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2462 Wed 6 Dec 2017 LESSON
All brothers and sisters observed Baba Saheb DR. Bhimrao Ambedkar’62nd Parinibbana day at BSP Head Office in a befitting manner.
Sarvashri
Kamalanabhan Ji, Hariram, Lakshminarayan, Vikram Anthony, Somasekhar,
Guruprasad, J Chandrasekharan, Smt Lakshmi Gopinath, Salma Nahidha
spoke. All of them insisted that Ballot Papers have to be used in the
next 2018 Karnataka Assembly elections instead of EVMs which were proved
to be faulty and could be tampered.
They took a oath that they
will strengthen all the booth level committees to go to the voters to
request the voters to vote for the Elephant symbol of BSP.
The
part list and the voters lists will be made available through BSP Head
Office and all the office bearers through WatsApp and through emails to
make the search for voters in a simple manner. The www.ambedkar.org and
http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org
will give online information of our Social Transformation Movement. An the election news.
from FREE ONLINE Tipitaka Research and Practice UNIVERSITY through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org
This
outline displays the publication of books in the Devan±gari-script
edition of the Chaμμha Saag±yana (Sixth Council) Tipiμaka. The names of
the volumes are displayed in italics with the suffix “-p±1⁄4i”
indicatingthe volume is part of the root Tipiμaka, rather than
commentarial literature. This outline lists the root volumes only.
https://berita.bhagavant.com/…/india-akan-terjemahkan-tipit…
India Akan Terjemahkan Tipitaka ke Bahasa Marathi
Jumat, 12 Februari 2016
Bhagavant.com,
Maharashtra, India – Meskipun dalam ketertundaan yang sangat lama
akhirnya pemerintah negara bagian Maharashtra, India, memutuskan untuk
menerjemahkan kitab suci Buddhis Tipitaka ke dalam bahasa Marathi dalam
rangka memperingati ulang tahun ke-125 Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar, seorang
tokoh Buddhis terkemuka di India.
Kitab suci Buddhis
Pada bulan Agustus 2015, Institut Penelitian dan Pelatihan Babasaheb
Ambedkar (Babasaheb Ambedkar Research and Training Institute – BARTI)
mengajukan proposal penerjemahan Tipitaka ke kementerian keadilan
sosial, yang pada gilirannya mengeluarkan resolusi pemerintah untuk
membentuk komite mengenai hal itu pada 13 Januari.
“Ajaran
filosofis Buddha Gautama dilestarikan dalam bahasa Pali. Sri Buddha
menyampaikan khotbah-khotbah dalam bahasa yang orang umum dapat
memahaminya. Mempelajari kepustakaan tersebut membantu Dr. Babasaheb
Ambedkar untuk lebih memahami nilai-nilai kesetaraan, kebebasan,
persaudaraan dan keadilan sosial – dasar dari prinsip-prinsip pedoman
Konstitusi India. Vipassana Dhamma Giri, Igatpuri, telah menerbitkan
Tipitaka Pali dan kami akan membantu dari pusat,” jelas direktur
jenderal BARTI, D. R. Parihar seperti yang dilaporkan Pune Mirror,
Selasa (2/2/2016).
Komite tersebut akan memiliki sembilan
anggota, termasuk menteri keadilan sosial, wakil rektor Universitas
Savitribai Phule Pune (USPP) dan direktur jenderal BARTI. Gautam
Chabukswar, anggota Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Pimpri yang juga anggota
komite tersebut, menyatakan kepuasannya bahwa pemerintah akhirnya
menyetujui permintaan yang lama tertunda dari para pengikut Ambedkar.
“Dalam sebulan, kami akan menyewa sarjana bahasa Buddhis, bahasa Pali
dan Marathi untuk menerjemahkan 140 grantha atau 50.000 halaman
Tipitaka. Ini adalah tugas raksasa dan akan memerlukan lima tahun
menurut perkiraan dasar. Pemerintah akan memutuskan pendanaan setelah
kami menyelesaikan proposalnya,” katanya.
Departemen bahasa Pali
di USPP yang merupakan salah satu dari sedikit pusat bahasa dan filsafat
Buddhis di negara bagian India tersebut akan memainkan peran utama
dalam proyek tersebut. Kepala departemen, Mahesh Devkar, salah satu
pakar di komite bentukan pemerintah tersebut mengatakan, “Meskipun tidak
ada terjemahan yang lengkap dan berstandar, para sarjana dalam bingkai
waktu yang berbeda telah menerjemahkannya (Tipitaka – red) sebagian ke
dalam bahasa Marathi.”
“Kitab suci Buddhis dibagi menjadi tiga
bagian – Sutta Pitaka, Vinaya Pitaka dan Abhidhamma Pitaka. Sutta Pitaka
merupakan pesan untuk masyarakat umum sedangkan Vinaya Pitaka
membimbing bhikkhu dalam kehidupan viharawan. Abhidhamma Pitaka adalah
sebuah analisis lengkap dari doktrin Buddhis,” katanya menjelaskan
mengenai Tipitaka.
Bahasa Marathi sendiri merupakan rumpun bahasa
Indo-Arya yang merupakan bahasa yang banyak digunakan di negara bagian
Maharashtra, India dan salah satu dari 23 bahasa resmi di
India.[Bhagavant, 12/2/16, Sum]
1. कुद्पकप ± था (नऊ लघु सूत्रे आणि सूत यांना, प्रशिक्षण पुस्तिका म्हणून वापरण्यात येते
नवशिक्या भिक्खू)
2. धम्मपद (टिपिकाकाकातील सर्व पुस्तके प्रसिद्ध; 423 चा संग्रह)
26 vaggas मध्ये अध्याय)
https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/…/Dr-BR-Ambedkar-death-…
Dr BR Ambedkar death anniversary
image
December 6 is observed as Ambedkar Mahaparinirvan Diwas every year, to
mark the death anniversary of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar, chairman of the
drafting committee of India’s Constitution.
The day is observed across the country by parties from across the
political spectrum. The observance varies vastly in different regions of
the country, but generally features leaders garlanding a statue of the
jurist and social reformer.
The Samata Sainik Dal Salute is taken
in the early hours of December 6 by his daughter-in-law, Meeratai
Ambedkar. After this, the stupa that serves as his memorial is opened to
public.
Followers also generally converge around the Parliament
House complex in memory of his leadership role in the drafting of the
founding document of the country. This earned him wide recognition as
the ‘Father of the Indian Constitution’.
Among other things,
Ambedkar is credited for the progressive bent and positive
discrimination aspects of the document. He is also credited with the
foresight of setting up many structural mechanisms to deal with
conflicts over resources.
The Dalit icon, often referred to as
‘Babasaheb’, led a large number of people in converting to Buddhism, in a
bid to escape the caste structure of Hinduism. Ambedkar breathed his
last in 1956.
https://www.mainstreamweekly.net/article467.html
Dr Ambedkar on Democracy
Tuesday 11 December 2007, by Shyam Chand
All over India the 51st death anniversary of Dr B.R. Ambedkar is being
observed on December 6, 2007. He was a genius par excellence—an
economist a sociologist, a political scientist, a great historian, a
legal luminary, a great constitutionalist and above all a great champion
of the downtrodden.
Abraham Lincoln says: “As I would not be a
slave, so I would not be a master. This expresses my idea of democracy.”
Various philosophers, political scientists and writers have given
numerous definitions of democracy. A relentless champion of human rights
and staunch believer in democracy, Dr Ambedkar says: “Democracy is not a
form of government, but a form of social organisation.”
Dr
Ambedkar believed that in democracy revolutionary changes in the
economic and social life of the people are brought about without
bloodshed. The conditions for that are as follows: “(1) there should not
be glaring inequalities in society, that is, privilege for one class;
(2) the existence of an opposition; (3) equality in law and
administration; (4) observance of constitutional morality; (5) no
tyranny of the majority; (6) moral order of society: and (7) public
conscience.”
Addressing the Constituent Assembly, he suggested
certain devices essential to maintain democracy: “(i) constitutional
methods: (ii) not to lay liberties at the feet of a great man: (iii)
make a political democracy a social democracy.”
Dr Ambedkar
firmly believed that political democracy cannot succeed without social
and economic democracy. In his talk given on the Voice of America he
argued that: “Democracy could not be equated with either republic or
parliamentary form of government. The roots of democracy lay not in the
form of government, parliamentary or otherwise. A democracy is a model
of associated living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in
social relationship, in terms of the associated life between the people
who form the society.”
He was against coercive centralised
institu-tional authority that Hobbesian Philosophy maintains. Associated
life is consensual expression of shared experience, aspirations and
values. If a small section of the society is allowed to manipulate the
cultured symbols of the society that process becomes undemocratic and
destructive.
For him political democracy is not an end in itself,
but the most powerful means to achieve the social and economic ideals
in society. State socialism within the framework of parliamentary
democracy can defeat dictatorship. Fundamental rights without economic
security are of no use to the have-nots. “Social and economic democracy
are tissue and the fibre of a political democracy.”
In a
multi-denominational society like India, the common denominator is
secularism which is one of the pillars on which the superstructure of
our democracy rests. It is a unifying force of our associated life. He
says: “The conception of a secular state is derived from the liberal
democratic tradition of the West. No institution which is maintained
wholly out of state funds shall be used for the purpose of religious
instruction irrespective of the question whether the religious
instruction is given by the state or by any other body.” Participating
in a debate in Parliament, he further emphasised: “It (secular state)
does not mean that we shall not take into consideration the religious
sentiments of the people. All that a secular state means that this
Parliament shall not be competent to impose any particular religion upon
the rest of the people. That is the only limitation that the
Constitution recognises.”
Social unity can be achieved by
coercive methods. For true democracy to flower and flourish, social
union is must. For that he suggested safeguards for the minority. In
democracy, minority does not become the victim of the tyranny of the
majority. He suggested certain safeguards for the protection of the
minority. “The State should guarantee to its citizens the liberty of
conscience and the free exercise of his religion including the right to
profess, to preach and to convert within limits compatible with public
order and morality.”
A crusader against social and economic
injustice and a great champion of human rights with a firm belief in
democracy, he exhorted his audience at the All India Depressed Classes
Conference: “It seems to me that there lies on us a very important duty
to see that democracy does not vanish from the earth as the governing
principle of human relationship. If we believe in it, we must both be
true and loyal to it. We must not only be staunch in our faith in
democracy, but we must resolve to see that whatever we do not help the
enemies of democracy to uproot the principles of liberty, equality and
fraternity.” For that he exhorted the Dalits to defend and support
democracy and secularism to safeguard their rights, life and liberty.
Dr Ambedkar laid much emphasis on the term moral and said: “The
Declaration of Independence does not assert that all men are equal; it
proclaims that they are created equal.” He further argued: “For the
successful working of democracy there must not be glaring inequalities
in the society. There must not be an oppressed class. There must not be a
suppressed class.” In case of inequalities “State intervention is a
must”. Right to treatment as an equal must precede the right to equal
treatment as a state policy. Equality of opportunity is a misleading
term. There should be opportunity for equality.
He emphasised on
the need for liberty of movement, liberty of speech and liberty of
action and political liberty to choose his government for securing
“unalienable rights such as life, liberty and pursuit of happiness.
Political liberty is really a deduction from the principle of human
personality and equality.” Liberty and equality exist together. One
without the other is absurd. Commenting on failure of democracy in some
countries, he said: “Parliamentary democracy developed a passion for
liberty. It failed to realise the significance of equality and did not
even endeavour to strike a balance between liberty and equality, with
the result that liberty swallowed equality and has made democracy a name
and a farce.”
He was against violence. A firm believer in the
Buddhist doctrine of non-violence he asked his followers to ’agitate’
for their rights in a peaceful manner. Violence undermines the spirit of
democracy. He would have been the first to denounce Naxalism.
Dr
Ambedkar, like Tagore, was against the caste system. Tagore says :
“Inhuman treatment meted out to the untouchables by Brahmins is
lynching, facism, Ku Klux Klanism and the like.” (Rabindranath Tagore by
Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson) both urged Gandhiji to work for
abolition of the caste system without which democracy, after
independence, would not flower and flourish. When Gandhiji declared “I
would like to assure my Dalit friends…. That they may hold my life as a
hostage for its due fulfillment”, Tagore was with Gandhiji. Tagore was
also with Gandhiji when he signed ’Poona Pact’ with Dr Ambedkar.
At the time of adoption of the Constitution, Dr Ambedkar warned: “On
26th of January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of
contradictions. In politics we will have equality and in social and
economic life we will have inequalities. In politics we will be
recognising the principles of one man one vote and one vote one value.
In our social and economic life, we shall, by reason of our social and
economic structure, continue to deny the principle of one man one vote.
How long shall we continue to live this life of contradictions? How long
shall we continue to deny equality in our social and economic life? If
we continue to deny it for long, we will do so only by putting our
political democracy in peril. We must remove this contradiction at the
earliest possible moment or else those who suffer from inequality will
blow up the structure of our political democracy.”
The author is a former Minister of Haryana.
https://link.springer.com/chapt…/10.1007/978-1-349-16310-6_6
Abstract
The year Ambedkar made the much-publicised speech in which he declared
his intention not to remain a Hindu was notable in another connection.
In that year the Government of India Act 1935 was passed, an Act which
provided for provincial autonomy and a certain measure of representative
government in British India. Accordingly, the following year Ambedkar
and some of his colleagues formed the Independent Labour Party, to represent Scheduled Caste interests in the forthcoming elections to the new parliamentary body.
Preview
6 Ambedkar
between
Marxism
and
Buddhism
Ambedkar:
a failed
Marxist?
The
year
Ambedkar
made
the much-publicised
speech
in which
he declared
his intention
not to remain
a
Hindu
was
notable
in
another
connection.
In
that
year
the Government
of India
Act
1935
was passed,
an
Act which provided
for provincial
autonomy
and
a
certain
measure
of representative
government
in British
India.
Accordingly,
the following
year
Ambedkar
and
some
of his
colleagues
formed
the Independent
Labour
Party,
to represent
Scheduled
Caste
interests
in the forthcoming
elections
to the new
parliamentary
body.
This
indicates
Ambedkar’s
belief
in the necessary
interconnec-
tedness
of the religious
and
political
realms.
He
seems
to have
acted
on
the assumption
that
these
were
two dimensions
of the one
condition
suffered
by the Untouchables;
certainly
some
of his
speeches
indicate
that
he regarded
the two as theoretically
re-
lated.
In his public
analysis
of the oppression
under
which
the
Untouchables
lived
we have
noted
that
he frequently
emphasised
the inter-relation
between
the political
and
economic
power
of the
Brahman
class
on the one
hand
and
Brahmanical
religious
insti-
tutions
on the other
in a way
which
brought
him very
close
to a
Marxist
interpretation
of the Untouchables’
condition.
However,
he
was not willing
to accept
a Marxist
prescription
for
changing
it-that
is, a prescription
which
would
have
emphasised
the prior
_impor-
tance
of
political
and
economic
action
and
would
have
relegated
concern
with
religious
ideas
to a subsidiary,
heuristic
place
at best.
His resistance
to the Marxist
conclusion
which
could
well
have
been
drawn
from
his undoubtedly
materialist
analysis
seems
to
have
been
due to the general
antipathy
he felt for Communism
as
he knew
it in its Indian
form
and
as he
had
heard
of it in its
Russian
form.
The
Communists
of
Maharashtra,
his own
state,
he regarded
as
‘a
bunch
of
Brahman
boys’.
Similarly
he spoke
of a
83
T. Ling,
Buddhist Revival in India
© Trevor Ling 1980
In an announcement made by the Election Commission of India on
Thrusday, O Panneerselvam’s AIADMK faction will be known as ‘AIADMK
Puratchi Thalaivi Amma’. In the upcoming Radhakrishnan Nagar bypoll,
‘AIADMK Puratchi Thalaivi Amma’ will contest with the ‘electricity pole’ symbol.
Meanwhile, Sasikala faction will be known as ‘AIADMK Amma’ and will contest the bypoll with the symbol of ‘hat’.
The bye-election to fill the vacancy in the Tamil Nadu Legislative
Assembly from 11-Dr. Radhakrishnan Nagar Assembly Constituency shall be
held by the Commission in due course when the vitiating effect created
by the distribution of money and gift items to allure the
electors.
The Table below shows who are the contesting BJP, Congress,
independent etc. candidates from the dr-radhakrishnan-nagar Assembly
Constituency in the Tamil nadu Assembly (Vidhan Sabha) Bye Elections
2017.
Dr.Radhakrishnan Nagar, Constituency No -(11) | ||
---|---|---|
Election Date | 12/04/17 | |
Result Date | 15/04/2017 | |
Election Symbol | Political Party | Candidate Name |
![]() |
BJP | Gangai Amaran |
![]() |
CPM | Loganathan.R |
![]() |
DMK | Maruthu Ganesh.N |
![]() |
IND | Ashok.M |
![]() |
IND | Ashok Chakravarthe.A.S |
![]() |
IND | Arumugam.M.S |
![]() |
IND | Anand.N |
![]() |
IND | Umashankar.A.K |
![]() |
IND | Iyappan.M |
![]() |
IND | Ganesh .A |
![]() |
IND | Kalanther.E |
![]() |
IND | Kalaiyarasan,S |
![]() |
IND | Gunasekar.N |
![]() |
IND | Kulasekeran.K |
![]() |
IND | Kesavan.L |
![]() |
IND | Gopi.M |
![]() |
IND | Sagunthala |
![]() |
IND | Sakkaravarthy.P |
![]() |
IND | Sathiskumar.U |
![]() |
IND | Solomon M |
![]() |
IND | Subramaniam.P |
![]() |
IND | Sujatha Madhanagopal |
![]() |
IND | Dhanasekar.R.M |
![]() |
IND | Dinakaran.K |
![]() |
IND | Dinakaran.G |
![]() |
IND | Deepa.J |
![]() |
IND | Padmarajan.K.Dr |
![]() |
IND | Pandian .P |
![]() |
IND | Prakash.J |
![]() |
IND | Pradeep Kumar N |
![]() |
IND | Prabhakaran.G |
![]() |
IND | Pravina.G |
![]() |
IND | Prithivirajan.E.D |
![]() |
IND | Bhuvaneshwari.P |
![]() |
IND | Puspa.P |
![]() |
IND | Manjula.R |
![]() |
IND | Mani.M |
![]() |
IND | Madhusudanan.S |
![]() |
IND | Marimuthu |
![]() |
IND | Michael Raj.M.A. |
![]() |
IND | Mohideen.G |
![]() |
IND | Mohan.R |
![]() |
IND | Yuvaraj.S |
![]() |
IND | Rajesh.C |
![]() |
IND | Rajkumar Poliah |
![]() |
IND | Renugadevi.T |
![]() |
IND | Vasanthakumar.M |
![]() |
IND | Vinayagamurthi.A |
![]() |
IND | Jothikumar.R |
![]() |
IND | Stephen Raj.E |
![]() |
IND | Hemathkumar.G |
![]() |
IND | Srinivasagam.S |
![]() |
AIADMK(AMMA) | Dhinakaran.Ttv |
![]() |
DMDK | Mathivanan.P |
![]() |
AIADMK(PTA) | Madhusudhanan E |
![]() |
DMSK | Ravi M L |
![]() |
KDC | Rajendran.M.S |
![]() |
ntk | Kalaikottuthayam.K |
![]() |
Meenavar Makkal Munnani | Sankar.V |
![]() |
Sirupaanmai Makkal Nala Katchi | Sam Esudoss.R |
![]() |
Indhia Kudiarasu Katchi | Ravi Payanar |
![]() |
Tamilnadu Telungu Makkal Katchi | Lalitha Mohan |
Dr. Radhakrishnan Nagar is constituency No. 11 of Tamil Nadu legislative
assembly. It is situated in the state capital Chennai. This unreserved
constituency is part of the Lok Sabha constituency Chennai North.
According to the Election Commission of India, the constituency of Dr
Radhakrishnan Nagar has 1,95,179 registered voters. There are 97,340
male and 97,806 female voters.
In the 2011 assembly elections, 31 candidates contested from this seat.
However, 29 of them ended up forfeiting their deposit. The winner of
this seat was Vetriivel P. of AIADMK. He won by a margin of 31,255
votes. Sekarbabu P.K. of DMK was the runner-up. The voter turnout was
72.72%.
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