https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/vmLEFl6IhAY
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/cpDIrn5a9Q8
https://youtu.be/dqxBMOrZRGA
https://youtu.be/IB_cFsmHRIc
https://youtu.be/UFJmwUUTfGE
“I am very fond of teaching profession. I am also very fond of students.
I have dealt with them. I have lectured them in my life. I am very glad
to talk to the students. A great lot of the future of this country must
necessarily depend on the students of this country. Students are an
intelligent part of the community and they can shape the public
opinion.”
- Babasaheb Ambedkar
These views are the views of a man, who has
been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness. They come from one,
almost the whole of whose public exertion has been one continuous
struggle for liberty for the poor and for the oppressed and whose only
reward has been a continuous shower of calumny and abuse from national
journals and national leaders, for no other reason except that I refuse
to join with them in performing the miracle—I will not say trick—of
liberating the oppressed with the gold of the tyrant and raising the
poor with the cash of the rich.
—Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in Annihilation of Caste
https://youtu.be/wcPJbSATq4E
https://youtu.be/2AMMRXTDCzs
https://youtu.be/FVNJFBI0b-
https://youtu.be/b0tyQ6lLuP8
https://youtu.be/wbDNlTXatp4
https://youtu.be/4cywWIPoqko
https://youtu.be/JNbrVVU1hco
https://youtu.be/mQQ3BdjCc4I
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of
his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul
Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP
chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the
question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when
its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national
executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime
ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll
alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not
come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha
polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in
the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble
the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha.
But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political
ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular)
of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat
but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the
chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to
Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of
the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an
alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to
Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week
that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh
to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP.
Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to
Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat
the BJP in the state.
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of
his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul
Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP
chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the
question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when
its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national
executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime
ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll
alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not
come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha
polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in
the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble
the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha.
But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political
ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular)
of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat
but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the
chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to
Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of
the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an
alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to
Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week
that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh
to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP.
Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to
Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat
the BJP in the state.
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not
shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the
event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough
allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help
the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as
the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the
first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first
Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home
minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice
of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending
support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014
Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of
the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s
BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20
seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base
in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and
Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote
transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime
ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in
Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in
Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than
15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh.
These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014
elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community.
After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to
resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019
seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks
from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution
amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with
amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could
ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or
Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a
scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha
elections.
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not
shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the
event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough
allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help
the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as
the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the
first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first
Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home
minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice
of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending
support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014
Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of
the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s
BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20
seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base
in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and
Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote
transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime
ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in
Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in
Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than
15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh.
These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014
elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community.
After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to
resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019
seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks
from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution
amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with
amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could
ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or
Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a
scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha
elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
We need to become ruling class if we want to form a casteless society –
Saheb Kanshi Ram
By Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998
Malaysia (10-11 October , 98 ) : Addressing the First International
Dalit Conference at Kuala Lumpur as a Chief Guest in the inaugural
session, Manyawar Kanshiramji said,- “ My heartiest congratulations to
you all for organizing this international conference which is a big step
towards our supreme goal of forming a casteless society in India”.
1) I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the
other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the
“caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my
society.
2) What is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement
of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement
of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the
movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the
movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the
important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who
will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I
reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through
our own party.
3) I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have
learned my half lesson for running the Ambedkarite movement from Dr
Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars
of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement.
And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the
movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to
know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to
run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then
you will never be able to know how to run it.
4) I do not like to talk much even though I have to talk very
frequently. I do not like to tell about my work in words but I want my
work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I
want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not
agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the
results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results
?”.
5) Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our
problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that
in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become
successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality
of the caste.
6) Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of
people can give reservations to others. Even to make your own society
capable of reaping the benefits and to protect your interests , you have
to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the
direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the
rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.
Annihilation of Caste
Kanshiramji said – In 1936 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was invited by the “Jat
Pat Todak Mandal, Lahore” to present his essay on the subject of caste.
But the organizers of the conference did not allow Babasaheb to present
the essay. Later on Babasaheb published the essay in a form of book
titled as “Annihilation of Caste”. When I first read this book in
1962-63, I felt that annihilation of caste is certainly possible. But
later on when I started thinking deeply and began to study the subject
of castes, caste system and behavioural patterns associated with the
caste system, my understanding of caste began to change. My study of
Caste is not merely based on reading books but it has emanated from my
real life experience with the castes. There are millions of people who
leave their villages and migrate to metro cities like Mumbai, Delhi,
Kolkata and other big cities. These people do not bring anything else
with them; the only thing they bring with them is their caste. They
leave behind in their villages their small huts, small plot of land,
etc. But they can not leave behind their caste in the village, the caste
invariably accompanies them to the cities where they begin to stay in
dirty shanties along the side of railway tracks and nallahs. If the
caste is so dear to the people then how can we annihilate the caste ?
Therefore I have stopped thinking in the direction of annihilation of
caste.
You have organized this convention as a precursor to march ahead in the
direction of forming a casteless society. Even my aim is to form a
casteless society. But caste is not something that can be annihilated
just by your noble thoughts about annihilation of caste . Annihilation
of caste is almost impossible. Then what should we do to form a
casteless society ?
There is a specific purpose behind formation of castes.
The castes were not born without any purpose. There is a specific
purpose and selfish interests hidden behind the formation of castes. As
long as this specific purpose and the selfish interests exist , the
caste can not be annihilated. You will never find Bramhins and other
Savarna caste people organizing such conventions for “reformation of
casteless society”. This is because the castes were formed by these same
people with an ill intention to secure their self interests. Formation
of castes has brought benefits to minuscule few savarna castes but on
other hand the generations after generations of the 85 % Bahujan Samaj
have been at the receiving end of this oppressive caste system. The
Bahujan Samaj has been subjugated to the beastly oppression and inhuman
humiliations. If the caste system has been beneficial to the Savarna
Caste people then why would they vouch for it’s annihilation ? The
debates, convention and conferences of these kind can be organized only
by we people who have been victims of the oppressive caste system. The
beneficiaries of the caste system would never be interested in the
annihilation of caste. On the contrary they would work towards
strengthening the caste system so that they continue to reap the
benefits arising from caste system for the ages to come.
The audience sitting in this conference hall may not have been direct
victims of the caste system but we have certainly been born among the
people or society that has been victim of the caste system and therefore
we all need to necessarily think towards formation of casteless
society. But when we talk of annihilation of caste then first of all we
need to accept the existence of caste system. We can never annihilate
the caste by ignoring it’s presence or by undermining it’s relevance in
the contemporary India.
It may be true that lot of us still nurture a feeling of formation of a
casteless society but simultaneously it is also true that the urge for
forming a casteless society is dwindling by passage of time. So what do
we do till the time the caste is not annihilated completely ? I believe
that until the time we are not able to form a casteless society, we need
to use caste to annihilate caste. If Bramhins can use caste for the
benefit of their society then why can not we use it for the benefit of
our society ?
Caste – Two edged sword
Caste is like a sword with two edges which can attack from both sides.
If you use it from one side it cuts enemy from that side; if you use it
from other side it cuts from the other side. Therefore I have began to
use this two edged sword of caste system in such a way that it benefits
the people of Bahujan Samaj and it takes away the benefits that the
savarna castes have been reaping from caste system. Dr Babasaheb
Ambedkar has given the political and social rights to the Scheduled
castes and Scheduled tribes based on the castes. He has used the very
basis of caste to secure the political rights of separate electorate
from the Britishers. But he had to forgo those hard earned rights on the
adamant insistence of Mohandas Gandhi who used his cheap tactics of
fast unto death to blackmail Babasahab.
Separate Electorate
Many people ask me as to why I do not start an agitation for separate
electorate just like what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar did. So far I have never
wasted even single minute on the issue of separate electorate. If the
right to separate electorate could not be obtained during the time when
Britishers were in rule in India then how can I secure those rights when
the Manuwadis are the rulers of India. Today this is totally
impossible.
Specialist on Caste
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar taught the SC/STs how to make use of the weapon of
caste. Therefore he was able to secure many constitutional rights for
our people from the Britishers. But after the departure of Britishers
there are just three people who succeeded in using the weapon of caste.
The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru, second was Indira Gandhi and
third person is Kanshiram.
Nehru applied the weapon of caste like a skilled warrior and succeeded
in it. Nehru was an expert in the art of using castes for maintaining
the Manuvadi dominance and Bramhnical hegemony. After him Indira Gandhi
became expert in exploiting the weapon of caste so that the Bramhnical
Social Order is continuously benefited. But today if you ask any
Congressman in Delhi whether he receives any benefits from the caste, he
will answer in negative. He will say that he does not know how to get
benefited from the caste and that only Kanshiram knows how to make use
of caste for the benefits of his people ( Laughter ).
If you can stop Bramhins from using caste for their own selfish
interests then he will think twice before he uses the sword of caste
against us. I have learned how to make use of this two wedged sword of
caste in the interest of my society. Castes which today to us seem to be
a problem, can become ,if used tactically, a solution to our problems.
The thing which is today our problem can become an opportunity for us
provided we learn to make appropriate use of it for our own benefits.
Indian Refugees
We must always be ready to learn a lesson from history. We have to
accelerate our work of taking ahead the Ambedkarite movement. In 1932 Dr
Babasaheb Ambedkar asked for separate electorate for Dalit/Adivasis.
But in 1942 he raised a demand for separate settlements because he
wanted that the Dalits should not be dependent on the hindus in any way.
They should live their lives with full independence. But what is the
real picture in India today ? Today there is 45 lakh hectare tilled
agricultural land. Our people toil in the fields and produce crops. But
in the field they toil they do not have any property rights. They become
victims of exploitation and injustice of Manuvadi landlords. To escape
from the exploitation and oppression of the land lords our people leave
villages and migrate to big cities in search of respectable life. In the
process they end up living in the dirty shanties , under the bridges ,
along side of railway tracks ,on bank of nallahs and at many other dirty
places where they are forced to live a life which is worse than that of
animals. Such Distress Migration has resulted into nearly 10 Cr people
leaving behind their villages, their tiny plots of land , their small
huts and their meager belongings , to leave in cities. Ten years ago the
number of people who stayed in cities was 5 Crores. Today this number
has risen to 16 Cr. 10 Cr people in big cities stay in dirty slums, on
roads and at other filthy places. I call these people “Indian Refugees”.
Who will address the problems faced by these people ? The Rural
development Ministry and Urban development Ministry of Government of
India should be addressing the multitude of problems faced by the Indian
refugees. Barring these 10 Cr Indian refugees, the Government of India
makes some plan or the other for the development of the other people.
But no one looks into the problems faced by these Indian refugees. No
budgetary provisions are made in our annual budget for these 10 Cr
people. There is no separate department or ministry for such a large
number of people. The Indian government has formed separate department
and ministry for the Pakistani refugees who came to India in 1947 , the
refugees from Kashmir and refugees from other places. Government of
India spends Crores of rupees on the welfare of such foreign refugees ;
but no government ever has paid attention to the problems of these 10 Cr
Indian refugees.
Since these 10 Cr Indian refugees have left behind their
villages, land and other belongings , bringing only their castes to the
cities, my work has become very easy. These 10 Cr refugees are
considered as a big problem by the Manuvadi rulers. But for us these
Indian refugees are a big strength, they are the vehicles of our
empowerment. The very “caste”on the basis of which Crores of such people
have been living a degraded , humiliated lives and thrown in the
gallows of backwardness, we will use the same “caste” to free these
crores of people from the injustice and exploitation meted out to them.
After the forthcoming state assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and
Madhya Pradesh, we will carry out a “ Indian refugees’ agitation”. I
will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other
caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is
alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.
Let me now tell you about my experience of using the caste in the
interest of our society. Today by organizing the people who have been
the victims of the draconian caste system( Bahujan Samaj), I am training
these people to make use of caste for the betterment of our society. I
am inspiring them to carry forward the mission of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar.
I am preparing and enabling my society which comprises of the victims
of the “caste” to make use of this double edged sword of “caste” in
their own interests. Today every Manuvadi party and their leaders are
afraid of my use of “caste”. All these Manuvadi parties are trying to
stop this “ Kanshiram magic”. First Rajiv Gandhi tried then V.P. Singh ,
Narsimharao, etc tried to stop me. Today the similar efforts are being
made by the BJP. But all these people are playing their own games and I
am playing my own ( claps).
Bahujan Samaj Party has to get recognition throughout India.
The Manuvadis beneficiaries of the ‘caste’ have formed ‘caste’ so that
they can perpetually rule over Bahujan Samaj. They have been protectors
and saviours of ‘caste system’ to ensure their perpetual monopolistic
rule over Bahujan Samaj. The creation of any system is more difficult
than it’s retention. Once you build a system , keeping the system up and
running is not very difficult task.
If you want to annihilate ‘caste’ then you have to prevent the Manuvadis
from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. As long as the Manuvadi
beneficiaries of ‘caste’ are left scot-free to use the ‘caste’ to their
own benefits , the Bahujan victims of ‘caste’ will continue to suffer
from ‘caste’. Therefore you will have to learn to use ‘caste’ in the
interest of the Bahujan Samaj and you will have to prevent the Manuvadis
from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. You should not ignore the
presence of the ‘caste’ in the Indian society; whereas you should accept
the existence of ‘caste’ as a naked truth. BSP has emerged has 4th
largest national party in India by successfully making use of ‘caste’.
In India there are about 70 recognized political parties. We are ahead
of 66 of these political parties. Today only Congress, BJP and CPI(M)
are ahead of us. When we formed BSP in the year 1984 , the other parties
used to say that BSP would remain as a regional party within UP. But
today BSP has secured recognition not only in UP but also in MP, Punjab,
Jammu and Kashmir and Haryana. Seeing this success of BSP all the
savarna hindu castes ( Manuvadi samaj) has become very sad. And even I
am also not happy. They are sad because BSP is speedily gaining strong
ground in other states; whereas I am sad because BSP has not been able
to become a recognized party in all the states of India. I want BSP to
become recognized party in all the states, and even in Maharashtra.
Why is Bahujan Samaj dependent in independent India ?
In the year 1997 , the manuvadi ruling class in India decided to
celebrate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. There may be many
reasons for them to celebrate ; but the 85 % Bahujan Samaj which
continues to remain dependent on others even after 50 years of
independence, has no reason to celebrate. Even today our people in the
villages do not possess their own land, they work as farm labours in the
land of manuvadi landlords. 10 Cr people have migrated to cities
because in the villages they were dependent on others. When we
established Bahujan Samaj Party, the Dalits, backwards were dependent on
manuvadi parties for tickets. They used to run behind these parties for
getting tickets. The political parties, if not anything else are the
tickets printing machines. We thought as to why we should not possess
one such machine and therefore we established Bahujan Samaj Party on
14th April, 1984.
Not just a platform ticket
In March 1985 we distributed 237 tickets for the Uttar Pradesh assembly
polls. That time I told all our candidates that our tickets are merely
platform tickets and that you will not be able to reach Lucknow with
help of these tickets. That time there wasn’t any quarrel for getting
our ticket. But today our tickets are in great demand. Today in UP every
BSP candidate secures more than 1 lac of votes. Today our tickets are
no more just the platform tickets but one can reach not just Lucknow but
also Delhi with the help of our tickets. Today why are our tickets in
so much demand ?
Congress made BSP popular.
On basis of 1984 Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, Congress had won
410 assembly seats out of 425. But in the 1985 assembly elections they
won just 265 seats. Congress had to lose 145 seats because of the
presence of BSP. Congress got frustrated because of these losses and
they carried out a campaign calling BSP a “party of Chamars”. This
campaign indeed helped BSP to consolidate our ground in UP. Our party
became very popular among the Chamar community of Uttar Pradesh. In 1985
election we secured merely 2 % votes. Our vote percentage went on
rising in every subsequent elections. In 1989 it went on to 9%, in 1991 –
11%, in 1993 – 20. 6 %. In 1996 Loksabha elections we got 29% votes. We
achieved this success not by ignoring the ‘caste’ but by accepting the
existence of ‘caste’ and by utilizing it in our interests. Today
Congress is unable to get benefited by making use of ‘caste’ whereas we
have increased our strength manifold by appropriately using the caste
reality; we will continue to strengthen ourselves in future to come.
Lesson from Maharashtra
Today here many people from Maharashtra are present. I have learned a
lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned a half lesson for
running the Ambedkari movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other
half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt
from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I
have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any
movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but
also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not
know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how
to run it.
Mahars have not been able to appropriately use the double edged
sword of caste. They say that now they have become Buddhists and they
are no more Mahars. But simultaneously they kept on fighting for the
benefits of reservations in capacity of being Mahars. They began to
demand reservations for the people who have become Buddhists. . Mahars
carried the ‘caste’- a bad breath of Hinduism to Buddhism. ‘Caste’ is
that bad breath of Hinduism which has polluted the whole world.
100 years of Reservations
On 26th July 1902, the Maharaja of Kolhapur- Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj
implemented reservations in jobs in his kingdom for the Dalits and
backwards. On 26th July 2002 we will complete 100 years of reservations.
100 years of reservations is sufficient. Now I consider it my
responsibility to empower my people so that they will not ask for
reservations but they will become capable to give reservations to
others. It is easy to understand and say this thing but it is not easy
to make it happen.
Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of
people can give reservations to others. Even to enable your own society
capable of reaping the benefits and to protect their interests , you
have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in
the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become
the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.
But the question is how the victims of the ‘caste’ can become the
rulers ? Should we become MLA/MP or should we run the Ambedkar movement ?
I have nither seen Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar nor have I heard him when he
was alive. I have learned Ambedkarism from the leaders of Maharashtra.
Mr Bajirao Kamble who was wearing a blue cap and sitting in front of me
was one of those people who gave me lessons in Ambedkarism. When the
Ambedkarite leaders from Maharashtra began to crawl behind the Congress
for tickets, it resulted into many skirmishes between me and them. They
were saying that if they stick to Ambedkarism then they can not become
MLAs and MPs. I asked them what is more important ? To become MLA/MP or
to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important
to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I
chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that
to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But
the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs
who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I
reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through
our own party. And therefore I left Mumbai and came back to Lucknow.
Which all castes supported Babasaheb ?
I have studied deeply the ‘caste’ as reality in the Indian society. I
studied those castes which had supported Babasaheb. Babasaheb’s movement
was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas
of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras)
of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952
and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not
win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?
After that I even delved into electoral victories of Babasaheb. In 1946
Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did
this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was
52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to
send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win
because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav,
Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and
therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to
leave the movement of Babasaheb.
The fight of Babasaheb was for all the castes that were victims of the
‘caste system’. But were only Mahars, Pariahs, Malas, Jatavs,
etc.castes, the victims of the ‘caste’ ? Were only these castes the
victims of the Manuvadi social order ? The answer is No. These castes
were not the only victims of ‘caste’. 6000 castes are the victims of
‘caste’.
According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500
castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among
the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all
such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some
of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more.
But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the
manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to
fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some
castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all
these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as
minorities. But if these castes organize among themselves by creating a
feeling of fraternity, they can become a majority – Bahujans. These
people are 85 % of country’s population and thus they constitute of a
very big strength in the country.
Creation of fraternity among the Bahujans castes is a necessity of time
When Bahujan Samaj Party was established in 1984, at that time Bahujan
Samaj had not been formed in the country. Bahujan Samaj Party can become
successful only if the Bahujan Samaj is formed. Therefore we have began
to organize the 6000 Bahujan Castes by creating a fraternity among them
in order to form a Bahujan Samaj. In last 10 years we have been able to
connect together just 600 castes which forms just 10 % of the total
number of castes that we want to reach to.
Just by bringing together 600 castes, our party has become 4th largest
party in India. If we add 400 more castes then the number of castes that
we have brought together will go up to 1000. And if we succeed in
adding 400 more castes in our fold then we will become the number one
party in the country. I do not like to talk much even though I am
compelled to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell in my words but
I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for
themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement
who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you
analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about
those results ?”.
Bringing together so many castes on one platform was a mammoth task in
itself. Lot of people have been engaged in making severe criticism of
those people who have been instrumental in bringing the 600 castes
together. Many have advised not to undertake such an impossible task in
hand. But when the people who started the noble work of bringing
together the divided castes, no force in the world was able to stop them
from doing so. The people that carried out the task of joining together
people from different castes ; did their work with all the sincerity
and dedication at their command. If we have succeeded in bringing
together 600 castes then why won’t we succeed in bringing many more
castes together ? We will certainly succeed. By bringing together all
the victim castes, we can capture the political power and become the
ruling class.
Capturing the Master Key
Babasaheb has said that “political power is the master key using which
you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.
Our friends from Maharashtra had been fighting since 25 years for
changing the name of Marathwada university. They had to do this because
they do not have the political master key. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi came to
Lucknow and he laid down the foundation stone for the Dr Ambedkar
University. On one hand the Congress party is refusing to change the
name of Marathwada university in Maharashtra and on the other hand the
same Congress party is laying down a stone for the Dr Ambedkar
University at Lucknow. Why this has happened ? The people of Uttar
Pradesh have never raised a demand for Dr Ambedkar Univesity at Lucknow.
This was the demand of people from Maharashtra.Then why is this demand
of people from Maharashtra being fulfilled in Uttar Pradesh ? Why was
congress so eager to start a Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow ? This
had happened because the people of Uttar Pradesh were extending their
hand towards the political master key. Therefore the ruling class wanted
to hide the master key in guise of the university.
By capturing the power in UP we have formed not just one university but
many universities for which the people from Maharashtra have been
fighting for long time. In 1994 we laid a foundation stone for Shahu
Maharaj university at Kanpur. In 1996 we formed Mahatma Phule university
and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar university. Apart from this we acquired 200
acre land at Noida for Gautam Buddha Univesity. We created 17 new
districts to fasten the process of development and more importantly to
honour our heroes by giving their names to these newly formed districts.
It becomes very clear from this that you can use ‘caste’ to acquire
political master key and make use of this master key to secure a life of
self respect and take them along the path of progress.
Our society has to shed away their “Dalit mentality”
I have so far talked at length about the ‘caste’. Now I want to talk
something about the Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My party men and
other friends were thinking that I may not go to attend the convention
at Kuala Lumpur because I am so much overburdened by the vows of Dalits
in India. But I get more upset by looking at the Dalit mentality of the
people. Dalit mentality is the biggest weakness of the dalits. Dalit
mentality has become a sort of a feeling of destitution. A person with a
mentality of a beggar can never become a ruler. Similarly without
shedding away the Dalit mentality, no society can become a ruling class.
The hands which are used to ask/beg have to strive to become the ones
which will give, i.e. they have to become a ruling race. If we can not
become the ruling class then there can not be any other shorter and
easier solution to all our problems. So how you can become ruling class
without shedding away your Dalit mentality ? Therefore you have to shed
away your Dalit mentality. If you become rulers then you yourselves can
find the solution to all your problems.
Manuvad can destroy all other isms.
Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is
in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the
country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The
reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.
It is the responsibility of these intellectuals as well as mine that we
evolve our own ism keeping in mind the presence of Manuvad and accepting
the ‘caste’ as reality of Indian society. Manuvadis often talk about
the problem of unemployment in India. They are worried about the
unemployment of 1 Cr unemployed youth belonging to the “upper” castes.
But these people have no worries about the multiple problems faced by
the 10 Cr Indian refugees who are illiterate and unskilled.
No party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. But these 10
Cr people are our people. Therefore only our party is worried about the
plight of these 10 Cr people. Only our party can find a solution on the
problems of these people. We can easily solve the problems of the
Bahujan Samaj by becoming the ruling class.
We have become 4th largest party in India by bringing together 600
castes and by creating a fraternity among these castes. By reaching to
1000 castes and by bringing them in our fold we can become the ruling
class in this country. I have a strong belief that in next 3 years we
will become the rulers and the political master key will be in our
hands.
‘Kanshiram Magic’
I do not support the idea of imposing my thoughts on others. I am just
narrating my experience to you. It is up to you whether you want to take
advantage of it or not.
By becoming rulers you can march ahead effectively towards formation of a
casteless society. I can tell this one solution to all your problems.
Why would the beneficiaries of ‘caste’ want to destroy it ? The people
who are victims of ‘caste’ and who have suffered because of it will have
to take this task of destroying the ‘caste’. The caste system can be
destroyed only by the rulers themselves provided they have a will to do.
You will think that I am talking about some impossible and unachievable
things. But in my life I have always taken seemingly impossible tasks in
my hand and have achieved a success in those tasks. This is what is
called ‘Kanshiram magic’. Today this ‘Kanshiram magic’ has began to
occupy a national form.
Therefore my only message to you all is that you should march ahead in
the direction of formation of casteless society by means of right
thinking . At the end I would like to tell you that you can form a
casteless society by capturing the political master key because only the
ruling class can form a new social order.
Jai Bheem, Jai Bharat.
( Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998).
https://youtu.be/7AEDR7_4NKM
Comedy movie clips of all languages for dukkha nirodha (end of suffering) charlie chalin, laural & hardy and all tamil comedians
https://youtu.be/ZujoJaR2ERY
http://buddhanet.net/dhammapada/index.htm http://www.buddhanet.net/pdf_file/dhammapadatxt1.pdf
Verse 1. Suffering Follows The Evil-Doer
https://youtu.be/kHMEyAVym9g
https://youtu.be/k-lwwqHUWWE
Mind precedes all knowables,
mind’s their chief, mind-made are they.
If with a corrupted mind
one should either speak or act
dukkha follows caused by that,
as does the wheel the ox’s hoof.
Explanation: All that we experience begins with thought. Our words and deeds spring from thought. If we speak or act with evil thoughts, unpleasant circumstances and experiences inevitably result. Wherever we go, we create bad circumstances because we carry bad thoughts. This is very much like the wheel of a cart following the hoofs of the ox yoked to the cart. The cart-wheel, along with the heavy load of the cart, keeps following the draught oxen. The animal is bound to this heavy load and cannot leave it.
Verse 2. Happiness Follows The Doer of Good
Mind precedes all knowables,
mind’s their chief, mind-made are they.
If with a clear, and confident mind
one should speak and act
as one’s shadow ne’er departing.
Explanation: All that man experiences springs out of his thoughts. If his thoughts are good, the words and the deeds will also be good. The result of good thoughts , words and deeds will be happiness. This happiness will never leave the person whose thoughts are good. Happiness will always follow him like his shadow that never leaves him.
Verse 3. Uncontrolled Hatred Leads to Harm
Who bears within them enmity:
“He has abused and beaten me,
defeated me and plundered me”,
hate is not allayed for them.
Explanation: When a person holds that he was insulted, assaulted, defeated, or robbed, his anger continues to increase. The anger such a person has no way of subsiding. The more he goes over his imaginary trouble the greater becomes his desire to avenge it.
Verse 4. Overcoming Anger
Who bears within no enmity:
“He has abused and beaten me,
defeated me and plundered me”,
hate is quite allayed for them.
Explanation: Living in human society, people often quarrel with one another. When such conflicts occur, people often keep thinking about the wrongs done to them by others. When that happens, their anger tends to grow. But in those who forgive and forget the wrongs done to them, anger quickly vanishes. They are then at peace.
Verse 5. Hatred is Overcome Only by Non-hatred
Never here by enmity
are those with enmity allayed,
they are allayed by amity,
this is the timeless Truth.
Explanation: Those who attempt to conquer hatred by hatred are like warriors who take weapons to overcome others who bear arms. This does not end hatred, but gives it room to grow. But, ancient wisdom has advocated a different timeless strategy to overcome hatred. This eternal wisdom is to meet hatred with non-hatred. The method is of overcoming hatred through non-hatred is eternally effective. That is why that method is described as eternal wisdom.
Verse 6. Recollection of Death Brings Peace
Still others do not understand
that we must perish in this world,
those who understand this,
there quarrels are allayed.
Explanation: Most of us are not prepared to face the reality of impermanence and death. It is because we forget this fact that our lives are transitory, that we quarrel with each other, as if we are going to live for ever. But, if we face the fact of death, our quarrels will come to an end. We will then realize the folly of fighting when we ourselves are doomed to die. Excited by emotions our thoughts being clouded, we cannot see the truth about life. When we see the truth, however, our thoughts become free of emotions.
Verse 7. Laziness Defeats Spirituality
One who beauty contemplates,
whose faculties are unrestrained,
in food no moderation knows,
is languid, who is indolent:
that one does Mara overthrow
as wind a tree of little strength.
Explanation: Those who dwell on the attractiveness of sensual enjoyment, and live with the senses unguarded, and are immoderate in eating, they are slothful and weak in perseverance and will-power. Emotions overpower such persons easily as the wind overpowers a weak tree.
Verse 8. Spiritual Strength is Undefeatable
One who foulness contemplates,
whose faculties are well-restrained,
in food does moderation know,
is full of faith, who’s diligent:
that one no Mara overthrows,
as wind does not a rocky mount.
Explanation: Those who dwell on the unattractiveness of sensual enjoyment, and live with the senses well guarded, and are moderate in eating, they are devoted to the Teaching and to persistent methodical practice. Such persons are not overpowered by emotions just as a rocky mountain is not shaken by the wind.
Verse 9. Those Who Do Not Deserve the Stained Robe
One who wears the stainless robe
who’s yet not free from stain,
without restraint and truthfulness
for the stainless robe’s unfit.
Explanation: A monk may be stained by defilements, bereft of self-control and awareness of reality. Such a monk, though he may wear the ’stained cloth’ ( the monk’s robe which has been specially coloured with dye obtained from wild plants), he is not worthy of such a saintly garb.
Verse 10. The Virtuous Deserve the Stained Robe
But one who is self-cleansed of stain,
in moral conduct firmly set,
having restraint and truthfulness
is fit for the stainless robe.
Explanation: Whoever dons the ’stained cloth’, being free of defilements, who is well conducted and tranquil within, having emotions under control and aware of reality, such a person is worthy of the sacred ’stained cloth’.
Verse 11. False Values Bar Spiritual Progress
Conceiving the real in unreality
while seeing unreal the truly real,
roaming fields of thoughts ill-formed:
never they at the real arrive.
Explanation: A person interested in spiritual progress must be aware of spiritual values. It is true that material things are also necessary. But they are not the values to be sought after for spiritual progress. If people were to give prominence to material values they cannot attain any spiritual heights.
Verse 12. Truth Enlightens
That which is real they know as real,
that unreal, to be unreal;
roaming fields of thought well-formed
they at the real arrive.
Explanation: The wise person who is able to recognize the true values leading to spiritual attainment, is capable of attaining to spiritual heights. Such a person is possessed of right views.
Verse 13. Lust Penetrates Untrained Mind
Even as the rain does penetrate
a house that’s badly thatched,
likewise lust does penetrate
the mind uncultivated.
Explanation: It is quite necessary that a house should have a well-thatched roof. If the thatching is weak, rain seeps through the house. Just as a badly thatched roof lets in the rain, the uncultured temperament too is open to passions. The temperament that is not cultured is penetrated easily by lust.
Verse 14. The Disciplined Mind Keeps Lust Away
As rain does never penetrate
a house that is well-thatched,
so lust does never penetrate
the mind well cultivated.
Explanation: When the house is well protected by a well-thatched roof, it is not harmed by the rain, because rain-water cannot seep though it. In the same way, the well-cultured temperament too does not allow passion to come through. Therefore, the well-cultured temperament cannot be penetrated by passions.
Verse 15. Sorrow Springs From Evil Deeds
Here one grieves, one grieves hereafter,
in both ways does the evil-doer grieve;
one grieves and is afflicted,
one’s own base kammas seeing.
Explanation: People who commit evil actions are unaware of their consequences at the moment of performance. Therefore, they tend to repent on seeing the consequences of what they did. This creates grief. This does not mean that one must always suffer the consequences of one’s deeds, without any hope. If that is the case, there is no benefit in leading a religious life, nor is there any opportunity to work for one’s emancipation.
Verse 16. Good Deeds Bring Happiness
Here one joys, one joys hereafter,
in both ways does the merit-maker joy;
one joys and one rejoices,
one’s own pure kammas seeing.
Explanation: A wise person does good deeds. Having done those good deeds he rejoices here in this world. He rejoices in the life after as well. Seeing the purity of his virtuous actions, he rejoices. He is thoroughly joyous seeing the goodness of his deeds.
Verse 17. Evil Action Leads to Torment
Here one burns, one burns hereafter,
in both ways does the evil-doer burn;
evil I’ve done, remorsefully one burns,
and more one burns passed to realms of woe.
Explanation: Those who do evil, those given to wrong doings, are tortured in mind both here and hereafter. Being born in a state of woe after death the doer of evil keeps on torturing himself more with the thought “I have done evil deeds. ”
Verse 18. Virtuous Deeds Make One Rejoice
Here one’s glad, one’s glad hereafter,
in both ways is the merit-maker glad;
‘Merit I’ve made’, serenely one is glad,
and more one’s glad passed to blissful states.
Explanation: The person who has done good and virtuous deeds rejoices in this world. Gone to a pleasant state of existence after death, he rejoices exceedingly. This way he rejoices here and in the next world. In both worlds he rejoices realizing that he has done virtuous deeds.
Verse 19. Fruits of Religious Life Through Practice
Though many sacred texts he chants
the heedless man’s no practiser,
as cowherd counting other’s kine
in samanaship he has no share.
Explanation: Some persons may know the words of the Buddha extensively and can repeat it all. But through utter neglect they do not live up to it. In consequence they do not reach any religions attainments. They do not enjoy the fruit of the recluse life. This is exactly like the way of life of a cowherd who looks after another’s cattle. The cowherd takes the cattle to the pastures in the morning, and in the evening he takes them back to the owner’s house. He gets only the wages.
Verse 20. Practice Ensures Fulfilment
Though few of the sacred texts he chant
in Dhamma does his practice run,
clear of delusion, lust and hate,
wisdom perfected, with heart well-freed.
Explanation: A true seeker of truth through he may speak only little of the Buddha’s word. He may not be able to recite extensively from religious texts. But, if he belongs to the teaching of the Buddha assiduously, lives in accordance with the teaching of the Buddha, if he has got rid of passion, ill-will and delusion, he has well penetrated experience and is free from clinging to worldly things, he is a partaker of the life of a renunciate.
https://www.scribd.com/document/154339886/Dhammapada-Illustrated
Treasury ofTruth
IllustratedDhammapada
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ISBN: 981–00–4938–2
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https://youtu.be/_DkWIQ5pp_w
https://youtu.be/HzO3otxvpio
https://youtu.be/Nd0mW-cLYiw
https://youtu.be/vyQAXkRsfPc
https://youtu.be/U9Hm5XvdFcw
In BUDDHISM Ashada is celebrated as Ashala - Pooja
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/vmLEFl6IhAY
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/cpDIrn5a9Q8
https://youtu.be/dqxBMOrZRGA
https://youtu.be/IB_cFsmHRIc
https://youtu.be/UFJmwUUTfGE
“I am very fond of teaching profession. I am also very fond of students. I have dealt with them. I have lectured them in my life. I am very glad to talk to the students. A great lot of the future of this country must necessarily depend on the students of this country. Students are an intelligent part of the community and they can shape the public opinion.”
- Babasaheb Ambedkar
These views are the views of a man, who has
been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness. They come from one, almost the whole of whose public exertion has been one continuous struggle for liberty for the poor and for the oppressed and whose only reward has been a continuous shower of calumny and abuse from national journals and national leaders, for no other reason except that I refuse to join with them in performing the miracle—I will not say trick—of liberating the oppressed with the gold of the tyrant and raising the poor with the cash of the rich.
—Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in Annihilation of Caste
https://youtu.be/wcPJbSATq4E
https://youtu.be/2AMMRXTDCzs
https://youtu.be/FVNJFBI0b-
https://youtu.be/b0tyQ6lLuP8
https://youtu.be/wbDNlTXatp4
https://youtu.be/4cywWIPoqko
https://youtu.be/JNbrVVU1hco
https://youtu.be/mQQ3BdjCc4I
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
We need to become ruling class if we want to form a casteless society – Saheb Kanshi Ram
By Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998
Malaysia (10-11 October , 98 ) : Addressing the First International Dalit Conference at Kuala Lumpur as a Chief Guest in the inaugural session, Manyawar Kanshiramji said,- “ My heartiest congratulations to you all for organizing this international conference which is a big step towards our supreme goal of forming a casteless society in India”.
1) I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.
2) What is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party.
3) I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned my half lesson for running the Ambedkarite movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.
4) I do not like to talk much even though I have to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell about my work in words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.
5) Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.
6) Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to make your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect your interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.
Annihilation of Caste
Kanshiramji said – In 1936 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was invited by the “Jat Pat Todak Mandal, Lahore” to present his essay on the subject of caste. But the organizers of the conference did not allow Babasaheb to present the essay. Later on Babasaheb published the essay in a form of book titled as “Annihilation of Caste”. When I first read this book in 1962-63, I felt that annihilation of caste is certainly possible. But later on when I started thinking deeply and began to study the subject of castes, caste system and behavioural patterns associated with the caste system, my understanding of caste began to change. My study of Caste is not merely based on reading books but it has emanated from my real life experience with the castes. There are millions of people who leave their villages and migrate to metro cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and other big cities. These people do not bring anything else with them; the only thing they bring with them is their caste. They leave behind in their villages their small huts, small plot of land, etc. But they can not leave behind their caste in the village, the caste invariably accompanies them to the cities where they begin to stay in dirty shanties along the side of railway tracks and nallahs. If the caste is so dear to the people then how can we annihilate the caste ? Therefore I have stopped thinking in the direction of annihilation of caste.
You have organized this convention as a precursor to march ahead in the direction of forming a casteless society. Even my aim is to form a casteless society. But caste is not something that can be annihilated just by your noble thoughts about annihilation of caste . Annihilation of caste is almost impossible. Then what should we do to form a casteless society ?
There is a specific purpose behind formation of castes.
The castes were not born without any purpose. There is a specific purpose and selfish interests hidden behind the formation of castes. As long as this specific purpose and the selfish interests exist , the caste can not be annihilated. You will never find Bramhins and other Savarna caste people organizing such conventions for “reformation of casteless society”. This is because the castes were formed by these same people with an ill intention to secure their self interests. Formation of castes has brought benefits to minuscule few savarna castes but on other hand the generations after generations of the 85 % Bahujan Samaj have been at the receiving end of this oppressive caste system. The Bahujan Samaj has been subjugated to the beastly oppression and inhuman humiliations. If the caste system has been beneficial to the Savarna Caste people then why would they vouch for it’s annihilation ? The debates, convention and conferences of these kind can be organized only by we people who have been victims of the oppressive caste system. The beneficiaries of the caste system would never be interested in the annihilation of caste. On the contrary they would work towards strengthening the caste system so that they continue to reap the benefits arising from caste system for the ages to come.
The audience sitting in this conference hall may not have been direct victims of the caste system but we have certainly been born among the people or society that has been victim of the caste system and therefore we all need to necessarily think towards formation of casteless society. But when we talk of annihilation of caste then first of all we need to accept the existence of caste system. We can never annihilate the caste by ignoring it’s presence or by undermining it’s relevance in the contemporary India.
It may be true that lot of us still nurture a feeling of formation of a casteless society but simultaneously it is also true that the urge for forming a casteless society is dwindling by passage of time. So what do we do till the time the caste is not annihilated completely ? I believe that until the time we are not able to form a casteless society, we need to use caste to annihilate caste. If Bramhins can use caste for the benefit of their society then why can not we use it for the benefit of our society ?
Caste – Two edged sword
Caste is like a sword with two edges which can attack from both sides. If you use it from one side it cuts enemy from that side; if you use it from other side it cuts from the other side. Therefore I have began to use this two edged sword of caste system in such a way that it benefits the people of Bahujan Samaj and it takes away the benefits that the savarna castes have been reaping from caste system. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar has given the political and social rights to the Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes based on the castes. He has used the very basis of caste to secure the political rights of separate electorate from the Britishers. But he had to forgo those hard earned rights on the adamant insistence of Mohandas Gandhi who used his cheap tactics of fast unto death to blackmail Babasahab.
Separate Electorate
Many people ask me as to why I do not start an agitation for separate electorate just like what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar did. So far I have never wasted even single minute on the issue of separate electorate. If the right to separate electorate could not be obtained during the time when Britishers were in rule in India then how can I secure those rights when the Manuwadis are the rulers of India. Today this is totally impossible.
Specialist on Caste
Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar taught the SC/STs how to make use of the weapon of caste. Therefore he was able to secure many constitutional rights for our people from the Britishers. But after the departure of Britishers there are just three people who succeeded in using the weapon of caste. The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru, second was Indira Gandhi and third person is Kanshiram.
Nehru applied the weapon of caste like a skilled warrior and succeeded in it. Nehru was an expert in the art of using castes for maintaining the Manuvadi dominance and Bramhnical hegemony. After him Indira Gandhi became expert in exploiting the weapon of caste so that the Bramhnical Social Order is continuously benefited. But today if you ask any Congressman in Delhi whether he receives any benefits from the caste, he will answer in negative. He will say that he does not know how to get benefited from the caste and that only Kanshiram knows how to make use of caste for the benefits of his people ( Laughter ).
If you can stop Bramhins from using caste for their own selfish interests then he will think twice before he uses the sword of caste against us. I have learned how to make use of this two wedged sword of caste in the interest of my society. Castes which today to us seem to be a problem, can become ,if used tactically, a solution to our problems. The thing which is today our problem can become an opportunity for us provided we learn to make appropriate use of it for our own benefits.
Indian Refugees
We must always be ready to learn a lesson from history. We have to accelerate our work of taking ahead the Ambedkarite movement. In 1932 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar asked for separate electorate for Dalit/Adivasis. But in 1942 he raised a demand for separate settlements because he wanted that the Dalits should not be dependent on the hindus in any way. They should live their lives with full independence. But what is the real picture in India today ? Today there is 45 lakh hectare tilled agricultural land. Our people toil in the fields and produce crops. But in the field they toil they do not have any property rights. They become victims of exploitation and injustice of Manuvadi landlords. To escape from the exploitation and oppression of the land lords our people leave villages and migrate to big cities in search of respectable life. In the process they end up living in the dirty shanties , under the bridges , along side of railway tracks ,on bank of nallahs and at many other dirty places where they are forced to live a life which is worse than that of animals. Such Distress Migration has resulted into nearly 10 Cr people leaving behind their villages, their tiny plots of land , their small huts and their meager belongings , to leave in cities. Ten years ago the number of people who stayed in cities was 5 Crores. Today this number has risen to 16 Cr. 10 Cr people in big cities stay in dirty slums, on roads and at other filthy places. I call these people “Indian Refugees”. Who will address the problems faced by these people ? The Rural development Ministry and Urban development Ministry of Government of India should be addressing the multitude of problems faced by the Indian refugees. Barring these 10 Cr Indian refugees, the Government of India makes some plan or the other for the development of the other people. But no one looks into the problems faced by these Indian refugees. No budgetary provisions are made in our annual budget for these 10 Cr people. There is no separate department or ministry for such a large number of people. The Indian government has formed separate department and ministry for the Pakistani refugees who came to India in 1947 , the refugees from Kashmir and refugees from other places. Government of India spends Crores of rupees on the welfare of such foreign refugees ; but no government ever has paid attention to the problems of these 10 Cr Indian refugees.
Since these 10 Cr Indian refugees have left behind their villages, land and other belongings , bringing only their castes to the cities, my work has become very easy. These 10 Cr refugees are considered as a big problem by the Manuvadi rulers. But for us these Indian refugees are a big strength, they are the vehicles of our empowerment. The very “caste”on the basis of which Crores of such people have been living a degraded , humiliated lives and thrown in the gallows of backwardness, we will use the same “caste” to free these crores of people from the injustice and exploitation meted out to them. After the forthcoming state assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, we will carry out a “ Indian refugees’ agitation”. I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.
Let me now tell you about my experience of using the caste in the interest of our society. Today by organizing the people who have been the victims of the draconian caste system( Bahujan Samaj), I am training these people to make use of caste for the betterment of our society. I am inspiring them to carry forward the mission of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. I am preparing and enabling my society which comprises of the victims of the “caste” to make use of this double edged sword of “caste” in their own interests. Today every Manuvadi party and their leaders are afraid of my use of “caste”. All these Manuvadi parties are trying to stop this “ Kanshiram magic”. First Rajiv Gandhi tried then V.P. Singh , Narsimharao, etc tried to stop me. Today the similar efforts are being made by the BJP. But all these people are playing their own games and I am playing my own ( claps).
Bahujan Samaj Party has to get recognition throughout India.
The Manuvadis beneficiaries of the ‘caste’ have formed ‘caste’ so that they can perpetually rule over Bahujan Samaj. They have been protectors and saviours of ‘caste system’ to ensure their perpetual monopolistic rule over Bahujan Samaj. The creation of any system is more difficult than it’s retention. Once you build a system , keeping the system up and running is not very difficult task.
If you want to annihilate ‘caste’ then you have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. As long as the Manuvadi beneficiaries of ‘caste’ are left scot-free to use the ‘caste’ to their own benefits , the Bahujan victims of ‘caste’ will continue to suffer from ‘caste’. Therefore you will have to learn to use ‘caste’ in the interest of the Bahujan Samaj and you will have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. You should not ignore the presence of the ‘caste’ in the Indian society; whereas you should accept the existence of ‘caste’ as a naked truth. BSP has emerged has 4th largest national party in India by successfully making use of ‘caste’. In India there are about 70 recognized political parties. We are ahead of 66 of these political parties. Today only Congress, BJP and CPI(M) are ahead of us. When we formed BSP in the year 1984 , the other parties used to say that BSP would remain as a regional party within UP. But today BSP has secured recognition not only in UP but also in MP, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and Haryana. Seeing this success of BSP all the savarna hindu castes ( Manuvadi samaj) has become very sad. And even I am also not happy. They are sad because BSP is speedily gaining strong ground in other states; whereas I am sad because BSP has not been able to become a recognized party in all the states of India. I want BSP to become recognized party in all the states, and even in Maharashtra.
Why is Bahujan Samaj dependent in independent India ?
In the year 1997 , the manuvadi ruling class in India decided to celebrate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. There may be many reasons for them to celebrate ; but the 85 % Bahujan Samaj which continues to remain dependent on others even after 50 years of independence, has no reason to celebrate. Even today our people in the villages do not possess their own land, they work as farm labours in the land of manuvadi landlords. 10 Cr people have migrated to cities because in the villages they were dependent on others. When we established Bahujan Samaj Party, the Dalits, backwards were dependent on manuvadi parties for tickets. They used to run behind these parties for getting tickets. The political parties, if not anything else are the tickets printing machines. We thought as to why we should not possess one such machine and therefore we established Bahujan Samaj Party on 14th April, 1984.
Not just a platform ticket
In March 1985 we distributed 237 tickets for the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls. That time I told all our candidates that our tickets are merely platform tickets and that you will not be able to reach Lucknow with help of these tickets. That time there wasn’t any quarrel for getting our ticket. But today our tickets are in great demand. Today in UP every BSP candidate secures more than 1 lac of votes. Today our tickets are no more just the platform tickets but one can reach not just Lucknow but also Delhi with the help of our tickets. Today why are our tickets in so much demand ?
Congress made BSP popular.
On basis of 1984 Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, Congress had won 410 assembly seats out of 425. But in the 1985 assembly elections they won just 265 seats. Congress had to lose 145 seats because of the presence of BSP. Congress got frustrated because of these losses and they carried out a campaign calling BSP a “party of Chamars”. This campaign indeed helped BSP to consolidate our ground in UP. Our party became very popular among the Chamar community of Uttar Pradesh. In 1985 election we secured merely 2 % votes. Our vote percentage went on rising in every subsequent elections. In 1989 it went on to 9%, in 1991 – 11%, in 1993 – 20. 6 %. In 1996 Loksabha elections we got 29% votes. We achieved this success not by ignoring the ‘caste’ but by accepting the existence of ‘caste’ and by utilizing it in our interests. Today Congress is unable to get benefited by making use of ‘caste’ whereas we have increased our strength manifold by appropriately using the caste reality; we will continue to strengthen ourselves in future to come.
Lesson from Maharashtra
Today here many people from Maharashtra are present. I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned a half lesson for running the Ambedkari movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.
Mahars have not been able to appropriately use the double edged sword of caste. They say that now they have become Buddhists and they are no more Mahars. But simultaneously they kept on fighting for the benefits of reservations in capacity of being Mahars. They began to demand reservations for the people who have become Buddhists. . Mahars carried the ‘caste’- a bad breath of Hinduism to Buddhism. ‘Caste’ is that bad breath of Hinduism which has polluted the whole world.
100 years of Reservations
On 26th July 1902, the Maharaja of Kolhapur- Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj implemented reservations in jobs in his kingdom for the Dalits and backwards. On 26th July 2002 we will complete 100 years of reservations. 100 years of reservations is sufficient. Now I consider it my responsibility to empower my people so that they will not ask for reservations but they will become capable to give reservations to others. It is easy to understand and say this thing but it is not easy to make it happen.
Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to enable your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect their interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.
But the question is how the victims of the ‘caste’ can become the rulers ? Should we become MLA/MP or should we run the Ambedkar movement ? I have nither seen Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar nor have I heard him when he was alive. I have learned Ambedkarism from the leaders of Maharashtra. Mr Bajirao Kamble who was wearing a blue cap and sitting in front of me was one of those people who gave me lessons in Ambedkarism. When the Ambedkarite leaders from Maharashtra began to crawl behind the Congress for tickets, it resulted into many skirmishes between me and them. They were saying that if they stick to Ambedkarism then they can not become MLAs and MPs. I asked them what is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party. And therefore I left Mumbai and came back to Lucknow.
Which all castes supported Babasaheb ?
I have studied deeply the ‘caste’ as reality in the Indian society. I studied those castes which had supported Babasaheb. Babasaheb’s movement was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras) of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952 and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?
After that I even delved into electoral victories of Babasaheb. In 1946 Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was 52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav, Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to leave the movement of Babasaheb.
The fight of Babasaheb was for all the castes that were victims of the ‘caste system’. But were only Mahars, Pariahs, Malas, Jatavs, etc.castes, the victims of the ‘caste’ ? Were only these castes the victims of the Manuvadi social order ? The answer is No. These castes were not the only victims of ‘caste’. 6000 castes are the victims of ‘caste’.
According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500 castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more. But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as minorities. But if these castes organize among themselves by creating a feeling of fraternity, they can become a majority – Bahujans. These people are 85 % of country’s population and thus they constitute of a very big strength in the country.
Creation of fraternity among the Bahujans castes is a necessity of time
When Bahujan Samaj Party was established in 1984, at that time Bahujan Samaj had not been formed in the country. Bahujan Samaj Party can become successful only if the Bahujan Samaj is formed. Therefore we have began to organize the 6000 Bahujan Castes by creating a fraternity among them in order to form a Bahujan Samaj. In last 10 years we have been able to connect together just 600 castes which forms just 10 % of the total number of castes that we want to reach to.
Just by bringing together 600 castes, our party has become 4th largest party in India. If we add 400 more castes then the number of castes that we have brought together will go up to 1000. And if we succeed in adding 400 more castes in our fold then we will become the number one party in the country. I do not like to talk much even though I am compelled to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell in my words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.
Bringing together so many castes on one platform was a mammoth task in itself. Lot of people have been engaged in making severe criticism of those people who have been instrumental in bringing the 600 castes together. Many have advised not to undertake such an impossible task in hand. But when the people who started the noble work of bringing together the divided castes, no force in the world was able to stop them from doing so. The people that carried out the task of joining together people from different castes ; did their work with all the sincerity and dedication at their command. If we have succeeded in bringing together 600 castes then why won’t we succeed in bringing many more castes together ? We will certainly succeed. By bringing together all the victim castes, we can capture the political power and become the ruling class.
Capturing the Master Key
Babasaheb has said that “political power is the master key using which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.
Our friends from Maharashtra had been fighting since 25 years for changing the name of Marathwada university. They had to do this because they do not have the political master key. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi came to Lucknow and he laid down the foundation stone for the Dr Ambedkar University. On one hand the Congress party is refusing to change the name of Marathwada university in Maharashtra and on the other hand the same Congress party is laying down a stone for the Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow. Why this has happened ? The people of Uttar Pradesh have never raised a demand for Dr Ambedkar Univesity at Lucknow. This was the demand of people from Maharashtra.Then why is this demand of people from Maharashtra being fulfilled in Uttar Pradesh ? Why was congress so eager to start a Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow ? This had happened because the people of Uttar Pradesh were extending their hand towards the political master key. Therefore the ruling class wanted to hide the master key in guise of the university.
By capturing the power in UP we have formed not just one university but many universities for which the people from Maharashtra have been fighting for long time. In 1994 we laid a foundation stone for Shahu Maharaj university at Kanpur. In 1996 we formed Mahatma Phule university and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar university. Apart from this we acquired 200 acre land at Noida for Gautam Buddha Univesity. We created 17 new districts to fasten the process of development and more importantly to honour our heroes by giving their names to these newly formed districts. It becomes very clear from this that you can use ‘caste’ to acquire political master key and make use of this master key to secure a life of self respect and take them along the path of progress.
Our society has to shed away their “Dalit mentality”
I have so far talked at length about the ‘caste’. Now I want to talk something about the Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My party men and other friends were thinking that I may not go to attend the convention at Kuala Lumpur because I am so much overburdened by the vows of Dalits in India. But I get more upset by looking at the Dalit mentality of the people. Dalit mentality is the biggest weakness of the dalits. Dalit mentality has become a sort of a feeling of destitution. A person with a mentality of a beggar can never become a ruler. Similarly without shedding away the Dalit mentality, no society can become a ruling class. The hands which are used to ask/beg have to strive to become the ones which will give, i.e. they have to become a ruling race. If we can not become the ruling class then there can not be any other shorter and easier solution to all our problems. So how you can become ruling class without shedding away your Dalit mentality ? Therefore you have to shed away your Dalit mentality. If you become rulers then you yourselves can find the solution to all your problems.
Manuvad can destroy all other isms.
Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.
It is the responsibility of these intellectuals as well as mine that we evolve our own ism keeping in mind the presence of Manuvad and accepting the ‘caste’ as reality of Indian society. Manuvadis often talk about the problem of unemployment in India. They are worried about the unemployment of 1 Cr unemployed youth belonging to the “upper” castes. But these people have no worries about the multiple problems faced by the 10 Cr Indian refugees who are illiterate and unskilled.
No party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. But these 10 Cr people are our people. Therefore only our party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. Only our party can find a solution on the problems of these people. We can easily solve the problems of the Bahujan Samaj by becoming the ruling class.
We have become 4th largest party in India by bringing together 600 castes and by creating a fraternity among these castes. By reaching to 1000 castes and by bringing them in our fold we can become the ruling class in this country. I have a strong belief that in next 3 years we will become the rulers and the political master key will be in our hands.
‘Kanshiram Magic’
I do not support the idea of imposing my thoughts on others. I am just narrating my experience to you. It is up to you whether you want to take advantage of it or not.
By becoming rulers you can march ahead effectively towards formation of a casteless society. I can tell this one solution to all your problems. Why would the beneficiaries of ‘caste’ want to destroy it ? The people who are victims of ‘caste’ and who have suffered because of it will have to take this task of destroying the ‘caste’. The caste system can be destroyed only by the rulers themselves provided they have a will to do.
You will think that I am talking about some impossible and unachievable things. But in my life I have always taken seemingly impossible tasks in my hand and have achieved a success in those tasks. This is what is called ‘Kanshiram magic’. Today this ‘Kanshiram magic’ has began to occupy a national form.
Therefore my only message to you all is that you should march ahead in the direction of formation of casteless society by means of right thinking . At the end I would like to tell you that you can form a casteless society by capturing the political master key because only the ruling class can form a new social order.
Jai Bheem, Jai Bharat.
( Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998).
Spiritual Community of The True Followers of The Path Shown by The Awakened One
The methods of going for refuge divide into two general kinds: the superior or supramundane going for refuge and the common or mundane going for refuge. The supramundane going for refuge is the going for refuge of a superior person, that is, of an ariyan disciple who has reached the supramundane path leading irreversibly to nibbana. When such a person goes for refuge to the Triple Gem, his going for refuge is a superior refuge, unshakable and invincible. The ariyan person can never again, through the remainder of his future births (which amount to a maximum of only seven), go for refuge to any other teacher than the Buddha, to any other doctrine than the Dhamma, or to any other spiritual community than the Sangha. The Buddha says that the confidence such a disciple places in the Triple Gem cannot be shaken by anyone in the world, that it is firmly grounded and immovable.
The common way of going for refuges is the way in which ordinary persons, the vast majority below the ariyan plane, go for refuge to the Triple Gem. This can be subdivided into two types: the initial going for refuge and the recurrent going for refuge.
The initial going for refuge is the act of formally going for refuge for the first time. When a person has studied the basic principles of the Buddha’s teaching, undertaken some of its practices, and become convinced of its value for his life, he may want to commit himself to the teaching by making an outer profession of his conviction. Strictly speaking, as soon as there arises in his mind an act of consciousness which takes the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha as his guiding ideal, that person has gone for refuge to the Triple Gem and become a Buddhist lay disciple (upasaka). However, within the Buddhist tradition it is generally considered to be insufficient under normal circumstances to rest content with merely going for refuge by an internal act of dedication. If one has sincerely become convinced of the truth of the Buddha’s teaching, and wishes to follow the teaching, it is preferable, when possible, to conform to the prescribed way of going for refuge that has come down in the Buddhist tradition. This way is to receive the three refuges from a bhikkhu, a Buddhist monk who has taken full ordination and remains in good standing in the monastic Order.
After one has decided to go for refuge, one should seek out a qualified monk — one’s own spiritual teacher or another respected member of the Order — discuss one’s intentions with him, and make arrangements for undergoing the ceremony. When the day arrives one should come to the monastery or temple bringing offerings such as candles, incense, and flowers for the shrine room and a small gift for the preceptor. After making the offerings one should, in the presence of the preceptor, join the palms together in respectful salutation (anjali), bow down three times before the image of the Buddha, and pay respects to the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha, as represented by the images and symbols in the shrine. Then, kneeling in front of the shrine, one should request the bhikkhu to give the three refuges. The bhikkhu will reply: “Repeat after me” and then recite:
Buddham saranam gacchami
I go for refuge to the Buddha;
Dhammam saranam gacchami
I go for refuge to the Dhamma;
Sangham saranam gacchami
I go for refuge to the Sangha.Dutiyampi Buddham saranam gacchami
A second time I go for refuge to the Buddha.
Dutiyampi Dhammam saranam gacchami
A second time I go for refuge to the Dhamma.
Dutiyampi Sangham saranam gacchami
A second time I go for refuge to the Sangha.Tatiyampi Buddham saranam gacchami
A third time I go for refuge to the Buddha.
Tatiyampi Dhammam saranam gacchami
A third time I go for refuge to the Dhamma.
Tatiyampi Sangham saranam gacchami
A third time I go for refuge to the Sangha.
The candidate should repeat each line after the bhikkhu. At the end the bhikkhu will say: Saranagamanam sampunnam “The going for refuge is completed.” With this one formally becomes a lay follower of the Buddha, and remains such so long as the going for refuge stands intact. But to make the going for refuge especially strong and definitive, the candidate may confirm his acceptance of the refuge by declaring to the monk: “Venerable sir, please accept me as a lay disciple gone for refuge from this day forth until the end of my life.” This phrase is added to show one’s resolution to hold to the three refuges as one’s guiding ideal for the rest of one’s life. Following the declaration of the refuges, the bhikkhu will usually administer the five precepts, the ethical observances of abstaining from taking life, stealing, sexual misconduct, false speech, and intoxicants. These will be discussed in subsequent articles.
By undergoing the formal ceremony of taking refuge one openly embraces the teaching of the Buddha and becomes for the first time a self-declared follower of the Master. However, going for refuge should not be an event which occurs only once in a lifetime and then is allowed to fade into the background. Going for refuge is a method of cultivation, a practice of inner development which should be undertaken regularly, repeated and renewed every day as part of one’s daily routine. Just as we care for our body by washing it each morning, so we should also take care of our mind by implanting in it each day the fundamental seed for our development along the Buddhist path, that is, the going for refuge. Preferably the going for refuge should be done twice each day, with each refuge repeated three times; but if a second recitation is too difficult to fit in, as a minimum one recitation should be done every day, with three repetitions of each refuge.
The daily undertaking of the refuges is best done in a shrine room or before a household altar with a Buddha-image. The actual recitation should be preceded by the offering of candles, incense, and possibly flowers. After making the offerings one should make three salutations before the Buddha-image and then remain kneeling with the hands held out palms joined. Before actually reciting the refuge formula it may be helpful to visualize to oneself the three objects of refuge arousing the feeling that one is in their presence. To represent the Buddha one can visualize an inspiring picture or statue of the Master.
The Dhamma can be represented by visualizing, in front of the Buddha, three volumes of scripture to symbolize the Tipitaka, the three collections of Buddhist scriptures. The Dhamma can also be represented by the dhammacakka, the “wheel of Dhamma,” with its eight spokes symbolizing the noble eightfold path converging upon nibbana at the hub; it should be bright and beautiful, radiating a golden light.
http://groups.yahoo.com/group/Tipitaka/
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To represent the Sangha one can visualize on either side of the Buddha the two chief disciples, Sariputta and Moggallana;
alternatively, one can visualize around the Buddha a group of monks, all of them adepts of the teaching, arahats who have conquered the defilements and reached perfect emancipation.
Generating deep faith and confidence, while retaining the visualized images before one’s inner eye, one should recite the refuge-formula three times with feeling and conviction. If one is undertaking the practice of meditation it is especially important to recite the refuge-formula before beginning the practice, for this gives needed inspiration to sustain the endeavor through the difficulties that may be encountered along the way. For this reason those who undertake intensive meditation and go off into solitude preface their practice, not with the usual method of recitation, but with a special variation: Aham attanam Buddhassa niyyatemi Dhammassa Sanghassa, “My person I surrender to the Buddha, Dhamma, and Sangha.” By surrendering his person and life to the Triple Gem the yogin shields himself against the obstacles which might arise to impede his progress and safeguards himself against egoistic clinging to the attainments he might reach. However, this variation on the refuge-formula should not be undertaken lightly, as its consequences are very serious. For ordinary purposes it is enough to use the standard formula for daily recitation.
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/vmLEFl6IhAY
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha
https://youtu.be/cpDIrn5a9Q8
https://youtu.be/dqxBMOrZRGA
https://youtu.be/IB_cFsmHRIc
https://youtu.be/UFJmwUUTfGE
“I am very fond of teaching profession. I am also very fond of students.
I have dealt with them. I have lectured them in my life. I am very glad
to talk to the students. A great lot of the future of this country must
necessarily depend on the students of this country. Students are an
intelligent part of the community and they can shape the public
opinion.”
- Babasaheb Ambedkar
These views are the views of a man, who has
been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness. They come from one,
almost the whole of whose public exertion has been one continuous
struggle for liberty for the poor and for the oppressed and whose only
reward has been a continuous shower of calumny and abuse from national
journals and national leaders, for no other reason except that I refuse
to join with them in performing the miracle—I will not say trick—of
liberating the oppressed with the gold of the tyrant and raising the
poor with the cash of the rich.
—Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in Annihilation of Caste
https://youtu.be/wcPJbSATq4E
https://youtu.be/2AMMRXTDCzs
https://youtu.be/FVNJFBI0b-
https://youtu.be/b0tyQ6lLuP8
https://youtu.be/wbDNlTXatp4
https://youtu.be/4cywWIPoqko
https://youtu.be/JNbrVVU1hco
https://youtu.be/mQQ3BdjCc4I
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of
his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul
Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP
chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the
question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when
its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national
executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime
ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll
alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not
come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha
polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in
the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble
the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha.
But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political
ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular)
of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat
but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the
chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to
Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of
the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an
alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to
Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week
that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh
to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP.
Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to
Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat
the BJP in the state.
https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019
She will BE A BETTER PM.
Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
HIGHLIGHTS
JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of
his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul
Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP
chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the
question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when
its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national
executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime
ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll
alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not
come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha
polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in
the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble
the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha.
But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political
ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati
The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular)
of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat
but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the
chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to
Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of
the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an
alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to
Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week
that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh
to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP.
Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to
Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat
the BJP in the state.
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not
shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the
event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough
allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help
the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as
the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the
first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first
Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home
minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice
of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending
support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014
Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of
the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s
BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20
seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base
in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and
Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote
transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime
ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in
Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in
Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than
15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh.
These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014
elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community.
After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to
resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019
seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks
from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution
amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with
amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could
ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or
Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a
scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha
elections.
BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February
last year. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not
shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the
event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough
allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help
the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as
the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the
first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first
Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home
minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice
of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending
support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014
Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of
the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s
BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20
seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base
in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and
Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote
transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya
Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime
ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in
Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in
Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than
15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh.
These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014
elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community.
After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to
resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019
seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks
from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution
amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with
amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could
ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or
Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a
scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha
elections.
Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief
Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi
and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of
Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s
oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)