2133 Thu 9 Feb 2017
Mayawati says will form govt with majority
Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) appeared defensive by
saying there was a horizontal divide. “On one side are the people of the country and on the other side are a group of political
Modi said 700 Maoists had surrendered after DEMONetisation
though Modi had demanded 50 days’ time from the people for banking
system to normalise post-DEMONetisation, the people are still facing
immense hardships in withdrawing money and 175 people died in his QUEUE
INDIA MOVEMENT. The RSS claimed that all those who died were patriots
who sacrificed (Balidhan) their lives for their stealth, shadowy,
discriminatory hinutva cult rashtra. The impact is likely to be seen
in the ongoing Assembly elections in five states as the rural people
have been worst hit by DEMONetisation and there is anger against the BJP
in all these states, particularly the most populous state of Uttar
Modi is wary of the mood of the
people and was seen offering explanation to them through Parliament
debate. He had made the same pitch on Tuesday during his reply to the
motion in the Lok Sabha.
Modi had launched Swachh Bharat Mission
with much fanfare, its results not much is visible on the streets and other
public places even though the project was launched more than two years
ago is perhaps aware of the questions which are
being raised over the cess imposed in the name of Swachh Bharat without
an account of the money spent.
The record of the Modi in
checking black money is not unquestionable. Despite BJP making tall
promises before the 2014 Lok Sabha elections of bringing back black
money stashed in foreign banks within 100 days of coming to power, it
has failed to fulfil them. And did not deposit Rs 15 lakhs as promised by him in all citizens bank accounts.
However, talking about cashless economy in
itself indicates Modi’s defensive attitude. While launching DEMONetisation, loving towards cashless economy was not a prime
objective. The Modi started talking about it when DEMONtisation failed to yield the desired result - of
ensuring that black money and counterfeit currency were rejected by the
system. But most of the currency has been deposited in the banks, thus,
defeating the very purpose of the DEMONtisation move.
The people expected Modi to take
action on these scams. However, despite the lapse of more than
two-and-a-half years,he does not seem to have taken any
concrete action against those who were accused of indulging in these
While it is the job of the Opposition to raise
allegations of corruption against the ruling party, the reverse is
taking place under the Modi government. The Centre has still been
raising the old scams without having taken a tangible action against
UP चुनाव में पाकिस्तान मीडिया ने मायावती का सपोर्ट किया, Pakistan media on UP election
UP Election 2017: Why hasn’t Mayawati’s BSP tapped on the winnable Dalit-plus-Muslim votebank?
The Dalit-plus-Muslim votebank is easily the most winnable formula in Uttar Pradesh.
Together, these two groups form well over 40 percent of the population
in the state. In a state where Samajwadi Party could sweep the polls
with less than 30 percent vote share in the last Assembly election, a
Dalit-Muslim votebank is the simplest route to power.
Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati has the single biggest block — majority
of Dalits behind her. If Muslim electorate gets enthusiastic towards
BSP, Dalit-plus-Muslim votebank could be a unbeatable. This is simple
arithmetic. And, Mayawati is surely aware of it. Yet, it remains a
mystery why the BSP never goes aggressively for the Muslim votes.
It is commonly said that Muslims go with the party that is most likely
to defeat BJP. If that’s true then why don’t we see Muslims voting
enthusiastically for a BSP? SP gets lion’s share of the Muslim votes but
BSP is far behind.
There are several reasons for that but first a
recent example when BSP had the opportunity to grab Muslim votes and
she missed it. After the Muzaffarnagar riots, or for that matter the
murder of Mohammad Akhlaq in Dadri, has turned the popular mood in the
state against SP. How can an astute politician like Mayawati be unaware
of this minority anger? There were other grievances too, apart of the
anti-incumbency factor against SP, yet the BSP failed to tap this
feeling of discontent among Muslims.
Failure to take stand on Muslim issues
The feeling among Muslims that Mayawati does not care much for the
Muslims, gained strength when Muslim youths were routinely picked up
from Azamgarh and other towns of Uttar Pradesh during BSP regime.
Azamgarh was branded as hub of terror during her tenure as the chief
Muslims hoped BSP leadership would take a strong stand
against it or at least speak out over the indiscriminate arrests —
something that could have boosted the morale of Muslims. But this didn’t
happen. Muslims felt that there pain wasn’t understood by the BSP. And
the trust deficit between Muslims and the BSP kept growing.
SP’s core Yadav vote is much less than BSP’s Dalit vote, SP managed to
create the image that it was a party that looked after interests of
Muslims and thus emerged the Muslim-Yadav combination. Muslims do vote
for BSP, often as second choice, but the Dalit-plus-Muslim combination
that would have been invincible, could never emerge in Uttar Pradesh.
No serious effort to reach out to Muslims
After the SP formed the government in 2012, there was little effort on
part of BSP leadership to reach out to Muslims. Many Muslims complained
that the BSP doesn’t even seem to acknowledge that ‘we had supported the
party election after election, but just expects our vote’. In the wake
of riots, Muslims were in need for someone who would stand by their
side. Perhaps, the expectation was that BSP leaders would visit homes of
victims of communal riots and those who suffered at the hands of cow
There was bound to be a feeling of dejection. It was
the time one started hearing more and more about Mayawati being soft on
BJP and about BSP chief’s purported statement in the past that put blame
on Muslims for party’s loss. We have had examples of ’secular’ parties
allying with BJP, but BSP joining hands with the saffron party is
something that we have heard more often.
However, the fact
remains that the BSP has never had a serious outreach strategy towards
the Muslims — neither in terms of launching new schemes for artisans
(that could have helped the community), nor major developmental projects
in Muslim dominated cities or towns.
No symbolism: Rare to find Muslim icons on BSP’s banners, hoardings
During BSP events, conventions and political campaigns, it is rare to
see any Muslim personality’s photograph along Dalit icons of yore. The
banners and posters are seldom in Urdu. Symbolic representation goes a
long way in bringing a community with the party. But the BSP doesn’t
seem to think about it. Even promises are not such that would make
Muslims rush towards the party.
When new districts were carved
during BSP rule, none of them was named after any Muslim icon of the
past. Major schemes or projects weren’t named after Muslims freedom
fighters (unlike Dalit heroes).
No one except Nasimuddin: BSP’s sole Muslim face