Mr. H. N. Brailsford in the Aryan Path for April 1936.) By citing the names of such illustrious persons as Chaitanya, etc,. what the Mahatma seems to me to suggest in its broadest and simplest form is that Hindu society can be made tolerable and even happy without any fundamental change in its structure, if all the high-caste Hindus
can be persuaded to follow a high standard of morality in their
dealings with the low-caste Hindus. I am totally opposed to this kind of
ideology.

[16:] I can respect those of the caste Hindus
who try to realize a high social ideal in their life. Without such men,
India would be an uglier and a less happy place to live in than it is.
But nonetheless, anyone who relies on an attempt to turn the members of
the caste Hindus
into better men by improving their personal character is, in my
judgment, wasting his energy and hugging an illusion. Can personal
character make the maker of armaments a good man, i.e., a man who will
sell shells that will not burst and gas that will not poison? If it
cannot, how can you accept personal character [as sufficient] to make a
man loaded with the consciousness of Caste a good man, i.e., a man who
would treat his fellow-men as his friends and equals? To be true to
himself, he must deal with his fellow-man either as a superior or
inferior, according as the case may be; at any rate, differently from
his own caste-fellows. He can never be expected to deal with his
fellow-men as his kinsmen and equals.

[17:] As a matter of fact, a Hindu
does treat all those who are not of his caste as though they were
aliens, who could be discriminated against with impunity, and against
whom any fraud or trick may be practised without shame. This is to say that there can be a better or a worse Hindu. But a good Hindu there cannot be.
This is so not because there is anything wrong with his personal
character. In fact what is wrong is the entire basis of his relationship
to his fellows. The best of men cannot be moral if the basis of
relationship between them and their fellows is fundamentally a wrong
relationship. To a slave, his master may be better or worse. But there
cannot be a good master. A good man cannot be a master, and a master
cannot be a good man.

[18:] The same applies to the relationship
between high-caste and low-caste. To a low-caste man, a high-caste man
can be better or worse as compared to other high-caste men. A high-caste
man cannot be a good man, insofar as he must have a low-caste man to
distinguish him as a high-caste man. It cannot be good to a low-caste
man to be conscious that there is a high-caste man above him. I have
argued in my speech that a society based on Varna or Caste is a society which is based on a wrong relationship. I had hoped that the Mahatma would attempt to demolish my argument. But instead of doing that, he has merely reiterated his belief in Chaturvarnya without disclosing the ground on which it is based.

[19:] 6

Does the Mahatma
practise what he preaches? One does not like to make personal reference
in an argument which is general in its application. But when one
preaches a doctrine and holds it as a dogma, there is a curiosity to
know how far he practises what he preaches. It may be that his failure
to practise is due to the ideal being too high to be attainable; it may
be that his failure to practise is due to the innate hypocrisy of the
man. In any case he exposes his conduct to examination, and I must not
be blamed if I ask, how far has the Mahatma attempted to realize his
ideal in his own case?

[20:] The Mahatma is a Bania by birth. His ancestors had abandoned trading in favour of ministership, which is a calling of the Brahmins. In his own life, before he became a Mahatma,
when the occasion came for him to choose his career he preferred law to
[a merchant’s] scales. On abandoning law, he became half saint and half
politician. He has never touched trading, which is his ancestral
calling.

[21:] His youngest son—I take one who is a faithful follower
of his father—was born a Vaishya, has married a Brahmin’s daughter, and has chosen to serve a newspaper magnate. The Mahatma is not
known to have condemned him for not following his ancestral calling. It may be wrong and
uncharitable to judge an ideal by its worst specimens. But surely the Mahatma as a specimen
has no better [=cannot be improved upon], and if he even [=even he] fails to realize the ideal
then the
ideal must be an impossible ideal, quite opposed to the practical instincts of man.

[22:] Students of Carlyle know that he often spoke on a subject before he thought about it. I wonder whether such has not been the case with the Mahatma,
in regard to the subject matter of Caste. Otherwise, certain questions
which occur to me would not have escaped him. When can a calling be
deemed to have become an ancestral calling, so as to make it binding on a
man? Must a man follow his ancestral calling even if it does not suit
his capacities, even when it has ceased to be profitable? Must a man
live by his ancestral calling even if he finds it to be immoral? If
everyone must pursue his ancestral calling, then it must follow that a
man must continue to be a pimp because his grandfather was a pimp, and a
woman must continue to be a prostitute because her grandmother was a
prostitute. Is the Mahatma prepared to accept the logical conclusion of
his doctrine? To me his ideal of following one’s ancestral calling is
not only an impossible and impractical ideal, but it is also morally an
indefensible ideal.

[23:] 7

The Mahatma sees great virtue in a Brahmin
remaining a Brahmin all his life. Leaving aside the fact there are many
Brahmins who do not like to remain Brahmins all their lives, what can
we say about those Brahmins who have clung to their ancestral calling of
priesthood? Do they do so from any faith in the virtue of the principle
of ancestral calling, or do they do so from motives of filthy lucre?
The Mahatma does not seem to concern himself with such queries. He is
satisfied that these are “real Brahmins who are living on alms freely
given to them, and giving freely what they have of spiritual treasures.”
This is how a hereditary Brahmin priest appears to the Mahatma—a
carrier of spiritual treasures.

[24:] But another portrait of the hereditary Brahmin can also be drawn. A Brahmin can be a priest to Vishnu—the God of Love. He can be a priest to Shankar—the God of Destruction. He can be a priest at Buddha Gaya worshipping Buddha—the greatest teacher of mankind, who taught the noblest doctrine of Love. He also can be a priest to Kali,
the Goddess, who must have a daily sacrifice of an animal to satisfy
her thirst for blood. He will be a priest of the temple of Rama—the Kshatriya God! He will also be a priest of the Temple of Parshuram, the God who took on an Avatar to destroy the Kshatriyas! He can be a priest to Bramha, the Creator of the world. He can be a priest to a Pir, whose God Allah
will not brook the claim of Bramha to share his spiritual dominion over
the world! No one can say that this is a picture which is not true to
life.

[25:] If this is a true picture, one does
not know what to say of this capacity to bear loyalties to Gods and
Goddesses whose attributes are so antagonistic that no honest man can be
a devotee to all of them. The Hindus
rely upon this extraordinary phenomenon as evidence of the greatest
virtue of their religion—namely, its catholicity, its spirit of
toleration. As against this facile view, it can be urged that what is
[described as] toleration and catholicity may be really nothing more
creditable than indifference or flaccid latitudinarianism. These two
attitudes are hard to distinguish in their outer seeming. But they are
so vitally unlike in their real quality that no one who examines them
closely can mistake one for the other.

[26:] That a man is ready to render homage
to many Gods and
Goddesses may be cited as evidence of his tolerant spirit. But can it
not also be evidence of an insincerity born of a desire to serve the
times? I am sure that this toleration is merely insincerity. If this
view is well founded, one may ask: what spiritual treasure can there be
within a person who is ready to be a priest and a devotee to any deity
which it serves his purpose to worship and to adore? Not only must such a
person be deemed to be bankrupt of all spiritual treasures, but for him
to practice so elevating a profession as that of a priest simply
because it is ancestral—without faith, without belief, merely as a
mechanical process handed down from father to son—is not a conservation
of virtue; it is really the prostitution of a noble profession which is
no other than the service of religion.

[27:] 8

Why does the Mahatma
cling to the theory of everyone following his or her ancestral calling?
He gives his reasons nowhere. But there must be some reason, although
he does not care to avow it. Years ago, writing on “Caste versus Class”
in his Young India, he argued that the Caste System
was better than a Class System on the ground that Caste was the best
possible adjustment for social stability. If that be the reason why the
Mahatma clings to the theory of everyone following his or her ancestral
calling, then he is clinging to a false view of social life.

[28:] Everybody wants social stability, and
some adjustment must be made in the relationship between individuals and
classes in order that stability may be had. But two things, I am sure,
nobody wants. One thing nobody wants is a static relationship, something
that is unalterable, something that is fixed for all times. Stability
is wanted, but not at the cost of change when change is imperative. The
second thing nobody wants is mere adjustment. Adjustment is wanted, but
not at the sacrifice of social justice.

[29:] Can it be said that the adjustment of
social relationships on the basis of caste—i.e,. on the basis of each to
his hereditary calling—avoids these two evils? I am convinced that it
does not. Far from being the best possible adjustment, I have no doubt
that it is of the worst possible kind, inasmuch as it offends against
both the canons of social adjustment—namely, fluidity and equity.

[30:] 9

Some might think that the Mahatma has made much progress, inasmuch as he now only believes in Varna and does not believe in Caste. It is true that there was a time when the Mahatma was a full-blooded and a blue-blooded Sanatani Hindu. He believed in the Vedas, the Upanishads, the Puranas, and all that goes by the name of Hindu scriptures; and therefore, in Avatars
and rebirth. He believed in Caste, and defended it with the vigour of
the orthodox. He condemned the cry for inter-dining, inter-drinking, and
inter-marrying, and argued that restraints about inter-dining to a
great extent “helped the cultivation of will-power and the conservation
of a certain social virtue.”

[31:] It is good that he has repudiated this
sanctimonious nonsense and admitted that Caste “is harmful both to
spiritual and national growth,” and maybe his son’s marriage outside his
caste has had something to do with this change of view. But has the Mahatma really progressed? What is the nature of the Varna for which the Mahatma stands? Is it the Vedic conception as commonly understood and preached by Swami Dayanand Saraswati and his followers, the Arya Samajists?
The essence of the Vedic conception of Varna is the pursuit of a
calling which is appropriate to one’s natural aptitude. The essence of
the Mahatma’s conception of Varna is the pursuit of one’s ancestral
calling, irrespective of natural aptitude.

[32:] What is the difference between Caste and Varna, as understood by the Mahatma?
I find none. As defined by the Mahatma, Varna becomes merely a
different name for Caste, for the simple reason that it is the same in
essence—namely, pursuit of [one’s] ancestral calling. Far from making
progress, the Mahatma has suffered retrogression. By putting this
interpretation upon the Vedic conception of Varna, he has really made
ridiculous what was sublime. While I reject the Vedic Varnavyavastha for reasons given in the speech, I must admit that the Vedic theory of Varna as interpreted by Swami Dayanand
and some others is a sensible and an inoffensive thing. It did not
admit birth as a determining factor in fixing the place of an individual
in society. It only recognized worth.

[33:] The Mahatma’s view of Varna
not only makes nonsense of the Vedic Varna, but it makes it an
abominable thing. Varna and Caste are two very different concepts. Varna
is based on the principle of each according to his worth, while Caste
is based on the principle of each according to his birth. The two are as
distinct as chalk is from cheese. In fact there is an antithesis
between the two. If the Mahatma believes, as he does, in everyone
following his or her ancestral calling, then most certainly he is
advocating the Caste System,
and in calling it the Varna System he is not only guilty of
terminological inexactitude, but he is causing confusion worse
confounded.

[34:] I am sure that all his confusion is due to the fact that the Mahatma has no definite and clear conception as to what is Varna
and what is Caste, and as to the necessity of either for the
conservation of Hinduism. He has said—and one hopes that he will not
find some mystic reason to change his view—that Caste is not the essence
of Hinduism. Does he regard Varna as the essence of Hinduism? One
cannot as yet give any categorical answer.

[35:] Readers of his article on “Dr. Ambedkar’s Indictment” will answer “No.” In that article he does not say that the dogma of Varna
is an essential part of the creed of Hinduism. Far from making Varna
the essence of Hinduism, he says “the essence of Hinduism is contained
in its enunciation of one and only God as Truth and its bold acceptance
of Ahimsa as the law of the human family.”

[36:] But readers of his article in reply to Mr. Sant Ram will say “Yes.” In that article he says “How can a Muslim remain one if he rejects the Quran, or a Christian remain Christian if he rejects the Bible? If Caste and Varna are convertible terms, and if Varna is an integral part of the Shastras which define Hinduism, I do not know how a person who rejects Caste, i.e. Varna, can call himself a Hindu.” Why this prevarication? Why does the Mahatma
hedge? Whom does he want to please? Has the saint failed to sense the
truth? Or does the politician stand in the way of the saint?

[37:] The real reason why the Mahatma
is suffering from this confusion is probably to be traced to two
sources. The first is the temperament of the Mahatma. He has in almost
everything the simplicity of the child, with the child’s capacity for
self-deception. Like a child, he can believe in anything he wants to
believe in. We must therefore wait till such time as it pleases the
Mahatma to abandon his faith in Varna, as it has pleased him to abandon his faith in Caste.

[38:] The second source of confusion is the double role which the Mahatma
wants to play—of a Mahatma and a politician. As a Mahatma, he may be
trying to spiritualize politics. Whether he has succeeded in it or not,
politics have certainly commercialized him. A politician must know that
Society cannot bear the whole truth, and that he must not speak the
whole truth; if he is speaking the whole truth it is bad for his
politics. The reason why the Mahatma is always supporting Caste and Varna
is because he is afraid that if he opposed them he would lose his place
in politics. Whatever may be the source of this confusion, the Mahatma
must be told that he is deceiving himself, and also deceiving the
people, by preaching Caste under the name of Varna.

[39:] 10

The Mahatma says that the standards I have applied to test Hindus
and Hinduism are too severe, and that judged by those standards every
known living faith will probably fail. The complaint that my standards
are high may be true. But the question is not whether they are high or
whether they are low. The question is whether they are the right
standards to apply. A people and their Religion must be judged by social
standards based on social ethics. No other standard would have any
meaning, if Religion is held to be a necessary good for the well-being
of the people.

[40:] Now, I maintain that the standards I have applied to test Hindus
and Hinduism are the most appropriate standards, and that I know of
none that are better. The conclusion that every known religion would
fail if tested by my standards may be true. But this fact should not
give the Mahatma as the champion of Hindus
and Hinduism a ground for comfort, any more than the existence of one
madman should give comfort to another madman, or the existence of one
criminal should give comfort to another criminal.

[41:] I would like to assure the Mahatma that it is not the mere failure of the Hindus
and Hinduism which has produced in me the feelings of disgust and
contempt with which I am charged [=filled]. I realize that the world is a
very imperfect world, and anyone who wants to live in it must bear with
its imperfections.

[42:] But while I am prepared to bear with
the imperfections and shortcomings of the society in which I may be
destined to labour, I feel I should not consent to live in a society
which cherishes wrong ideals, or a society which, having right ideals,
will not consent to bring its social life into conformity with those
ideals. If I am disgusted with Hindus and Hinduism, it is because I am convinced that they cherish wrong ideals and live a wrong social life. My quarrel with Hindus and Hinduism is not over the imperfections of their social conduct. It is much more fundamental. It is over their ideals.

[43:] 11

Hindu
society seems to me to stand in need of a moral regeneration which it
is dangerous to postpone. And the question is, who can determine and
control this moral regeneration? Obviously, only those who have
undergone an intellectual regeneration, and those who are honest enough
to have the courage of their convictions born of intellectual
emancipation. Judged by this standard, the Hindu leaders who count are,
in my opinion, quite unfit for the task. It is impossible to say that
they have undergone the preliminary intellectual regeneration. If they
had undergone an intellectual regeneration, they would neither delude
themselves in the simple way of the untaught multitude, nor would they
take advantage of the primitive ignorance of others as one sees them
doing.

[44:] Notwithstanding the crumbling state of Hindu
society, these leaders will nevertheless unblushingly appeal to ideals
of the past which have in every way ceased to have any connection with
the present—ideals which, however suitable they might have been in the
days of their origin, have now become a warning rather than a guide.
They still have a mystic respect for the earlier forms which makes them
disinclined—nay, opposed—to any examination of the foundations of their
Society. The Hindu masses are of course incredibly heedless in the
formation of their beliefs. But so are the Hindu leaders. And what is
worse is that these Hindu leaders become filled with an illicit passion
for their beliefs when anyone proposes to rob them of their [beliefs’]
companionship.

[45:] The Mahatma
is no exception. The Mahatma appears not to believe in thinking. He
prefers to follow the saints. Like a conservative with his reverence for
consecrated notions, he is afraid that if he once starts thinking, many
ideals and institutions to which he clings will be doomed. One must
sympathize with him. For every act of independent thinking puts some
portion of an apparently stable world in peril.

[46:] But it is equally true that dependence
on saints cannot lead us to know the truth. The saints are after all
only human beings, and as Lord Balfour said, “the human mind is no more a
truth-finding apparatus than the snout of a pig.” Insofar as he [=the
Mahatma] does think, to me he really appears to be prostituting his
intelligence to find reasons for supporting this archaic social
structure of the Hindus. He is the most influential apologist of it, and
therefore the worst enemy of the Hindus.

[47:] Unlike the Mahatma, there are Hindu
leaders who are not content merely to believe and follow. They dare to
think, and act in accordance with the result of their thinking. But
unfortunately they are either a dishonest lot, or an indifferent lot
when it comes to the question of giving right guidance to the mass of
the people. Almost every Brahmin has transgressed the rule of Caste. The
number of Brahmins
who sell shoes is far greater than those who practise priesthood. Not
only have the Brahmins given up their ancestral calling of priesthood
for trading, but they have entered trades which are prohibited to them
by the Shastras. Yet how many Brahmins who break Caste every day will preach against Caste and against the Shastras?

[48:] For one honest Brahmin preaching against Caste and Shastras
because his practical instinct and moral conscience cannot support a
conviction in them, there are hundreds who break Caste and trample upon
the Shastras every day, but who are the most fanatic upholders of the theory of Caste and the sanctity of the Shastras.
Why this duplicity? Because they feel that if the masses are
emancipated from the yoke of Caste, they would be a menace to the power
and prestige of the Brahmins
as a class. The dishonesty of this intellectual class, who would deny
the masses the fruits of their [=the Brahmins’] thinking, is a most
disgraceful phenomenon.

[49:] The Hindus, in the words of Matthew Arnold, are “wandering between two worlds, one dead, the other powerless to be born.” What are they to do? The Mahatma
to whom they appeal for guidance does not believe in thinking, and can
therefore give no guidance which can be said to stand the test of
experience. The intellectual classes to whom the masses look for
guidance are either too dishonest or too indifferent to educate them in
the right direction. We are indeed witnesses to a great tragedy. In the
face of this tragedy all one can do is to lament and say—such are thy
Leaders, O Hindus! 

Congress ties itself in knots over quota issue

A day after distancing itself from law minister Salman Khurshid’s
remarks on reservation, Congress on Saturday tied itself in knots saying
it favoured further increase in job quotas for backward minorities in
poll-bound Uttar Pradesh.

The Congress also said that it was of the opinion that

there should not have been a ban on the Centre’s decision on
4.5% reservation for minorities in jobs as it was taken prior to poll
announcement.

The Election Commission had directed the Centre to
put on hold the implementation of its decision on job quotas for
minorities in the five poll-bound states.

Khurshid had triggered off a controversy by promising to increase the
sub-quota for OBC Muslims in Uttar Pradesh by 9%, a remark dubbed by
Congress spokesperson Rashid Alvi on Friday as the “individual view” of
the law minister.

“It is an individual view. It would be better if you ask Khurshid for
his reaction in the matter. There is inner party democracy in our
party”, Alvi had said on Friday in response to a volley of questions
including whether the party saw nothing wrong with the minister’s
statement.

On Saturday, Alvi said the Congress party, in its 2009 Lok Sabha
election manifesto, had promised to provide reservation to OBC Muslims
on the lines it had done in Andhra Pradesh.

“The manifesto for Uttar Pradesh elections is being readied … we
are discussing to increase this (4.5%)%age and that will be in our
manfiesto for UP elections,” he said.

On the EC decision, Alvi said “though the EC has put the reservation
decision on hold, we are of the view that any party which goes to polls
will find itself in a difficult position if it does not talk about its
manifesto.”

Alvi said that Khurshid called him on Saturday morning and clarified
that he had not mentioned any definitive figure like 9% but talked about
it being between 8 to 9% and that after calculations  it will be part
of the manifesto.

“Our view is that Election Commission has the responsibility to
conduct fair polls in the country. EC is a constitutional body and it
should be beyond criticism. We will not comment on its orders even if
anything goes against us.

“…But our opinion is that we had announced the decision (on 4.5%
reservation for backward Muslims) well before the election dates were
announced. According to us, there should not have been any ban on that
decision,” Alvi said.

He, however, evaded direct answers on specific queries on whether it
was proper for the law minister to announce a figure even before the
manifesto for the state election was out.

“It has to be caluclated. I can’t say how much it would be. But
Salman Khurshid is also the chairman of the manifiesto committee for the
state,” Alvi pointed out suggesting Khurshid might have said it as he
was aware of what was being finalized in the party manifesto.

Sources in AICC meanwhile said the party is likely to announce an
enhance 8.5% reservation for backward minorities in Uttar Pradesh.

Asked why he distanced himself from Khurshid’s Friday remarks, Alvi
merely said,”we do not say anything different from what we decide in our
manfiesto”.

He said the party, as promised in its 2009 Lok Sabha election
manifesto, will provide reservation to backward minorities everywhere
including Uttar Pradesh on the line of Andhra Pradesh and Kerala.