2291 Wed 19 Jul 2017 LESSON
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in 23) Classical English,15) Classical Chichewa- Chikale cha Chichewa,16) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体),17) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體),18) Classical Corsican-Corsa Corsa,18) Classical Corsican-Corsa Corsa,19) Classical Croatian-Klasična hrvatska,20) Classical Czech-Klasická čeština
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What BSP chief Mayawati’s threat to quit Rajya Sabha means
It’s a shame. If I can’t speak about our weaker sections in the House then I have no right to stay in the House.
“I was not allowed to
speak on problems being faced by the Dalits, backward class, weaker
sections including farmers and labourers in Uttar Pradesh. Since I was
not allowed by the ruling party to raise these issues so, I have decided
to give resignation from Rajya Sabha,” she told media.
The BSP supremo first threatened to resign from the Upper House after
she was not allowed to speak on Dalits and other weaker sections being
targeted in Uttar Pradesh.
She raised the Saharanpur violence and criticised the Yogi Adityanath
government in Uttar Pradesh for handling the matter poorly.
“Since the BJP has come to power, there have been atrocities on Dalits
and minorities starting from Rohith Vemula in Hyderabad, then the Gau
Rakshaks,” the BSP chief asserted.
Talking to reporters outside Parliament, Ms Mayawati said, she had
given adjournment motion to speak about the atrocities against SC/STs
including recent violence incidents in Saharanpur.
Meanwhile, both the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha were adjourned till Wednesday.
“This is the reason I have chose to quit from the Rajya Sabha, I am not being heard, not allowed to speak”, she said.
The Sarvajan Samaj leader went on to accuse the BJP of being
anti-SC/STs and anti-minorities. Mayawati said that the BJP-ruled states
have failed to reign in the atrocities against minorities and SC/STs.
However, she was interrupted from speaking. “I will come and give my resignation right now”, Mayawati said.
The Congress party also said that the Opposition’s voice is suppressed by the government.
Today is the second day of the monsoon session of Parliament.
The issues of cow vigilantism, farmers’ protests, Kashmir unrest,
action of law enforcement agencies against some opposition leaders over
alleged corruption and India’s stand-off with China are dominating the
Monsoon Session.
Bahuth
Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP) have no right to say this as the master Key
has been gobbled by tampering the fraud EVMs to win elections. Let the
elections be conducted with paper ballots. Then they will not even get
one percent votes:
https://www.bhaskar.com/news/
https://www.bhaskar.com/…/NAT-
इसलिए नामंजूर हो सकता है मायावती का इस्तीफा, लालू बोले- हम राज्यसभा भेजेंगे
नई दिल्ली.सदन में अपनी बात रखने का मौका नहीं मिलने से नाराज बीएसपी
सुप्रीमो मायावती ने मंगलवार शाम राज्यसभा मेंबरशिप से इस्तीफा दे दिया।
राज्यसभा सेक्रेटेरिएट के सूत्रों ने न्यूज एजेंसी को बताया कि इस्तीफा
स्वीकार करने का आखिरी फैसला सभापति के पास होता है। सांसदों के इस्तीफे का
फॉर्मेट तय है कि वो कम शब्दों में लेटर लिखें और इसमें वजह का जिक्र ना
करें। मायावती ने तीन पेज का इस्तीफा भेजा। इसमें घटनाक्रम को सिलसिलेवार
तरीके से बयां किया है। ऐसे में इस्तीफा फॉर्मेट के मुताबिक नहीं होने पर
नामंजूर हो सकता है। दूसरी ओर, आरजेडी चीफ लालू प्रसाद ने मायावती को बिहार
से राज्यसभा की मेंबरशिप ऑफर की है। मंगलवार को सदन में क्या हुआ…
-
11 बजे सदन की कार्यवाही शुरू होते ही मायावती ने नोटिस देकर अपनी बात
रखने की इजाजत मांगी। उपसभापति पीजे कुरियन ने उन्हें 3 मिनट का वक्त दिया।
मायावती जब दलितों पर हमलों और सहारनपुर हिंसा पर बोलने लगीं तो बीजेपी
सांसदों ने हंगामा शुरू कर दिया।
- शोर-शराबे और कुरियन के बार-बार
रोकने पर भी वो 7 मिनट तक बोलती रहीं। जिसके बाद मायावती की उपसभापति से
बहस भी हुई। सदन में ही इस्तीफे की धमकी देकर मायावती बाहर चली गईं। शाम को
उपराष्ट्रपति हामिद अंसारी (राज्यसभा के सभापति) से मिलकर उन्हें इस्तीफा
सौंप दिया।
इस्तीफे में क्या लिखा?
- बीएसपी सुप्रीमो ने लिखा-
‘’अगर मैं सरकार के सामने सदन में दलितों के हितों की बात नहीं उठा सकती तो
मेरे राज्यसभा में रहने का कोई मतलब नहीं। मैं अपने समाज की रक्षा नहीं कर
पा रही हूं। अगर मुझे अपनी बात रखने का मौका नहीं दिया जा रहा है तो मुझे
सदन में रहने का अधिकार नहीं है। बड़े दुख के साथ मैं सदन की सदस्यता से
इस्तीफा दे रही हूं। कृपया इसे मंजूर करें।'’
- बता दें कि मायावती का टेन्योर अगले साल अप्रैल में खत्म हो रहा था।
लालू ने कहा- हम मायावती को राज्यसभा भेजेंगे
- लालू यादव ने कहा, ”मायावती गरीबों और दलितों की नेता हैं। वे सहारनपुर
की घटना को सदन में उठाना चाहती थीं, लेकिन सरकार के लोगों ने मिलकर उन्हें
रोका और बोलने नहीं दिया। इससे दुखी होकर उन्होंने इस्तीफा दे दिया। सही
बोला कि जहां दलितों और पिछड़ों की बात न सुनी जाए, वहां रहने का कोई फायदा
नहीं।”
- “हम मायावती का सपोर्ट करते हैं। मैं उनकी बहादुरी का तारीफ
करता हूं। अगर वे चाहती है कि वे फिर से राज्यसभा जाएं, तो हम उन्हें बिहार
से भेज सकते हैं। मायावती के खिलाफ बीजेपी मंत्रियों का बिहेवियर बताता है
कि बीजेपी एंटी-दलित पार्टी है।”
कुरियन से हुई बहस
- मायावती का कहना था कि यह शून्यकाल नहीं है कि केवल तीन मिनट दिए जाएं। अपनी बात कहने के लिए ज्यादा समय दिया जाना चाहिए था।
- इस पर कुरियन ने कहा कि मायावती को बोलते हुए सात मिनट हो गए हैं। इसके
बाद मायावती ने कहा कि उन्हें बोलने नहीं दिया जा रहा है तो सदन में रहने
का कोई मतलब नहीं है। वह सदन से इस्तीफा दे रही हैं। वे सदन से बाहर चली
गईं।
- इसके बाद कुरियन ने चर्चा के लिए विपक्ष के नेता गुलाम नबी आजाद
का नाम पुकारा। आजाद ने कहा कि सर्वदलीय बैठक में प्रधानमंत्री नरेंद्र
मोदी ने विपक्षों को अपनी बात कहने का मौका देने का भरोसा दिया था। विपक्ष
देश हित में सरकार का सहयोग करने के लिए तैयार है लेकिन इस माहौल में काम
नहीं हो सकता। इसलिए वे सदन से वॉकआउट कर रहे हैं। इसके बाद कांग्रेस और
तृणमूल कांग्रेस के सदस्य भी सदन से बाहर चले गए।
http://www.newindianexpress.
Inline image 1
LUCKNOW: Mayawati quit her seat in the Rajya Sabha in a fit of anger
Tuesday. It was a spontaneous decision. She has been chief minister of
UP four times and an experienced MP.
https://www.bhaskar.com/…/NAT-
The leader of the Sarvajan Samaj Bahenji Ms Mayawati proved that the
Bahujan Samaj Party is not just a political party but
Techno-Politico-Socio Transformation and Economic Emancipation Movement.
Just because she belongs to Scheduled Caste community the speaker a
Chamcha, chela, stooge, slave, boot locker and own mother’s flesh eater
of Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP) remotely controlled by just 1%
intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorist, shooting, lynching,
lunatic, mentally retarded cannibal chitpavan Brahmin RSS Rakshsa
Swayambhu Sevaks) psychopaths is preventing her to present the case on
atrocities on SC/STs. Even when she tried to present her case on the
fraud EVMs which were tampered to gobble the Master Key by the BJP, the
speaker prevented her. The speaker, the Murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) must be booked under prevention of atrocities act
with non bailable warrants. The intellectuals of Sarvajan Samaj must do
large number of e-filing in Supreme Court and propagate through
Facebook, WhatsApp,emails, SMSes in favour of the movement. 2274 Sat 01
Jul 2017 LESSON
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
संसद में ईवीएम घोटाले पर मायावती का सनसनीखेज बयान/MAYAWATI ON EVM IN PARLIAMENT
संसद में ईवीएम घोटाले पर मायावती का सनसनीखेज बयान/MAYAWATI ON EVM IN PARLIAMENT
Story by- nationaldastak.com
youtube.com
Poll Loves3 months ago
behenji sach bol rahi hai
Yunus Rangoonwala3 months ago
Sahi hai evm ko hatao
MD Faraz3 months ago
EVM should be banned
Toamit Chaudhary
Toamit Chaudhary3 months ago
She is absolutely right…according her E.V.M ought to be ban…!! She is the God of society….
Satyender Kumar3 months ago
BJP can go to any extant of debauchery
MD IZHAR ASHRAF3 months ago
inko bolne kiun nahi diya jaa raha hai baar baar unko baithne kiun kaha jaate raha hai
Gagu Singh3 months ago
I salute u
11
sudeshkumar sagar
sudeshkumar sagar3 months ago
ye maderchod sale sab chor hai beiman hain voton ki chori karke jeete hain inki salo ki aulad doob jayegi
Dr. Faique Ali3 months ago
correct iron Lady
Pankaj Rawat
Pankaj Rawat3 months ago
बहन जी आप शेरनी है
हमे पता है कि आप कभी पिछे नही हटेंगी
Aap aage badhe hum aap ke sath hai
Mazhar Abbas3 months ago
sabha pati bjp ka agent hai
11
Vikkarm John
Vikkarm John3 months ago
Mazhar Abbas sahi kaha Bhai
786 Garib Navaaz 786 Garib Navaaz3 months ago
Bhenji zindaabaad a age bado janta aapke saath hai
Vikram Rathore3 months ago
evm se election nai honi chaiye. evm is dangerous for country…
Yogesh Kumar3 months ago
evm murdabad
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
EVM FRAUD SCAM - BSP Leader SATISH CHANDRA MISHRA [Best Speech] with complete study and Evidence. NATIONAL
I will quit, says Mayawati after her speech was cut short in Rajya Sabha

PTINEW DELHI 18 JULY 2017 12:44 IST
UPDATED: 18 JULY 2017 12:45 IST
Deputy Chairman P.J. Kurien asked her to wrap up her speech as she had exceeded the three minutes given to her.
An angry BSP supremo Mayawati on Tuesday said she will quit from the
Rajya Sabha after the Chair asked her to restrict her impromptu speech
on anti-Dalit violence in Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh.
“I will
resign from Rajya Sabha today,” a visibly anguished Mayawati shot back
when Deputy Chairman P.J. Kurien asked her to wrap up her speech as she
had exceeded the three minutes given to her to make her submission.
Ms. Mayawati, whose term in the Upper House is till April next year,
argued with Mr. Kurien saying how can she be prevented from raising the
issue about her ‘samaj’ (community) and the Dalits. “I have not
finished. You cannot do this.”
“I have no moral right to be in
the House if I am not allowed to put across my views on atrocities being
committed against Dalits,” she said.
‘Discussion after notice only’
Mr. Kurien said she can only call for a discussion after giving a
notice under rule 267 that seeks adjournment of proceedings to take up
an issue and not make a speech to initiate a discussion.
A discussion can begin only after the Chair, on the advise of the government, accepts the notice and agrees for a discussion.
Mr. Kurien rose from his seat in an attempt to calm her down but Ms.
Mayawati refused to agree saying she has no right to be in the House if
she cannot protect the rights of her community.
“I am going to resign from the house,” she said and walked out of the House in a huff.
He party colleagues led by Satish Mishra followed her but were back in
the House soon to raise slogans against the alleged anti-Dalit policies
of the government.
Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs
Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said Mayawati was challeging the Chair. “She should
apologise. She has threatened the Chair,” he said.
BSP members immediately rushed into the Well shouting .
“Dalit virodhi yeh sarkar nahi chalegi, nahi chalegi” (anti-dalit government will not be tolerated).
Leader of the Opposition Ghulam Nabi Azad briefly prevailed over them to allow him to make his submission.
Mr. Azad said the government at an all-party meeting before the start
of the monsoon session had agreed to discuss any issue that the
Opposition wants to raise in the house.
“Promise was made to us in the presence of the Prime Minister. You are going against that,” Mr. Azad said.
He said the Opposition led by Congress has given notices to discuss
crisis facing farmers, anti-Dalit violence and lynching of minorities.
Responding to the barbs of the treasury benches to respect the people’s
mandate, Mr. Azad said the government has got a mandate to protect the
Dalits and minorities and for development.
“You didnt get a
mandate to massacre minorities and Dalits,” he said adding the Congress
was staging a walkout of the House in protest. Congress members then
walked out of the House.
Soon thereafter, BSP members were back in the Well shouting anti-government slogans.
Sitaram Yechury (CPI-M) said the government policies were pushing farmers to suicide.
Mr. Naqvi said the government was ready for discussion on any issue and the opposition should give a notice.
Mr. Kurien said the government was agreeing to having a discussion, so
the opposition members should return to their seats and start it.
“Shouting slogan is no soluition. We can discuss. The Chair is ready to
allow discussion on all subjects. Let us start,” he said. But the
opposition members remained unrelenting, forcing him to adjourn the
proceedings till 1200 hours.
Earlier, Ms. Mayawati while
elaborating on the incidents in Saharanpur, said the Dalits had agreed
to the district administration’s order not to take out any procession or
install a statue of Bhim Rao Ambedkar on April 14. But the followers of
Maharana Pratap however took out a procession on May 5, she said.
Before she could complete, Kurien asked her to sit and called the next
speaker, saying “you cannot monopolise”, angering Ms. Mayawati.
http://www.countercurrents.
Musings On The Eve Of Hindu Rashtra
in An Hour For India — by Satya Sagar — July 18, 2017
hindustan
You can smell it at a distance, in the burnt out, blackened frames of
torched homes and vehicles from yet another communal pogrom. You can see
it in the blood stained corner of a railway platform, still fresh from a
recent lynching. And you can hear it in the guttural cries of the
frenzied, saffron swathed mobs, pledging murder all the way to their
cherished goals.
Welcome, to the sights and sounds of Hindu
Rashtra, that fantasy land of upper caste Hindus or savarnas
masquerading as Indian ‘nationalists’, where they will rule unchallenged
and forever. A frightening future, which they promise will be a
recreation of Ram Rajya, a mythical time from ancient India, where the
Lord Himself ensured everyone ‘knew their place’.
Their vehicle
of choice to get there is a cowardly kind of ‘Hit and Run Hinduism’ –
opportunist, state-sanctioned attacks on isolated individuals, weaker
communities, the poor – all packaged with a huge dose of doublespeak and
meant to frighten everyone else into submission and acquiescence.
If you are a Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim or any religious minority in India
today, the signs of the Hindu Rashtra juggernaut are unmistakable. The
wheels of this vehicle run directly over their flesh and bones, grinding
them into dust.
When I say upper caste Hindus, let me be even
more specific. While savarnas from across the country are involved, the
ones most passionately behind this campaign for a Hindu Rashtra have
been from the Gangetic plains and the so-called ‘cow belt’.
As I
write this, I recollect a casual remark made nearly four decades ago, by
a classmate of mine in the small central Indian town I was brought up
in. It is still deeply etched there after all these years for some
reason.
Pointing to the lady sweeping the courtyard of his house,
when I went to visit him one day, this is what he said, “These low
caste people have become quite uppity these days. Earlier they used to
come, sweep and go away quietly, but now they have become bold enough to
ask for wages!”
In the upper caste milieu, I lived in those
days, my classmate’s statement was not very unusual at all, of course.
It however succinctly captures the weltanschauungof the savarna castes.
Endless subsidies for them at the cost of everyone else. This is exactly
what their Hindu Rashtra is all about – running a sanctified, glorified
kleptocracy.
In this part of India, the upper caste Hindu’s
sense of being some kind of a ‘master race’ is all pervasive, usually
displayed through verbal and physical abuse of people deemed ‘inferior’
or weaker to them. In my town, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and even the
normally less aggressive Baniyas – were always eager to show everyone
around who was the real ‘boss’.
Community names like ‘chamar’ and
‘bhangi’ were used routinely as swear words, the Muslim was always the
‘katua’, all South Indians were ‘Madrasis’ and Bengalis mostly
‘refugees’. Languages, other than Hindi, were to be made fun of –
including the lingua of the local rural folk – Bundelkhandi.
All
dark-skinned people were of course relatives of the ‘demon’ Ravan
himself, while the Adivasis were not considered human at all, just
another type of goat or sheep to be cooked and consumed. (Funnily
enough, they admired the white man immensely but abused him too as he
refused to accept them as one of their own!)
Condense all this
bigotry into one unified ideology and worldview – you will get exactly
what the RSS and its various fronts – from the Bajrang Dal to the Durga
Vahini really represent. In their cow-belt vision of ‘Hindu, Hindi,
Hooliganistan’, only they – the ‘twice born’ speakers of the Deva Bhasha
– will be the masters, while the rest will remain subordinates
eternally.
Can Indians who don’t agree with all this do something
about it? What would resistance even begin to look like? Can they
continue to ignore the ongoing wanton murder and injury of Muslims in
the country, the assault on Dalits and the emasculation of every
democratic space by these pseudo-religious nationalists?
First of
all it is essential to understand that none of what is happening in
India today is not new in modern history, not even within South Asia
itself. The quest for capturing the Indian modern state apparatus under
the cover of religion closely mirrors similar attempts in the past by
the Punjabi elite in undivided Pakistan and the Sinhala Buddhist
chauvinists in Sri Lanka.
While Pakistan broke into two with the
emergence of Bangladesh, Sri Lanka went through one of the most brutal
civil wars for over four decades. Both countries witnessed genocides by
their armed forces against their own populations, for which no one has
been punished to this day. The results in India will be equally
disastrous and if the current trend continues, not very far in the
future you can safely forget the ‘Rashtra’ part of the Hindu Rashtra –
there will be nothing left for anyone to capture.
The second
point to remember is that while the category ‘Hindu’ is used by Hindutva
ideologues cunningly to convey the idea of a monolith collective of 800
million people – this is a population far too large, diverse and
defiant to be contained in a rigid, little box of Brahmanical Hinduism
without exploding. A little exploration of Indian history reveals that
it has indeed blown up several times in the past too.
While from
late Vedic times, Hindu upper castes sought unfettered access to the
labour, energy and resources of others, they did not always get their
way as people were not always obedient or submissive. From ancient times
– dating back to the Buddha and Lord Mahavir, or even earlier – there
had been a steady undercurrent of resistance everywhere.
The
Buddhists, Jains and diverse other groups, collectively called the
‘sramanas’ or ‘ascetics’, challenged domination of the Brahmins and the
authority of the Vedas. They did this through a combination of superior
philosophical arguments, debate, discussion, material help for the needy
and a strict code of personal ethics for their monks.
Even more
significantly they mobilized different social groups – merchants,
peasants, artisans, workers- to stop paying the high taxes imposed on
them (an ancient GST) in the name of ‘ritual sacrifices’ imposed on all
kinds of occasions – births, weddings, funerals, journey to heaven and
so on.
The Buddha and Mahavir diluted the caste hierarchy
successfully, introduced concepts like ahimsa, respect for all forms of
life and the religions they founded held sway over large parts of India
for over eight centuries. (Unfortunately, the Jains in contemporary
times have surrendered their independent identity to become a sub-sect
of the Hindu banias, forgetting their own historic contributions to
Indian philosophy, scientific knowledge and literature) .
Just as
Buddhism and Jainism declined, first Muslim and much later British
colonial rule robbed the savarna of power in the subcontinent. During
this period the various bhakti movements in different parts of India
also undercut the power of priests by getting the peasantry to contact
God directly without paying any transaction fees to middlemen.
Even worse, when the country finally became independent – despite
savarna attempts to change its course – it turned out to be a secular
Republic, upholding a Constitution drafted by the Dalit icon Dr Ambedkar
and run by the atheist/agnostic Jawaharlal Nehru. While the upper
castes did find their way into power through the Congress Party, too
many compromises had to be made and it was not a satisfactory situation
at all for them.
For example, they had to deal with the lower
castes getting jobs in government institutions, setting up independent
businesses of their own, becoming educated or sometimes simply running
away from the clutches of their masters to the cities. In other words
the modern Indian economy, education and migration offered several
options for the ‘slaves’ to escape.
In Tamil Nadu the political
revolt against Brahmin domination, led by Periyar and the Dravidian
movement in the forties and fifties challenged upper caste hegemony and
the imposition of Hindi successfully. By the seventies and eighties,
several oppressed Hindu communities in northern India also got more
organized and asserted their new found wealth or political power –
especially the Yadavs and Dalits.
It was around this time, that
the savarnas of the cow-belt decided to strike back. The assessment of
this self-appointed ‘master race’ was that if they did not act soon,
then who would sweep those damn floors or wipe their children’s asses?
And besides – now that the British, Muslims, Buddhists, Jains and so on
had been vanquished – it was time to resurrect Vedic India.
The
problem was that the backward castes and Dalits were numerically much
bigger and getting more organized – so a scapegoat had to be found and
hatred used as the main weapon to mobilise the Hindus internally.
The Muslims – a community that had ceased to be a ruling class for
centuries – were a perfect target. Every problem in the country would be
blamed on the them and India’s ‘arch enemy’- Muslim-majority Pakistan.
It helped of course later when the United States also decided to take
up Muslim-bashing globally. For all its pretended patriotism the heart
of Hindutva beats really to the drums of white ‘Aryans’ from the West
and ironically of Zionists from Israel too– their stamp of approval is
the ultimate honour.
“We will build a temple for Shri Ram in
Ayodhya”, they cried, and that too exactly where the Babri Masjid stood,
allegedly on the ‘birthplace’ of their Lord. Historical wrongs against
the Hindus by Muslim rulers from ages ago, according to them, had to be
avenged. Nothing – the Indian Constitution, Gandhi’s principle of
non-violence, other priorities of a poor country, rule of law or even
common decency would be allowed to come in the way.
What is
significant today, is that, for the first time in independent India, the
votaries of Hindutva seem to have everything going their way. Electoral
power across country, support from captains of industry, a servile
bureaucracy, foot soldiers galore – very often armed – and a media that
emits only a great sucking sound every time it opens its mouth. Even
many from the oppressed communities – want to collaborate as they
estimate, being on top of the bandwagon is better than under it.
It seems just a matter of time before the die is cast (or caste perhaps)
and the coup complete. The construction of a temple to Shri Ram in
Ayodhya will be done just in time for the next general elections in 2019
(after that there may be no more elections). And who knows, Prime
Minister Narendra Modi may be officially anointed a new avatar of Lord
Vishnu Himself (he certainly behaves like one already!).
The
question before Indian citizens today is that, in this ancient land of
myriad faiths, languages and cultures, how can a few caste groups from a
small part of the country be allowed to wreck the modern Indian
Republic? A Republic built on the consensus for a secular democracy
forged during the country’s struggle for Independence? Are we willing to
see the dissolution of the country’s constitutional democracy that
guarantees every citizen equal rights, justice and opportunities without
exception and to be replaced by what?
For the truly religious or
spiritual among the Hindus themselves it is time to ask, are Indian
history, culture and traditions the property of a few self-appointed
ideologues and their disciples? Does it not represent a vast and rich
body of knowledge and experiences with contributions from everyone who
has ever lived on this land? Do they really want a narrow, Taliban
version of Hinduism thrust upon them, turning India into another Saudi
Arabia or Pakistan?
As another Independence Day arrives on August
15 this year, all Indians need to reflect on these questions as if
their life depended on it. The answers and actions based on them, will
determine the survival of many Indian citizens and the Indian Republic
itself.
Satya Sagar is a public health worker and journalist who can be reached at sagarnama@gmail.com
http://www.countercurrents.
You can smell it at a distance, in the burnt out, blackened frames of
torched homes and vehicles from yet another communal pogrom. You can
see it in the blood stained corner of a railway platform, still fresh
from a recent lynching. And you can hear it in the guttural cries of the
frenzied, saffron swathed mobs, pledging murder all the way to their
cherished goals.
Welcome, to the sights and sounds of Hindu Rashtra, that fantasy land of upper caste Hindus or savarnas
masquerading as Indian ‘nationalists’, where they will rule
unchallenged and forever. A frightening future, which they promise will
be a recreation of Ram Rajya, a mythical time from ancient India, where the Lord Himself ensured everyone ‘knew their place’.
Their vehicle of choice to get there is a cowardly kind of ‘Hit and
Run Hinduism’ – opportunist, state-sanctioned attacks on isolated
individuals, weaker communities, the poor – all packaged with a huge
dose of doublespeak and meant to frighten everyone else into submission
and acquiescence.
If you are a Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim or any religious minority in
India today, the signs of the Hindu Rashtra juggernaut are unmistakable.
The wheels of this vehicle run directly over their flesh and bones,
grinding them into dust.
When I say upper caste Hindus, let me be even more specific. While savarnas from
across the country are involved, the ones most passionately behind this
campaign for a Hindu Rashtra have been from the Gangetic plains and the
so-called ‘cow belt’.
As I write this, I recollect a casual remark made nearly four decades
ago, by a classmate of mine in the small central Indian town I was
brought up in. It is still deeply etched there after all these years for
some reason.
Pointing to the lady sweeping the courtyard of his house, when I went
to visit him one day, this is what he said, “These low caste people
have become quite uppity these days. Earlier they used to come, sweep
and go away quietly, but now they have become bold enough to ask for
wages!”
In the upper caste milieu, I lived in those days, my classmate’s
statement was not very unusual at all, of course. It however succinctly
captures the weltanschauungof the savarna castes.
Endless subsidies for them at the cost of everyone else. This is exactly
what their Hindu Rashtra is all about – running a sanctified, glorified
kleptocracy.
In this part of India, the upper caste Hindu’s sense of being some
kind of a ‘master race’ is all pervasive, usually displayed through
verbal and physical abuse of people deemed ‘inferior’ or weaker to them.
In my town, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and even the normally less
aggressive Baniyas – were always eager to show everyone around who was
the real ‘boss’.
Community names like ‘chamar’ and ‘bhangi’ were used routinely as swear words, the Muslim was always the ‘katua’,
all South Indians were ‘Madrasis’ and Bengalis mostly ‘refugees’.
Languages, other than Hindi, were to be made fun of – including the
lingua of the local rural folk – Bundelkhandi.
All dark-skinned people were of course relatives of the ‘demon’ Ravan
himself, while the Adivasis were not considered human at all, just
another type of goat or sheep to be cooked and consumed. (Funnily
enough, they admired the white man immensely but abused him too as he
refused to accept them as one of their own!)
Condense all this bigotry into one unified ideology and worldview –
you will get exactly what the RSS and its various fronts – from the
Bajrang Dal to the Durga Vahini really represent. In their cow-belt
vision of ‘Hindu, Hindi, Hooliganistan’, only they – the ‘twice born’
speakers of the Deva Bhasha – will be the masters, while the rest will remain subordinates eternally.
Can Indians who don’t agree with all this do something about it? What
would resistance even begin to look like? Can they continue to ignore
the ongoing wanton murder and injury of Muslims in the country, the
assault on Dalits and the emasculation of every democratic space by
these pseudo-religious nationalists?
First of all it is essential to understand that none of what is
happening in India today is not new in modern history, not even within
South Asia itself. The quest for capturing the Indian modern state
apparatus under the cover of religion closely mirrors similar attempts
in the past by the Punjabi elite in undivided Pakistan and the Sinhala
Buddhist chauvinists in Sri Lanka.
While Pakistan broke into two with the emergence of Bangladesh, Sri
Lanka went through one of the most brutal civil wars for over four
decades. Both countries witnessed genocides by their armed forces
against their own populations, for which no one has been punished to
this day. The results in India will be equally disastrous and if the
current trend continues, not very far in the future you can safely
forget the ‘Rashtra’ part of the Hindu Rashtra – there will be nothing
left for anyone to capture.
The second point to remember is that while the category ‘Hindu’ is
used by Hindutva ideologues cunningly to convey the idea of a monolith
collective of 800 million people – this is a population far too large,
diverse and defiant to be contained in a rigid, little box of
Brahmanical Hinduism without exploding. A little exploration of Indian
history reveals that it has indeed blown up several times in the past
too.
While from late Vedic times, Hindu upper castes sought unfettered
access to the labour, energy and resources of others, they did not
always get their way as people were not always obedient or submissive.
From ancient times – dating back to the Buddha and Lord Mahavir, or even
earlier – there had been a steady undercurrent of resistance
everywhere.
The Buddhists, Jains and diverse other groups, collectively called the ‘sramanas’
or ‘ascetics’, challenged domination of the Brahmins and the authority
of the Vedas. They did this through a combination of superior
philosophical arguments, debate, discussion, material help for the needy
and a strict code of personal ethics for their monks.
Even more significantly they mobilized different social groups –
merchants, peasants, artisans, workers- to stop paying the high taxes
imposed on them (an ancient GST) in the name of ‘ritual sacrifices’
imposed on all kinds of occasions – births, weddings, funerals, journey
to heaven and so on.
The Buddha and Mahavir diluted the caste hierarchy successfully,
introduced concepts like ahimsa, respect for all forms of life and the
religions they founded held sway over large parts of India for over
eight centuries. (Unfortunately, the Jains in contemporary times have
surrendered their independent identity to become a sub-sect of the Hindu
banias, forgetting their own historic contributions to Indian
philosophy, scientific knowledge and literature) .
Just as Buddhism and Jainism declined, first Muslim and much later British colonial rule robbed the savarna
of power in the subcontinent. During this period the various bhakti
movements in different parts of India also undercut the power of priests
by getting the peasantry to contact God directly without paying any
transaction fees to middlemen.
Even worse, when the country finally became independent – despite savarna
attempts to change its course – it turned out to be a secular Republic,
upholding a Constitution drafted by the Dalit icon Dr Ambedkar and run
by the atheist/agnostic Jawaharlal Nehru. While the upper castes did
find their way into power through the Congress Party, too many
compromises had to be made and it was not a satisfactory situation at
all for them.
For example, they had to deal with the lower castes getting jobs in
government institutions, setting up independent businesses of their own,
becoming educated or sometimes simply running away from the clutches of
their masters to the cities. In other words the modern Indian economy,
education and migration offered several options for the ‘slaves’ to
escape.
In Tamil Nadu the political revolt against Brahmin domination, led by
Periyar and the Dravidian movement in the forties and fifties
challenged upper caste hegemony and the imposition of Hindi
successfully. By the seventies and eighties, several oppressed Hindu
communities in northern India also got more organized and asserted their
new found wealth or political power – especially the Yadavs and Dalits.
It was around this time, that the savarnas of the cow-belt
decided to strike back. The assessment of this self-appointed ‘master
race’ was that if they did not act soon, then who would sweep those damn
floors or wipe their children’s asses? And besides – now that the
British, Muslims, Buddhists, Jains and so on had been vanquished – it
was time to resurrect Vedic India.
The problem was that the backward castes and Dalits were numerically
much bigger and getting more organized – so a scapegoat had to be found
and hatred used as the main weapon to mobilise the Hindus internally.
The Muslims – a community that had ceased to be a ruling class for
centuries – were a perfect target. Every problem in the country would be
blamed on the them and India’s ‘arch enemy’- Muslim-majority Pakistan.
It helped of course later when the United States also decided to take
up Muslim-bashing globally. For all its pretended patriotism the heart
of Hindutva beats really to the drums of white ‘Aryans’ from the West
and ironically of Zionists from Israel too– their stamp of approval is
the ultimate honour.
“We will build a temple for Shri Ram in Ayodhya”, they cried, and
that too exactly where the Babri Masjid stood, allegedly on the
‘birthplace’ of their Lord. Historical wrongs against the Hindus by
Muslim rulers from ages ago, according to them, had to be avenged.
Nothing – the Indian Constitution, Gandhi’s principle of non-violence,
other priorities of a poor country, rule of law or even common decency
would be allowed to come in the way.
What is significant today, is that, for the first time in independent
India, the votaries of Hindutva seem to have everything going their
way. Electoral power across country, support from captains of industry, a
servile bureaucracy, foot soldiers galore – very often armed – and a
media that emits only a great sucking sound every time it opens its
mouth. Even many from the oppressed communities – want to collaborate as
they estimate, being on top of the bandwagon is better than under it.
It seems just a matter of time before the die is cast (or caste
perhaps) and the coup complete. The construction of a temple to Shri Ram
in Ayodhya will be done just in time for the next general elections in
2019 (after that there may be no more elections). And who knows, Prime
Minister Narendra Modi may be officially anointed a new avatar of Lord Vishnu Himself (he certainly behaves like one already!).
The question before Indian citizens today is that, in this ancient
land of myriad faiths, languages and cultures, how can a few caste
groups from a small part of the country be allowed to wreck the modern
Indian Republic? A Republic built on the consensus for a secular
democracy forged during the country’s struggle for Independence? Are we
willing to see the dissolution of the country’s constitutional democracy
that guarantees every citizen equal rights, justice and opportunities
without exception and to be replaced by what?
For the truly religious or spiritual among the Hindus themselves it
is time to ask, are Indian history, culture and traditions the property
of a few self-appointed ideologues and their disciples? Does it not
represent a vast and rich body of knowledge and experiences with
contributions from everyone who has ever lived on this land? Do they
really want a narrow, Taliban version of Hinduism thrust upon them,
turning India into another Saudi Arabia or Pakistan?
As another Independence Day arrives on August 15 this year, all
Indians need to reflect on these questions as if their life depended on
it. The answers and actions based on them, will determine the survival
of many Indian citizens and the Indian Republic itself.
Satya Sagar is a public health worker and journalist who can be reached at sagarnama@gmail.com
The
1% chitpavan brahmins are rejoicing over the Speaker not allowing Ms
Mayawati to speak on the atrocities committed on SC/STs/Religious
Minorities and others of Sarvajan Samaj:
https://tenor.com/view/modi-
https://tenor.com/view/modi-
https://tenor.com/view/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
Narendar Modi and Ambani dancing || Funny Animation
https://www.youtube.com/watch?
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/
Chitpavans were not esteemed in social ranking, and were indeed
considered by other older brahmin castes as being an inferior caste of
Brahmins.They came in Country’s social mainstream in time somewhere
around Peshwas.
The community chitpavan brahmins remains
concentrated in Maharashtra but also has populations all over the
country and the rest of the world including the USA , UK and Canada.
After the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818, the Chitpavans lost their
political dominance to the British. The British would not subsidize the
Chitpavans on the same scale that their caste-fellow, the Peshwas had
done in the past. Pay and power was now significantly reduced. Poorer
Chitpavan students adapted and started learning English because of
better opportunities in the British administration.
Some of the
prominent figures in the hindutva reform movements of the 19th and 20th
centuries came from the chitpavan brahmin community. These included
Dhondo Keshav Karve, Justice Mahadev Govind Ranade, Vinayak Damodar
Savarkar, Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, Vinoba Bhave, and Gopal Krishna Gokhale.
These reforms preached against the Hindu caste system establishment.
Yet, some of the strongest resistance to change also came from the very
same community. Jealously guarding their brahmin stature, the orthodox
among the chitpavans were not eager to see the Shastras challenged, nor
the conduct of the brahmins becoming indistinguishable from that of the
Sudras. The vanguard and the old guard clashed many times. Ranade and
other reformers were forced to offer penance for breaking purity rules.
D. K. Karve was ostracised. Even Tilak made a visit to Varanasi so that
he may not be excommunicated.
The Chitpavan community includes
two major politicians in the Gandhian tradition: Gopal Krishna Gokhale
whom Gandhi acknowledged as a preceptor, and Vinoba Bhave, one of his
outstanding disciples. Gandhi describes Bhave as the Jewel of his
disciples, and recognized Gokhale as his political guru. However, strong
opposition to Gandhi also came from within the chitpavan community. V D
Savarkar, the founder of the hindutva rashtra political ideology
hindutva, was a chitpavan brahmin. Several members of the chitpavan
community were among the first to embrace the hindutva ideology, which
they thought was a logical extension of the legacy of the Peshwas and
caste-fellow Tilak. These Chitpavans felt out of place with the Nation’s
social reform movement of Mahatama Phule . Large numbers of the
community looked to Savarkar, the Hindu Mahasabha and finally the RSS.
Gandhi’s assassins Narayan Apte and Nathuram Godse, drew their
inspiration from fringe groups in this reactionary trend.
America enlisted RSS in one of the Biggest Terrorist Organisation in the World
A US-based risk management and consulting company has put the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its category of ‘Threat Group’ and
called it “a stealth, shadowy, discriminatory group that seeks to
establish a hindutva rashtra, a Hindu Nation.”
Terrorism Watch
& Warning provides intelligence, research, analysis, watch and
warning on international terrorism and domestic terrorism related
issues; and is operated by OODA Group LLC that helps clients identify,
manage, and respond to global risks and uncertainties while exploring
emerging opportunities and developing robust and adaptive strategies for
the future.
The websites describes: “The RSS is a stealth,
shadowy, discriminatory group that seeks to establish a hindutva
rashtra, a . The group is considered the radical ideological parent
group of Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP).”
“The RSS is a non
entity unregistered movement, a group that was founded in 1925. Their
philosophy, called hindutva and their main demand of Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi) was that it stop appeasing Muslims,” the
description continues, adding, “hindutva has been translated to mean
variously: hindutva pride, patriotism, fundamentalism, revivalism,
chauvinism, or fascism. The group self-justifies by ‘asserting the
natural rights’.”
In its ‘Intel analysis,’ it further adds, “The
RSS was banned in 1948 following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by
an ex-RSS member, Nathuram Godse. ”
terrorist-hindutva
Describing violence as ‘Group Activities’ for the RSS, the site further
says, “Violence has been a strategy for the Sangh movement. It is often
couched as a method of self-defense against minority groups. hindutva
has been clear about the need for violence, particularly communal riots.
The Sangh has incited rioting to cause further chasms between
religions, and thus a further separation of religions, and to rally the
hindutva community around the philosophy of hindutva.”
The
Terrorism Watch & Warning database contains over 1,00,000 Open
source intelligence (OSINT) excerpts from 1999 to present on terrorism
and security related issues, attack database of over 10,000 attacks,
original terrorism analysis, terrorism document repository, Homeland
Security Fact Sheets and profiles over 500 Terrorist/Threat Groups.