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218 LESSON 05 04 2011 Akkoso Abuse and Dhanañjaanii Sutta FREE ONLINE eNālandā Research and Practice UNIVERSITY and BUDDHIST GOOD NEWS letter to VOTE for BSP ELEPHANT for Social Transformation and Economic Emancipation to attain Ultimate Bliss-Through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org
GOOD NEWS LETTER
… Now Akkosaka of the Bhaaradvaaja Brahmans heard [of
this.] Angry and displeased, he went to see
the Blessed One, overwhelming him with abuse and reproaches. At these words the
Blessed One said: “What do you think, brahman? Do you receive visits from
friends and colleagues, blood-relations and others?”
good Gotama, sometimes such people come.”
do you think? Do you serve them with solid food, soft food and savories?”
good Gotama, sometimes.”
supposing, brahman, they do not accept what you offer, whose is it?”
they do not accept, good Gotama, then it belongs to us.”
it is here, brahman. The abuse, the scolding, the reviling you hurl at us who
do not abuse or scold or revile, we do not accept from you. It all belongs to
you, brahman, it all belongs to you! If a man replies to abuse with abuse, to
scolding with scolding, to reviling with reviling, brahman, that is like you
joining your guests for dinner. But we are not joining you for dinner. It is
all yours, brahman, it is all yours!”
“The king and his court
believe that Gotama the recluse is an Arahant. And yet the good Gotama can get
[The Blessed One said in
could anger rise in him who’s free,
all his passions tamed, at peace,
by highest insight, by himself,
abiding, perfectly serene?
man’s abused and answers back,
the two he shows himself the worse.
who does not answer back in kind,
a double victory.
his action both sides benefit,
himself and his reviler too:
that man’s angry mood,
can help him clear it and find peace.
the healer of them both, because
and the other benefit thereby.
think a man like that’s a fool,
they cannot understand the Truth.
Thus have I heard. At one time the
Blessed One was staying near Raajagaha, in the Bamboo Grove, at the Squirrels’ Feeding-Place. Now
at that time the Brahman lady Dhanañjaani, wife of a certain Brahman of the
Bhaaradvaaja family, was a fervent supporter of the Buddha, the Dhamma and the
Sangha. And this lady, while serving the Bhaaradvaaja Brahman with his dinner,
came before him and burst out with this triple inspired utterance: “Praise
to the Blessed One, the Arahant, the Fully Self-Enlightened One! Praise to the
Dhamma! Praise to the Sangha!”
these words the Brahman said to her “Now then, now then! Every chance she
gets this wretched woman has to sing the praises of that shaveling recluse!
Now, woman, I’m going to tell that teacher of yours what I think of him!”
Brahman, I know of nobody in this world with its gods, Maaras and Brahmaas,
with its recluses and brahmans, whether they be divine or human, who could thus
rebuke the Blessed One, the Arahant, the Fully Self-Enlightened One. But go on,
Brahman, go and you will find out.”
the Brahman, angry and displeased, went to see the Blessed One. After
exchanging greetings and compliments with the Blessed One in a friendly and
courteous manner, he sat down to one side. So seated, he addressed the Blessed
One thus in verse:
must we slay to live in happiness?
must we slay if we would weep no more?
there any single thing of which,
approve the killing, Gotama?
[The Blessed One replied:]
slaying wrath you’ll live in happiness
wrath, you’ll no more need to weep.
the poisoned root of anger, Brahman,
with sweetness leads to fevered rage.
this the Noble Ones commend:
this, you’ll no more need to weep.
At these words the Brahman said to
the Blessed One: “Excellent, good Gotama, most excellent! It is, good Gotama, as
if someone were to set up something that had been knocked down, or to reveal
what had been hidden, or to point out the right path to a man who had got lost,
or to bring an oil lamp into a dark place so that those with eyes could see
what was there — just so has the good Gotama shown me the truth in various ways! I declare that I go to the Lord Gotama for
refuge, to the Dhamma and to the Sangha of monks, I wish to embrace the
homeless life under the Lord Gotama, I wish to receive
So the Bhaaradvaaja Brahman was
received into the homeless life under the Blessed One, and received ordination.
And not so long after his ordination the Venerable Bhaaradvaaja, remaining
alone and secluded, heedful, ardent and resolute, quickly attained that for
which young men of good birth rightly go forth from home into the homeless
life, coming to realize for himself, in this present life, the unsurpassed goal
of the holy life, realizing that “birth is destroyed, the holy life has
been accomplished, what was to be done is done! There is no further life in
that Bhaaradvaaja became an Arahant.
There is a
POLITICS is SACRED with GOOD GOVERNANCE
The BSP’s entire politics is ekla chalo, no pre-poll alliance.
All the doles announced to more than 85 % of the poor by
Political Parties amounts to less
than 15% of the total budget of the state. More than 85% of the budget will be
enjoyed by 15% population of rich politicians and capitalists after cornering
votes from the poor and the black money will be deposited in Foreign Banks to
benefit those countries. For equal distribution of wealth, vote BSP
CHENNAI: Ramayi, a Scheduled Caste daily wage earner of Thandarai village in
Cheyyur assembly constituency in Kanchipuram, is excited that her ramshackle
hut will soon become a brick-and-cement house. The government has promised Rs
75,000 worth of construction materials to her, and she has a certificate to
prove it. Ramayi is thankful for the Re 1 rice scheme, too, and soon hopes to
own land. “We dalits have never owned any land in our lives; it’s always
been the Vanniars who have had the right. That will all change,” she says.
Through its welfare shemes, the DMK front has
made a determined pitch for SC/ST votes, and hopes to win a significant
majority of the 44 constituencies reserved for SCs in the state. The party is
contesting 24 of the reserved constituencies, and sharing the rest with VCK (8), Congress (10)
(2). Karunanidhi himself is contesting from Tiruvarur, which was a reserved
constituency until recently and has a SC/ST population of over 30%.
Needhirajan, convenor of Tamil Nadu Untouchability Eradication Front, however,
says that many of the promises are just propaganda and the benefits haven’t
really reached SC/STs. “Little or no land has been given to SC/STs by the
DMK government, as promised under the panchami land scheme,” says
In the 2010-2011 budget, the DMK government allocated Rs 3,800 crores (19%) of
total state expenditure for SC/ST schemes - equivalent to the share of the SC
population in the state. But critics say this is just an accounting ruse, as
the figure includes money spent in general schemes.
But Tamil Nadu SC/STs were not always known for
voting on issues. They, as fans of a heroic MGR in movies, were once considered
a reliable votebank of AIADMK.
Old loyalties still survive to some extent. Yazhan
Aathi, a school teacher in Ambur, recalls that worshipping heroes - especially
from movies - is still common among SC/STs, and has helped Vijayakanth get
SC/ST support. But Aathi says that SC/STs haven’t been given responsibilities
in the DMDK organization. “SC/STs are no more satisfied with just token
representation,” he says.
Seeking economic and social progress, SC/STs had
started looking beyond traditional parties in the late 1990s. At that time,
many Tamil Nadu villages turned into battle grounds of caste conflict as young
and educated SC/STs started confronting upper castes. Pallars, concentrated in
the southern districts, such as Namakkal, Rajayapalayam, Madurai and Sivaganga,
tangled with the Thevars, while Paraiyars had conflicts with Vanniars in the
northern districts, such as Vellore, Cuddalore, Kanchipuram and Chennai.
Leveraging the conflicts, Krishnaswamy emerged as a
leader of the pallars, and Thirumavalavan became a leader of the paraiyars.
Pallars are mostly small farmers or landless labourers, while Paraiyars are
mostly daily wage earners.
Arundhatiyars, the third Scheduled caste in the
state that accounts for 3% of the state population, are the most marginalized
even among the SC/STs. Living in western Tamil Nadu, such as in Coimbatore and
Dharmapuri, Arundhatiyars are oppressed by Kongu Vellalars, says TSS Mani, an
observer of SC/ST politics. “They are upset that the DMK front includes
Kongu Vellalar Party,” says Mani.
The two main SC/ST forces that have emerged in the
state are now in alliance with parties representing their principal
adversaries. The SC/ST VCK is now in the same boat as the vanniar PMK in the
DMK front, and Krishnaswamy’s Pudhiya Thamizhagam has been bargaining for seats
with the AIADMK — once seen as representing thevars. Activists defend these
alliances and say they would help SC/STs make progress without conflicts.
“The PMK-VCK alliance will promote social harmony,” says Vanni Arasu,
a VCK leader.
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) or Majority People’s Party is one of
the only five prominent national political parties of India, which is the
largest democracy of the world.
The ideology of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is “Social
Transformation and Economic Emancipation” of the “Bahujan Samaj
“, which comprises of the Scheduled Castes (SCs), the Scheduled Tribes
(STs), the Other Backward Classes (OBCs) and Religious Minorities such as
Sikhs, Muslims, Christians, Parsis and Buddhists and account for over 85 per
cent of the country’s total population.
The people belonging to all these classes have been the victims
of the “Manuwadi” system in the country for thousands of years, under
which they have been vanquished, trampled upon and forced to languish in all
spheres of life. In other words, these people were deprived even of all those
human rights, which had been secured for the upper caste Hindus under the
age-old “Manuwadi Social System”.
Among the great persons (Mahapurush) belonging to “Bahujan
Samaj”, who fought courageously and with commitment against the brutal and
oppressive Manuwadi system, for providing a level playing field to the
downtrodden to help move forward in their lives with “self-respect”
and at par with the upper castes Hindus, especially Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao
Ambedkar’s socio-political campaign later proved to be very effective in this
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Though the contributions of leaders of the downtrodden
communities like Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Narayana
Guru and Periyar E. V. Ramaswami have been immense in the fight against the
obnoxious Manuwadi system, but the struggle of Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar,
who was born in Scheduled Caste community, and that of Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji
later proved to be greatly effective and pregnant with far-reaching
Besides waging a spirited campaign against the Manuwadi Social
System, Dr. Ambedkar instilled consciousness among not only the Dalits, but
also among those belonging to other backward groups, which continue to be
victimised and trampled under this oppressive and unjust Manuvadi Social
By virtue of his pivotal role in the framing of the Indian
Constitution, these groups were given a number of rights in the Constitution on
a legal basis to lead a life of dignity and self-respect. But he was fully
conscious of the fact that these exploited sections of the society would not be
able to get the full legal rights as long as the governments would remain
dominated by the Manuwadi persons and parties.
That’s why Dr. Ambedkar, during his lifetime, had counseled the
“Bahujan Samaj” that if they wanted to fully enjoy the benefits of
their legal rights, as enshrined in the Constitution, they would have to bond
together all the Bahujan groups on the basis of unity and fraternity, bring
them on a strong political platform and capture the “Master Key” of
political power. This was to be the modus operandi for the formation of Bahujan
Governments at the Centre and in States. Only such governments could enforce
all the constitutional and legal rights of the “Bahujan Samaj” and
provide opportunities to its People to move forward in all spheres of life
besides enabling them to lead a life of “self-respect”.
Keeping in view this observation and advice of Dr. Ambedkar,
respected Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji founded the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), with
the help of his associates, on April 14, 1984. For many years while he enjoyed
good health, he prepared the “Bahujan Samaj” to secure the
“master key” of political power, which opens all the avenues for
social and economic development.
However, being a diabetic and host of other serious ailments,
his health did not permit him to lead an active political life for too long. On
December 15, 2001, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji, while addressing a mammoth rally of
the BSP at the Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh on the banks of
the river Gomti, declared Kumari (Miss) Mayawati Ji, then the lone
Vice-President of the Party, as his only political heir and successor.
Moreover, on September 15, 2003, Manyawar Kanshi Ram Ji’s health
suffered a serious setback, and the entire responsibility of the Party fell on
the shoulders of Bahan (Sister) Kumari Mayawati Ji. Later, on September 18,
2003, the Party, through a consensus and in keeping with its Constitution, made
her its National President.
Being the National President of a National Party, Kumari
Mayawati Ji in her address sought to assure that “I would like to make
aware people of the country that my Party, the BSP, is committed to not only
improving the socio-economic conditions of people belonging to the
“Bahujan Samaj” but also of the poor among the upper caste Hindus,
small and medium farmers, traders and people engaged in other professions.
But people of the Manuwadi mindset, even if they are in
different fields of life, are acting under a conspiracy to project the image of
the BSP as if it is confined to championing the cause of Dalits alone and is
opposed to the upper castes Hindus and other sections of the society. Also, the
BSP has nothing to do with the issues of national interest. However, on the
basis of facts, I can say with firmness and conviction that all such talks are
a bunch of lies, baseless and devoid of facts and are nothing else more than a
slanderous campaign of the status quoits Manuwadi forces. The policies,
objectives and ideology of the BSP are crystal clear and attuned to the welfare
of the entire country and its vast population.
On the basis of its ideology, the BSP wants to sound the
death-knell of the “Manuwadi Social System” based on the ‘Varna’
(which is an inequality social system) and striving hard and honestly for the
establishment of an egalitarian and “Humanistic Social System” in
which everyone enjoys JUSTICE (social, economic and political) and EQUALITY (of
status and of opportunity) as enshrined in the PREAMBLE of the Constitution.
Further, our Party Constitution very clearly states that
“the chief aim and objective of the Party shall be to work as a
revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in
practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality
and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India.”
Such a social system is wholly in the overall interest of the
Country and all sections of the society too. If, in this missionary work of
“Social Transformation”, people of the upper castes (Hindus) shed
their Manuwadi mindset and join hands with the Bahujan Samaj, our Party, with
all due respect and affection would embrace them. Such people will be given
suitable positions in the Party organisation in accordance with their ability,
dedication and efficiency, and there would be no distinction between them and
those belonging to the Bahujan Samaj. Also they will be fielded as Party candidates
in the parliamentary and assembly elections, and if our government is formed,
they will also be given ministerial berths.
These are not hollow talks because the BSP in the past, during
the three successive governments, had implemented all such promises. In Uttar
Pradesh, Ms. Mayawati government was formed four times, and on each occasion,
upper castes people were inducted in the Council of Ministers. Even an upper
caste person was appointed to an all-important post of Advocate General. They
were given the Party ticket for Lok Sabha and Assembly elections and also
nominated to the Parliament’s Upper Chamber i.e. Rajya Sabha and state
In addition, upper caste people have been given high posts in
the Party organisation. For example, Mr. Satish Chandra Mishra was nominated to
the Rajya Sabha and also was made national general secretary of the Party. In
similar fashion, other castes of the Upper Castes (Hindus) were promoted.
Thus, keeping in view all these facts, it would be injudicious
and fallacious to hold that the BSP works for the welfare of a particular group
or section. Yes, the Party does give priority to those sections, which have
been ignored and scorned all along by the Manuwadi governments in all spheres
of life. In addition, the BSP has always contributed positively to all issues
pertaining to the welfare of the Country. The BSP has always taken an
unequivocal stand on issues of the Country’s welfare and never compromised on
the issues related to the interest of the country whenever the need arose.
The chief aim and objective of the party shall be to work as a
revolutionary social and economic movement of change with a view to realise, in
practical terms, the supreme principles of universal justice, liberty, equality
and fraternity enunciated in the Constitution of India, to be followed by State
in governance, and in particular summed up in the following extract from the
Preamble of the Constitution.
We, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA, having solemnly resolved to constitute
India into a SOVEREIGN SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC and to secure to all its
Justice, social, economic and
Liberty of thought, expression, belief, faith and
Equality of status and opportunity; and promote
among them all
Fraternity assuring the dignity of the individual and
the unity and integrity of the Nation;”
The Party shall regard its ideology as a movement for ending
exploitation of the weaker sections and suppression of the deprived through
social and economic change in keeping with the above stated chief aim, and its
political activity and participation in governance as an instrument of
furthering such a movement and bringing in such a change.
This being the chief aim of the Party, the strategy of the Party
in public affairs will be governed by the following general principles:
1. That all citizens of India being equal before law are
entitled to be treated as equal in true sense and in all matters and all walks
of life, and where equality does not exist it has to be fostered and where
equality is denied it has to be upheld and fought for.
2. That the full, free, uninhibited and unimpeded development of
each individual is a basic human right and State is an instrument for promoting
and realising such development;
3. That the rights of all citizens of India as enshrined in the
Constitution of India and subject to such restrictions as are set out in the
Constitution, have to be upheld at all costs and under all circumstances;
4. That the provisions of the Constitution requiring the State
at Center and in States to promote with special care and protect the
socio-economic interests of the weaker sections of the society denied to them
for centuries, have to upheld and given practical shape in public affairs as a
matter of prime most priority.
5. That economic disparities and the wide gaps between the
‘haves’ and the ‘have nots’ must not be allowed to override the political principle
of “one man, one vote, one vote, one value” adopted by our republic.
6. That unless political empowerment is secured for the
economically deprived masses they will not be able to free themselves from the
shackles of economic and social dependence and exploitation.
In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the
aims stated above the Party will work specially towards the following
1. The Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes, the other
Backward Castes, and the minorities, are the most oppressed and exploited
people in India. Keeping in mind their large numbers, such a set of people in
India is known as the Bahujan Samaj. The Party shall organise these masses.
2. The party shall work for these down trodden masses to-
a. to remove their backwardness;
b. to fight against their oppression and
c. to improve their status in society and
d. to improve their living conditions in day
to day life;
2. The social structure of India is based on inequalities
created by caste system and the movement of the Party shall be geared towards
changing the social system and rebuild it on the basis of equality and human
values. All those who join the party with the commitment to co-operate in this
movement of social change shall be ingratiated into the fold of the Party.
Towards the furtherance of the above noted aims and objectives
the organisational units of Party as designated in this constitution, shall be
1. purchase, take on lease or otherwise acquire, and maintain, moveable or
immovable property for the Party and invest and deal with monies of Party in
such a manner as may from time to time be determined;
2. raise money with or without security for carrying out any of
the aims and objectives of the Party;
3. to do all other lawful things and acts as are incidental or
conducive to the attainment of any of the aforesaid aims and objectives,
Provided that none of these activities will be undertaken
without the express approval of the National President.
Vidya Subrahmaniam, Press Release
That today sections of upper
castes seem to prefer the BSP to the BJP speaks to the long distance travelled
by Mayawati’s party.
FOR THE past month, medical students in the Capital have been
protesting the “quota issue” with brooms and mops in their hands - in
a crude symbolism against the Scheduled Castes. Were they to travel to Uttar
Pradesh, they would discover how much behind the times they are. In her book,
” Mere sangharshmai jeevan evam bahujan movement ka safarnama ” (My
struggle-filled life and the journey of bahujan movement), Mayawati explains
how she reached out to Brahmins (and later other upper castes) and how the
latter, in trickles to begin with but gradually in greater numbers, began to
respond. The first step was to tap the more socially committed among Brahmins
and through them appeal to the larger community. But lest this should be
understood as a dilution of the Bahujan Samaj Party’s opposition to
“manuwad”, there was a caveat. The BSP needed Brahmins - and other
forward castes - to come over but on its terms. Those who responded, Ms.
Mayawati let it be known, would be amply rewarded, by way of the party ticket,
Rajya Sabha nominations, and ministerial berths.
The BSP chief’s earliest breakthrough was the induction of
Satish Chandra Misra, Advocate General in the BSP Government, who agreed to
canvass support among like-minded Brahmins. Mr. Misra’s positive feedback led
to the appointment of coordinators tasked with organising district-level
Brahmin mahasammelans (Brahmin congregations). The job was not easy. Forward
castes in the north were not only more sizeable compared to the south, caste barriers
were more entrenched in the absence of an enlightened social movement. The BSP
itself was deeply resented for its strident anti-manuwadi campaign.
But mission “Brahmin jodo” (integrate Brahmins) was
the worth the time and effort, and on June 9, 2005, Ms. Mayawati addressed the
BSP’s first State-level Brahmin mahasammelan. “It is not by chance that
you have turned up here in such large numbers here,” the BSP chief told
the gathering. Her repeated assurance: the BSP was against “manuwad”,
or the Brahminical disdain for lower castes, but it was not against Brahmins.
Therefore, any fear of a reverse discrimination in the BSP was unfounded. The
Brahmin mahasammelan spawned other mahasammelans - of Rajputs, Vaishyas, and
Yadavas, representing forward and backward castes. Each was an attempt to add
another community to the BSP’s Dalit core vote.
The enormity of the BSP’s forward caste project is best
understood in terms of the BSP-BJP relationship. Each time the BSP aligned with
the BJP, the former gained and the latter lost. Between 1991 and 2004, the
BJP’s Lok Sabha seats from Uttar Pradesh declined from 51 of 84 seats to 10 of
80 seats. Between 1991 and 2002, its Assembly seats declined from 221 of 425
seats to 88 of 403 seats. In the same period, the BSP’s Lok Sabha tally went up
from just one to 19 and its Assembly seats from 12 to 98. There seemed but one
explanation for this dramatic reversal: the BJP’s core voters were
disillusioned by its repeated pacts with the forward caste-baiting BSP. That
the same segments, or even a section of them, could prefer the BSP to the BJP
speaks to the amazing journey of a party that targeted, and was in turn
targeted by, forward castes. As Sudhir Goyal, national spokesperson of the BSP
puts it: “The transformation is a measure of our confidence. It is from a
position of strength that we are talking to upper castes.”
So, how do the BSP’s Dalit workers react to the co-option of the
“manuwadi” castes? With stoic acceptance: “Our fight is with the
system. This is the only way the BSP can capture power on its own.”
Undoubtedly, this is the voice of a deeply committed cadre. On the outside, the
BSP is all about Ms. Mayawati, with the media obsessively focussing on her
clothes, jewellery, and “imperious” manner. On the ground, the BSP
could be a cult instead of a party, with the cadre doggedly and silently
propagating the party’s ideology in the remotest villages. The commonest
refrain among workers is ” hum marne mitne ke liye taiyar hain ” (we
are ready to die for the party). For Salim Ansari and Raj Vijay, former and
current presidents of the party’s Mau unit, the BSP is a mission where the
poorest workers give up bidis and paan to raise funds. The election drill is
rigorous and starts early, with party candidates chosen almost two years in
advance and put on test. Each constituency is divided into 25 sectors with ten
polling booths to a sector. Each booth, accounting roughly for 1000 voters, is
under the care of a nine-member committee, headed by a president and with at
least one woman member deputed to motivate and mobilise women voters.
Says Mr. Ansari, ” Behenji ’s one message is: do not sleep.
And we do not. The booth committees have a single goal - to ensure the maximum
turnout of our voters. Each member has a specific duty, and we have already had
rehearsals for what to do on voting day [eight months away].” So has the
BSP really put together an unbeatable Dalit-forward caste-most backward caste
combination? The many caste mahasammelans and the systematic targeting of the smaller
caste groups - Chauhan, Rajbar, Malla, Maurya to name a few - would suggest so.
Say BSP workers Ashok Kumkar and M.S. Chauhan: “As important as the
Brahmin mahasammelans are the many more unpublicised efforts directed at the
Yet the experiment is not without its pitfalls. For instance,
the pro-Mayawati mood, so visible among Allahabad forward castes, seemed driven
less by a genuine change of heart towards the BSP than by the immediate
imperative of removing Mulayam Singh. The language bordered on communal, with
Mr. Mulayam Singh accused of “pandering to Muslims” and
“protecting Muslims bullies.” This leads to the question: Is forward
caste support for the BSP merely opportunistic, with the BSP temporarily
substituting for the BJP?
As important is a second question: Has the BSP been able to
break traditional barriers in the villages? This writer travelled into the
villages of Mau with a band of BSP workers. The Dalit villagers were easily
identified by their enthusiasm and shouts of “Jai Bhim” (for Bhim Rao
Ambedkar). The fervours made it impossible to tell between voters and workers.
Both spoke of “working to the last breath ” for the BSP and behenji .
Bright-eyed Ranjana from Nausopur village typified this mix. “There is a
BSP wave. The Brahmins are voting the haathi (elephant),” she gushed, even
as she insisted on accompanying us to forward caste homes to “witness the
Ashok Kumar, the village pradhan, was emphatic that Brahmins
would vote the BSP: ” I have complete respect for Maywati as an
administrator. She was tough on criminals and that is what we need now.”
Banke Bihari, another Brahmin, voted the BJP in 2002 and wants to give the BSP
a try: “I would like to believe that she has changed.” But were forward
castes not jailed and harassed by previous BSP regimes? “Those who ought
to be jailed, ought to be jailed.” Ram Ashish Tiwari was bitter about the
BJP’s forgotten Ram mandir and the “Jinnah betrayal.” “I do not
know if I will vote the BSP. But I am not voting the BJP.”
Yet attitudinal mindsets are not so easily demolished. At
Umapur, our group ran into the openly hostile Rajnath Tiwari and his son. Said
Mr. Tiwari: “The Ram mandir will be built and we will vote the BJP as long
as we live.” But were Brahmins not turning to the BSP? The son’s hands
flew to his ears, his disgust apparent, his words a torrent of abuse:
“Ram, Ram, what are you saying? The BSP and us?” The effect was
instantaneous. “Don’t you dare,” began Ranjana only to stop abruptly,
her eyes misty, her fists clenched tightly. It was evident that she was holding
herself back. Did she not want to retaliate? “I do but we have a larger
goal. We have to win.”
That the BSP has gained phenomenally on the ground is clear. But
U.P. is a complex State where every day brings a new challenge. In the
villages, each major caste has its own political party and the numbers can only
increase as election day draws near. The Samajwadi Party’s Muslim base is under
threat from a new, more strident Muslim party. This could benefit the BSP or it
could breathe life into the BJP. If the Congress revival is better than
currently anticipated, it could affect forward caste movement towards the BSP.
On the other hand, should the anti-quota forward caste anger spread to U.P. -
currently reservation is a non-issue here - the Congress will be affected the
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) will contest from all 234 Assembly constituencies in
the State on its own strength, its national general secretary Suresh Mane said
reporters that the party was looking at long-term political gains and would not
limit itself to contesting from a few seats as part of an alliance.
contested from 164 seats in the 2006 Assembly elections, polling in 1.76 per
cent of votes.
List of 51 candidates
increased marginally in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections.
president K. Armstrong will contest from Kolathur; general secretaries P.
Jeevan Kumar from Mudukulathur; K. Vijayan (Mayilam) and P. Rajappa
(Pallavaram), Mr. Mane said, releasing the first list of 51 candidates.
of candidates for other constituencies will be released later.
Kozhikode: The BSP will contest all 140 constituences in Kerala for April
13 assembly polls and will not have any understanding with any party or
alliances, party’s National Secretary Pramod Kureel said on Saturday.
The decision was taken under the direction
of BSP President and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati, he told reporters.
“In this election, BSP, by achieving 10 per cent vote
share, will establish itself as prominent political player in Kerala,” he
“The state has been ruled either by LDF or UDF all these
years but it is a sad state of affairs that 50 per cent of Kerala’s population
is without safe drinking water, roads and other basic infrastructure”, he
Mayawati will campaign in Kerala for three days, he said.
The names of 38 candidates were also announced at the press conference.
Earlier, the party had announced the list of 70 candidates from Kochi on Saturday.
The AIADMK will go to the polls this year with 43 candidates who have
pending criminal charges against them while their arch rival DMK has fielded 24
such candidates, according to a report by the National Election
The report has been
prepared on the analysis of 679 candidates so far in the Tamil Nadu 2011 Assembly
Elections. There are 125 candidates out of 679 analyzed, (i.e. about 18.4%) who
have pending criminal cases against them as per their self sworn affidavits
given to the Election Commission.
Out of these 125
candidates with pending criminal cases, 66 have declared pending serious
criminal cases like murder, attempt to murder, kidnapping, robbery, extortion
etc. on them.
All major parties analyzed have given tickets to
candidates with criminal backgrounds. AIADMK has 43 out of 144 (30 %), DMK has 24 out of 111 (22 %), BJP has
19 out of 169 (11 %), PMK has 14 out of 27 (52 %), DMDK has 7 out of 36 (19 %),
INC has 6 out of 54 (11 %), VCK has 3 out of 6 (50 %) and CPI(M) has candidates
with pending criminal cases.
All major parties have
also given tickets to candidates with serious pending criminal cases like
murder, attempt to murder, theft, dacoity etc. in the Tamil Nadu 2011 Assembly
Election. Of the candidates analyzed, AIADMK has 27 , BJP has 10 , DMK has 9 ,
PMK has 6 , INC has 5 , DMDK has 2 , VCK has 2 , CPI(M) has 2 , PTP has 1
Top five candidates with pending criminal cases:
(Nagapattinam )of the BJP has a total of ten cases ranging from attempt to
murder and dacoity.
J Gurunathan of the PMK
from the Jayankondam constituency has 9 cases ranging from voluntarily causing
hurt and promoting enemity.
Raja of the DMK from
the Anthiyur constituency has 4 pending cases ranging from theft to abduction.
P G Bose of the BJP
fighting from the Didigul constituency has 4 pending cases which include
attempt to murder.
R Elango of the BJP
from the Peravurani constituency has 2 pending cases against him ranging from
obscene acts and attempt to murder.
When it comes to the
richest candidates the AIADMK again leads the pack with 75 crorepati candidates
while the DMK has 73.The Congress and the BJP come third and fourth with 33 and
25 candidates respectively. The DMDK and the PMK have 12 and 11 such candidates
c of the Indian
National Congress is the richest candidate with 133 crore
S Duraiswamy of AIADMK
is worth Rs 64 crore
E Subaya of AIADMK is
worth Rs 60 crore
Mohammad Sheikh Dawood
of the IUML is worth Rs 53 crore
J Jayalalithaa of the
AIADMK is worth Rs 51 crore
M Karunanidhi chief
minister from DMK is worth Rs 44 crore
Karthe of PMK is worth
Rs 33 crore
Vijaykant of DMDK is
worth Rs 27 crore
c of DMK is worth Rs 27
Doraiswamy R of AIADMK
is worth Rs 27 crore.
Easter Rajan S of MGRSP has no assets. RR Jeyram ( DMDK), Marthanandan,
Manidhan and Karupanannan ( all independents) have shown zero assets.
VOICE OF SARVAJAN HONEYLEAKS
India Blooms News Service
Chennai, Mar 25 (IBNS) Tamil Nadu Chief
Minister M Karunanidhi and his rival J Jayalalithaa are worth a little less
than Rs 100 crore if their declared assets are clubbed together.
While Karunanidhi has declared assets worth Rs 41 crore,
Jayalalithaa has come out with assets of Rs 51 crore.
leaders have made their assets public as per the Election Commission guidelines
ahead of next month’s state Assembly polls.
assets include the property of his two wives Dayalu and Rajathi.
His own assets
amount to Rs 4.92 crore.
of Union minister MK Alagiri and state deputy CM Stalin, owns immovable
properties worth Rs 15.4 crore.
She also has a
car worth Rs 16 lakhs and 60 per cent stake in Kalaignar TV, valued at Rs 6
owns gold jewellery worth Rs 10.96 lakhs and other jewellery worth Rs 1.6 lakhs
and a house in Tiruvarur worth Rs.5.51 lakhs.
of MP Kanimozhi, has immovable property worth Rs 20.6 crore.
She also has 25
lakh shares worth Rs 2.5 crore in Westgate Logistics firm and gold jewellery
worth Rs 9.85 lakhs.
owns a house in Chennai valued at Rs 3.14 crore.
former Tamil Nadu chief minister herself, has declared assets worth Rs 51.40
include Rs 25,000 cash in hand and bank balance of Rs 4.5 lakhs and five cars
worth Rs 8.35 lakhs.
She also has
agricultural land worth Rs 11.3 crore and owns four commercial buildings in
Chennai and Hyderabad valued at Rs 6 crore 39 lakhs.
also revealed that bank deposits amounting to Rs 2 crore and investment in
shares worth Rs.50,000 have been seized by the police and given to the custody
of the court.
Express News Service
First Published : 25
Mar 2011 02:13:25 AM IST
Last Updated : 25
Mar 2011 02:26:36 PM IST
Chief Minister M Karunanidhi’s wife Rajathi Ammal owes Rs1 crore to daughter
Kanimozhi, according to the details of the assets declared by the DMK chief,
while filing his nomination for the Thiruvarur Assembly constituency on
In the affidavit, Karunanidhi has said that Rajathi Ammal has
availed of a loan of Rs 1,01,76,503 from her daughter Kanimozhi. Rajathi Ammal
had more assets than Dayalu Ammal, according to the affidavit. While Rajathi
Ammal had movable and immovable assets to the tune of Rs 23,97,00,552, Dayalu
Ammal had Rs 15,45,36,363. As far as Karunanidhi was concerned, his total
assets were worth Rs 4,92,56,855. The total assets of the three put together
stood at Rs 44,34,93,770.
Karunanidhi also declared that he was not imprisoned for two or
more years for any crime. However, he said a case was pending against him in a
court in Adhoni in Andhra Pradesh. The case was filed for creating rivalry
between various sections of the society (IPC 298, 153 (A) and 505 (2).
Like many other leaders, Karunanidhi too did not own a car. But
his wife Dayalu Ammal had a Honda Accord car worth Rs 16,02,321.
According to the Income Tax returns filed for the year 200910,
Karunanidhi had shown an income of Rs 37,34,020.
Similarly, Dayalu Ammal and Rajathi Ammal’s incomes were shown to
be Rs 64,37,330 and Rs 1,67,94,106, respectively.
Express News Service
First Published : 25
Mar 2011 02:12:45 AM IST
Last Updated : 25
Mar 2011 08:58:32 AM IST
Every woman in Tamil Nadu will get a fan, mixie and grinder free, and every
beneficiary of the one-rupee-a-kilo rice scheme will get 20 kilos of grain
free, if the AIADMK is voted to power, says the party manifesto released on
Thursday. With its poll promises, the AIADMK also launched a full frontal
attack on archrivals DMK by promising to retrieve for the original owner any
land that had been grabbed by DMK patriarch M Karunanidhi’s family, DMK
ministers or their henchmen.
Giving the assurance that all schemes promised by the AIADMK would
be implemented, along with continuing all existing welfare schemes, party
general secretary J Jayalalithaa released the manifesto in Tiruchirapalli.
The AIADMK went one step ahead of the DMK on the question of benefits
for the people, promising four goats to the poorest of BPL families, and also
three cents of land to build a house, for those among them who do not have one.
Invoking the cable TV policy from its 2001-2006 stint in power,
the AIADMK promised to end the monopoly in the business. Cable TV services
would be provided by the government at reduced rates, the manifesto promised.
The party also hit a key election issue, promising to control
rising prices by striking down on blackmarketing, hoarding and price fixing.
Setting eyes on rural voters, the manifesto promised uninterrupted
power supply, besides three-phase connections across the state in four years.
Solar power generation too will be vastly improved.
Farm production will be doubled and nine percent agricultural
growth ensured. Annual rice production will be improved from 8.6 million tonnes
to 13.45 million tonnes. High quality seeds and farm equipment will be provided
and 30,000 hectares of farmland would be brought under a special micro
The youth, backward classes, minorities and self help groups were
wooed with a slew of measures and promises of new SEZs.
CHENNAI: Over 26 sitting MLAs, including Chief Minister M Karunanidhi, Deputy Chief Minister M K Stalin and Leader of Opposition J Jayalalithaa, have serious criminal cases pending against them, as per their affidavits, according to a report released by the Association of Democratic Reforms and National Election Watch here on Thursday.Addressing a press conference, Anil Bairwal, the national coordinator of the organisation, said as per affidavits filed during the 2006 Assembly elections, the CM had nine cases pending against him of which two related to deliberate and malicious acts intending to outrage religious feelings, while Jayalalithaa had three pending cases of which two were registered under the Prevention of Corruption Act.Deputy Chief Minister M K Stalin had eight cases pending against him, including charges relating to sedition and attempt to murder. The report was released in the wake of Assembly elections scheduled to be held later this year.Of the 76 MLAs in the Assembly who had cases pending against them, 39 were from the DMK, 15 from the PMK and seven belonged to the AIADMK, the report stated.Coordinator of Tamil Nadu Election Watch Sudarshan Padmanabhan said of the affidavits of 30 ministers filed in 2006, 16 had pending criminal cases.Interestingly, the Chief Minister and the Opposition leader topped the list of crorepati MLAs. While the Chief M inister had a fortune of Rs 26 crore, Jayalalithaa had declared assets worth Rs 24 crore. Surprisingly, seven MLAs have not declared their PAN card details.Interestingly, Karunanidhi had on December 1 last year claimed that he had a bank balance of Rs 35.9 lakh and fixed deposits of Rs 5.65 crore. He made the statement in response to Jayalalithaa’s comments on his wealth.
The DMK also outscored AIADMK in the crore-club with 33 per cent of its MLAs featuring in it, while AIADMK had only 14 per cent of its MLAs in that league. The average assets of the DMK, Congress and Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi members was Rs 1 crore while PMK MLAs had an average of Rs 64 lakh and AIADMK members just Rs 54 lakh, the report added.
Actor-turned-politician and DMDK founder Vijayakanth has assets worth around Rs 47 crore both immovable and movable, according to the election affidavit filed along with his nomination. Vijayakanth has shown an annual income of Rs 53.77 lakh and that he has a defamation case pending against him.
The affidavit contains the assets details of, Vijayakanth andPremalatha Vijayakanth, as he has movable assets account for Rs 9.04 crore and that of his wife Premalatha Rs 1.2 crore.He has immovable assets of Rs 10.83 crore, including agricultural land, while his wife has Rs 5.28 crore worth immovable assets.
He has Rs six lakh on hand. They owe a combined sum of around Rs nine crore as dues to government departments, including Income-Tax department, he said, adding appeals were pending in these matters.
Vijayakanth’s loans and liabilities amount to Rs 2.53 crore.
Vijayakanth’s assets range from a marriage hall to agricultural lands and investments in various firms. He has agricultural farms worth Rs 12.46 crore at Maduranthakam , Karadiputhur and Irugur in Kancheepuram district. He has nonagricultural lands worth Rs 1.1 crore. His house in south Chennai is worth Rs 1.6 crore. He has three vehicles worth Rs 50 lakh, which includes a Ford Endeavour.
Assam State Assembly
Elections 2011< ?xml:namespace prefix = o ns = “urn:schemas-microsoft-com:office:office” />
Update : 4th
April 2011, Elections to five assemblies, the biggest vote
since the 2009 general polls, began today with the first phase of elections
being held in Assam where more than 66 percent of the people exercised their
franchise without any untoward incident.
Election Commission has
said that 66.24 percent of the nearly 8.5 million voters exercised their
franchise till 3 p.m. when voting closed in the first round of the two-phase
Assam elections. Voting began at 7 a.m. There were 11,000 polling booths to
coduct the first phase of elections in Assam. Voting was held for the first
phase of assembly elections in 62 of the 126 assembly seats in Assam spread
over 13 districts. The fate of an estimated 485 candidates was sealed in the
ballot; of these, 38 are women.
Congress’ Chief Minister
Tarun Gogoi said he was confident of a third straight term in office, the
opposition too claimed victory and said the ruling party was in for a drubbing
at the hustings. Gogoi is contesting from the Titabar assembly constituency in
Assam State Assembly
Elections 2011 Schedule: Phase 1 and Phase 2
March 2011, The Assembly elections in Assam, West Bengal, Tamil Nadu, Kerala
and Puducherry will be held from April 4 to May 10. Announcing the schedule,
the Election Commission said on Tuesday that the counting of polls would be
uniformly taken up on May 13.
model code of conduct has come into effect and is applicable to the Central
government with respect to those States/Union Territory going to the polls, the
State/UT governments, political parties and the candidates, Chief Election
Commissioner S.Y. Quraishi said.
CEC, who announced the poll schedule, along with Election Commissioners V.S.
Sampath and H.S. Brahma here, said that for the first time non-resident
Indians, who had already registered themselves as voters, would be eligible to
vote and instructions had been given to polling officials in this regard.
Total No. of ACs
Reserved for SC
Reserved for ST
Number of Polling Stations in the poll going
States/UT of Assam are as follows:
Model Code of Conduct
The Model Code of Conduct comes into effect immediately from now onwards. All
the provisions of the Model Code will apply to the whole of Tamil Nadu, Kerala,
Puducherry, Assam and West Bengal and will be applicable to all candidates,
political parties, the State Governments of Assam, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, West
Bengal and UT Administration of Puducherry and the Union Government from today
of the political parties and candidates is particularly invited to the
following provisions of the Model Code:- “There shall be no appeal to caste or
communal feelings for securing votes. Mosques, Churches, Temples or other
places of worship shall not be used as forum for election propaganda.”
Schedule for holding General Election to the
Legislative Assembly of Assam.
1st Phase ( 62 ACs)
2nd Phase ( 64 ACs)
Timings 07.00 AM to 03.00 PM for all ACs.
How ‘free and fair’ are we when it comes to bringing forward those who have been left behind in the electoral process? Here is an analysis of the Assam assembly electoral politics with regards to three important section of Assamese population i.e. the women, the SCs and the STs.
A total of 529 candidates are in the electoral fray in the first phase of Assam assembly elections 2011. This includes 42 female and 487 male candidates. While 42 might not sound very insignificant number, it is insignificant when seen as a percentage of total candidates fighting election. Women are almost half of the population of Assam and the 42 candidates out of 529 who are fighting the election in the first phase is a miniscule 7.6 percent of those contesting elections. The reality of the break up of 42 is even more difficult to accept.
Caste wise there are 418 general, 35 SC and 76 ST candidates in the first phase of Assam assembly election. The ticket distribution in the first phase suggests that SC and ST candidates form respectively 6.6 and 14.36 percentage of the total number of candidates running for a seat. The percentage of SCs and STs in the population of Assam, according to Census 2001, was 6.9 and 12.4 percent respectively.
Due to reservation of seats in case of SCs and STs, they do get a fair representation in terms of those who will form the final house. Sadly, reservation is the only way we have chosen to bring SC/ST forward.
Of the 126 seats in Assam assembly, a total of 28 seats (9 for SC and 19 for ST) have been reserved for the SCs and STs. And out of the 62 Assembly Constituencies of eastern and southern Assam going to polls on April 4, 2011 in the first phase, 12 seats (3 for SC and 9 for ST) are reserved.
Reservation at least leaves the SC/ST represented by someone from among their own. But without reservation women remain an ignored lot. A deeper analysis reveals that the figure of 42 is far from fair.
BJP and the ruling Congress gave 10 tickets each to women candidates. It amounts to almost 15 percent of the 62 seats going under vote, far below the 33 percent reservation for women in central and state legislatures that both these parties support. BJP has given 3 of the 10 ticket to women SC/ST candidates. Congress has distributed 2 tickets to women SC/ST candidates.
But the disparity can be gauged from the fact that 30 out of 62 Assembly Constituencies do not have any women candidate in the fray. Among the rest, the largest segment of women candidates are of independents i.e. 9 of the 42.
The regional parties who raise the greatest hue and cry whenever women’s reservation bill is brought in the Parliament are worse in terms of being fair to women folk. Asom Gana Parishad gave just three tickets to women candidates this time in the phase 1 of 2011 election. All the three women candidates of AGP come from SC/ST background. But the real bottom has been hit by Badruddin Ajmal’s All India United Democratic Front which didn’t find one women candidate competent enough to be given a ticket.
Again while the Congress and the BJP have given tickets to 10 women candidates, Congress has given 6 of the 10 tickets from constituencies where it won last time. Congress won 36 out of the 62 assembly seats which will vote on April 4 in 2006 assembly elections.
The percentage of SC and ST candidates might be proportionate to their overall population of Assam but that doesn’t represent social equity. Most of the SC/ST candidates are from SC/ST seats. The number of SC/ST candidates fighting from a general seat doesn’t represent their coming forward or blurring of caste identities as far as elections are concerned. Out of the 50 general seats, (12 of the 62 seats going to poll in the 1st phase are reserved), only 19 seats have any SC/ST candidate trying their luck. 31 general seats have no SC/ST candidate, not even as an independent. In this particular regard, independent SC/ST candidate again lead the way by fighting from 8 general seats. BJP gave 5 tickets to SC/ST candidates to fight election from general seats, albeit BJP didn’t win any of the five seats in 2006 assembly election. Congress didn’t give any ticket to any SC/ST candidate to fight election from general seat.
May be, we as a nation, need much soul searching and actually start doing something to ensure that free and fair doesn’t remain a phrase quoted in books and speeches.
discourses of Buddha are divided into 84,000, as to separate addresses. The
division includes all that was spoken by Buddha.”I received from Buddha,” said
Ananda, “82,000 Khandas, and from the
priests 2000; these are 84,000 Khandas maintained by me.” They are divided into
275,250, as to the stanzas of the original text, and into 361,550, as to the
stanzas of the commentary. All the discourses including both those of Buddha
and those of the commentator, are divided
into 2,547 banawaras, containing 737,000 stanzas, and 29,368,000
BUDDHA (EDUCATE)! DHAMMA
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WISDOM IS POWER
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Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar , Indian scholar, philosopher and
architect of Constitution of India, in his writing and speeches
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