It is a good thing that no drop of blood has to be shed in the name of Buddha.
The Vinayapitaka, is divided into five
major parts grouped into three divisions. The five parts (books,
Vibhanga) are:
The three divisions are: Sutta-vibhanga (”Division of Rules”); Khandhakas (”Sections”); and Parivara (”Accessory”):
1.1 The Sutta-vibhanga is a commentary on the Patimokkha-sutta
(”Obligatory Rules”), which forms the nucleus of the Vinayapitaka. It
is one of the oldest parts of the Pali canon and utilizes an archaic
language. It consists of two parts, (1.1.1) the Bhikkhu-patimokkha (”Rules for Monks”) and the (1.1.2) Bhikkhuni-patimokkha (”Rules for Nuns”).
The commentary on the Patimokkha is divided into the Maha-vibhanga of 227 rules for monks and the Bhikkhuni-vibhanga of additional rules and regulations for nuns.
1.2 The Khandhaka section of the Vinaya consists of two parts, the (1.2.1) Mahavagga (”Great Grouping”) and the (1.2.2) Cullavagga
(”Small Grouping”). These two sections lack logical sequence. They
contain rules for ordination; descriptions of rainy-season retreats,
instructiond of nuns; and so forth. The Cullavagga supplements the details of the Mahavagga to make an authoritative compilation of Buddha’s sayings of discipline.
1.3 The Parivara contains summaries and classifications of the disciplinary rules. It is a later supplement.
2.1 The Sutta Pitaka (”Basket of Discourse, Sutra”) is the largest of the “three baskets” (Tipitaka). It consists of five collections (nikayas)
that contain prose discourses attributed to Buddha, as spoken on
various occasions. There are also a few discourses delivered by some of
his better known disciples such as Sariputta, Ananda, and Moggallana in
it. There may be seemingly contradictory statements. Most of the
sermons were intended mainly for the benefit of Bhikkhus [ascetic
monks]. There are several other discourses which deal with both the
material and moral progress of His lay followers.
Interspersed
are stanzas to illustrate or sum up particular points. Many of the
discourses seem drawn out and repetitive, but they were actually made
to serve oral transmission and - yes - propaganda. Also, they are hints
on how to meditate, with illustrations by excellent similies.
some phrases have been accurately
remembered. They can reveal glimpses of the personality and soaring
spirit of Buddha.
The five nikayas or collections are:
2.1.1 The Digha Nikaya (”Collection of Long Discourses”) contains 34 suttas,
some of considerable length, presenting a vivid picture of the
different aspects of life and thought at Buddha’s time. Divided into
three books, it contrasts superstitious beliefs, various doctrinal and
philosophical speculations, and ascetic practices with Buddhist ethical
ideas, which are elucidated with the help of similes and examples taken
from the everyday life of the people. One of the most interesting suttantas (”discourses”) is the Mahaparinibbana Sutta, which gives an account of the last days of Buddha and stresses the importance of striving for emancipation.
2.1.2 The Majjhima Nikaya (”Collection of the Middle Length Sayings”) contains 152 suttas
in its present version, while the Chinese one, preserving the lost
Sarvastivada collection, has 222, some of which are also found in other
nikayas (collections) of the Pali canon. Like the Digha, the suttas in the Majjhima present Buddhist ideas and ideals, illustrating them by profound similes of beauty.
2.1.3 The Samyutta Nikaya (”Collection of Kindred Discourses”) has altogether 2,941 suttas, classed in 59 divisions (called samyutta) grouped in five parts (vaggas).
2.1.3.1 The first vagga (part) has suttas that contain stanzas. The suttas
begin with a description of the particular occasion when the stanzas
were spoken; the stanzas themselves represent a kind of questioning and
answering.
2.1.3.2 The second vagga deals with the important principle of dependent origination - the chain of cause and effect affecting all things.
2.1.3.3 The third vagga
presents the anatman (no-self) doctrine, which is the rejection of an
abiding principle that could be termed a self or a pure ego.
2.1.3.4 The fourth vagga
is very similar to the previous one, but here it is not the
philosophical principle underlying the analysis that is stressed but
the transitoriness of the elements constituting reality.
2.1.3.5 The fifth vagga is devoted to a discussion of the basic principles of Buddhist philosophy, religion, and culture.
2.1.4 The Anguttara Nikaya (”Collection of the Gradual Sayings”) contains as many as 2,308 small suttas
arranged according to the number of topics discussed, ranging from one
to eleven. There are three areas in which training is needed: in
conduct, concentration, and insight - and [at least] eight worldly
concerns: gain, loss, fame, blame, rebuke, praise, pleasure, and pain.
Here, too, similes enliven the presentation.
2.1.5 The Khuddaka Nikaya (”Collection of Small Texts”) is subdivided into fifteen books:
In addition to the above come: Nettippakarana (Burmese Tipitaka only); Petakopadesa (Burmese Tipitaka only): and Milindapanha (Questions of Milinda) (Burmese Tipitaka only)
The Abhidhamma Pitaka
(”Basket of Scholasticism”) is the third of the three “baskets”. It
comprises seven works that are based on the contents of Buddha’s
discourses and deal with selected and specific topics that form the
basis for the later philosophical interpretations. The Pali version is
a strictly Theravada collection and has little in common with the Abhidhamma works recognized by other schools.
The Abhidhamma Pitaka contains the profound philosophy of Buddha’s
teaching in contrast to the illuminating and simpler discourses in the
Sutta Pitaka. Narada Thera says, “In the Sutta Pitaka is found the
conventional teaching (vohara desana) while in the Abhidhamma Pitaka is
found the ultimate teaching (paramattha-desana).”
In Abhidhamma, consciousness is defined. Thoughts are analyzed and
classified from an ethical standpoint mainly. Mental states are
enumerated. Mind and matter are discussed, an ethical system is
evolved, with the aim of realizing Nibbana.
The seven books of the Abhidhamma Pitaka in the Pali canon are:
3.1 Dhammasangani (”Summary of Dhamma” or “Classification of Dhammas), an enumeration of the entities constituting reality.
3.2 Vibhanga (”Division”, or “The book of Divisions), a definition of these entities from various points of view.
3.3 Kathavatthu
(”Points of Controversy”, or “Points of Controversy), a later work
discussing the controversial doctrinal points among the various ancient
schools.
3.4 Puggalapannatti
(”Designation of Person”, or “Descriptions of Individuals), an
interesting psychological typology in which people are classified
according to their intellectual acumen and spiritual attainments.
3.5 Dhatukatha
(”Discussion of Elements”, or “Discussion with reference to elements),
a classification of the elements of reality according to various levels
of organization.
3.6 Yamaka (”Pairs”, or “The Book of Pairs), dealing with basic sets of categories arranged in pairs of questions.
3.7 Patthana (”Activations”, or “The Book of Relations), a voluminous work discussing 24 kinds of causal relations.
The noncanonical literature of Theravada Buddhism consists to a large extent of commentaries on the Tipitaka texts but also includes independent works.
Nagasena, Buddhadatta, Buddhaghosa, and Dhammapala attempted to harmonize apparently conflicting teachings and to grasp the inner meanings.
Nagasena was the learned monk who debated with the well-informed Greco-Bactrian ruler Menander, as described in the literary prose work Milinda-panha
(”Questions of King Menander”), which Nagasena is supposed to have
compiled about 150 BC, and certainly before 400 AD, since Buddhaghosa
from the 400s quotes the work as an authority. In it, the king has
conversations with the monk. The work is one of the few postcanonical
works of the Theravada school that was not produced in Ceylon (modern
Sri Lanka).
Buddhaghosa, who flourished in the early 400s, was a prolific writer who settled on Ceylon. The first work that he wrote was the Visuddhimagga (”Way to Purity”), a revered compendium of Theravada teaching. He also wrote commentaries on the Vinaya, the first four nikayas, and the seven books of the Abhidhamma Pitaka.
Other works are traditionally attributed to Buddhaghosa too, although
modern scholarship indicates that he was not the author. These works
include commentaries on the Suttanipata and the Khuddaka-patha, as well as the extremely important commentaries on the Dhammapada and the Jatakas. The commentary on the Jatakas
has as its introduction what is perhaps the most famous “biography” of
Buddha, and concludes with 547 stories. Some of them are great for kids
in the West too, through the values they show. They serve enculturation
well. In all Theravada countries these narratives and romances have
exerted a tremendous influence on fine arts and law too.
Buddhadatta,
a contemporary of Buddhaghosa, was from Tamil Nadu in southern India.
Like Buddhaghosa he went to Sri Lanka to study at the Mahavihara in
Anuradhapura. He wrote his works in a monastery. His Abhidhammavatara (”The Coming of the Abhidhamma”), is a summary of the older commentaries on the Abhidhamma Pitaka.
He reduced Buddhaghosa’s five metaphysical ultimates - ie, form,
feeling, sensations, motivations, and perception - to four, namely,
mind, mental events, forms, and nibbana.
Dhammapala was slightly later than Buddhadatta and Buddhaghosa, and in the same tradition. In his commentary on Buddhaghosa’s Visuddhimagga, he quotes a verse from the Hindu scripture Bhagavadgita. His work reveals something of the intellectual activity at the time.
The Dipavamsa
(”History of the Island”), seems to be a poor redaction in Pali of an
older Old Sinhalese version of how Sri Lanka was occupied and built.
During and after the “revival” and spread of the Theravada in the
centuries after AD 1000, more Theravada literature was made:
commentaries and independent works written in Pali in Sri Lanka and the
Theravada countries of Southeast Asia (for example, the highly
respected commentary on the Mangala Sutta written in northern Thailand in the 16th century). The 14th-century cosmology called the Traiphumikatha (Three Worlds According to King Ruang), is the oldest known full-length text written in Thai.
The central state of Madhya Pradesh goes to polls on Thursday in one of
six state elections testing the political waters for Congress and the
BJP.
But observers say Congress rallies
have often seen sparse support. As usual, the party has not named a
chief ministerial candidate, meaning there is no political figurehead.
To
add to its problems, the Bahujan Samaj Party, a party based on Original Inhabitants of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath
led by Uttar Pradesh chief minister Mayawati, has drawn large crowds
and may also rob votes from Congress and form the Government in MP with a clear majority like the UP.
“Congress does not have any achievements,They cannot control prices and they cannot solve
many of the common man’s problems.”
That may mean Mayawatito become the next Prime Minister
BJP, Congress rich man’s parties: Mayawati
New Delhi, Nov 23 Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister and
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) leader Mayawati Sunday described the Congress
and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) as parties of the rich, said she
stands for the common people and wished to win the elections with the
support of the common man.
Addressing an election rally in Trilokpuri here, she said: ‘The
She said if Delhi wanted development and solution to its problems, ‘you
Despite Delhi falling in the jurisdiction of the Congress government in
The BSP is contesting on all the 70 seats in Delhi assembly election.
Mayawati, who successfully experimented caste politics based on
‘Our party ensures that no one in the state is discriminated against on grounds of religion or caste,’ she said.
Citing the prevailing social situation in Uttar Pradesh, Mayawati said:
Spelling out the populist measures being taken by her government in her
‘Two-bedroom flats are being constructed and given to the homeless,
Comparing her administration with the earlier Samajwadi Party (SP)
‘If you compare BSP’s regime in UP to the earlier party’s, one can see
Congress and the BJP are rich-man’s parties. The BSP wants to win
elections on the basis of the common man’s support. We are the common
man’s party.’
will have to ensure that the BJP, the Congress and their allies are
defeated and the BSP is voted to power in Delhi.’
the state and the Centre, they are incapable of tackling the dismal law
and order situation. ‘If BSP comes to power, criminals will be in jails
and not outside.’
Brahmin-Original Inhabitants of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath equation in the last Uttar Pradesh assembly election,
said there will not be any discrimination between people on caste or
religious lines if the BSP to power.
‘We empower the Original Inhabitants of Jambudvipa, that is, the Great Prabuddha Bharath Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other
Backward Classes, who have been discriminated against in the past and
there had been no improvement in their status.’
state, Mayawati said: ‘In Uttar Pradesh, the children of the poor have
more opportunities in education. The enrolment has increased. We are
even giving free coaching to aspirants of IAS, IPS and other government
posts.’
even the standard of living of villagers has improved drastically,’ she
said.
administration, Mayawati said after the BSP came to power in the state,
crime has reduced, especially crime against women.
how mafia and caste-based violence was prevalent in earlier times,’ she
said.
Addressing her second rally in the capital where BSP has fielded
candidates in all the 70 seats, she also said her party was committed
to extend the quota regime to financially weaker sections of the upper
castes as she sought to dispel the notion that BSP represented the
interests of only backward castes.
“We will provide reservation to poor Muslims if voted to power,” she told a public meeting in Aligaon in south Delhi.
“We are also in favour of providing reservation to the
financially poor sections of the upper castes,” said Mayawati, who
returned to power last year in UP by successfully experimenting with a
social engineering formula.
According to Prakash, the state government has already approved the
project in principle and has allocated Rs.4.8 million for it.
“Under the project, a total of 10 schools would be set up. A school
would come up in a cluster comprising 4-5 villages,” Prakash said.
“At these schools, scientists, research scholars and other experts
from the university will give tips and information to farmers on pest
management, precision farming, post-harvest handling, organic farming
and other domains for increasing agricultural roductivity,” Prakash added.
Classes at these schools would be organised every day from 10 am to 5 pm, Prakash said.
Lucknow, Nov 24 (IANS) Uttar Pradesh chief secretary
Atul Kumar Gupta, who insists that the state government is ‘ready to
part with all information’, has joined rights activists in their demand
for the Right to Information (RTI) Act to be made more powerful.
Speaking on the concluding day of a two-day seminar
on the RTI Act, Gupta Sunday called for ’sharpening of the RTI Act’ and
said the state government was ‘ready to part with all information’.
‘I have advised all government departments to keep their doors open
to anyone seeking information under the RTI Act, which is a law to
protect the interests of common people.
‘People in the government must realise that they will also be like
common citizens once they retire from their jobs. Therefore, they must
put themselves in the shoes of the common man while dealing with RTI
requests,’ he said.
Admitting that the disposal of RTI applications was slow, Gupta
said: ‘I will now start monitoring how many applications are received
by different principal information officers over a particular period
and how many are disposed off.’
He was also receptive to a demand by participants, which included
activists and lawyers, for a government sponsored call centre for
filing RTI requests over the telephone.
‘It is not within my domain to take a decision on setting up a call
centre for purposes of RTI, but I will do the needful from my end to
promote such an idea,’ Gupta said.
Chief Information Commissioner Wajahat Habibullah, who was the chief
guest at the seminar, attributed the tendency among officials to
conceal information to the British Raj mindset.
He said it was understandable for officials not to divulge
information during the British regime, but the same approach was not
acceptable anymore.
“The Official Secrets Act took birth under a regime that needed to
shield itself from the people. But today, we have a people’s
government,†he added.
Her official residence as well as the entire Kalidas Marg on
which the house is located were turned into a heavily barricaded fortress long
ago, while her office has witnessed drastic alterations with the enhanced
security in recent days.
These include an exclusive entry and exit
gates and a dedicated elevator that lands directly into the chief minister’s
chamber.
The chief minister’s occasional visits to
her office at Lucknow’s Shastri Bhavan, her frequent trips to the airport from
where she is currently busy shuttling on her election campaign in various
states.
The situation was no different even before she raised the
demand for an SPG cover. But the passion of the state police bigwigs to keep
enhancing her security appears to be growing.
Mayawati now proposes
to have a helipad built right across the CM’s house on a piece of land for which
negotiations are on with the 164-year-old La Martiniere College, owners of the
property.
To top it all, state director-general of police Vikram Singh
and Lucknow zonal inspector-general of police Arvind Jain invariably accompany
the chief minister on her election tours to other states where they are expected
to coordinate her security with local officials.
The exercise began
after Samajwadi Party workers staged a protest demonstration in
front of her car as she was driving down somewhere in Madhya Pradesh last
year.
Defending her
security, a top police officer of the state maintained: “We cannot take any
chances with the chief minister’s security. We have clear inputs about all kinds
of threat to her life.”
Kindly visit:
http://127.0.0.1:4664/search?q=latest+news+on+BSP+Mayawati&flags=1048576&s=1QKuSxtwUUOKOniB4Sstw1Qjy-oInternational Federation for Freedom of
Original Inhabitants and Migrates (IFFOM)
Social Transformation!
And Economical Emancipation!
Through
Testing the efficacy of social engineering!
By
Mighty Great Mind Training!
Lesson 2
–OTHERWISE
YOU ARE NOT
MY FOLLOWERS!! ! ! !
SAHIB KANSHI RAM`S INTERVIEW
QUESTION: Why are you so hostile to all the national
parties, especially the communists?
KANSHI RAM: To my mind, all parties represent the forces of status quo.
For us, politics is the politics of transformation. The existing parties are
the reason for the status quo. That is why there has been no upward mobility
for the backward communities. The communist parties have become the biggest
stumbling block in this regard. They keep talking about change, but work for
status quo. The BJP is better, they never talk about change. So people never
feel duped. Parties like the Congress and communists talk about abolishing
poverty, but work towards keeping people poor. If the poor are not kept poor,
these people cannot remain in their seats.
QUESTION: At the Congress centenary, Arun Singh said your emergence was not
healthy for the national ethos.
KANSHI RAM: He is the grandson of a maharaja who never kept the interests of
the nation in mind. Nationalism to him is feudalism. NATIONALISM TO ME IS THE
MASSES OF
I BELIEVE IN THE TWO NATION THEORY: THOSE WHO OPPRESS AND THOSE WHO ARE
OPPRESSED .What does the grandson of a wretched maharaja know about
nationalism? What can we expect from Arun Singh than such things?
QUESTION: Why is your cadre so hostile to Mahatma Gandhi?
KANSHI RAM: Gandhi is the root of every thing. I want change. Dr. Ambedkar
wanted change. But Gandhi was the custodian of the status quo. He wanted
Shudras to remain Shudras .Gandhi worked to keep the nation divided .We are
working to unite the nation and erase all artificial divisions.
QUESTION: Why has your movement taken so much time to become a reality?
KANSHI RAM: Upto 1971, I was not so much
interested. I was working with RPI .Then I found I was marching towards a ship
that others were deserting .It took a long time to prepare myself and others .
We had to collect a lot of information, so that we could know how to prepare
society and build a cadre. Preparing society initially took a long time. Now we
are moving at a tremendous speed. Next year when you meet me, you will ask me
how we have acquired such a speed.
QUESTION: How can you abolish caste by floating a casteist party?
KANSHI RAM: The BSP is not a casteist party. If we are uniting 6000
castes, how can you call us casteist?
QUESTION: I believe your party is off-limits to the upper castes.
KANSHI RAM: The upper castes say why not include us. I say you are
leading all the parties. If you join our party, you will block change here also
.THE UPPER CASTES CAN JOIN THE PARTY, BUT THEY CANNOT BE ITS LEADERS
.LEADERSHIP WILL REMAIN IN THE HANDS OF THE BACKWARD COMMUNITY. My fear is that
these upper caste people will come into our party and block the process of
change .When this fear goes, they can join our party.
QUESTION: What is your constituency?
KANSHI RAM: I REPRESENT THE CONSTITUENCIES OF BABU JAGJIVAN RAM AND
CHAUDHARY CHARAN SINGH. AND MAY BE TO SOME EXTENT, SAYED SHAHABUDDIN.
QUESTION: Politicians we spoke to in
say that if the BSP gets too belligerent they will finish you politically.
KANSHI RAM: WE WILL FINISH THEM .BECAUSE IF INDIRA CAN BE FINISHED BY A
CHAMAR, ARE THESE FELLOWS GOING TO BE SAVED? WHEN WE ARE 90 PERCENT IN THE
ARMED FORCES, 70 PER CENT IN THE BSF, 50 PER CENT IN THE CRPF AND THE POLICE,
WHO CAN DO INJUSTICE TO US? A GENERAL NEEDS LESS BULLETS COMPARED TO JAWANS
.THEY MAY HAVE GENERALS BUT NO JAWANS.
QUESTION: Are you advocating an eye for an eye?
KANSHI RAM: TWO EYES .I tell my followers Ek Eet Ka Jawab, Do Pathron Se
( you must retaliate for one brick with two stones ) , otherwise you are not my
followers .
QUESTION: So you are propagating violence.
KANSHI RAM: I am propagating strength. To curb
violence, I must have strength .Other than me, for instance nobody can crush
the Shiv Sena. Any time I come to
I will finish them .The violence of Shiv Sena will end.
QUESTION: - How will you do that?
KANSHI RAM: - Who are the members of the Shiv
Sena who burn and destroy? They are four castes: 1. Agari 2. Bhandari 3. Koli
4. Chamar. They are Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and most backward
communities. As soon as I touch the
these people will instantly come with me.
QUESTION: - What makes you think that the BSP will not
end up like the RPI? Bargaining for power with the ruling party.
KANSHI RAM: - The RPI never bargained. It was
begging. It never reached the status of bargaining .I remember in 1971, the
party struck an electoral alliance with the Congress to contest 521 seats .The
Congress contested 520 seats, the RPI contested one seat. I love the RPI, but I
hate being compared to it. It is like a cheap prostitute available at a
pittance. As long as I am alive, this will not happen to the BSP. We want
change .We don’t want alliances with the forces of status quo. If a government
cannot be formed without our co-operation, then we will have our own
conditions, for change. We want fundamental and structural changes, not
cosmetic ones.
QUESTION: - There are rumours that you met Hazi Mastan
Mirza at Gonda last November to solicit funds.
KANSHI RAM: - I have never met him anywhere. I
have only seen his photograph .He may be paying other people, but not us. In
fact he is being used against us. If anybody can prove that I have ever met
him, I am prepared to face the highest punishment .Moreover, how much money
Hazi Mastan can have? He is a very small man compared to me, as far as funds
are concerned. If I only have funds like Hazi Mastan, how can I beat the
Congress and other parties? How many crores can he give us?
QUESTION: - THERE IS SOME MYSTREY ABOUT THE SOURCES OF
YOUR FUNDS.
KANSHI RAM: - My funds come from various sources
which will not dry up. My funds come from those people who produce wealth. The
Bahujan Samaj produces wealth. I get my money from them. Lakhs of my people
spend crores going to festivals like the Kumbh Mela to improve their next
birth. I tell them that Kanshi Ram does not know anything about the next life.
But he is an expert in the present life.
Those interested in improving their next life , I tell
them , must go to the Brahmins on the banks of the Ganga .Those interested in
improving their present life must come to me . So they throng to my meetings.
QUESTION: - There is talk of your being sponsored by
the CIA.
KANSHI RAM: - For so many years this government
has been clapping about it. It distributed lakhs of pamphlets about this in
Bijnore. But the result was that people became furious and could not be
purchased. Babu Ji tried to purchase votes at Rs. 1000 each .But even
those who used to be purchased at Rs.10 turned him down. And if I am a CIA man,
why hasn’t this government taken any action against me? That shows it is a
hijra (eunuch) government.
QUESTION: - They say you spent a lot of money on the
KANSHI RAM: -Rs. 22 lakhs were spent on hiring
the buses alone .But I am angry. It should have been Rs. 22 crores .A time will
come when people should spend Rs. 22 crores on my call .I don’t feel any dearth
of money. If money is coming from a treasury, it will be extinguished. I am
getting money from a perennial source of funds. I need only one crore rupees to
win all the 542 parliamentary seats. One day, voters will queue up to pay money
to Kanshi Ram. The next day, they will que up to vote for Kanshi Ram.
QUESTION: - Some of your party men have broken away
from you.
KANSHI RAM: - You cannot keep all the people
together. Some people may get tired. Some people may be purchased. Some may
become frightened. This will be a permanent feature. It will not demoralise us.
I have created a method where in a given time if 10 people go away , we will
produce 110 people of the same caliber .Whom we dropped as deadwood , others
are trying to pick up and burn a fire .They are trying to use them against
us.
QUESTION: - You reiterate that you have never taken
funds from a foreign source.
KANSHI RAM: - When I went to
- there are seven lakh Chamars there - offered me funds. I decided not to take
the money, though Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Buta Singh had taken money
from the same source - the Guru Ravidass Gurdwara in
was the only person who didn’t accept.
QUESTION: - What Kind of change are you looking
for?
KANSHI RAM: - I don’t want temporary changes. I
am not prepared to attain what I cannot sustain .Let us attain whatever we can,
but it must be retained and retained only by permanent change.
QUESTION: - And when do you intend to contest
elections?
KANSHI RAM: - I will stand when there are 100
constituencies in
where I can get a walk over.
QUESTION: - How long will that take?
KANSHI RAM: - For so many years this government
has been clapping about it. It distributed lakhs of pamphlets about this in
Bijnore. But the result was that people became furious and could not be
purchased. Babu Ji tried to purchase votes at Rs. 1000 each .But even
those who used to be purchased at Rs.10 turned him down. And if I am a CIA man,
why hasn’t this government taken any action against me? That shows it is a
hijra (eunuch) government.
QUESTION: - They say you spent a lot of money on the
KANSHI RAM: -Rs. 22 lakhs were spent on hiring
the buses alone .But I am angry. It should have been Rs. 22 crores .A time will
come when people should spend Rs. 22 crores on my call .I don’t feel any dearth
of money. If money is coming from a treasury, it will be extinguished. I am
getting money from a perennial source of funds. I need only one crore rupees to
win all the 542 parliamentary seats. One day, voters will queue up to pay money
to Kanshi Ram. The next day, they will que up to vote for Kanshi Ram.
QUESTION: - Some of your party men have broken away
from you.
KANSHI RAM: - You cannot keep all the people
together. Some people may get tired. Some people may be purchased. Some may
become frightened. This will be a permanent feature. It will not demoralise us.
I have created a method where in a given time if 10 people go away , we will
produce 110 people of the same caliber .Whom we dropped as deadwood , others
are trying to pick up and burn a fire .They are trying to use them against
us.
QUESTION: - You reiterate that you have never taken funds
from a foreign source.
KANSHI RAM: - When I went to
- there are seven lakh Chamars there - offered me funds. I decided not to take
the money, though Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and Buta Singh had taken money
from the same source - the Guru Ravidass Gurdwara in
was the only person who didn’t accept.
QUESTION: - What Kind of change are you looking
for?
KANSHI RAM: - I don’t want temporary changes. I
am not prepared to attain what I cannot sustain .Let us attain whatever we can,
but it must be retained and retained only by permanent change.
QUESTION: - And when do you intend to contest
elections?
KANSHI RAM: - I will stand when there are 100
constituencies in
where I can get a walk over.
QUESTION: - How long will that take?
KANSHI RAM: - Two years at the most.