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December 2011
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01 01 2012 LESSON 481


Dhammapada Verse 20 Practice Ensures Fulfilment This was said by the Blessed One, said by the Arahant, so I have heard: “There are these three feelings. Which three? A feeling of pleasure, a feeling of pain, a feeling of neither pleasure nor pain. These are the three feelings.”< ?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = “urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office” />



FREE ONLINE eNālandā Research & Practice UNIVERSITY & BUDDHIST GOOD NEWS LETTER through Through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org



Practice a Sutta a Day Keeps Dukkha Away


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Verse 20. Practice Ensures Fulfilment

Though few of the sacred texts he chant
in Dhamma does his practice run,
clear of delusion, lust and hate,
wisdom perfected, with heart well-freed.

A true seeker of truth through he may speak only little of the Buddha’s
word. He may not be able to recite extensively from religious texts.
But, if he belongs to the teaching of the Buddha assiduously, lives in
accordance with the teaching of the Buddha, if he has got rid of
passion, ill-will and delusion, he has well penetrated experience and is
free from clinging to worldly things, he is a partaker of the life of a

§ 52. {Iti 3.3; Iti 46}   

This was said by the Blessed One, said by the Arahant, so I have heard:
“There are these three feelings. Which three? A feeling of pleasure, a
feeling of pain, a feeling of neither pleasure nor pain. These are the
three feelings.”

mindful, alert, the Awakened One’s disciple discerns feelings, how
feelings come into play, where they cease, & the path to their
ending. With the ending of feelings, a monk
free of want is totally unbound.


Delhi is next, says Mayawati

Nalanda layout 1b.JPG

The seal of Nalanda University set in terracotta on display in the ASI Museum in Nalanda

Wide view of the other (back) side of Sariputta’s Stupa.

As they stood, before the Nalanda University was excavated.

The Sariputta Stupa

Back side view of Sariputta Stupa

Front view of Sariputta Stupa

Nalanda Heritage

Nalanda University

Nalanda StupaNalanda monastary sitesNalanda








Approaching the ruins

Monastery #4

View from the upper floor

Many of the 108 monasteries that once existed here have two or more floors, with 30 or 40 rooms per floor. Only 11 monasteries have been excavated so far. Many of the rest are thought to lie buried under the surrounding villages.

Steps and passages (more)





Well inside monastery #4

Each monastery had a well, often with an octagonal cross-section.

Monastery #4 entrance (more)

Monks’ rooms

Shrine across Monastery #4

Across each monastery was a chaitya, or temple, with an image of the Buddha.

A monk’s room from above

Passageway (more)

The local guides say that this is where the visiting scholar Hiuen Tsang meditated, in a dark corner at the end of this corridor (the end where the photographer stands).

Wood fired ovens

These ovens apparently served multiple needs -- cooking ovens, smelting copper, and other laboratory work.

Bathroom with drains

Not a toilet but a bathing / washing place. Well-designed open drains are a common sight in these monasteries.

Catwalk between
Monasteries #1 and #4

Adjacent monasteries were connected by these catwalk like constructions. A narrow corridor between monasteries (this one used as the main entrance to the ruins) is typical.

One monk per room,
up to 40 rooms per floor

View of Temple #3 from
Monastery #1

Monastery #1 courtyard
and grain storage (left)

Temple #12 (more)

Temple #12 steps etc.

Brickwork sample

View from temple #12

Monastery #8 (more)

Monastery #9

Octagonal well

Podium in Monastery #9

Each monastery had one. It housed a Buddha image and/or was used as a lectern by the teachers.

Former monks’ quarters

University corridor (1, 2)

Area near Monastery #4

Temple #13


Temple #2  

Stone base, brick top

Musician woman

Amorous couple


Amorous couple

Amorous couple

Warrior with sword

Half-human musician

Path leading to the ruins

Bodhi trees in the park

With the ruins of Nalanda directly behind

ASI museum at Nalanda

Nalanda Overview

Nalanda University Ancient Ruins, Bihar . . .
Nalanda University Ancient Ruins, Bihar

10 12 2011  462 LESSON  Samiddhi Sutta- One should do no evil by one’s speech, Not
anywhere, by body or in thought, Leave desires, be mindful and aware, Thus
avoiding pain that’s purposeless
-FREE ONLINE eNālandā Research and Practice


The Narratives for the Levels of
Departmental Curricula- Course Descriptions-


Practice a Sutta a Day Keeps Dukkha

Please SMS this message to your friends to acquire the MASTER KEY

Mayawati an Untouchable (SC)
will be the next PM of PraBuddha Bharath because of economic uncertaninity as per
investors here & UK

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SN 1.20

PTS: S i 8

CDB i 97

Samiddhi Sutta:

translated from the
Pali by

Maurice O’Connell

© 2007–2011

Alternate translation: Thanissaro

The Pali title of this
sutta is based on the PTS (Feer) edition.

Thus have I heard. At one time the Blessed One was staying at
Raajagaha in the Tapodaa Park. Now the Venerable Samiddhi, as dawn approached,
arose and went to the Hot Springs[1]

to bathe. Having bathed, he came out of the Hot Springs and stood, clad in a
single garment, drying his limbs. Then a certain she-deva,[2]
as the night was passing away, lighting up the entire Hot Springs lake with her
effulgent beauty, approached the Venerable Samiddhi and, hovering in the air,
addressed him thus in verse:

Having had no sport,
monk seeking alms,[3]

Having none today, just seeking alms, Why not get your fill, monk, then seek
alms, Lest your fleeting hour should slip away?[4]

[Samiddhi replied:]

“Hour” you
say, but I know not the hour. Hidden is my hour, and not revealed: Therefore,
self-restrained, I just seek alms, Lest my fleeting hour should slip away.[5]

Then the she-deva came down to earth and said to Samiddhi:
“You are young, bhikkhu, to have left the world, black-haired, with the
bloom of youth. In your youthful prime you do not enjoy the pleasures of the
senses. Get your fill, bhikkhu, of human pleasures. Don’t reject the present
moment to pursue what time will bring.”[6]

“I, friend, do not reject the present moment to pursue what
time will bring. I reject what time will bring to pursue the present moment.
Time’s pleasures, friend, as the Blessed One has said, are fraught with pain,
fraught with tribulation, leading to greater danger. This Dhamma is
here-present, out of time, inviting inspection, leading onward, to be realized
by the wise each for himself.”[7]

“In what way, bhikkhu, has the Blessed One said that time’s
pleasures are fraught with pain, fraught with tribulation and leading to
greater danger? In what way is this Dhamma here-present, out of time, inviting
inspection, leading onward, to be realized by the wise each for himself?”

“I, friend, am fresh, having not long left the world, a
newcomer. I am not able to explain in detail this Dhamma and discipline. But
the Blessed One, the Arahant, the Fully Self-Enlightened One is staying at
Raajagaha in the Tapodaa Park. Go to the Blessed One and ask him about the
matter. Then bear in the mind the explanation he gives to you.”

“It is not easy for us, bhikkhu, to approach the Blessed One.
He is surrounded by other devas of great power. If you, bhikkhu, will approach
the Blessed One and ask him about the matter, then perhaps we can come to hear
the teaching.”

“Very well, friend,” the Venerable Samiddhi replied to
her, and he went to the Blessed One, made his obeisance and sat down to one

[He then told the whole story in identical words to the

“If, Lord, that deva was telling the truth, she is right
here, not far away.”

When he had said this, the deva said to the Venerable Samiddhi:
“Ask him, bhikkhu, ask him! I’ve managed to get here!”

Then the Blessed One addressed the deva in verse:

Those who go by names,
who go by concepts, Making their abode in names and concepts, Failing to
discern the naming-process, These are subject to the reign of death, He who has
discerned the naming-process Does not suppose that one who names exists. No
such case exists for him in truth, Whereby one could say: “He’s this or

If you know what this means,[9]
tell me, fairy.[10]

“Lord, I do not fully grasp the meaning of what Your
Blessedness has expressed in brief. It would be well for me, Lord, if your
Blessedness would explain in full what has been expressed in brief, that I may
know its meaning.”

[The Blessed One said:]

“Equal I am, or
better, of less degree”: All such idle fancies lead to strife, Who’s
unmoved by all these three conceits Such vain distinctions leaves unmade.[11]

If you know what this means, tell me, fairy.

“Lord, neither do I full grasp the meaning of this which
Your Blessedness has expressed in brief. It would be well for me, Lord, if Your
Blessedness would explain in full what has been explained in brief, that I may
know its meaning.”

[The Blessed One said:]

Who labels not, and
holds no vain conceits, Has cut off craving here for name-and-form[12]

Free from bonds and pain, with no desires, Vainly seeking, none will find that
man, Neither gods nor men, on earth, above, Not in heaven, nor in any sphere.[13]
If you know what this means, tell me, fairy. If you know what this means, tell
me, fairy.

“Lord, the meaning of what Your Blessedness has expressed
in brief I understand in full like this:

One should do no evil
by one’s speech, Not anywhere, by body or in thought, Leave desires, be mindful
and aware, Thus avoiding pain that’s purposeless.”[14]



This is the meaning of Tapodaa. Cf. place-names such as Teplaa,
Teplice in Czecho-Slovakia, all associated with hot springs.


Strictly speaking, “she-deva” is ungrammatical, since
deva (
Wheel 318, n.1) is masculine (the fem. devii usually means
“queen.” In all of these little stories the Pali text has the
abstract noun devataa which, like our “deity,” covers both
sexes. It is clear from the context as well as the pronouns used later in some
(but not all) manuscripts that this one is female. In its anglicized form,
“deva” can perhaps legitimately be taken to denote either sex.


In Pali there is an untranslatable play here on the two meanings
of bhutvaa, “having eaten,” and “having enjoyed
oneself.” Such puns and similar ambiguities are not infrequent in the
texts, and are often difficult to bring out in translation.


As will be seen, the devas, (none of whom, of course, are
enlightened) are at various stages of spiritual development. This one is
clearly not very advanced!


The hour Samiddhi means is that of his death.


“concerned with time” (”time-ish”: Mrs. Rhys Davids). The
deva probably means “there is time for all that as you are young,”
but the word is no doubt introduced together with sandi.t.thika (here
rendered “the present moment”) to enable Samiddhi to quote the
standard formula on the Dhamma (
n. 7).


Sandi.t.thiko akaaliko ehipassiko opanayiko paccata.m veditabbo
viññuuhi. Sandi.t.thiko
means “visible” but has the sense of “present, at the present
time, in this life”; akaaliko “timeless” can mean both
“immediate” and “not involving time, outside of time,” ehi-passiko
= “come-and-see-ish”; opanayiko (from upa-neti
“leads towards”) means “leading to the goal.” The Dhamma as
Truth can only be realized individually by insight.


Mrs Rhys Davids says “The Buddha rebukes the fairy [see
n. 10] for her
suggestive ambiguities.” But the real ambiguity lies deeper than such
frivolity, being concerned with the difference between conventional truth (sammuti-sacca)
which takes beings, etc., as being real, and the ultimate truth (paramattha-sacca)
which does not (see also
SN 1.25, The


Sace vijaanaasi: Mrs. Rhys Davids renders “If thou knowest [such a
man].” But the clear meaning is “if you can grasp this distinction,”
which is how the she-deva takes it, admitting that she cannot.


“Fairy”: yakkhii, a female yakkha. These
(Sanskrit yak.sa) are somewhat ambiguous creatures, sometimes helpful,
sometimes harmful to man, though later they are thought of as demons (see PED).
There is doubtless an implied rebuke in the Buddha’s choice of this form of
address. “Fairy” (also an ambivalent expression) is probably the best
word here (as used by Mrs. Rhys Davids).


The three forms of conceit (maana) are to think one is
equal to, less than, or better than another. All three are due to the
ego-illusion (see
SN 22.49).




He has passed into Nibbaana, and therefore cannot be found


She has, according to SA, rightly discerned the Middle Way
between self-indulgence and self-torture. In fact, it looks as if her
understanding is still somewhat limited: she has, however, grasped the fact
that she was indulging in wrong speech at the ethical, if not the ontological
level referred to by the Buddha, and she has also understood that one should
“leave desires.” If she has been cured of her frivolity, that at
least is a good start!

This body not “mine”, not “me” and not “myself”…

Figure 1

Figure 2

Four years in office:Chief Minister Mayawati inspects foundation stones that she “dedicated” to the people of UP on Friday for new projects worth Rs.2,000 crores on completion of her four years in office in Lucknow.– PHOTO: Subir Roy

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POLITICS is SACRED with Highly
performing best and meritorious governance of Ms Mayawati

Mayawati will be the next PM
of PraBuddha Bharath

The Lok Sabha
election is on the way. Predictions on the hot topic - who will be the next
Prime Minister of PraBuddha Bharath?

  • The assertion is that a Scheduled
    Caste (Untouchable) will soon replace Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh.
  • There is a lot of economic uncertainty
    in the Country as crucial decisions are not being taken.
  • Even Country’s investors are now
    talking of country hedging.

Citing the
report, many started speculating that Mayawati also can be the next Prime
Minister as the report mentioned about a Untouchable (Scheduled Caste)

Here it can be recalled that the BSP leader and the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh always has been noticed of using her Sarvajan Hithay
Sarvajan Sukhay i.e., the welfare and happiness of the entire people of the
Country card. The report will enhance Maywati’s dream who is looking forward to
the assembly election, 2012.

None can
stop Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati from setting a record.

By the time the Uttar Pradesh Assembly elections are held
next year, the BSP boss will have scored over G.B. Pant, Kamalapati Tripathi,
Sampurnanand, Sucheta Kriplani, N.D. Tiwari, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Kalyan Singh and all the other chief ministers the
state has had since Independence.

She will be the first Uttar Pradesh chief minister to
complete five years in office ‘ that is, a full, uninterrupted term.

The country’s most populous and politically vital state
has till now not had a chief minister who served a full term.

Even Pant, a legendary figure and freedom fighter who in
1937 became chief minister of the then United Province, could not complete a
full term.

Pant, whose political skills were highly regarded by both
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru, served as chief minister four times ‘
twice before Independence and twice after.

But his stints were separated by Assembly polls and then
by his appointment as the country’s home minister in December 1954.

Sampurnanand, a teacher and a towering figure during the
freedom struggle, succeeded Pant. He served from December 1954 to December
1960, his tenure broken by the April 1957 Assembly polls.

Sampurnanand’s successor Chandra Bhan Gupta was regarded
as a politician among politicians. His uneasy ties with Indira Gandhi and
one-upmanship with Kamalapati Tripathi and Hemvati Nandan Bahuguna resulted in
political instability and the emergence of the first non-Congress government in
the heartland when Charan Singh became chief minister in 1967. Between 1962
and 1967, several
chief ministers came and went.

Gupta had several stints between December 1960 and April
1967. Kriplani, who came from a Bengali family, took over in October 1963.
Gupta was back on March 14, 1967, but couldn’t survive beyond 18 days.

the 1970s, governments led by Charan Singh, Tribhuvan Narain Singh, H.N.
Bahuguna, N.D. Tiwari, Ram Naresh Yadav and Banarsi Das kept collapsing, paving
the way for four spells of President’s rule.

In 1980,
Sanjay Gandhi picked V.P. Singh, who moved to the Centre in 1982. Vir Bahadur
Singh ruled between September 1985 and June 1988. The state was again handed
over to Tiwari, who took up the job for the third and last time as a Congress
chief minister of undivided Uttar Pradesh.

Mulayam Singh Yadav worked out a deal with the Congress
to become chief minister in December 1989, but the June 1991 polls saw a
resurgent BJP win the elections. But December 6, 1992, marked Kalyan Singh’s

December 1993 saw the short-lived coming together of
Mulayam and Mayawati under a Kanshi Ram-supervised power-share formula.

The BJP’s rule between 1997 and 2002 saw Kalyan, Ram Prakash Gupta and
Rajnath Singh occupy the chair. Mulayam’s tenure between August 2003 and May
2007 provided some degree of stability.

In May 2007, Mayawati defied her critics by getting a
decisive mandate. Her paradigm-bending alchemy of Brahmin and SC/ST votes now
faces no challenge.

By victory, Mayawati will still take a trophy.


Video on
BSP will return to power in UP: Mayawati says
Opposition is scared of BSP. Youraj came running to UP leaving the Parliament
in middle of the session.

Show of strength at Ramabhai Ambedkar Ground

Mayawati’s proposal to divide Uttar Pradesh into four States goes
far beyond disturbing the State’s politics ahead of the elections.

Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati on Tuesday announced massive bonanza
for several cities, especially drought-hit Bundelkhand.

Laying down foundation stones for 160 projects worth Rs 1400 crore on
the death anniversary of Baba Saheb Bhim Rao Ambedkar, Mayawati also
blown poll bugle for the 2012 assembly elections.

Mayawati announced electricity project of 375.22 crore while gave 276
crore for Bundelkhand region. The uttar Pradesh government also allotted
Rs 42 crore for Jhansi, Rs 14 crore for Mahoba and Rs 17.9 crore for

Speaking on the occasion, she thanked people for supporting her BSP
government. She said that her government has been working on the
principal of ‘Sarva Jan Hitaya and Sarva Jan Sukhai’.

Mayawati said that Baba Saheb’s hard struggle for the SC/ST communities
played major role in her good governance and helped her to uplift the

“We have reached at this position after hard struggle and will not leave
this position despite of all political conspiracies pull down BSP
government. My party always emerged strongly after crisis. I believe
that once again Opposition will taste dust in the assembly elections.”

She urged people to vote BSP in the forthcoming assembly election to fulfill the dreams of Baba Saheb.

Attacking opposition political parties, Mayawti said that previous governments  utterly failed to uplift the SC/STs.

“Don’t get hoodwink by the false promise of such opportunistic political
parties. SC/STs didn’t get their rights during the last governments.”

Mayawati Photo,Mayawati Pictures, Stills, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP ...

Mayawati looks to repeat ‘07 formula

Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati will hold a grand rally of
Muslims, Thakurs and Vaishyas on December 18 in Lucknow as part of her
campaign to replicate her sarvjan (all communities) formula of 2007.

The BSP has already held two such rallies: a Brahmin rally, and a SC/ST-OBCs rally. The
pre-poll return to this formula comes after a perception that she had
returned to her core SC/ST base and sidelined the sarvjan idea.

Bhaichara Samitis — vehicles of SC/ST outreach to other castes — are
also back in action. “Bhaichara samitis have been activated once again
in the last 1-1.5 years. SC/STs too are solidly behind her, and this
means that BSP’s candidates are likely to be most winnable.”

Mayawati’s core SC/ST vote is 21% of UP’s population. It is this huge
base that makes the BSP’s Brahmin (9%), Thakur (7.9%), Muslim (18%) and
OBC candidates tend to gain: some in their own castes see them as more
winnable than candidates from other parties, leading to a vote split in
favour of the BSP.

Mayawati’s strategy is  harping on graft charges against the central government and BJP governments in
Karnataka and Uttarakhand. She has also got a resolution for splitting UP passed to divert the debate.

BSP sources insist the construction of statues in the memory of
SC/ST/OBC icons will work in her favour. She will also showcase her
populist schemes like the Kanshi Ram Shehri Awas Yojana (giving two lakh
to BPL families, half of them SC/STs); a scheme to give Rs 25,000 plus
bicycles for girls of BPL families who have passed school; and
development work in Ambedkar (high SC/ST population) villages. She can
also showcase her ‘strong’ action against BSP politicians accused of
crime and graft as an improvement over the SP regime’s perceived

SC/STs must conquer Delhi, says Maya

LUCKNOW: UP chief minister and BSP chief Mayawati on Tuesday launched 160 development projects worth
Rs 1,500 crore on the occasion of Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar’s
Mahaparinibban (death anniversary) diwas. While invoking Ambedkar, she
reminded SC/STs that their ultimate aim is to form government at the

Mayawati said “Babasaheb
struggled to provide SC/STs rights in the Constitution to bring them at
par with other sections of society and now we have to take his mission
to all the corners of the country”. For which, she added, SC/STs will
have to keep in mind that they not only have to ensure BSP’s victory in
UP but also have to capture power in Delhi.

The projects announced by Mayawati included several related to drinking
water and electricity supply worth Rs 267 for the Bundelkhand region
comprising seven districts. While Rs 179 crore has been marked for
Chitrakoot, Jhansi has been given Rs 42 crore and Mahoba Rs 14 crore.
The projects will provide benefit to the people in the other four
districts as well. Rest of the development projects worth Rs
1,233 crore are for other parts of the state.

Mayawati made announcements after paying tribute to Ambedkar. While
addressing lakhs of party workers assembled at Smajik Prerna Sthal,a
memorial built for SC/ST/OBC icons in Lucknow, Maya lashed out at
Opposition parties for targeting her party leaders through media and
exhorted her supporters to give a befitting reply to rivals by ensuring
the victory of BSP in the coming assembly polls.

Mayawati said Opposition parties were constantly attacking her party and
its leaders on petty issues because they have no other issues to talk

“With only some time left for the assembly polls, Opposition have lost
their sleep,” she said. Describing rival parties as
anti-SC/ST/OBC/Minorities/poor among Upper Castes, she said that none of
them gave due honour to SC/ST/OBC saints and leaders and created
hurdles in construction of SC/ST.OBC memorials in UP by her

The chief minister said that only BSP is taking forward the work started
by Babasaheb to uplift and empower SC/ST/OBC/Minorities/Poor amon Upper
Castes and marginalised sections of the society. However, she added,
despite working relentlessly for the cause for last two decades, still a
lot has to be done for the masses suppressed since ages. She claimed
that her government has been working for poor in all castes and
particularly SC/STs, back.


Thus spoke Ambedkar


Last Message to the people



I have done, I have been able to do after passing through crushing
miseries and endless struggle all my life and fighting with my
opponents. With great difficulty I have brought this caravan where it is
seen today. Let the caravan march on despite the hurdles that may come
in its way. If my lieutenants are not able to take the caravan ahead
they should leave it there, but in no circumstances should they allow
the caravan to go back. This is the message to my people.”


Anyone Can Attain Eternal Bliss Just Visit:http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org that is part of the MARCH of the CARAVAN from PRABUDDHA BHARATH to PRABUDDHA UNIVERSE for “Sarvjan
Hitay and Sarvajan Sukhay” i.e., for the Welfare and Happiness of
Entire People & all Sentient and Non-Sentient beings


Camel wings


Dr Ambedkar’s Buddha painting with open eye at Chicholi

Dr Ambedkar's  Buddha painting with open eye at Chicholi

 full size image” width=”106″ height=”80″></a></font></p>
	<p class=


“THE elephant has set a political cat among
the pigeons.” Lucknow-based political analyst Sudhir Panwar thus succinctly
summed up the immediate effect of Chief Minister Mayawati’s announcement of the
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) government’s proposal to divide Uttar Pradesh into
four smaller States. “Everybody knows that the processes for the formation of
the proposed new States – Paschim Pradesh, Bundelkhand, Poorvanchal and Awadh
Pradesh – cannot even be initiated properly before the State Assembly elections,
which are due early next year. But, undoubtedly, this has added a new, if
contentious, dimension to the election run-up as a whole and particularly to
the early electioneering launched by the major players – the principal
opposition Samajwadi Party [S.P.], the Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP], the
Congress, and the Ajit Singh-led Rashtriya Lok Dal [RLD] – in State politics.
How exactly this will ultimately impact the electoral trend cannot be gauged at
this point. But there is no doubt that this too will come up time and again on
the poll scene,” Panwar said.

Early reactions from political forces in Uttar
Pradesh and other parts of the country as well as ground reactions in the State
indicate that through the November 16 announcement the BSP Chief Minister has,
in one stroke, delivered several political blows.

The announcement has also put three important
political players – the Congress, the BJP and the RLD – on the defensive, at
least in one aspect of the political campaign. None of the three parties can
overtly oppose the announcement, on account of a variety of factors.

They find themselves incapable of discussing
the merits or demerits of the proposal

The RLD has been for long demanding a separate
Harit Pradesh, comprising the western districts of U.P. The contours of Paschim
Pradesh correspond to the RLD’s Harit Pradesh. The BJP is for smaller States in
principle and has been supporting the movement for the creation of Telangana by
bifurcating Andhra Pradesh. Sections of the Congress in at least three of the
four proposed new States – Bundelkhand, Poorvanchal and Paschim Pradesh – have
periodically articulated their support to the idea of dividing U.P. The
Congress’ national leadership, including Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, has
repeatedly pointed to the possibility of a second States Reorganisation
Commission (SRC) to consider the demands for smaller States on the basis of
developmental concerns, ethnicity and regional aspirations.

Naturally, the leaderships of all the three
parties have been vague in their reactions to Mayawati’s proposal.

At the level of national politics too, the
proposal is bound to cause great discomfort to the Congress and the United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) government led by it at the Centre. The government
is already grappling with the Telangana agitation, which has not only generated
turbulence from time to time but also led to dissensions within the party’s
Andhra Pradesh unit. The Congress has sought a number of “middle ground”
options to deal with the situation without much success. The political climate
created by Mayawati’s announcement is bound to accentuate the emotive element
in the Telangana movement. This will naturally add to the woes of the Congress
governments in Andhra Pradesh and at the Centre.


There are also indications that Mayawati’s
proposal has acted as a spur to other long-standing demands for statehood.
These include the demands for Vidarbha, Gorkhaland and Bodoland. The National
Federation for New States (NFNS) has already regrouped in the context of the announcement.
Niroop Reddy, convener of the NFNS, told Frontline that the organisation was
planning to meet in Delhi in early December to concretise a new action plan for
launching a broad agitation in different parts of the country. Interestingly,
the NFNS has representatives of another demand for statehood from Uttar
Pradesh, namely Brij Pradesh. The demand visualises the creation of Brij
Pradesh comprising certain parts of western and central Uttar Pradesh. Niroop
Reddy says that if Mayawati decides to support the demand for Telangana and
Vidarbha, she will gain greater acceptance in the southern and western parts of
India. “Vidarbha is Ambedkar’s home State and Telangana has only 10 per cent
upper caste population,” he says.

Indications from the higher echelons of the
BSP are that the party is looking at suggestions such as these seriously in
order to renew and strengthen its effort to gain greater prominence in national
politics. “Through the proposal for four new States, Behenji has made it clear
that the BSP is not a one-person party. By any standards, the BSP is a very
powerful force in the regions of Poorvanchal and Bundelkhand, and if these
attain statehood, we will have Chief Ministers from different sections of the
organisational hierarchy. In many ways, the announcement also signifies a
concrete move to decentralise the organisation as well as empower more party
leaders. Undoubtedly, this is the path for greater national prominence,” a
senior BSP Member of Parliament told Frontline on condition of anonymity, as is
the wont among second-level leaders in the party.

A number of political analysts, including the
academic Sudha Pai of Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), who has carried out
fundamental research on the reorganisation of States, are of the view that the
cumulative impact of all these developments will ultimately make the Centre
consider the formation of a second SRC. “Such an entity could look at the
multitude of issues and aspirations behind different demands and come up with
concrete and objective parameters for reorganisation. There is no need to see
this as promotion of fissiparous tendencies but has to be perceived as part of
a continuing process of democratisation that will address the concerns of
social groups and regions hitherto excluded from the mainstream of governance,”
Sudha Pai said.

The views expressed by analysts like Sudha Pai
do find reverberations in the Congress. A number of leaders admit that the
Union government will be forced to grapple with the cumulative effect of the
statehood demands. In fact, a number of them even advocate the setting up of a
second SRC before the U.P. elections. This, said a senior Minister from south
India, would help the party in two ways. “One, [it will] minimise the political
damage caused by Mayawati’s announcement as it will show that the Congress too
is serious in pursuing the agenda, and two, give the party and the government
some biding time on issues such as Telangana on account of the processes
involved in the setting up of the second SRC and getting it into motion.” As
things stand, all these ideas are at the debating stage only, although there is
the realisation that “something needs to be done” at the earliest in order to
put up a good show in U.P. and also to stave off the problems that are bound to
emerge from other parts of the country.

In terms of caste equations, the 2007
elections signified desertion by a section of the Other Backward Classes (OBC)
votes from the party, including votes from its most prominent support base, the
Yadav community.

While travelling in parts of western, central
and eastern districts of the State over the past month is that this combination
will be as effective as it was in 2007.

The upper castes, has stayed back in BSP since
the 2007 Assembly and 2009 Lok Sabha elections, as they feel secure with the
highly performing best and meritorious governence of Ms Mayawati. MLAs and
Ministers belonging upper castes are cofident of 300 seats in the coming

The corruption charges faced by the Union
government and the anti-Congress thrust of the anti-corruption movement are not
doing them any good.

The BSP, on its part, is trying hard to
advance the SC/ST-Brahmin Bhaichara (SC/ST-Brahmin brotherhood) political
equation it had promoted in 2007.

Its Chamar base is intact. The leadership is
apparently hopeful that this, along with the addition of a section of Muslim
and upper caste votes, will help the BSP emerge once again as the
single-largest party. The BSP also hopes to get some support from the groups
that have campaigned for the division of Uttar Pradesh.

Mayawati’s proposal
for new States was apparently based on a consideration of the impact of small
groups in a localised situation

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