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Theravada Buddhism a Chronology

This timeline chronicles some of the significant
events and personalities in the evolution

of Theravada Buddhism
that, in one way or another, figure prominently in the readings
found elsewhere on this website. This is not meant to be a
comprehensive chronology
.

Because the sources I used in constructing this
timeline (indicated by braces {} and listed at the end
of this document
) often assumed different dates for the Buddha’s
nativity, I have occasionally had to interpolate in order to fit
events (particularly the early ones) onto a reasonably consistent
timeline. Nevertheless, this chronology should provide a fairly
clear picture of the relative sequence of events, if not the
absolute dates on which they occurred.

For a general introduction to Theravada Buddhism,
please see “What is
Theravada Buddhism?”
.

BE1  
CE2
-80  
-624/-560

The Bodhisatta  or
Buddha-to-be, is born in Lumbini (in present-day Nepal) as
Siddhattha Gotama, a prince of the Sakya clan.
{1,2}

-51  
-595/-531

The Bodhisatta renounces the householder life
(age 29).

-45  
-589/-525

While meditating under the Bo tree in the forest
at Gaya (now Bodhgaya, India) during the full-moon night of May,
the Bodhisatta becomes the Buddha (age 36).

During the full-moon night of July, the Buddha
delivers his first discourse near Varanasi, introducing the
world to the Four Noble Truths and commencing a 45-year career
of teaching the religion he called “Dhamma-vinaya.”

1
  -544/-480

Parinibbana  of the Buddha, at Kusinara (now Kusinagar, India) (age
80). {1,3}

During the rains retreat following the Buddha’s
Parinibbana, the First Council convenes at Rajagaha,
India, during which 500 arahant bhikkhus, led by Ven.
Mahakassapa, gather to recite the entire body of the Buddha’s
teachings. The recitation of the Vinaya by Ven. Upali becomes
accepted as the Vinaya Pitaka; the recitation of the Dhamma by Ven. Ananda becomes
established as the Sutta Pitaka. {1,4}

100  
-444/-380

100 years after the Buddha’s Parinibbana the Second
Council convenes in Vesali to discuss controversial points
of Vinaya. The first schism of the Sangha occurs, in which the
Mahasanghika school parts ways with the traditionalist
Sthaviravadins. At issue is the Mahasanghika’s reluctance to
accept the Suttas and the Vinaya as the final authority on the
Buddha’s teachings. This schism marks the first beginnings of
what would later evolve into Mahayana Buddhism, which would come
to dominate Buddhism in northern Asia (China, Tibet, Japan,
Korea). {1}

294  
-250

Third Council is convened by King Asoka at
Pataliputra (India). Disputes on points of doctrine lead to
further schisms, spawning the Sarvastivadin and Vibhajjavadin
sects. The Abhidhamma Pitaka is recited at the Council, along
with additional sections of the Khuddaka Nikaya. The modern Pali
Tipitaka is now essentially complete, although some scholars
have suggested that at least two parts of the extant Canon —
the Parivara in the Vinaya, and the Apadana in the Sutta — may
date from a later period. {1, 4}

297   -247

King Asoka sends his son, Ven. Mahinda, on a
mission to bring Buddhism to Sri Lanka. King Devanampiya Tissa
of Sri Lanka is converted. {5}

304  
-240

Ven. Mahinda establishes the Mahavihara (Great
Monastery) of Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka. The Vibhajjavadin
community living there becomes known as the Theravadins. Mahinda
compiles the first of the Tipitaka commentaries, in the Sinhala
language. Mahinda’s sister, Ven. Sanghamitta, arrives in Sri
Lanka with a cutting from the original Bo tree, and establishes
the bhikkhuni-sangha in Sri Lanka.{1, 5}

444  
-100

Famine and schisms in Sri Lanka point out the
need for a written record of the Tipitaka to preserve the
Buddhist religion. King Vattagamani convenes a Fourth Council,
in which 500 reciters and scribes from the Mahavihara write down
the Pali Tipitaka for the first time, on palm leaves. {4,
5, 6}

544   1

Common Era (CE) begins; Year 1 AD.

644   100

Theravada Buddhism first appears in Burma and
Central Thailand. {1}

744   200

Buddhist monastic university at Nalanda, India
flourishes; remains a world center of Buddhist study for over
1,000 years. {1}

ca. 1000  
5th c.

Ven. Buddhaghosa collates the various Sinhala
commentaries on the Canon — drawing primarily on the Maha
Atthakatha (Great Commentary) preserved at the Mahavihara —
and translates them into Pali. This makes Sinhala Buddhist
scholarship available for the first time to the entire
Theravadan world and marks the beginning of what will become, in
the centuries to follow, a vast body of post-canonical Pali
literature. Buddhaghosa also composes his encyclopedic, though
controversial, meditation manual Visuddhimagga (The Path of
Purification).
Vens. Buddhadatta and Dhammapala write
additional commentaries and sub-commentaries. {7}

ca. 1100   600’s

Buddhism in India begins a long, slow decline
from which it would never fully recover. {1}

ca. 1100? 1400?   6th
c.? 9th c.?

Dhammapala composes commentaries on parts of the
Canon missed by Buddhaghosa (such as the Udana, Itivuttaka,
Theragatha, and Therigatha), along with extensive
sub-commentaries on Buddhaghosa’s work. {7}

1594   1050

The bhikkhu and bhikkhuni communities at
Anuradhapura die out following invasions from South India.{1,
5}

1614   1070

Bhikkhus from Pagan arrive in Polonnaruwa, Sri
Lanka to reinstate the obliterated Theravada ordination line on
the island. {5}

1708   1164

Polonnaruwa destroyed by foreign invasion. With
the guidance of two monks from a forest branch of the Mahavihara
sect — Vens. Mahakassapa and Sariputta — King Parakramabahu
reunites all bhikkhus in Sri Lanka into the Mahavihara sect. {1,
8}

1780   1236

Bhikkhus from Kañcipuram, India arrive in Sri
Lanka to revive the Theravada ordination line. {1}

1823   1279

Last inscriptional evidence of a Theravada
Bhikkhuni nunnery (in Burma). {8}

1831   1287

Pagan looted by Mongol invaders; its decline
begins. {1}

ca. 1900   13th
c.

A forest-based Sri Lankan ordination line arrives
in Burma and Thailand. Theravada spreads to Laos. Thai Theravada
monasteries first appear in Cambodia shortly before the Thais
win their independence from the Khmers. {1}

ca. 2000   1400’s

Another forest lineage is imported from Sri Lanka
to Ayudhaya, the Thai capital. A new ordination line is also
imported into Burma. {1}

2297   1753

King Kirti Sri Rajasinha obtains bhikkhus from
the Thai court to reinstate the bhikkhu ordination line, which
had died out in Sri Lanka. This is the origin of the Siyam
Nikaya. {8}

2312   1768

Burmese destroy Ayudhaya (Thai capital).

2321   1777

King Rama I, founder of the current dynasty in
Thailand, obtains copies of the Tipitaka from Sri Lanka and
sponsors a Council to standardize the Thai version of the
Tipitaka, copies of which are then donated to temples throughout
the country. {1}

2347   1803

Sri Lankans ordained in the Burmese city of
Amarapura found the Amarapura Nikaya in Sri Lanka to supplement
the Siyam Nikaya, which admitted only brahmans from the Up
Country highlands around Kandy. {9}

2372   1828

Thailand’s Prince Mongkut (later King Rama IV)
founds the Dhammayut movement, which would later become the
Dhammayut Sect. {1}

ca. 2400   1800’s

Sri Lankan Sangha deteriorates under pressure
from two centuries of European colonial rule (Portuguese, Dutch,
British). {5}

2406   1862

Forest monks headed by Ven. Paññananda go to
Burma for reordination, returning to Sri Lanka the following
year to found the Ramañña Nikaya. {9} First
translation of the Dhammapada into a Western language (German).
{2}

2412  
1868

Fifth Council is held at Mandalay, Burma;
Pali Canon is inscribed on 729 marble slabs. {2}

2417   1873

Ven. Mohottivatte Gunananda defeats Christian
missionaries in a public debate, sparking a nationwide revival
of Sri Lankan pride in its Buddhist traditions. {8}

2423   1879

Sir Edwin Arnold publishes his epic poem Light
of Asia,
which becomes a best-seller in England and the USA,
stimulating popular Western interest in Buddhism.

2424   1880

Helena Blavatsky and Henry Steel Olcott, founders
of the Theosophical Society, arrive in Sri Lanka from the USA,
embrace Buddhism, and begin a campaign to restore Buddhism on
the island by encouraging the establishment of Buddhist schools.
{1}

2425   1881

Pali Text Society is founded in England by T.W.
Rhys Davids; most of the Tipitaka is published in roman script
and, over the next 100 years, in English translation.

2435   1891

Maha Bodhi Society founded in India by the Sri
Lankan lay follower Anagarika Dharmapala, in an effort to
reintroduce Buddhism to India. {1}

2443   1899

First Western Theravada monk (Gordon Douglas)
ordains, in Burma. {2}

ca. 2444   ca.
1900

Ven. Ajaan Mun and Ven. Ajaan Sao revive the
forest meditation tradition in Thailand. {1}

2445   1902

King Rama V of Thailand institutes a Sangha Act
that formally marks the beginnings of the Mahanikaya and
Dhammayut sects. Sangha government, which up to that time had
been in the hands of a lay official appointed by the king, is
handed over to the bhikkhus themselves.

2493   1949

Mahasi Sayadaw becomes head teacher at a
government-sponsored meditation center in Rangoon, Burma. {10}

2498  
1954

Burmese government sponsors a Sixth Council
in Rangoon.

2500   1956

Buddha Jayanti Year, commemorating 2,500 years of
Buddhism.

2502   1958

Ven. Nyanaponika Thera establishes the Buddhist
Publication Society in Sri Lanka to publish English-language
books on Theravada Buddhism. » Sarvodaya Shramadana
Movement is founded in Sri Lanka to bring Buddhist ideals to
bear in solving pressing social problems. Two Germans ordain at
the Royal Thai Embassy in London, becoming the first to take
full Theravada ordination in the West. {1, 2}

ca. 2504   1960’s
3


Washington (D.C.) Buddhist Vihara founded — first Theravada
monastic community in the USA. {11; and
Bhavana Society Brochure}

ca. 2514   1970’s

Refugees from war in Vietnam, Cambodia, and Laos
settle in USA and Europe, establishing many tight-knit Buddhist
communities in the West. Ven. Taungpulu Sayadaw and Dr. Rina
Sircar, from Burma, establish the » Taungpulu Kaba-Aye
Monastery in Northern California, USA. Ven. Ajaan Chah
establishes » Wat Pah Nanachat, a forest monastery in
Thailand for training Western monks. » Insight Meditation
Society, a lay meditation center, is founded in Massachusetts,
USA. Ven. Ajaan Chah travels to England to establish a small
community of monks at the Hamsptead Vihara, which later moves to
Sussex, England, to become Wat Pah Cittaviveka (Chithurst Forest
Monastery).

ca. 2524   1980’s

Lay meditation centers grow in popularity in USA
and Europe. First Theravada forest monastery in the USA (» Bhavana
Society) is established in West Virginia. » Amaravati
Buddhist Monastery established in England by Ven. Ajaan Sumedho
(student of Ven. Ajaan Chah).

ca. 2534   1990’s

Continued western expansion of the Theravada
Sangha: monasteries from the Thai forest traditions established
in California, USA (» Metta Forest Monastery, founded by
Ven. Ajaan Suwat; » Abhayagiri Monastery, founded by Ven.
Ajaans Amaro and Pasanno). Buddhism meets cyberspace: online
Buddhist information networks emerge; several editions of the
Pali Tipitaka become available online.

Vinaya Pitaka

The Basket of the Discipline


The recitation of the Vinaya by Ven. Upali becomes
accepted as the Vinaya Pitaka

Part Three: The Gold and Silver Chapter [go up]

21 [18].
Should any bhikkhunī take gold and silver, or have it taken, or consent
to its being deposited (near her), it is to be forfeited and confessed.

22 [19]. Should any bhikkhunī engage in various types of monetary exchange, it (the income) is to be forfeited and confessed.

23 [20]. Should any bhikkhunī engage in various types of trade, (the article obtained) is to be forfeited and confessed.

24 [22].
Should any bhikkhunī with an alms bowl having less than five mends ask
for another new bowl, it is to be forfeited and confessed. The bowl is
to be forfeited by the bhikkhunī to the company of bhikkhunīs. That
company of bhikkhunīs’ final bowl should be presented to the bhikkhunī,
(saying,) “This, bhikkhunī, is your bowl. It is to be kept until
broken.” This is the proper course here.

25 [23].
There are these tonics to be taken by sick bhikkhunīs: ghee, fresh
butter, oil, honey, sugar/molasses. Having been received, they are to
be used from storage seven days at most. Beyond that, they are to be
forfeited and confessed.

26 [25].
Should any bhikkhunī — having herself given robe-cloth to (another)
bhikkhunī and then being angered and displeased — snatch it away or
have it snatched away, it is to be forfeited and confessed.

27 [26]. Should any bhikkhunī, having requested thread, have robe-cloth woven by weavers, it is to be forfeited and confessed.

28 [27].
In case a man or woman householder unrelated (to the bhikkhunī) has
robe-cloth woven by weavers for the sake of a bhikkhunī, and if the
bhikkhunī, not previously invited (by the householder), having
approached the weavers, should make stipulations with regard to the
cloth, saying, “This cloth, friends, is to be woven for my sake. Make
it long, make it broad, make it tightly woven, well woven, well spread,
well scraped, well smoothed, and perhaps I may reward you with a little
something”; and should that bhikkhunī, having said that, reward them
with a little something, even as much as almsfood, it (the cloth) is to
be forfeited and confessed.

29 [28].
Ten days prior to the third-month Kattika full moon, should robe-cloth
offered in urgency accrue to a bhikkhunī, she is to accept it if she
regards it as offered in urgency. Once she has accepted it, she may
keep it throughout the robe season. Beyond that, it is to be forfeited
and confessed.

30 [30].
Should any bhikkhunī knowingly divert to herself gains that had been
allocated for a Community, they are to be forfeited and confessed
.


Sutta Pitaka
step by step
The recitation of the Dhamma by Ven. Ananda becomes
established as the Sutta Pitaka.

Upaneyya.m Sutta
Doomed

Thus have I heard. At one time the Blessed One was staying near
Saavatthii, at Jeta Grove, in Anaathapi.n.dika’s park. Now a certain
deva,1
as the night was passing away, lighting up the whole Jeta Grove with
his effulgent beauty, approached the Blessed One and, having
approached, stood on one side.

Standing thus on one side, the deva spoke this verse before the Blessed One:

Life but leads to doom. Our time is short.From Decay there’s naught can keep us safe.Contemplating thus the fear of death,Let’s make merit that will bring us bliss.

[The Blessed One replied:]

Life but leads to doom. Our time is short.
From Decay there’s naught can keep us safe.
Contemplating thus this fear of death,
Scorn such worldly bait, seek final peace.2
The Abhidhamma Pitaka step by step

is recited at the Council, along
with additional sections of the Khuddaka Nikaya.

A Comprehensive Manual of Abhidhamma


The Abhidhamma

At the heart of the Abhidhamma philosophy is the Abhidhamma Pitaka,
one of the divisions of the Pali canon recognized by Theravada Buddhism
as the authoritative recension of the Buddha’s teachings. This canon
was compiled at the three great Buddhist councils held in India in the
early centuries following the Buddha’s demise: the first, at Rajagaha,
convened three months after the Buddha’s Parinibbana by five hundred
senior monks under the leadership of the Elder Mahakassapa; the second,
at Vesali, a hundred years later; and the third, at Pataliputta, two
hundred years later. The canon that emerged from these councils,
preserved in the Middle Indian language now called Pali, is known as
the Tipitaka, the three “baskets” or collections of the teachings. The
first collection, the Vinaya Pitaka, is the book of discipline,
containing the rules of conduct for the bhikkhus and bhikkhunis — the
monks and nuns — and the regulations governing the Sangha, the monastic
order. The Sutta Pitaka, the second collection, brings together the
Buddha’s discourses spoken by him on various occasions during his
active ministry of forty-five years. And the third collection is the
Abhidhamma Pitaka, the “basket” of the Buddha’s “higher” or “special”
doctrine.

This third great division of the Pali canon bears a distinctly
different character from the other two divisions. Whereas the Suttas
and Vinaya serve an obvious practical purpose, namely, to proclaim a
clear-cut message of deliverance and to lay down a method of personal
training, the Abhidhamma Pitaka presents the appearance of an abstract
and highly technical systemization of the doctrine. The collection
consists of seven books: the Dhammasangani, the Vibhanga, the Dhatukatha, the Puggalapaññatti, the Kathavatthu, the Yamaka, and the Patthana.
Unlike the Suttas, these are not records of discourses and discussions
occurring in real-life settings; they are, rather, full-blown treatises
in which the principles of the doctrine have been methodically
organized, minutely defined, and meticulously tabulated and classified.
Though they were no doubt originally composed and transmitted orally
and only written down later, with the rest of the canon in the first
century B.C., they exhibit the qualities of structured thought and
rigorous consistency more typical of written documents.

In the Theravada tradition the Abhidhamma Pitaka is held in the
highest esteem, revered as the crown jewel of the Buddhist scriptures.
As examples of this high regard, in Sri Lanka King Kassapa V (tenth
century A.C.) had the whole Abhidhamma Pitaka inscribed on gold plates
and the first book set in gems, while another king, Vijayabahu
(eleventh century) used to study the Dhammasangani each morning
before taking up his royal duties and composed a translation of it into
Sinhala. On a cursory reading, however, this veneration given to the
Abhidhamma seems difficult to understand. The texts appear to be merely
a scholastic exercise in manipulating sets of doctrinal terms,
ponderous and tediously repetitive.

The reason the Abhidhamma Pitaka is so deeply revered only becomes
clear as a result of thorough study and profound reflection, undertaken
in the conviction that these ancient books have something significant
to communicate. When one approaches the Abhidhamma treatises in such a
spirit and gains some insight into their wide implications and organic
unity, one will find that they are attempting nothing less than to
articulate a comprehensive vision of the totality of experienced
reality, a vision marked by extensiveness of range, systematic
completeness, and analytical precision. From the standpoint of
Theravada orthodoxy the system that they expound is not a figment of
speculative thought, not a mosaic put together out of metaphysical
hypotheses, but a disclosure of the true nature of existence as
apprehended by a mind that has penetrated the totality of things both
in depth and in the finest detail. Because it bears this character, the
Theravada tradition regards the Abhidhamma as the most perfect
expression possible of the Buddha’s unimpeded omniscient knowledge (sabbaññuta-ñana).
It is his statement of the way things appear to the mind of a Fully Awakened One, ordered in accordance with the two poles of his
teaching: suffering and the cessation of suffering.

The system that the Abhidhamma Pitaka articulates is simultaneously
a philosophy, a psychology, and an ethics, all integrated into the
framework of a program for liberation. The Abhidhamma may be described
as a philosophy because it proposes an ontology, a perspective on the
nature of the real. This perspective has been designated the “dhamma
theory” (dhammavada). Briefly, the dhamma theory maintains that ultimate reality consists of a multiplicity of elementary constituents called dhammas.
The dhammas are not noumena hidden behind phenomena, not “things in
themselves” as opposed to “mere appearances,” but the fundamental
components of actuality. The dhammas fall into two broad classes: the
unconditioned dhamma, which is solely Nibbana, and the conditioned
dhammas, which are the momentary mental and material phenomena that
constitute the process of experience. The familiar world of substantial
objects and enduring persons is, according to the dhamma theory, a
conceptual construct fashioned by the mind out of the raw data provided
by the dhammas. The entities of our everyday frame of reference possess
merely a consensual reality derivative upon the foundational stratum of
the dhammas. It is the dhammas alone that possess ultimate reality:
determinate existence “from their own side” (sarupato) independent of the mind’s conceptual processing of the data.

Such a conception of the nature of the real seems to be already
implicit in the Sutta Pitaka, particularly in the Buddha’s
disquisitions on the aggregates, sense bases, elements, dependent
arising, etc., but it remains there tacitly in the background as the
underpinning to the more pragmatically formulated teachings of the
Suttas. Even in the Abhidhamma Pitaka itself the dhamma theory is not
yet expressed as an explicit philosophical tenet; this comes only
later, in the Commentaries. Nevertheless, though as yet implicit, the
theory still comes into focus in its role as the regulating principle
behind the Abhidhamma’s more evident task, the project of systemization.

This project starts from the premise that to attain the wisdom that
knows things “as they really are,” a sharp wedge must be driven between
those types of entities that possess ontological ultimacy, that is, the
dhammas, and those types of entities that exist only as conceptual
constructs but are mistakenly grasped as ultimately real. Proceeding
from this distinction, the Abhidhamma posits a fixed number of dhammas
as the building blocks of actuality, most of which are drawn from the
Suttas. It then sets out to define all the doctrinal terms used in the
Suttas in ways that reveal their identity with the ontological
ultimates recognized by the system. On the basis of these definitions,
it exhaustively classifies the dhammas into a net of pre-determined
categories and modes of relatedness which highlight their place within
the system’s structure. And since the system is held to be a true
reflection of actuality, this means that the classification pinpoints
the place of each dhamma within the overall structure of actuality
.

The Abhidhamma’s attempt to comprehend the nature of reality,
contrary to that of classical science in the West, does not proceed
from the standpoint of a neutral observer looking outwards towards the
external world. The primary concern of the Abhidhamma is to understand
the nature of experience, and thus the reality on which it focuses is
conscious reality, the world as given in experience, comprising both
knowledge and the known in the widest sense. For this reason the
philosophical enterprise of the Abhidhamma shades off into a
phenomenological psychology. To facilitate the understanding of
experienced reality, the Abhidhamma embarks upon an elaborate analysis
of the mind as it presents itself to introspective meditation. It
classifies consciousness into a variety of types, specifies the factors
and functions of each type, correlates them with their objects and
physiological bases, and shows how the different types of consciousness
link up with each other and with material phenomena to constitute the
ongoing process of experience.

This analysis of mind is not motivated by theoretical curiosity but
by the overriding practical aim of the Buddha’s teaching, the
attainment of deliverance from suffering. Since the Buddha traces
suffering to our tainted attitudes — a mental orientation rooted in
greed, hatred, and delusion — the Abhidhamma’s phenomenological
psychology also takes on the character of a psychological ethics,
understanding the term “ethics” not in the narrow sense of a code of
morality but as a complete guide to noble living and mental
purification. Accordingly we find that the Abhidhamma distinguishes
states of mind principally on the basis of ethical criteria: the
wholesome and the unwholesome, the beautiful factors and the
defilements. Its schematization of consciousness follows a hierarchical
plan that corresponds to the successive stages of purity to which the
Buddhist disciple attains by practice of the Buddha’s path. This plan
traces the refinement of the mind through the progression of meditative
absorptions, the fine-material-sphere and immaterial-sphere jhanas,
then through the stages of insight and the wisdom of the supramundane
paths and fruits. Finally, it shows the whole scale of ethical
development to culminate in the perfection of purity attained with the
mind’s irreversible emancipation from all defilements.

All three dimensions of the Abhidhamma — the philosophical, the
psychological, and the ethical — derive their final justification from
the cornerstone of the Buddha’s teaching, the program of liberation
announced by the Four Noble Truths. The ontological survey of dhammas
stems from the Buddha’s injunction that the noble truth of suffering,
identified with the world of conditioned phenomena as a whole, must be
fully understood (pariññeyya). The prominence of mental
defilements and requisites of awakenment in its schemes of
categories, indicative of its psychological and ethical concerns,
connects the Abhidhamma to the second and fourth noble truths, the
origin of suffering and the way leading to its end. And the entire
taxonomy of dhammas elaborated by the system reaches its consummation
in the “unconditioned element” (asankhata dhatu), which is Nibbana, the third noble truth, that of the cessation of suffering.

India

Republic of India, Bharat, Bharatavarsha


[Flag of India]


by
Željko Heimer
Flag adopted 22 July 1947, coat of arms adopted 26 January 1950.

Meaning of the Flag

‘The Indian flag is a horizontal tricolor in equal proportion of deep saffron
on the top, white in the middle and dark green at the bottom. The ratio of the
width to the length of the flag is two is to three. In the centre of the white
band, there is a wheel in navy blue to indicate the Dharma Chakra, the wheel of
law in the Sarnath Lion Capital. This center symbol or the ‘CHAKRA’ is a symbol
dating back to 2nd century BC. Its diameter approximates the width of the white
band and it has 24 spokes, which intends to show that there is life in movement
and death in stagnation. The saffron stands for courage and sacrifice; the
white, for purity and truth; the green for growth and auspiciousness.

The Constituent Assembly which drew up the Constitution of India, adopted, on 22
July 1947, the tricolor as Independent India’s National Flag. After a debate,
the Dharma Chakra (of Emperor Ashoka) was included in the central white stripe
of the flag, instead of the Charka (used symbolically by Gandhiji and also
included in the flag used by the Indian National Congress). The same Chakra
adorns the State Emblem adapted from the Sarnath Lion Capital of Ashoka in
addition to the motto from the Mundaka Upanishad, Satyameva Jayate which means:
Truth alone triumphs. The Chakra or the wheel symbolizes the Power of the State
governed by Dharma, which is the primordial Indian system of justice which is
the bed-rock, not only of governance but of the socio-politico-economic edifice
itself.’
Brinda Maindiratta, 2 April 2003

The following is an
extract from the preamble to the
flag code of India as
posted on the official Home Ministry website of the Indian government:

The significance of the colours and the chakra in the National Flag was
amply described by Dr. S. Radhakrishnan in the Constituent Assembly which
unanimously adopted the National Flag. Dr. S. Radhakrishnan explained
-”Bhagwa or the saffron colour denotes renunciation of disinterestedness.
Our leaders must be indifferent to material gains and dedicate themselves to
their work. The white in the centre is light, the path of truth to guide our
conduct. The green shows our relation to soil, our relation to the plant
life here on which all other life depends. The Ashoka Wheel in the centre of
the white is the wheel of the law of dharma. Truth or satya, dharma or
virtue ought to be the controlling principles of those who work under this
flag. Again, the wheel denotes motion. There is death in stagnation. There
is life in movement. India should no more resist change, it must move and go
forward. The wheel represents the dynamism of a peaceful change.”

Shree Sinha, 25 November 2003

Reproduced below an extract from
Jawaharlal Nehru’s address to the Constituent Assembly for the date on which the
national flag was adopted (Tuesday, 22 July 1947):

“I present this Flag to you.
This Resolution defines the Flag which I trust
you will adopt. In a sense this Flag was adopted, not by a formal
resolution, but by popular acclaim and usage, adopted much more by the
sacrifice that surrounded it in the past few decades. We are in a sense only
ratifying that popular adoption. It is a Flag which has been variously
described. Some people, having misunderstood its significance, have thought
of it in communal terms and believe that some part of it represents this
community or that. But I may say that when this Flag was devised there was
no communal significance attached to it.”

At the same meeting of the Constituent Assembly, Govind Das added:

“There is no touch of communalism in the three colours of the flag. Panditji
(i.e., Jawaharlal Nehru) has already told you this in the course of his
speech. It is true that at a time when the colours were red, white and green
there was a trace of communalism in the flag. But when we changed these
colours to saffron, white and green, we declared it in clear words that the
three colours had no communal significance.”

The

official website of the High Commission of India in London
states “The
saffron stands for courage, sacrifice and the spirit of renunciation; the white,
for purity and truth; and the green for faith and fertility.

Shree Sinha, 25 November 2003

I have seen at a guess a dozen or more artificially constructed and
intentionally fanciful imposed “meanings” for the Indian flag. Most are
fairly phoney and contrived. When first used early in this century, the
explanation was simple: saffron = Hindus, green = Muslims, white = the
peace between then (wish-fulfillment?), the wheel = the Gandhian
spinning wheel (early on, more obviously so in the design).
Post-independence explanations differ, though those today (especially
the current pressure to change the flag to solid orange) return to
earlier meanings. The similarity to the Irish flag, though with different equivalences, was not in any way an accident. Pick an explanation…?
Ed Haynes, 30 September 1998

One of the spurious meanings of
the Indian flag according to

http://www.trimurtisolutions.com/india/index.html

states the color of saffron/kesaria stand for patriotism (balidaan),
white is for simplicity and peace, green is for agriculture (kheti)
farming (kisan) and greenery (hariyali), the navy blue wheel in the
center is the “Ashoka chakra”, the wheel of progress.
collected by Dov Gutterman, 30 September 1998

I’m extremely sceptical of the information about a controversy
regarding the color of the flag. We have border disputes and other
headaches, but an issue regarding the flag itself? Doesn’t exist.
However, the significance of the blue wheel is much more (and here it
borders on Hindu philosophy): “The chakra [wheel] in the Indian Flag
which represents the wheel of life conveys the importance of karma. It
is also a symbol for continuation of life and its cycles”.
Jeetendra Chandragiri, 17 Dec 1999




Flag Code

On 26th January 2002, the flag code was changed. After 52 years, the
citizens of India are free to fly the Indian flag over their homes,
offices and factories on any day. Except some basic rules to follow
while flying the flags, all other restrictions have been removed. Now
Indians can
proudly display the national flag any where and any time.
Mohan, 12 Feb 2002

 There are some rules and regulations upon how to fly the flag, based on
the 26 January 2002 legislation. These include the following:

The Do’s

  1. The National Flag may be hoisted in educational institutions (schools,
    colleges, sports camps, scout camps, etc.) to inspire respect for the Flag. An
    oath of allegiance has been included in the flag hoisting in schools.
  2. A member of public, a private organization or an educational institution
    may hoist/display the National Flag on all days and occasions, ceremonial or
    otherwise consistent with the dignity and honour of the National Flag.
  3. Section 2 of the new code accepts the right of all private citizens to fly
    the flag on their premises.

The Don’ts

  1. The flag cannot be used for communal
    gains, drapery, or clothes. As far as possible, it should be flown from
    sunrise to sunset, irrespective of the weather.
  2. The flag cannot be intentionally allowed to touch the
    ground or the floor or trail in water. It cannot be draped over the
    hood, top, and sides or back of vehicles, trains, boats or aircraft.
  3. No other flag or bunting can be placed higher than the
    flag. Also, no object, including flowers or garlands or emblems can be
    placed on or above the flag. The tricolour cannot be used as a festoon,
    rosette or bunting.
As of
January 26th, many have already started hoisting the flags at their
premises. This new flag code would not have been made possible if it
weren’t for one Indian who had been constantly been arguing/fighting
against the government and for the citizen’s right for the free
hoisting of flags. Apparently this particular Indian had filed a law
suit and has been fighting for this right for ages until he finally won

this right somewhere around the end of Dec. 2001.
Shriram, 16 February 2002

The entire flag code can be obtained at

Outlook India
.
Pascal Vagnat, 18 January 2003

Indlaw
News
, 9 March 2006, reported:
“The Punjab and Haryana High Court today issued notice for March 16 to Punjab
Government on a plea against the use of National Flag by the chief parliamentary
secretary and the parliamentary secretaries on their official vehicles. The
division bench of Justices Surinder Singh Saron and Surya Kant ordered this
after the preliminary hearing on the application moved by advocate Antar Singh
Brar, member of the Chandigarh BJP’s legal cell, wherein he challenged the
validity of the action of the respondents to use National Flag on their official
vehicles.”
Ivan Sache, 14 March 2006

“Use of National Flags made of plastic affects the dignity of the flag as
they are not biodegradable like the paper flags and also they cannot be
destroyed for a long time. It is also harmful for the atmosphere. Having noticed
large scale use of National Flags made of plastic, the Union ministry of home
affairs has asked all states and Union government to use only flags made of
paper on important national, cultural and sports events. The Union deputy home
secretary, SM Bhatnagar in an intimation sent to the states’ chief secretaries
and secretaries of all ministries/departments of the government of India asked
them to pay attention to paragraph 2.2 (x) of section-I of part II of the flag
code of conduct of India. The flag code of conduct of India states “the flag
made of paper may be waved by public on occasions of important national,
cultural and sports events. However, such paper flags should not be discarded or
thrown on the ground after the event. As far as possible, it should be disposed
of in private consistent with the dignity of the flag.” In the intimation of the
MHA which addresses the chief secretaries of states and Union territory
governments, secretaries of all ministries/department of government of India
asked them to ensure use of only flags made of paper on important national,
cultural and sports events in terms of the provisions of the flag code of
India.”
Source:

The Imphal Free Press
, 3 January 2006
Ivan Sache, 6 January 2007

Information regarding the obsolete 1950 flag code:

A strict flag code announced in the year 1950 regulated the use and display
of the national flag.
It barred the use of the flag in advertisements or for any other commercial
activity.
In fact, even private citizens were not allowed to fly the flag over their
homes, offices or factories except on certain designated days like the
Republic Day or the Independence Day.
Source: BBC News
Contributed by Santiago Tazon, 31 August 2000

There is a clear proviso in the flag code permitting putting flower
petals inside the national Tricolour before it is unfurled on special
occasions like Republic Day and Independence Day… the proviso
permitting the use of petals was added to Section 5.9 on January 24,
1997
Source: The Tribune
Contributed by Jaume Ollé, 5 November 2000


[Flag of India]
by
�eljko Heimer and Ivan Sache, 14 February 2007

In New Delhi in August 2001 I did not notice any flag of interest, but Indian
national flags without the chakra hoisted on poles in the center of the city.
Was this a way to circumvent the [old] law prohibiting private use of the
national flag?
Ivan Sache, 17 January 2002

According to “The Daily Times” (Karachi, Pakistan), 14 December 2005, the
Parliament of India has adopted on 12 December 2005 a new law to protect the
national flag and ban its uses deemed insulting. The use of the national flag on
underwear or on any other clothing worn below the belt shall be forbidden.
However, sports figures and others can wear India�s green, white and orange
national colours on T-shirts, caps and coats. The legislation makes it illegal
to �insult� national symbols by displaying them on clothes and accessories worn
below the belt or on underwear. The legislation also makes it illegal to
embroider national symbols on
pillow cases and handkerchiefs.
Source:

www.dailytimes.com.pk

Ivan Sache, 30 December 2005



Detail of the Ashoka Chakra


[Detail of Chakra]
by
Željko Heimer

based on
Album des Pavillons (2000)

This was also the early Indian Air Force marking, according to
Cochrane and Elliott (1998) in the period
1947-48, and was used together with the fin flash using a square(ish) vertical
tricolour of orange-white-green (orange to front).
Željko Heimer, 11 November 2001

The Chakra on the National Flag was officially defined at 75% of the white
stripe in 1947 (taken from specifications issued by the Indian Standards
Institution), but according to William Crampton (1993) this has largely been
ignored in practice ever since. To quote from Dr Crampton’s notes: “…in
practice the Chakra occupies 98% of the white stripe (or thereabouts)”, and the
spec he drew up shows it at exactly that.











 

Ms. MAYAWATI
Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh
Life History: At A Glance 

 

Full
Name

Kumari Mayawati (Mayawati Miss)

 

·          
Member of Uttar Pradesh Legislative
Council; resigned from the membership of parliament (
Rajya
Sabha) after being sworn in as Chief Minister of
Uttar Pradesh on May 13, 2007;

·          
National President, Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP), one of the prominent national
political parties of India;

·          
Serving fourth time as Chief Minister of
Uttar Pradesh, the most-populated, politically most important and intensely
conservative state of
India.

People
affectionately call

Bahanji’ (Honourable Sister)

Father’s
name

Mr. Prabhu Das, who retired from
the Indian Government’s Postal Department as a section head.

Mother’s name

Mrs. Ramrati (housewife), who provided economic sustenance
to the family through her untiring efforts, and despite not being literate,
took keen interest in education of all her children and made them capable
in life.

Date
of Birth

15 January, 1956.

Place
of Birth

Shrimati Sucheta Kriplani Hospital (formerly known as
Lady Harding Hospital), New Delhi

In
Father’s Family

Six brothers and
two sisters (besides herself)

Her
own family

First it was entire
Bahujan Samaj’, now it
is Sarva Samaj, people
belonging to all section of the society.

Her
Everything

Dedicated to
welfare of majority deprived section of the society.

Dearest
to heart

Welfare and
empowerment of “oppressed, depressed and exploited” section of the society,

Political
Goal

Turn “Bahujan Samaj” into a ruling
class by capturing country’s power centre and authority through votes.

Ancestral
Village

Badalpur, District Gautam Buddha Nagar, Uttar
Pradesh

Field
of Action

Initially Uttar
Pradesh and later the entire
India

Things
fond of

Normal light Indian
cuisine; attracted towards natural environment and extremely fond of
cleanliness.

Marital
Status

Have taken a vow to
remain unmarried to dedicate her entire life whole-heartedly and devotedly
to serve the cause and interest of the people of
Bahujan
Samaj and poor of High Castes and to work towards
their social, educational and economic emancipation.

Educational
Status

Bachelor of Arts,
Bachelor of Education and Bachelor of Laws (LL.B),

1. B.A. from Kalindi College, Delhi University,
2.
B.Ed. BMLG College, Ghaziabad, Meerut University,
3. Law Degree from the
Delhi University

Occupation

Lawyer, Political
and social activist

Permanent
Address

C-57, Indrapuri, New Delhi-110012

Present
Address

C-1/12, Humayun Road, New Delhi-110003

Phone
Nos.

011-24616606/
24616607

Political
And Administrative Experience:

November
1989

Both she and the
party, the BSP made debut in Parliament. Won
Bijnore
(reserved) Lok Sabha
seat in Uttar Pradesh in the Ninth General Elections of 1989.

April
1994

Elected to the Rajya Sabha from Uttar
Pradesh, signaling her debut, as also of the party, in the Upper House of
Indian Parliament.

June
1995

In
1995, Ms.
Mayawati created history by becoming
Indian’s first Dalit woman chief minister,
heading first Bahujan Samaj
Party (Majority People’s Party) government in India’s most-populated state of Uttar Pradesh.

Became
Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, the largest state of
India in
terms of population 4-times :

 

(1) 1995 : 3rd June, 1995 to 18th October, 1995

 

(2) 1997 : 21st March, 1997 to 20th September, 1997

 

(3) 2002 : 3rd May, 2002 to 26th August, 2003

 

(4) 2007 : 13th May, 2007 till date

1996-98

Elected as a
legislator. Elected from the two different constituencies of Uttar Pradesh—
Harora (reserved) in Saharanpur district and Bilsi (reserved) in Budaun
district. Represented the constituency of Harora
in the state assembly, resigning from Bilsi seat
as per the law.

21st March, 1997

Became Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the second time.

February
1998

Elected for the
second time in the 12th
Lok Sabha elections from Uttar Pradesh’s
Akbarpur (reserved) parliamentary constituency in
Ambedkar Nagar
district.

February
1999

Elected for the
third time in the 13th
Lok Sabha
elections from Akbarpur (reserved) constituency.

14th April, 1999

Senior journalist
Mohammad
Jamil Akhter’s
book, entitled “Iron Lady Kumari Mayawati”, was released by Mr. Kanshi
Ram Ji at a grand function in New Delhi on the occasion of
Dr.
Ambedkar’s birth anniversary.

3rd June, 2000

Release of her own
book, “
Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti
(Bahujan Samaj and its
Politics) by Mr. Kanshi Ram Ji
at a function in New Delhi’s Talkatora stadium on the occasion of the fifth
anniversary of the first ‘Bahujan Samaj’ government in Uttar Pradesh.

15th December, 2001

BSP architect and
founder,
Manyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji, declared her
as the sole heir and political successor of him and the “Bahujan Movement” at a grand rally in the Lakshman Mela ground on the
bank of river Gomti in the Uttar Pradesh capital Lucknow.

February
2002

Re-elected as a
legislator in the Uttar Pradesh assembly elections. Was declared a winner
from the two constituencies—
Harora (reserved) in Saharanpur district and Jahangirganj (reserved) in Ambedkar
Nagar District. Represented Harora
seat and resigned from Jahangirganj seat.

March,
2002

Resigned from Akbarpur (reserved) Lok Sabha seat.

3rd May, 2002

Became Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the third time

18th September, 2003

Assumed the office
of
Bahujan Samaj
Party’s National President after Mr. Kanshi Ram Ji suddenly fell seriously ill following a brain
stroke.

April-May,
2004

Elected for the
fourth time in the 14th
Lok Sabha elections from Akbarpur
(reserved) seat in Uttar Pradesh

July
2004

After resigning
from the
Lok Sabha,
elected for the second time as a member of the Rajya
Sabha for a six-year term from Uttar Pradesh.

27th August, 2006

Re-elected as
National President of the
Bahujan Samaj Party unanimously in an All India Delegate
Conference held at Lucknow.

13th May, 2007

Was administered
oath for the office of the Chief Minister, Uttar Pradesh fourth time after
her party registered a comfortable majority win in the general elections
for the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly, trouncing
Samajwadi
party, BJP and the Congress.

3rd July, 2007

Joined as member of
the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Council after elected unopposed in the
by-election for the upper house of the state legislature. Declared that she
chose to become MLC as she wish to concentrate on the development of all
the 403 assembly constituencies of state assembly rather than my
constituency
only …. I am not Mr. Mulayam Singh Yadav, who had
diverted all the funds to develop his home area only.

Book writing (for missionary objectives):

 

(1) Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti
(October 2000)

(2) Bahujan Samaj Aur Uski Rajniti,
English (October 2001)

(3) Mere Sangarshmai Jeevan Evam Bahujan Movement Ka Safarnama, three-volume over 3300 pages book, first two
part of which was released by BSP founder Manyawar
Shri Kanshi Ram Ji on 15th January, 2006 on the occasion of 50th birth
anniversary of Ms. Mayawati Ji.

(4) A Travelogue of
My struggle-ridden life and of
Bahujan Samaj, English, two volume book released on 15th March,
2008 on the birth anniversary of Mamnyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji.

Social
& Cultural activities

To serve the
country’s real natives—-Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward
Classes (
OBCs) and religious minorities—and
encourage activities for their overall development.

Special
Inclination

Educate and organise the poor, oppressed and impoverished sections
of the society to fight for their legal and constitutional rights.

Life’s
Aim

To remain engaged
in the fight for “social transformation and economic liberation” of the
Bahujan Samaj” so that about
85 per cent people of India’s more than a
hundred
crore population, representing the “Bahujan Samaj”, could be
brought in the national mainstream. Poor of other sections of the society
are also to be educationally and economically uplifted.

Foreign
Travels

(1) Visited Canada, Denmark, France, Japan, Switzerland, Korea and Taiwan in the capacity of
the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister

(2) London: To inaugurate the
Dr.
Bhimrao Ambedkar
Memorial Community Centre as Bahujan Samaj Party National Vice-President

(3) As a
representative of
India, addressed the UN
General Assembly while participating in an international seminar on the
topic, “Democracy through Partnership between Men and Women”,
organised by the Inter Parliamentary Union (IPU) on 7th June, 2000 in New York, USA

Other
Information

As a teacher
(government employee), remained associated with BAMCEF—The All India
Backward (Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Castes) and
Minority Communities Employees Federation since 1977. Entered politics
through the
Bahujan Samaj
Party, set up on 14 April, 1984. At present,
National President of the
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP).

Spotlight:

(1) “NEWSWEEK”
Lists Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Ms.
Mayawati
Among World’s Top Eight Women/New York, America, October 15, 2007: US news magazine
NEWSWEEK has listed firebrand Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister
Mayawati among eight women leaders worldwide who have
reached the top despite all odds. Narrating her struggle briefly, Ms. Mayawati said: “I like the competition and I like to
win.”

(2) Queen of the Original Inhabitant of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath……emerging even as potential Prime Minister/
Profile/ “TIME” news Magazine 2 page news story on April 14, 2008 issue.

PM dream
is Maya rally theme
 

New Delhi, Nov. 23: The Prime
Ministerial dream of Original Inhabitant of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath. queen and BSP supremo, Ms Mayawati, is now
turning out to be the theme of party’s election rallies. 


“Apni sherni
bahena, banegi Pradhan Mantri

(our tigress sister, will become the
PM),”


the song, sung by the BSP’s band of travelling rent the DDA
ground in Trilokpuri on Sunday afternoon.

This was the BSP chief’s first public rally in Delhi,
slated to go for Assembly polls on November 29. The rally was for the
Assembly elections, but the agenda was to market Ms Mayawati for the
top slot during the forthcoming general elections.

At 2.15 pm, the ground packed to the capacity roared
with “behenji zindabad”, as she stepped on the dais to address the
gathering. The wily politician of Uttar Pradesh, aiming for the
country, immediately raised her most successful electoral weapon —
social engineering. Before she spoke, her close aide and party
general-secretary, Mr Satish Chandra Mishra, had made the agenda clear.

“The sarvajan movement has now taken deep roots and
is spreading fast in other parts of the country. Stage is set for Ms
Mayawati to become the Prime Minister in 2009 and nobody will be able
to stop her from occupying the top post,” he spoke amidst a thunderous
applause.

The BSP chief tried to turn the heat on the Congress
over the law and order situation and indicated that the situation was
better in her home state. “The crime situation of Delhi is same as it
was before I came to power in UP. Everyday I read news of murder and
crime in Delhi, which is shameful,” said Ms Mayawati.

And then she targeted both the Congress and the BJP.
“The Congress and BJP have been ruling the country. These parties spend
lots of money on elections, which they get from big industrialists and
rich people. After coming to the power their policies only benefit the
rich,” she said. In her typical style she said,


“We take money from you
to fight elections. Once we come to power we will make policies which
work for you, not for the rich.”

If she touched on the basic problems of Delhi, like
unauthorised colonies, electricity, waters, problems of the traders,
she also signalled for the Lok Sabha polls, by saying, once BSP comes
to power, there would “reservations also for the economically weaker
section among the upper caste”.

She reminded her moves in UP to work for the
upliftments and creating opportunities for the minority communities and
the backwards.


The BJP and the Congress are for trying to divide India on the basis of caste and religion.

Ms Mayawati  held a major rally in the Trilokpuri area of east
Delhi. The national capital goes to the polls to elect its new Assembly
on November 29.

 

The BSP supremo talked about her social engineering strategies and
strongly denied that hers was a caste-based party. “People try to label
us a caste-based party, which we are not. We are not against upper
castes… We want the development of all sections of society.”

 


Bipolar structure under threat in M.P

SATNA: The November 27 Assembly elections in Madhya Pradesh will
decide whether the bipolar political structure will be retained or a
new political order will surface.

The BJP and the Congress, for the first time, are faced with the
prospect of having to acknowledge the presence of quite a few political
forces seeking a proper share in shaping the State’s destiny. And most
of these parties are striving to form their base in the Bundelkhand and
Baghelkhand regions.

The battle lines in Satna district conform to the political
situation along the State’s border with Uttar Pradesh which appeared
more prone to an invasion by forces from across the border unlike from
borders touching other States.

The electoral tussle along the border appears as an extended
battlefield of Uttar Pradesh, what with the BSP and the SP seeking to
get a better foothold in Madhya Pradesh.

The party in power from across the border gets to reap a good
harvest. The advantage
this time lay with Ms. Mayawati.

The BSP  is harming both the Congress and the BJP and the
BJSP is damaging the BJP most by depleting its workforce.  The BSP had a Original Inhabitant of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath base and the party
fielded candidates tactically in all the 50-odd constituencies of
Bundelkhand and Baghelkhand.

The two regions are very backward and dominated by backward castes.
They also have a good sprinkling of upper castes and Original Inhabitant of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath, allowing
for a host of forces to play on their sentiments and find roots for
themselves. The BSP, for instance, has promised a new State for
Bundelkhand.

It’s development versus corruption in Rajasthan

Jaipur, Nov 23 (IANS) Anti-incumbency, the Gujjar
issue, corruption and development are set to hog the campaign in the
Dec 4 Rajasthan assembly elections.

The state assembly has 200 seats, with the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) now having 121 legislators and Congress 53.

It
has always been a two-party contest in the state, but Uttar Pradesh
Chief Minister Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is pulling out all
stops to make a dent in the votes of both the major parties. The BSP is
fighting for all 200 seats and may win 130 seats as per Three baskets Study Circle

Vote BSP in Delhi to put criminals behind bars: Mayawati

New Delhi, Nov 23 (IANS) Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister and Bahujan Samaj Party chief Mayawati Sunday promised to rid
the national capital of crime if her party was voted to power in next
week’s assembly elections.

‘Despite Delhi
falling within the jurisdiction of the Congress government in the state
and the centre, they are incapable of tackling the dismal law and order
situation. If BSP comes to power, criminals will be in jails and not
outside,’ she said to applause from a crowd of thousands at Trilokpuri
in east Delhi.

The BSP is contesting all the 70 seats in Delhi assembly election.

She
also described the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the
main contestants, as parties of the rich while, she claimed, her party
stands for the common people.

‘The
Congress and the BJP are the rich man’s parties. The BSP wants to win
elections on the basis of the common man’s support. We are the common
man’s party,’ Mayawati said.

She
said if Delhi wanted development and solution to its problems, ‘you
will have to ensure that the BJP, the Congress and their allies are
defeated and the BSP is voted to power in Delhi.’

Mayawati,
who successfully experimented caste politics based on a Brahmin-Original Inhabitant of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath
equation in the Uttar Pradesh assembly election last year, said there
will not be any discrimination between people on caste or religious
lines if the BSP came to power.

‘Our party ensures that no one in the state is discriminated against on grounds of religion or caste,’ she said.

Talking
about the social situation in Uttar Pradesh, Mayawati said: ‘We empower
the Original Inhabitants of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward
Classes, who have been discriminated against in the past and there had
been no improvement in their status.’

Spelling
out the populist measures being taken by her government in her state,
Mayawati said: ‘In Uttar Pradesh, the children of the poor have more
opportunities in education. The enrolment has increased. We are even
giving free coaching to aspirants of IAS, IPS and other government
posts.’

‘Two-bedroom
flats are being constructed and given to the homeless, even the
standard of living of villagers has improved drastically,’ she said.

Comparing
her administration with the earlier Samajwadi Party (SP)
administration, Mayawati said after the BSP came to power in the state,
crime has reduced, especially crime against women.

‘If
you compare BSP’s regime in Uttar Pradesh to the earlier party’s, one
can see how mafia and caste-based violence was prevalent in earlier
times,’ she said.

Her
remarks were frequently applauded by her supporters who came on foot,
in buses, vans and trucks. Nearly 20,000 enthusiastic people poured in
from Delhi and its outskirts to hear Mayawati.

The
grounds where the rally took place wore a festive look as people,
especially women and children, wore caps and scarves and brandished
banners and flags - all with the BSP election symbol of elephant and in
blue, the party colour - and eagerly awaited their ‘behenji’, as she is
affectionately referred to, to speak.

‘We
support behenji because she works for the poor and the neglected like
us. She works for women,’ said a woman holding a BSP flag in the crowd.

C.M. inspects roads of Lucknow


International Federation for Freedom of
Original Inhabitants and Migrates (IFFOM)

 

 

Mighty Great Mind Training!

Social Transformation!

And Economical Emancipation!

Through

Testing the efficacy of social engineering!

 

First Lesson

 

Vote for Bahujan Samaj Party with the Elaphant Symbol for
the success of Social Engineering to achieve Social Transformation
  and Economical Emancipation in order
distribute the wealth equally among all sections of the society and to enable
the Government to distribute lands to the tillers with Healthy Seeds, loans to
all those who wish to do business and for directing the Government Employees to
do efficient corrupt free job.

 

O! Pure land

 

Our aspiration in life is to see entire people triumph over
the suppressive forces of ignorance, un-satisfactoriness,greed, hatred, anger,
jealousy, delusion, superstition (false religious teaching) and tyranny.
Therefore, we have sworn to confront these influences wherever they arise.
Being spellbound for thousands of years is long enough! In our age, the battles
for freedom and supremacy are being waged on the mental planes. In order to
fulfill prophecy and emerge victorious, we must be armed with an over standing
of our origins, history and the machinations of those who conspire against us.
Any part that we can play in such a revolution of consciousness is our willing
service to a resurgent Pure
Land.



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