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SN 20.7 (S ii 266)
Āṇi Sutta
— The peg —
[āṇi]
A very important thing is reminded to us by the Buddha: for our own benefit as well as for the benfit of the generations yet to come, we must give most importance to his own actual words, and not so much to whoever else pretends nowadays or has pretended in the past to be a proper (Dhamma) teacher.
Pāḷi
English
Ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā sāvatthiy aṃviharati Jeta·vane anāthapiṇ ḍikassa ārāme. Tatra kho bhaga vā bhikkhū āmantesi:
On one occasion, the Bhagavā was dwelling near Sāvatthī, in Jeta’s grove, Anāthapiṇḍika ’spark.{n} There, the Bhagavā adressed the bhikkhus:
– ‘Bhikkhavo’ ti.
– ‘Bhaddante’ ti te bhikkhū bhagavatopaccass osuṃ. Bhagavā etad·avoca:
– Bhikkhus.
– Bhaddante, answered the bhikkhus. The Bhagavā said:
Formerly, bhikkhus, the Dasārahās had a drum named Mudiṅga. When the Dasārahās’ drum was broken, they would insert a peg in it. There was a time, bhikkhus, when the original skin and body of the Mudiṅga drum had disappeared. There only remained an assemblage of pegs.
Evam·eva kho, bhikkhave, bhavi ssantibhikkhū anāgatam·addhāna ṃ, ye te suttantātathāgata·bhā sitā gambhīrā gambhīr·atthālok ·uttarā suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttā , tesubhaññamānesu na sussūsis santi, na sotaṃodahissanti na aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessanti na ca te dhamme uggahetabbaṃpariy āpuṇitabbaṃ maññissanti.
In the same way, bhikkhus, in future time, there will be bhikkhus who will not listen to the utterance of such discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with emptiness, they will not lend ear, they will not apply their mind on knowledge, they will not consider those teachings as to be taken up and mastered.
Ye pana te suttantā kavi·katā kāveyyācitt·akkharā citta·byañ janā bāhirakāsāvaka·bhāsitā, t esu bhaññamānesusussūsissanti sotaṃ odahissanti aññā cittaṃu paṭṭhāpessanti, te ca dhammeug gahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ ma ññissanti. Evam·etesaṃ, bhikkh ave, suttantānaṃtathāgata·bhās itānaṃ gambhīrānaṃgambhīr·atth ānaṃ lok·uttarānaṃsuññata·p·pa ṭisaṃyuttānaṃ antaradhānaṃbhav issati.
On the contrary, they will listen to the utterance of such discourses which are literary compositions made by poets, witty words, witty letters, by people from outside [the Dhamma], or the words of disciples, they will lend ear, they will apply their mind on knowledge, they will consider those teachings as to be taken up and mastered. Thus, bhikkhus, the discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with emptiness, will disappear.
Tasmātiha, bhikkhave, evaṃ sik khitabbaṃ: ‘yete suttantā tath āgata·bhāsitā, gambhīrāgambhīr ·atthā lok·uttarāsuññata·p·paṭ isaṃyuttā, tesu bhaññamānesusu ssūsissāma sotaṃ odahissāma añ ñā cittaṃupaṭṭhāpessāma, te ca dhammeuggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇi tabbaṃmaññissāma’ti. Evañhi vo , bhikkhave, sikkhitabban·ti.
Therefore, bhikkhus, you should train thus: ‘We will listen to the utterance of such discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with emptiness, we will lend ear, we will apply our mind on knowledge, we will consider those teachings as to be taken up and mastered.’ This is how, bhikkhus, you should train yourselves.
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Samrat Ashok never met Tathagat Buddha, Babasaheb Dr B R Ambedkar never met Tathagat Buddha, Saint Kabir and Mahatma Jyotirao Phule.
But thoughts of Tathagat Buddha influenced Samrat Ashok and Thoughts of Tathagat Buddha ,Saint Kabir & Mahatma Phule influenced Babasaheb Dr B R Ambedkar.
Physical presence of these Legends may or may not be there but their thoughts are with all of us to constantly guide and inspire us .
@Siddharth srenivasa
ಸಾಮ್ರಾಟ್ ಅಶೋಕ್ ಅವರು ತಥಾಗತ ಬುದ್ಧ ಅವರನ್ನು ಎಂದಿಗೂ ಭೇಟಿಯಾಗಲಿಲ್ಲ, ತಥಾಗತ ಬುದ್ಧ, ಸಂತ ಕಬೀರ್ ಮತ್ತು ಮಹಾತ್ಮ ಜ್ಯೋತಿರಾವ್ ಫುಲೆ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ ಬಿ ಆರ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರನ್ನು ಭೇಟಿಯಾಗಲಿಲ್ಲ.
ತಥಾಗತ ಬುದ್ ರಿಂದ ಸಾಮ್ರಾಟ್ ಅಶೋಕ್ ಪ್ರಭಾವಿತವಾಧ ಮತ್ತು ತಥಾಗತ ಬುದ್ಧ, ಸಂತ ಕಬೀರ್ ಮತ್ತು ಮಹಾತ್ಮ ಫುಲೆ ಅವರಿಂದ ಪ್ರಭಾವಿತವಾಗಿರುವ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ ಬಿ ಆರ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್
ಭೌತಿಕ ಉಪಸ್ಥಿತಿಯ ಈ ದಂತಕಥೆಗಳು ಇರಬಹುದು ಅಥವಾ ಇಲ್ಲದಿರಬಹುದು ಆದರೆ ಅವರ ಆಲೋಚನೆಗಳು ಮಾರ್ಗದರ್ಶನ ಮತ್ತು ಸ್ಫೂರ್ತಿ ಪಡೆದ ನಮ್ಮೆಲ್ಲರ ಜೊತೆಯಲ್ಲಿವೆ.
@ಸಿದ್ಧಾರ್ಥ್ ಶ್ರೀನಿವಾಸ
Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum
Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum
By Swarajya
தமிழக ஆர் எஸ் எஸ் இன் Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்பு
தமிழக ஆர் எஸ் எஸ் இன் Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்பு
கவனமாகப் படியுங்கள் .-பா. ஜீவ சுந்தரி உங்களில் யாருக்காவது Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்புப் பற்றி தெரியுமா? தெரியவில்லை எ…
Foreigners kicked out from Bene Israel, Tibet, Africa, Western Europe, Eastern Germany, South Russia, Eastern Europe, Hungary is a stealth Shadowy organisation is the chitpavan brahmins RSS (Rowdy Swayam Sevaks). They are just 0.1% of the population who are intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorists of the world, lunatic, mentally retarded, practicing hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion, stupidity towards 99.9% All Aboriginal Awakened Societies of Prabuddha Bharat.
Already many media and social media including, emails, facebook, teitter, instagram, Telegram, Youtube etc., are propagating the original words of the Buddha the Awakened One with Awareness in all the 117 Classical languages of the world.
Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make this country Buddhist)
All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha
Prapanchmay karunge.” (We will make the whole world Prabuddha Universe)
Create Free online service of the first time, when Jai Bhim was uttered when it was used as a war cry during the famous Battle of Koregaon (fought
between the Peshwa and British East India Company) on January 1818.The army of Mahars defeated the Peshwa.
Ambedkar used to visit this battle field-located in Pune-every year, and pay floral tributes to the exemplary valour displayed by the Mahars.
பெனே இஸ்ரேல், திபெத், ஆப்பிரிக்கா, மேற்கு ஐரோப்பா, கிழக்கு ஜெர்மனி, தெற்கு ரஷ்யா, கிழக்கு ஐரோப்பா, ஹங்கேரி ஆகிய நாடுகளில் இருந்து வெளியேற்றப்பட்ட வெளிநாட்டவர்கள் ஒரு திருட்டுத்தனமான நிழல் அமைப்பாகும் சித்பவன் பிராமணர்களான ஆர்எஸ்எஸ் (ரவுடி ஸ்வயம் சேவக்ஸ்). சகிப்புத்தன்மையற்றவர்கள், வன்முறையாளர்கள், போர்க்குணம் கொண்டவர்கள், உலகின் நம்பர் ஒன் பயங்கரவாதிகள், பைத்தியக்காரர்கள், மனவளர்ச்சி குன்றியவர்கள், வெறுப்பு, கோபம், பொறாமை, மாயை, முட்டாள்தனம் போன்றவற்றை 99.9% பிரபுத்த பாரதத்தின் அனைத்து பூர்வகுடிகளின் விழிப்புணர்வோடு நடத்தும் மக்கள்தொகையில் வெறும் 0.1% மட்டுமே உள்ளனர்.
ஏற்கனவே மின்னஞ்சல்கள், முகநூல், டீட்டர், இன்ஸ்டாகிராம், டெலிகிராம், யூடியூப் உள்ளிட்ட பல ஊடகங்கள் மற்றும் சமூக ஊடகங்கள், உலகின் 117 செம்மொழிகளிலும் விழிப்புணர்வோடு புத்தரின் அசல் வார்த்தைகளை பிரச்சாரம் செய்து வருகின்றன.
டாக்டர் பி.ஆர்.அம்பேத்கர் “முக்கிய பாரத பவுத்மய் கருங்கா” என்று முழங்கினார். (இந்த நாட்டை பௌத்த நாடாக மாற்றுவேன்)
அனைத்து பழங்குடியினர் விழித்தெழுந்த சமூகங்கள் இடி ” ஹம் பிரபஞ்ச் பிரபுத்தா
பிரபஞ்சமாய் கருங்கே.” (உலகம் முழுவதையும் பிரபுத்தப் பிரபஞ்சமாக்குவோம்)
புகழ்பெற்ற கோரேகான் போரின் போது (போரிட்டபோது) ஜெய் பீம் போர் முழக்கமாகப் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டபோது முதன்முறையாக இலவச ஆன்லைன் சேவையை உருவாக்கவும்.
பேஷ்வா மற்றும் பிரிட்டிஷ் கிழக்கிந்திய கம்பெனி இடையே) ஜனவரி 1818 இல். மஹர்களின் இராணுவம் பேஷ்வாவை தோற்கடித்தது.
அம்பேத்கர் ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும் புனேயில் அமைந்துள்ள இந்தப் போர்க்களத்திற்குச் சென்று, மஹர்களின் முன்மாதிரியான வீரத்திற்கு மலர் அஞ்சலி செலுத்துவது வழக்கம்.
தொலைக்காட்சி சமூக ஆர்வலர்கள் எங்கிருந்து வருகிறார்கள் ??
உங்களில் யாருக்காவது Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்புப் பற்றி தெரியுமா? தெரியவில்லை என்றால், தயவுசெய்து கூகுளில் தேடுங்கள். பல அதிர்ச்சிகரமான வலைப்பின்னல்களை அறிந்து கொள்ளலாம்.
இது ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்-ன் மறைமுக அமைப்பு. இப்போது யாரெல்லாம் வலதுசாரி அரசியல் கருத்துக்களைச் சமூக ஊடகங்களில் பரப்புகிறார்களோ.. மாரிதாஸ் முதல் பத்ரி சேஷாத்ரி வரை, ரங்கராஜ் முதல் ஷ்யாம் சேகர் வரை… இவர்கள் அனைவரையும் ஒருங்கிணைக்கும் புள்ளி இதுதான்.
தமிழக வலது அரசியல் போக்குகளின் aggregator இந்த அமைப்பு. Young Thinkers Forum–> Swarajya –> RSS – என்று இந்த வலைப்பின்னல் போகிறது.
2016-ல் தமிழ்நாட்டில் இந்த அமைப்பு தொடங்கப்பட்டது. அந்தத் தொடக்க விழாவில் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்-ஸின் தேசிய செயற்குழு உறுப்பினர் ராம் மாதவ், ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். இணைப் பொதுச் செயலாளர் தத்தாத்ரேய ஹோஸபலே உள்ளிட்டோர் கலந்துகொண்டனர். அப்போது பேசிய ஹோஸபலே, ‘அறிவுத்துறையில் நமக்கான போர் வீரர்களை உருவாக்க வேண்டும்’ என்று குறிப்பிட்டார். இதைத்தான் இந்த அமைப்பு செய்து வருகிறது.
2017 நவம்பரில் இந்த அமைப்பு மைலாப்பூரில் Social media conclave ஒன்றை நடத்தியது. இதைத் தொடங்கி வைத்தவர் அமைச்சர் மாஃபா பாண்டியராஜன். இவர் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். அமைப்புடன் நீண்ட காலத் தொடர்பு உள்ளவர் என்பதை இணைந்து புரிந்துகொள்ள வேண்டும். இந்நிகழ்வில் கலந்து கொண்டு பேசிய விருந்தினர் பட்டியல் இன்னும் சுவாரஸ்யமானது.
தந்தி டி.வி.யின் அசோக வர்ஷினி, The news minute இணைய தளத்தின் founder editor தன்யா ராஜேந்திரன், பாடகி சின்மயி, டி.வி.விவாதங்களில் கலந்துகொள்ளும் ஷ்யாம் சேகர், சுமந்த் சி.ராமன், பானு கோம்ஸ் உள்ளிட்ட பலர் இதில் கலந்து கொண்டு உரையாற்றினர்.
இதில் பேசிய, “ஸ்வராஜ்யா” இணையதளத்தின் ஆசிரியர் பிரசன்னா வெங்கடேசன் எந்த ஒளிவு மறைவும் இல்லாமல் வெளிப்படையாகப் பேசினார். “தமிழ் சமூக ஊடகத்தில் இடது சிந்தனை அதிகமாக உள்ளது. இது தொழிற்துறை வளர்ச்சிக்கு எதிரான போக்கை வளர்க்கிறது. நியூட்ரினோ, ஹைட்ரோஹார்பன் உள்ளிட்ட அனைத்துத் திட்டங்களையும் எதிர்க்கும் போக்கு உள்ளது. ஜல்லிக்கட்டு போராட்ட வெற்றியின் உந்துதலால், தமிழ்நாட்டை ஒரு எதிர்ப்பு மாநிலமாக மாற்ற முயல்கின்றனர். ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட சாதி இலக்கு வைத்துத் தாக்கப்படுகிறது. இந்து ஃபோபியா வளர்த்து விடப்படுகிறது. இவற்றைக் கட்டுப்படுத்த வேண்டும்” என்று தங்கள் நோக்கத்தைத் திட்டவட்டமாகக் குறிப்பிட்டார். சுருங்கச் சொன்னால் அறிவுத்துறையில் வலதுசாரிப் போக்கை வளர்த்தெடுப்பது இந்த அமைப்பின் ஒற்றை நோக்கம்.
இதன் செயல்பாடுகளைத் தேடிப் படித்தால் ஷ்யாம் சேகர், மாரிதாஸ், 9/n
பத்ரி சேஷாத்ரி, ரெங்கராஜ் (Ex.தந்தி டி.வி) போன்றவர்கள் இதன் பல்வேறு நிகழ்ச்சிகளில் தொடர்ந்து பங்கேற்று வருவதை அறிய முடிகிறது. இவர்கள் நடத்தும் கூட்டங்களில் பெரிய கூட்டம் இல்லை. 30 பேர், 50 பேர் வருகிறார்கள். இந்த Young Thinkers Forum-ன் ஃபேஸ்புக், ட்விட்டர் பக்கங்களில் பெரிய அளவுக்கு ஃபாலோயர்ஸ் இல்லை. இருப்பினும் பத்ரி,ஷியாம் சேகர் போன்றோர் இதன் நிகழ்ச்சிகளுக்குக் கூடுதல் முக்கியத்துவம் தந்து கலந்து கொள்கிறார்கள்.
மாரிதாஸ் என்ற நபர், ‘நான் ஏன் நரேந்திர மோடியை ஆதரிக்கிறேன்?’ என்ற புத்தகத்தின் வழியேதான் இங்கு அறிமுகம் செய்யப்படுகிறார். அதற்கு முன்னால் இந்தப் பெயரைக்கூட யாரும் கேள்விப்பட்டதில்லை. அந்தப் புத்தகத்தைத் தன்னுடைய கிழக்குப் பதிப்பகம் மூலம் வெளியிட்டவர் பத்ரி சேஷாத்ரி. அந்த நிகழ்ச்சியில் கலந்துகொண்டு வாழ்த்துரை வழங்கிப் பேசியவர்களில் ஒருவர் கே.டி.ராகவன். புத்தகம் போடும் அஜண்டா பத்ரிக்கு, வாழ்த்திப் பேசும் அஜண்டா ராகவனுக்கு. வதந்தி பரப்பும் அஜண்டா மாரிதாஸுக்கு. ஆகவே, மாரிதாஸை மட்டுமல்ல இந்த லார்டுலபக்தாஸ்களையும் நாம் இணைத்துப் புரிந்துகொள்ள வேண்டும்.
மேலும், இந்த Young Thinkers Forum-ஆனது, இளையோர் நாடாளுமன்றம் என்ற பெயரில் பள்ளி மாணவர் களுக்குள் ஊடுருவிச் செல்வது, பட்ஜெட் கொள்கை விளக்கக் கூட்டங்கள், கல்விக் கொள்கை வரைவு அறிக்கை மீதான கூட்டம் என பரந்த வரையறையில் ஒரு கருத்துருவாக்க வேலையிலும் ஈடுபட்டு வருகிறது. இந்த ஆண்டு முதல் “அம்பேத்கர்–ராமானுஜாச்சார்யா விருதுகள்” என்ற பெயரில் மாநிலம் முழுவதும் பல்வேறு பிரிவினருக்கு விருதுகளையும் வழங்கி வருகிறது. “கக்கன் வாழ்நாள் சாதனையாளர் விருது” என்ற பெயரில் மற்றொரு விருதும் வழங்கப்பட்டு வருகிறது.
இந்த Young Thinkers Forum-ஐ இந்தியா முழுவதும் நடத்தி வருவது “இந்தியா ஃபவுண்டேஷன்” என்ற ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். சார்பு கொண்ட அமைப்பு. இந்த இந்தியா
ஃபவுண்டேஷனின் ஆலோசகர்களாகச் செயல்பட்டு வருவோரில் முக்கியமானவர்கள் நிர்மலா சீத்தாராமன், ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். தேசியச் செயலாளர் ராம் மாதவ் உள்ளிட்டோர்.
இதைப் போலவே, “விவேகானந்தா இண்டர்நேஷனல் ஃபவுண்டேஷன்” என்ற மற்றொரு Forum வழியேயும் இதே வேலையைச் செய்து வருகின்றனர். இதன் ஆலோசகர்களில் ஒருவர் குருமூர்த்தி. இந்த அமைப்பு வழியாகத்தான் 2011-ல் “ஊழலுக்கு எதிரான பொது மேடை” என அன்னா ஹசாரே முன்நிறுத்தப்பட்டார். அரவிந்த் கேஜ்ரிவால் உள்ளே வந்தார். சுப்ரமணியன் சாமி, கிரண் பேடி என்று பலர் அதில் அணி திரண்டனர். ஊழல் மட்டுமே நாட்டின் முதன்மை ப் பிரச்சனை என்ற பிரச்சாரம் நாடு முழுவதும் முடுக்கி விடப்பட்டு பா.ஜ.க. ஆட்சியையும் பிடித்தது.
தற்போது இவர்கள் தென்னிந்திய ஊடகங்களை, குறிப்பாக சமூக ஊடகத்தை manipulate செய்யும் வேலைத் திட்டத்துடன் களம் இறங்கியுள்ளனர். ஏனெனில் பாரம்பரிய ஊடகங்கள் ஏற்கெனவே அவர்களின் கட்டுப்பாட்டுக்குள் வந்துவிட்டன. சமூக ஊடகம்தான் சவாலானதாக இருக்கிறது என்பதால் அதைக் குறி வைத்துள்ளனர்.
இதற்கான அடியாள் படையில் மாரிதாஸ், ரெங்கராஜ் போன்றோர் முன்னே நிற்பவர்கள் என்றால், பத்ரி சேஷாத்ரி, ஷ்யாம் சேகர், பானு கோம்ஸ் போன்றோர் பின்னால் நிற்கிறார்கள். மிகவும் ஒருங்கிணைக்கப்பட்ட வகையில் இவர்கள் செயல்படுகின்றனர். இப்போதே எச்சரிக்கை அடைந்து வினையாற்றவில்லை என்றால் எதிர்காலத்தில் விளைவுகள் மோசமாக இருக்கும்.
நாம் பெரியார் மண், பெரியார் மண் என்று வாய்ப் பேச்சில் மட்டும் சொல்லிக்கொண்டிருக்க, அவன் அந்த மண்ணுக்கும் கீழாகக் குழி பறித்துக் கொண்டிருக்கிறான். இதை முதலில் உணர வேண்டும்.
Annamalai Arulmozhi வாயிலாக.
நன்றி தோழர் பா. ஜீவசுந்தரி
தமிழக ஆர் எஸ் எஸ் இன் Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்பு
தமிழக ஆர் எஸ் எஸ் இன் Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்பு
கவனமாகப் படியுங்கள் .-பா. ஜீவ சுந்தரி உங்களில் யாருக்காவது Tamilnadu Young Thinkers Forum என்ற அமைப்புப் பற்றி தெரியுமா? தெரியவில்லை எ…
Foreigners kicked out from Bene Israel, Tibet, Africa, Western Europe, Eastern Germany, South Russia, Eastern Europe, Hungary is a stealth Shadowy organisation is the chitpavan brahmins RSS (Rowdy Swayam Sevaks). They are just 0.1% of the population who are intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorists of the world, lunatic, mentally retarded, practicing hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion, stupidity towards 99.9% All Aboriginal Awakened Societies of Prabuddha Bharat.
Already many media and social media including, emails, facebook, teitter, instagram, Telegram, Youtube etc., are propagating the original words of the Buddha the Awakened One with Awareness in all the 117 Classical languages of the world.
Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make this country Buddhist)
All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha
Prapanchmay karunge.” (We will make the whole world Prabuddha Universe)
Create Free online service of the first time, when Jai Bhim was uttered when it was used as a war cry during the famous Battle of Koregaon (fought
between the Peshwa and British East India Company) on January 1818.The army of Mahars defeated the Peshwa.
Ambedkar used to visit this battle field-located in Pune-every year, and pay floral tributes to the exemplary valour displayed by the Mahars.
பெனே இஸ்ரேல், திபெத், ஆப்பிரிக்கா, மேற்கு ஐரோப்பா, கிழக்கு ஜெர்மனி, தெற்கு ரஷ்யா, கிழக்கு ஐரோப்பா, ஹங்கேரி ஆகிய நாடுகளில் இருந்து வெளியேற்றப்பட்ட வெளிநாட்டவர்கள் ஒரு திருட்டுத்தனமான நிழல் அமைப்பாகும் சித்பவன் பிராமணர்களான ஆர்எஸ்எஸ் (ரவுடி ஸ்வயம் சேவக்ஸ்). சகிப்புத்தன்மையற்றவர்கள், வன்முறையாளர்கள், போர்க்குணம் கொண்டவர்கள், உலகின் நம்பர் ஒன் பயங்கரவாதிகள், பைத்தியக்காரர்கள், மனவளர்ச்சி குன்றியவர்கள், வெறுப்பு, கோபம், பொறாமை, மாயை, முட்டாள்தனம் போன்றவற்றை 99.9% பிரபுத்த பாரதத்தின் அனைத்து பூர்வகுடிகளின் விழிப்புணர்வோடு நடத்தும் மக்கள்தொகையில் வெறும் 0.1% மட்டுமே உள்ளனர்.
ஏற்கனவே மின்னஞ்சல்கள், முகநூல், டீட்டர், இன்ஸ்டாகிராம், டெலிகிராம், யூடியூப் உள்ளிட்ட பல ஊடகங்கள் மற்றும் சமூக ஊடகங்கள், உலகின் 117 செம்மொழிகளிலும் விழிப்புணர்வோடு புத்தரின் அசல் வார்த்தைகளை பிரச்சாரம் செய்து வருகின்றன.
டாக்டர் பி.ஆர்.அம்பேத்கர் “முக்கிய பாரத பவுத்மய் கருங்கா” என்று முழங்கினார். (இந்த நாட்டை பௌத்த நாடாக மாற்றுவேன்)
அனைத்து பழங்குடியினர் விழித்தெழுந்த சமூகங்கள் இடி ” ஹம் பிரபஞ்ச் பிரபுத்தா
பிரபஞ்சமாய் கருங்கே.” (உலகம் முழுவதையும் பிரபுத்தப் பிரபஞ்சமாக்குவோம்)
புகழ்பெற்ற கோரேகான் போரின் போது (போரிட்டபோது) ஜெய் பீம் போர் முழக்கமாகப் பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டபோது முதன்முறையாக இலவச ஆன்லைன் சேவையை உருவாக்கவும்.
பேஷ்வா மற்றும் பிரிட்டிஷ் கிழக்கிந்திய கம்பெனி இடையே) ஜனவரி 1818 இல். மஹர்களின் இராணுவம் பேஷ்வாவை தோற்கடித்தது.
அம்பேத்கர் ஒவ்வொரு ஆண்டும் புனேயில் அமைந்துள்ள இந்தப் போர்க்களத்திற்குச் சென்று, மஹர்களின் முன்மாதிரியான வீரத்திற்கு மலர் அஞ்சலி செலுத்துவது வழக்கம்.
Hulk finger Snap Hindi Scene Avengers Endgame Hindi HD 4K Clip
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If
even for the time of a finger snap,bhikkhus,a bhikkhu pursues,
develops,considers a mind of goodwill,he is called a bhikkhu who is not
devoid of jhāna,who complies with the Teacher’s teaching,who acts
according to his instruction,and who does not eat the country’s almsfood
in vain.How much more,then,those who practice it frequently!
The
reason we considered Kushinagar is because the State Government of
Uttar Pradesh previously had the idea to build a large Buddha statue
when they heard that the great Buddha statues of Bamiyan in Afghanistan
were destroyed. Following that, State Government several times requested
that Maitreya Buddha Project come to Uttar Pradesh. State Government
kindly offered land for the Project in Kushinagar.
Kushinagar
is a place of serenity and contemplative beauty. Located in the state
of Uttar Pradesh, it is one of the eight great places of the “Buddhist
Pilgrimage Circuit” of North India commemorating the life of the Buddha.
The Eight Buddhist Pilgrimage Sites
The eight great pilgrimage sites are illustrated on the map above (click on the map for larger view). They are:
Sankashya where the Buddha descended from Tushita Heaven
Lumbini the site of Buddha’s birth
Bodhgaya the site of Buddha’s awakenment
Sarnath where the Buddha began teaching the Buddhist spiritual path in Deer Park.
Sravasti, where Buddha spent 25 rainy seasons and performed many great miracles.
Rajgir, where the Heart Sutra was expounded at Vulture’s Peak
Nalanda, the centre of Buddhist learning
Kushinagar, where the Buddha passed away, entering Mahaparinibbana.
Close
to the time of Buddha’s passing away, he and his entourage stopped to
rest near the banks of Hiranyavati River. There, many people came to pay
their respects and ask the Buddha for answers to their spiritual
questions.
Late
in the night, the Buddha asked three times if anyone still had
questions concerning the spiritual path. When no one responded, Buddha
gave his famous final teaching: “Impermanence is inherent in all things.
Work out your own salvation with diligence.” Then, passing through the
stages of his final meditation, Shakyamuni Buddha entered
Mahaparinirvana (final great enlightenment) and passed away.
Kushinagar
TempleKushinagar’s most famous site is the Mahaparinirvana temple,
built to commemorate the place of the Buddha’s passing. It contains the
20ft/6m statue of the Reclining Buddha. The statue dates back to the 5th
century.
Kushinagar_stupaOther
temples and stupas in Kushinagar mark places Buddha visited. The
Rambhar Stupa is where Buddha’s Holy body was cremated. Excavations have
revealed the remains of at least ten different monasteries dating from
the 4th – 11th centuries and these are now set in a park.
Today,
many national and international Buddhist groups maintain their own
spiritual centre in Kushinagar. Maitreya Buddha Project will highlight
Kushinagar, the site of the Historical Buddha’s passing away, as one of
the holiest places of Buddhist pilgrimage.
Kushinagar,
located in the state of Uttar Pradesh in northern India, is one of the
eight great places of Buddhist pilgrimage. Kushinagar is also the place
where Maitreya Buddha Project will build a large Maitreya Buddha Statue
and develop the Maitreya Buddha Kushinagar Project.
Please
click on the menu buttons on the left to read more about the scope and
plans for this project, or continue below for an introductory overview.
According
to Buddhist scriptures, Maitreya will be the next Buddha and will
embody and teach the path of loving-kindness. Maitreya Buddha Project is
based on the premise that loving-kindness is the cause of peace and
that “inner peace” within individuals is the direct cause of “outer
peace” among families, communities and nations.
The
Maitreya Buddha statue will be the centre piece of a landscaped park
which will contain halls for prayer and meditation and shrine rooms
filled with spiritual art.
Outreach: Healthcare
Surrounding
the Maitreya Buddha Project site, the State Government of Uttar Pradesh
has set up the Kushinagar Special Development Area Authority to support
the planned development of the area around the Project. Within the
Kushinagar Special Development Area, Maitreya Buddha Project has already
begun a mobile healthcare initiative. This will provide healthcare
services, particularly for the underprivileged in Kushinagar and
surrounding villages.
Outreach: Education
The
Maitreya Universal Educational Project offers a vision for education
that emphasizes ethical and spiritual development as well as academic
achievement.
Outreach: Economic
The
Maitreya Buddha Project will catalyze the development of the eastern
part of Uttar Pradesh and other sites within the “Buddhist Circuit” as
an area of pilgrimage and tourism. During the construction and
afterwards in the operation of the Maitreya Buddha Project complex,
there will be hundreds of direct and indirect employment opportunities.
Maitreya
Buddha Project’s vision integrates spiritual, educational, healthcare
and economic benefits with technological advancement and environmental
responsibility. The project is being designed and built to international
standards of “best practice” and aspires to become a model of socially
responsible and sustainable development.
As
the Project and its spiritual and social work are planned to thrive and
continue developing for at least 1000 years, the Maitreya Buddha
Project holds the potential to bring incalculable and sustainable
benefit.
American Buddhist Net
Uttar Pradesh to boast of world’s tallest Buddha statue
Fri, 2008-03-28 10:32 — ABN
Tuesday, 25 March , 2008, 18:25
Lucknow:
Decks are being cleared for the installation of the world’s tallest
Buddha statue in Kushinara town of eastern Uttar Pradesh.
Uttar
Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati directed officials to speed up the
acquisition and transfer of 600 acres of land required for the Rs 10
billion project to be funded and undertaken by the global Maitryi Group.
Provision of land is UP government’s share in the project.
The
project involves installation of a 152-metre-tall bronze statue of Lord
Buddha along with a giant meditation centre, an international
university, a state-of-art world-class hospital and a museum. The
project also envisages an entertainment complex in the neighbourhood
that would include an amusement park and a five-star hotel.
Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make this country Buddhist)
Now All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha
Prapanchmay karunge.” (We will make the whole world Prabuddha Prapanch(Universe).
“The
Chamcha Age (An Era of Stooges)” was written by Kanshi Ram, and
published by him on 24th Sept. 1982 on the occasion of 50th anniversary
of Poona Pact. It is dedicated to Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, “whose
initiation of cultural revolt in colonial India, later taken up by
Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy and many other
rebellious spirits brought us to this level where we are thinking,
planning and struggling to put an end to the ‘Chamcha Age’ and usher in
‘Bright Age’ for the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras.”
In
preface he says Chamcha Age started from the Poona Pact giving Joint
Electorates instead of Separate Electorates. The purpose of book is to
make (SC/ST) Soshit Samaj of the existence of Chamchas or stooges, and
to awaken masses how to differentiate between genuine and counterfeit
leadership.
A
Chamcha is an indigenous word for a stooge, or a tool, or an agent, who
is operated by others for their own benefit. Gandhiji felt necessity of
Chamchas from 1939-32 onwards. A Chamcha is created to oppose the real
fighter, the genuine leader. While Dr. Ambedkar was taking the
untouchables of India from Dark Age to Bright Age, they slipped aside
into Chamcha Age. Gandhiji preferred two Chamchas through joint
electorate against one real representative through separate electorate.
The Way Out mostly outlines the struggle that is necessary to fight chitpavan Brahmanism.
It
has not only historical importance to understand Kanshiram’s struggle,
but also can awaken us what is to be done in future. It describes Dr.
Ambedkar’s concept of Educate, Agitate, Organise. Separate Settlements,
Denunciation of Poona pact, and also his three attempts to make the
movement broad based, giving the excerpts from Baba Saheb’s famous
speech at S.C.Conference at Lucknow on 25.4.1948. Below reproduced is
the entire Part IV, which is the main Part, for future guidance. Hope it
serves some useful purpose for those who are rather nonconversant with
Kanshiram’s philosophy.
AMBEDKAR’S EFFORTS
Ambedkar could anticipate
“THINGS
WILL BE MUCH WORSE UNDER THE SYSTEM OF JOINT ELECTORATES AND RESERVED
SEATS WHICH WILL HEREAFTER BECOME OPERATIVE UNDER THE TERMS OF THE POONA
PACT. THIS IS NO MORE SPECULATION. THE LAST ELECTION (1946) HAS
CONCLUSIVELY PROVED THAT THE SCHEDULED CASTES CAN BE COMPLETELY
DISFRANCHISED IN A JOINT ELECTORATE.” [DR.B.R. AMBEDKAR.]
The
joint electorate is from the point of the Hindus to use a familiar
phrase a “rotten borough” in which the Hindus get the right to nominate
an untouchable to set nominally as a representative of the untouchable
but really as a tool of the Hindu.” [Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.]
From
the above two quotations, it is abundantly clear that Baba Saheb
Ambedkar could clearly anticipate the outcome of the Poona Pact. Being a
constitutional expert and a democrat, he could well imagine the fact of
the disfranchised people in a democracy based on adult franchise. He
could also anticipate4e the fate of the people whose representatives
were not real representatives, but mere tools in the hand of their
age-old enemies. It was the helplessness of his people at that time that
forced him to sign the Poona-Pact under the coercive effects of
Gandhiji’s fast. At that time, he must have thought of the times when
the depressed classes would be less helpless to take up the challenge
and fight for their due. At any rate, he was there with us for 24 years
to fight the evil efforts of the Chamcha age.
Educate ! Agitate !! Organise !!!
To
meet the challenge of the chamcha age, he could develop various ways
and means. The best of all such ways and means way to prepare his people
through the well-planned concept of Educate, Agitate, Organise. He
thought that his people could kept slaves for long time because of their
ignorance. He, therefore, sought to eliminate ignorance through
education. The various types of efforts made by him to educate and
enlighten his people are there for all of us to see. The outcome of all
those efforts is also so glaringly visible. The various types of
struggles launched by him to meet the challenge of chamcha age have
become a legend by now. The organizations developed by him to meet the
challenge in an organized manner are also so familiar to all of us.
Separate Settlements
Keeping
in mind the helplessness of his people that forced the Poona Pact on
them he developed another concept to remove their helplessness. It was
manifested in the idea of Separate Settlements for his people. He
thought of eliminating their minority status in the villages by way of
creating separate settlements for them, where they would be in majority.
Thus, being in majority in such separate settlements, they could have
elected their real representatives to the legislatures. Besides, these
separate settlements were designed to improve their economy. But
unfortunately when the British decided to quit India after the IInd
World War, this idea of separate settlements could not be taken up with
the new rulers.
Denunciation of the Poona-Pact
When
the idea of separate Settlement could not materialize Dr. Ambedkar
again thought of Separate Electorates to meet the challenge of the
chamacha age. For this, he not only denounced Poona Pact, but also
launched a massive agitation against it in 1946. During the year of
1946, the submitted and elaborate memorandum to the Constituent Assembly
pleading for separate electorates.
Not
only this, he kept up propaganda against the chamcha age. He availed
each and every opportunity to do that. Even today we are guided by that
propaganda, available to us, especially through the following 3 books :-
(i) Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables.
(ii) What congress & Gandhi have done to the Untouchables.
(iii) States and Minorities.
Making of Movement broad based.
After
the exit of the British in 1947, Baba Saheb Ambedkar forgot about
Separate Electorates and Separate Settlements, but on the other hand
tried to broad-base the movement. Many instances can be sighted but the
following 3 efforts will prove the point:
(1)
At the Scheduled Castes Conference at Lucknow on 25th April, 1948, Baba
saheb Ambedkar made the first serious effort in this direction. The
following quote from his Lucknow speech will prove the point.
“…
I then turned to the question of unity between the Scheduled Castes and
the so-called Backward Classes. This I did at the request of the
leaders of the backward Classes who were present at the conference. I
said it was a pity that the two classes whose needs were common did not
join together. The reason was that the Backward Classes did not like to
associate themselves with the Scheduled Caste because they were afraid
that such an association will bring themselves down to the level of the
Scheduled Castes.
“I
said that I was not anxious to establish inter-dining and
inter-marriage between the Scheduled Castes and the Backward Classes.
They may well remain separate social entities. There is no reason why
they should not join hands to form a political party to remove their
backward condition. I pointed out how the Scheduled Castes have improved
their condition by playing their part in the politics of the country
and there is no reason why the Backward Classes should not do the same.
“I
said that I Scheduled Castes and the Backward Classed form majority of
the population of the country. There is no reason why they should not
rule this county. All that is necessary is to organize for the purpose
of capturing political power which is your own because of adult
suffrage. People do not seem to buck up courage because they are
overwhelmed by the belief that the Congress Government is there for
ever. I said this is a wrong impression. In a popular democracy no
Government is permanent and not even the Government established by the
two of the tallest Congressmen, Pandit Nehru and Sardar Patel. If you
organize you can even capture that Government.”
(2)
The second serious effort was made in 1951, when Baba Saheb Ambedkar
visited Patna on the invitation of the Backward Class leaders to form a
single party for S.C. & O.B.C. But the move was defeated by Pandit
Nehru by offering one chair to the O.B.C. leader and by using “Paper
Bullets” to attract the greedy amongst them.
(3)
The third and the last most serious effort was made by him to bring not
only the S.C. & O.B.C. under one banner but also all the oppressed
and exploited Indians whom we to-day call Dalit Soshit Samaj under the
umbrella of a single political party. But unfortunately, he left us on
Dec. 6, 1956, before translating the ideal into action.
POST-AMBEDKAR POSITION
During
the last days of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, while pushing ahead his plans and
programmes, he was very much worried about future without him. He was
not sure about the capacity, sincerity and devotion of his lieutenants
to carry the Caravan ahead, after him. We get a glimpse of such doubts
from his last message, ” … If my lieutenants are not able to take the
Caravan ahead they should leave it there, but under no circumstances
should they allow the Caravan to go back. This is the message to my
people.”
The
inevitable happened. After the sad demise of Baba Saheb Ambedkar on 6th
Dec. 1956, his lieutenants made feeble efforts almost on all the
fronts. Their failures on all the fronts are there for all of us to see.
The
set-back to the Ambedkarite movements, reduced many of his selfish,
greedy and insincere lieutenants to the worst variety of Chamchas, They
divided themselves into two halves, Half of them took to stooging
directly by entering congress and other parties. Another half thought it
more profitable to stooge indirectly, by forming small groups out of
the organizations created by Baba Saheb Ambedkar.
This, in nut-shell, is the story of the Post-Ambedkar period.
GENUINE & CAPABLE LEADERSHIP
To-day,
whether to meet the challenge of the chamcha age or to put an end to
the chamcha age and usher in bright age for the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj, the
most pressing need is of genuine and capable leadership.
All
of us know that Baba Saheb Ambedkar while himself leading us towards
the bright age, managed to create for us the opportunities for higher
education. His strong belief was that only highly educated leaders can
meet the challenge of the chamcha age. The following extract from the
Kaka Saheb Kalelkar report will prove the point :
“Q.1 :-What according to you, constitutes backwardness as it applies to the situation India ?
Dr.Ambedkar
:- Supposing I am left in the situation to do something for the
betterment and advancement of India, I would look at the social status
of the community. Here in India people have got different status – some
are in the highest position, some are in middle, some are still less and
some are at the bottom. Our problem is not so much to distribute wealth
in order to make everybody happy; our problem is that different status
should disappear. It can disappear only by advancement of education,
when all the communities are brought to the same level in the matter of
education, not everybody but the community as such. If there are 10
barristers, 20 doctors, 30 engineers etc. in a community, I regard that
community as rich, although every one of them is not educated. Take for
instance, chamars, you look upon this community with hatred, but if
there are some lawyers, doctors, engineers and educated persons among
them, you cannot put your hand upon them….
Q.5:-
What remedy would you suggest for the speedy removal of the
backwardness of so many communities in India that are suffering from
age-old social backwardness and educational apathy?
Dr.Ambedkar:-
I have suggested that if you produce big people from amongst them, the
backwardness would go. The backwardness is only a sort of inferiority
complex”.
In
a lengthy reply to question 4, his answer was that for removing
backwardness it was essential to produce highly qualified and educated
persons amongst them and then put them in key posts. They could control
any wrong being done.
At
late in his life as 1954, Baba Saheb had been having such views. But
within 2 years, our dear Doctor was to detect the worst disease, then,
instead of praise, he was to condemn these highly educated men of
status, occupying key posts. His condemnation of these highly qualified
men of status, occupying key post was open and public, during a very
well attended public meeting on 18th March, 1965 at Agra. After this
detection of the disease, during the comming 8 months left for him, he
could neither diagnose nor find remedial measures.
In
1954, Dr.Ambedkar was thinking of 10 lawyers, 20 doctor and 30
engineers, But during the coming years the number of such highly
qualified persons swelled to lakhs. Because of the opportunities created
by Dr. Ambedkar, they got key posts and acquired status. Very
unfortunately, along with this increase, the disease spread and became
an epidemic. This epidemic killed the very thought of Baba Saheb
Ambedkar which he had been entertaining and nourishing over the years,
The product of his dream and efforts, the highly educated persons of
status, occupying key posts, instead of becoming a boon, became, a curse
for their oppressed and exploited communities, in fact, for the entire
Dalit Soshit Samaj. Instead of controlling the wrongs being done to
their communities, they became the cause for many additional wrongs.
In
the absence of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, his lieutenants were helpless. They
simply ignored the epidemic. Much worse, most of them became a part and
parcel of it. Around 1973, some highly educated employees could
themselves diagnose the diseases and later named it “Alienation of the
elite.” The disease and its evil effects had been dealt with in a
separate chapter. As a cure BAMCEF was developed. The basic objective of
BAMCEF is “Pay back to the oppressed and exploited society.”
BAMCEF
has partly cured the disease, by way of securing a partial check over
the alienation of the elite, In future, it is likely to become a perfect
and permanent cure by becoming a perennial source of Genuine &
Capable leadership.
SHORT-TERM SOLUTION (SOCIAL ACTION) D-S4
After
making arrangements for the genuine & capable leadership which
could take care of even the worst disease like the alienation of the
elite, we come to the problem. To solve the problem of the chamcha age
successfully, we should split it in 3 parts as under.:
(i) To meet the challenge of the chamcha age.
(ii) To put an end to the chamcha age.
(iii) To usher in bright age.
Now
after splitting the problem systematically and suitably, we can solve
the problems one by one. To my mind by tackling the problems one by one,
we can complete the task within 10 years. The solutions for these three
parts can be termed as (i) Short- term, (ii) Long-term, and (iii)
Durable. These solution are briefly discussed in 3 separate chapters.
Social Action
The
Dalit Shoshit Samaj is lying low and reconciled to its lowly status. It
is a huge section of our society. Thus, the lowly and backward status
of this huge section of our society is keeping the country low and
backward. This huge section must be awakened, aroused and put in action.
Such action this huge section of society, after its awakening and
arousal may be termed as Social Action.
Preparation for Social Action
(i) Creating Awakening to induce arousal
To
awaken this huge section of our society many thoughtful measures are
required to be taken. Such thoughtful measures may be of 2 type a)
general (b) specific, based on issues.
(a)
General measures may be on social, economic, political, religious and
cultural aspects. Why such wide ranging measures are required? It is
because the Dalit Shoshit Samaj is in the dark on all such fronts. To
enlighten them, awakening on all these front is a must. Until and
unless, they are awakened, they cannot be aroused, unless they are
aroused, they can not be involved, So to involve them such wide-range
awakening is a must.
It
is for this large scale need of awakening on all the fronts that we are
attaching so much importance to our awakening squads. Our awakening
squads in almost all the major languages of India, cater to this need of
awakening. Our awakening squads are trained to enlighten the suppressed
society on all such fronts. Keeping in mind the long standing laziness
of the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj, the method used by our awakening squads is
enlightening and awakening while entertaining.
(b)
Specific measures to create awakening are based on issues. For example,
to spread Ambedkarite thought, Ambedkar Mela on Wheels was conducted;
to throw light on the chamcha age, Poona Pact was denounced; to form
habit of using our own little resources in a big way, the 4200 kms. long
Bicycle Prachar Yatra is to be undertaken. Specific measures are
required to throw light on the atrocities committed on the S.C./ S.T.
the non implementation of the rules, regulations, plans, projects,
programmes and laws meant for S.C./S.T. cannot be secured without
resorting to specific measures for awakening, enlightening and arousing
the concerned masses. The poor response for securing the implementation
of the Mandal Commission Report is for lack of specific measures being
taken for arousing the concerned masses.
(ii) Keeping the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj in Action
The
problems of the Dalit-Shosit Samaj are many and on all the fronts. To
tackle those problems with the help of the concerned masses, they must
be awakened, aroused and put into action. By putting them in action
occasionally will not solve all those problems. They, therefore, must
always be kept in action.
(iii)
Mild to Wild Action By and large social action should be mild, but
continuous without any break. It may be in one form or another, may be
for one cause or another. To make it meaningful and effective.
occasionally it will have to be wild, but non-violent. It will all
depend upon the types of struggles.
Examples of the planned Social Action
To
understand Social Action fully and for the benefit of those activists
who will be required to make the social action effective and successful
in future, it is essential to give a few examples. The following 5
examples of the planned social action of the past, the present and the
future will be useful, both for making the general public understand
social action and preparing the activists to conduct social action
effectively and successfully.
The past
(i) Ambedkar Mela on Wheels
After
shifting our H.Q. to Delhi, we notice that in the surrounding states of
Delhi our people were ignorant about the life and mission of Baba Saheb
Amedkar. Those who were not ignorant and interested in the mission,
were feeling demoralized because of alround failure of the Ambedkarite
mission. To remove this ignorance and demoralization a social action in
the form of Ambedkar Mela on Wheels was planned. It was conducted for 2
months. from 14-4-1980 to 14-6-1980, all around Delhi covering 9 states.
After the successful conduct of this social action, ignorance and
demoralization gave way to a new awakening and enthusiasm in all the 9
states surrounding Delhi. Our present success is deeply rooted in the
successful conduct of that social action named Ambedkar Mela on Wheels.
The Present
(ii) Denunciation of the Poona Pact
The
Chamcha age is a product of the Poona-Pact. To focus attention on the
chamcha age, the Poona-pact was denounced on the occasion of its 50th
Anniversary. An elaborate programme of denunciation was planned and
conducted from 24th Sept. to 24th Oct. 1982 starting from Poona and
ending at Jullunder. As a result of this planned social action, to-day
almost entire Dalit Shoshit Samaj, all over India is a awakened and
aroused against the chamcha age. Such awakening and arousal will greatly
help us in meeting the challenge of the chamcha age.
(iii) People Parliament
It
was thought that the Dalit Shoshit Samaj was not adequately represented
in the parliament and what ever representation is there, it is in the
form of Chamchas who cannot be expected to represent them fully and
faithfully. To make up this deficiency. on 25th Dec. 1982, People’s
Parliament will be launched in Delhi. From Delhi it will move to places
all over India, debating the of Dalit Shoshit Samaj Such a social action
is expected to focus attention on the burning issues which are not
debated is the National Parliament. Besides, it will be a constant
reminder for us to make the National Parliament, a really representative
parliament.
(iv) Miracle of two feet and two wheels
In
terms of resources, Dalit-Shoshit Samaj cannot competes, with the
ruling Castes, But to get their due, it must not only compete, but also
defeat the ruling Castes successfully. For this purpose, resources will
be required. Dalit-Shoshit Samaj therefore must learn to use its small
and little resources in a big way. This way, it can match the opponents.
To conduct one such experiment the use of bicycle in a big way is
planned. As per the present plan, about 100 cyclists will start from
Delhi on 15th March, 1983 and during 40 days period, they will propagate
the thought in 7 states around Delhi, while covering a distance of 4200
km. Thus, by this type of social action, bicycle can be used in a big
way not only for propaganda, but also for electioneering and show of
strength.
The Future
(v) Efforts for equality
On
Dec. 6, 1983, D-S4, the organization for social action, will be 2 year
young, On that occasion the youthful D-S4 is planning to launch an
extensive and massive social action. This social action will be for
equality.
While addressing the Constituent Assembly on 25th Nov.1949 Baba Saheb Ambedkar spoke thus:
“On
26th January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions.
In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we
will have inequality….How long shall we continue to live this life of
contradictions ? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our
social and economic life ? …”
As
all of us know that all along over the last 32 years, we had been
living this life of contradictions. If anything, the gap of inequality
has further widened. It has caused almost irreparable loss to the Dalit
Shoshit Samaj. To put an end to this inequality, an extensive and a
massive social action is a must. This social action will unfold itself
after the 6th Dec.1983 when it is planned to be launched.
D-S4–An organization for Social Action
In
our mission, we believe in doing things in an organized manner. D-S4 is
our organization for social action. All future social actions will be
planned, designed and conducted by D-S4.
LONG-TERM SOLUTION (POLITICAL ACTION)
As
Social Action was found necessary to meet the challenge of the chamcha
age, Political Action is our solution for putting an end to the chamcha
age, But on the other hand, we understand that the chamcha age is the
product of present day political activity. The exit of the British on
15th August, 1947 resulted in the transfer of power to the High Caste
Hindus. But before the transfer of power, the seed for adult franchise
were already sown. The seed sprouted and by the time India became a
Republic, with a constitution of its own, it resulted in the build-up of
a huge Vote-Bank of the Dalit Shoshit Samaj.
All
this created a very peculiar situation. In a democratic set up, adopted
by us, the High Caste Hindus could not rule India without the consent
of the Dalit Shoshit Samaj. Thus, to have access to this Vote-Bank, the
ruling Castes required the help of the chamcha. All this has been
elaborated in a separate chapter. But our problem here is that we need a
Political Action to uproot the product of the present day political
activity. Such a political action, therefore, will have to be altogether
different from the present day political activity available to us.
Present political activity & outcome
To
build-up required political activity of our own, we must know and
understand the present day political activity and its outcome. After the
exit of the British, the high caste Hindus started sharing power
amongst them. The political and the bureaucratic power fell into the
hands of the Brahmins. The S.C. / S.T. got 22.5 % reservation; even
though their representatives remained chamchas in the hands of the
ruling Castes. In the bureaucratic machine, they got opening at various
levels. For the last 20 years, the are getting their full quota in the
top administrative services of the Center.
O.B.C.– The worst sufferers
But
the worst sufferers are the Other Backward Castes (O.B.C.) After the
exit of the British, they got alround setback. Their share, in both the
political and administrative power, had been almost entirely eaten by
the higher castes, especially the Brahmins. As per Mandal Commission
Report O.B.C. population is 52% of the total population of India. On the
other hand, the population of the Brahmins and Kshatriyas is about 8 to
9% of the total. But in present parliament, these 8 to 9% people are
represented by 52% of M.Ps., whereas 52% of people are represented by 8
to 9% of M.P.s. In a parliamentary democracy such representation makes
all the difference. As a result of this imbalance, the entire power
structure is grossly tilted against the O.B.C. To illustrate such a
gross tilt at all the important level 2 charts are presented in this
very chapter. The outcome of the entire present day political activity
can be well understood from these charts.
Tamil Nadu & U.P.- A study in contrast
Regarding
the position of O.B.C. to-day Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh present a
study of contrast. In Tamil Nadu the O.B.C. get its full quota in both
political and administrative spheres. It keeps increasing with the
passage of time. Whereas in U.P. the O.B.C. are worst-placed. As per the
latest election of May- June 1980, politically one Brahmin was
equivalent to 23 backward persons. As per U.P. Govt., the percentage of
gazetted officers of O.B.C. in 1946, 1955 and 1960 stood at 0.80, 0.47,
0.70 respectively. From this contrast, we can learn a lot for building
our own political activity.
Political Party of our own
To-day
in India we have 7 National level political parties, All these 7
parties are led by the High Caste Hindus. They control the affairs of
their parties on a manner to perpetuate high caste rule. Dalit-Shosht
Samaj is helpless in spite of 85% votes at their disposal. It is widely
felt that we must have our own political party. In the past some efforts
were made, but without success.
Recently
we have conducted some experiments towards building such a party. Such
experimentations known as Limited Political Action will be further
conducted till we feel sure of forming a political party of National
level on our own. Through such a political party of the Dalit Shoshit
Samaj Political Action for putting an end to the chamcha age will be
launched.
[Two
charts are given here. One is about Political and Bureaucratic grip of
Brahmins over India, and Percentage of Brahmins in parliament. The
figures being old these charts are not reproduced.]
DURABLE SOLUTION (CULTURAL CHANGE & CONTROL)
In
the last 2 chapters we have concluded that (i) to meet the challenge of
the chamcha age, we need Social Action and (ii) to put an end to the
chamcha age, we need Political Action. But to usher in Bright Age, will
be the toughest task before us, before this generation or even before
the coming generations. It will need a complete cultural change and
altogether different control. Only such change can bring about durable
solution.
The real and basic problem
In
India, our real and basic problem is social, religious and cultural.
Everything else is outcome of this basic problem. The chamcha age is
just a minor outcome of this major basic problem.
In
India, we have a religion of the Shastras, having peculiar religious
notions. The religious notions, not only dominate, but also make the
culture. The domination of these religious notions has resulted in
creating a peculiar culture which can be termed as the Culture of the
Castes, In other countries, they say religion is personal but culture is
common. Thus, they can be separate. But in India, both are one and the
same thing.
Caste-Crux of the problem
Dr. Ambedkar had written 2 major essays on the Caste, namely
(i) “Castes in India, their origin and their mechanism.”
(ii) “Annihilation of Caste.”
Leaving
aside his crusade against caste and his other writings on it, even on
the basis of these two essays, he can be considered the greatest
authority on caste. As per his thought Caste System is a Social System
which embodies the arrogance and selfishness of a perverse section of
the Hindus who were superior enough in social status to set it in
fashion and who had authority to force it on their inferiors. To enforce
such a degrading social system very harsh penal sanctions were required
which were provided by the Manu Smriti.
Caste
system made the Hindus sick men of India and their sickness affected
the health and happiness of other Indians. This became a major problem
for all the Indians. Much has been said against this evil system by
many, much more can be said, but here, we should conclude by saying that
the caste had been the problem of the Indians in the past, it still
remains a crux of the problem to-day.
In
the past caste was paraded openly and caste restrictions observed very
strictly. For long time, the high status of a caste was a paying
proposition. During the middle of the 19th century, revolt against this
evil system was initiated. It spread in the 1st half of the 20th
century, so much so that by 1950, it started becoming a double edged
sword cutting both ways, The High caste Hindus sensed the danger, so
much so they got the caste column removed from the census records. So,
today for any authentic and recorded information regarding caste, we are
required to look back to them 1931 census.
To-day
caste is very much there. But it is in the disguised form. The ruling
Castes, being in minority, do not speak much about it, but are in a
position to parctise it secretly and favorably to their own castes. Not
only that, it has become fashion with the ruling castes to speak against
it openly and practise it secretly, especially to retain the levers of
the power in their hand, Look at the performance of Nehru, he got 47%
Brahmins elected to the Lok Sabha during the height of his regime during
the 1957 Parliamentary polls. Along with the 22.5% reserved quota of
the S.C./ S.T. in Lok Sabha of the parliament, Nehruji kept ruling India
and Indians majestically. But by 1980 the caste equation changed,
especially when a Scheduled Caste candidate Babu Jagjivan Ram aspired to
be the Prime Minister of India, So in 1980 Indiraji was required to get
some 15% Kshatriyas elected to secure majority along with 36% Brahmin
M.Ps.
In
the last chapter, 2 charts have been added to show the grab of the
political and administrative power by the Brahmins, Here, we are
interested only pointing to the fact how power is grabbed and retained
by the change of caste equations. Surely you can not have caste
equations without cast considerations. And at the same time these
experts in caste equations from Nehru to Indira keep on speaking against
caste and keep on dubbing others as castists.
Social System (A product of Brahmanism)
Beneficiaries of the system 10 to 15%
Brahmins
Ksatriyas
Vaishyas
Victims of the System 85 to 90%
Intermediate Castes
(Shudras)
Other Backward Castes
(O.B.C.)
Scheduled Castes
(S.C.)
Scheduled Tribes
(S.T.)
This
sketch of the Social System stands like a structure,. In this structure
the castes are the building bricks. A mere look at the structure will
convince us, that it is an epitome of inequality.
How the system stands
In
this very chapter a sketch has been added to indicate how the caste
system or the social system stands, In this structure, castes are the
building bricks, The sketch is self explanatory, The beneficiaries of
the system have cornered all the 5 major powers and sources of the
powers, namely: (1)Political (2)Bureaucratic (3)Feudal (4)Economic and
(5)Cultural. In the sketch, the castes shown as the intermediary castes
which are not a part of the O.B.C. have also benefited and advanced even
though they happen to be the Shudra Castes, religiously speaking.
Whereas the victims of the system are loser all around and on every
front.
Revolt in Past
In
the recent past, many rebellious spirits all over India revolted
against this culture of the castes, The revolt of Mahatma Jotiba Phule,
Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy, Narayanaguru and Baba Saheb Ambedkar is
outstanding. A plethora of literature is available about their revolt
and the success they met. Here, we wish to take note of the means
adopted by them to change this culture of the castes. Satya Shodhak
Samaj by Mahatma Phule, Rationalism and Atheism by Periyar E V R and
Buddhism by Baba Saheb Ambedkar were the means applied by them for
affecting change. To-day while looking at the fate of these means, we
feel disappointed. It appears that this culture of the castes has the
strength and the strong backing to recover the lost ground. But
nevertheless the efforts of our crusaders, have resulted in the
emancipation of the mind. It will be greatly useful for further
expansion of our activity.
Task for the future
In
the light of the past experience it can be concluded that the task for
the future is tremendous, especially when we know the hidden and open
backing this culture of the castes is getting from the beneficiaries of
the system. But to change this culture of Perfect Inequality into the
one of Absolute Equality must remain our cherished goal. The present
culture is controlled by beneficiaries of the system. But the changed
culture of absolute equality must ever remain in the hands of the
victims of the present system. It is a must to avoid sabotage and
subversion. This the lesson to be learnt from the fall of the Maurya
Empire.
EDITORS
NOTE- THE CHAMCHA AGE (AN ERA OF STOOGES)” WAS WRITTEN BY KANSHI RAM,
AND PUBLISHED BY HIM ON 24TH SEPT. 1982 ON THE OCCASION OF 50TH
ANNIVERSARY OF POONA PACT. IT IS DEDICATED TO MAHATMA JYOTIRAO PHULE,
“WHOSE INITIATION OF CULTURAL REVOLT IN COLONIAL INDIA.
Last Meeting between Mother and Son and between Wife and Husband.
4.Last Meeting between Father and Son.
5.Last Meeting between the Buddha and Sariputta.
The Centres of His Preachings
It is not that after the appointment of the missionaries the Lord sat at one place. He too continued to be his own missionary.
The Lord seems to have made certain places chief centres of his missionary work.
Of such centres, the chief were Shravasti and Rajagraha.
He visited Shravasti about 75 times and Rajagraha about 24 times.
Certain other places were made minor centres.
They were Kapilavastu, which he visited 6 times, Vaishali which he visited 6 times, and Kamas-sadhamma, 4 times.
The Places He Visited
Besides these main and minor centres the Blessed Lord visited many other places during the course of his missionary tour.
He visited Ukkatha, Nadika, Sal, Assapura, Ghoshitaram, Nalanda, Appana, Etuma.
He visited Opasad, lccha-naukal, Chandal Kuppa, Kushinara.
He visited Devadaha, Pava, Ambasanda, Setavya, Anupiya and Ugunma.
The names of the places he visited show that he travelled over the Sakya Desa, the Kuru Desa and Anga Desa.
Roughly speaking, he travelled over the whole of Northern India.
These
appear to be a few places. But what distance do they cover ? Rajagraha
from Lumbini is not less than 250 miles. This just gives an idea of
distances.
These distances the Lord walked on foot. He did not even use a bullock-cart.
In
his wanderings he had no place to stay until later on when his lay
disciples built Viharas and resting places which he and his Bhikkhus
used as halts on their journeys. Most often he lived under vii the
shade of wayside trees.
He
went from place to place, sometimes from village to village, resolving
the doubts and difficulties of those who were willing to accept his
message, controverting the arguments of those who were his opponents and
preaching his gospel to those who like children came to him for
guidance.
The Blessed
Lord knew that all those who came to listen to him were not all of them
intelligent, not all of them came with an open and a free mind.
He had even warned the brethren that there were three sorts of listeners.
The
empty-head, the fool who cannot see,— though oft and oft, unto the
brethren going, he hears their talk, beginning, middle, end,—but can
never grasp it. Wisdom is not his.
Better
than he the man of scattered brains, who oft and oft, unto the brethren
going, hears all their talk, beginning, middle, end, and seated there
can grasp the very words, yet, rising, nought retains. Blank is his
mind.
Better than these
the man of wisdom wide. He, oft and oft unto the brethren going, hears
all their talk, beginning, middle, end, and seated there, can grasp the
very words, bears all in mind, steadfast, unwavering, skilled in the
Norm and what conforms thereto.
Notwithstanding this, the Lord was never tired of going from place to place preaching his gospel.
As
a bhikkhu the Lord never had more than three pieces of clothes. He
lived on one meal a day and he begged his food from door to door every
morning.
His mission was the hardest task assigned to any human being. He discharged it so cheerfully.
Last Meeting between Mother and Son and between Wife and Husband
Before their death Mahaprajapati and Yesho-dhara met the Blessed Lord,
It was probably their last meeting with him.
Mahaprajapati went and first worshipped him.
She
thanked him for having given her the happiness of the good doctrine,
for her having been spiritually born through him: for the doctrine
having grown in her through him; for her having suckled him, drinking
the Dhamma-milk of him; for her having plunged in and crossed over the
ocean of becoming through him—what a glorious thing it has been to be
known as the mother of the Buddha ! 5. And then she uttered her plea:— ”
I desire to die finally having put away this corpse. 0 sorrow-ender,
permit me.”
Yeshodhara,
addressing the Blessed Lord, said that she was in her seventy-eighth
year. The Blessed Lord replied that he was in his eighties.
She
told him that she was to die that very night. Her tone was more
self-reliant than that of Mahaprajapati. She did not ask his permission
to die nor did she go to him to seek him as her refuge.
On the contrary, she said to him (me saranam atthano), ” I am my own refuge.”
She had conquered all the cankers in her life.
She came to thank him because it was he who had shown her the way and given her the power.
Last Meeting between Father and Son
Once when the Lord was staying at Raja-graha in the bamboo grove Rahula was staying at Ambalathika.
The
Blessed One arising towards eventide from his meditation went over to
Rahula, who seeing the Lord some way off, set a seat for him and water
to wash his feet.
Seating
himself on the seat set for him, the Lord poured water over his feet
while Rahula, after salutations, took his seat to one side.
Addressing
Rahula, the Blessed Lord said “He who does not shrink from deliberate
lying has not—say I—left undone any evil thing which he could.
Therefore, you must school yourself never to tell a lie even in jest.
” In the same way you must reflect and again in doing every act, in speaking every word and in thinking every thought.
“When
you want to do anything you must reflect whether it would conduce to
your or others’ harm or to both, and so is a wrong act productive of woe
and ripening into woe. If reflection tells you that this is the nature
of that contemplated act, you should not do it.
” But if reflection assures you there is no harm but good in it, then you may do it.
“Grow in loving kindness; for as you do so malevolence will pass away.
“Grow in compassion; for as you do so vexation will pass away.
“Grow in gladness over others’ welfare; for as you do so aversions will pass away.
“Grow in poised equanimity; for as you do so all repugnance will pass away.
“Grow in contemplation of the body’s corruption; for as you do so passion will pass away.
“Grow in perception of the fleeting nature of things; for as you do so the pride of self will fall away.”
Thus spoke the Lord. Glad at heart, Rahula rejoiced in what the Lord had said.
Last Meeting between the Buddha and Sariputta
The Blessed Lord was staying in Shravasti in the Jetavana in the Gaudhakuti Vihar.
Sariputta arrived there with a company of five hundred brethren.
After
saluting the Blessed One Sariputta told him that the last day of his
life on earth had arrived. Will the Blessed Lord be pleased to permit
him to give up his mortal coils?
The Blessed Lord asked Sariputta if he had selected any place for his parinibbana.
Sariputta
told the Blessed One, ” I was born in the village Nalaka in Magadha.
The house in which I was born still stands. I have chosen my home for my
parinibbana.”
The Lord replied, ” Dear Sariputta! Do what pleases you.”
Sariputta
fell on the feet of the Blessed Lord arid said, “I have practised the
paramitas for one thousand Kalpas with only one wish, to have the honour
of falling on your feet. I have achieved that end and there is no end
to my happiness.”
‘ “We do not believe in rebirth. Therefore this is our last meeting. Let the Lord forgive me my faults. My last day has come.”
” Sariputta! There is nothing to forgive,” said the Lord.
When Sariputta rose to go, the Lord in his honour got up and stood up on the verandah of the Gauohakuti Vihar.
Then
Sariputta said to the Blessed Lord, “I was happy when I saw you first. I
am happy to see you now. I know this is the last darshan of you I am
having. I shall not have your darshan again.”
Joining together the palms of his hand he walked away without showing his back to the Blessed Lord.
Then
the Blessed Lord said to the assembled brethren—”Follow your Elder
Brother,” and the assembly for the first time left the Blessed Lord and
went after Sariputta.
Sariputta on reaching his village died in his home in the very room in which he was born.
He was cremated and his ashes were taken to the Blessed Lord.
On
receiving the ashes the Blessed Lord said to the brethren-“He was the
wisest, he had no acquisitive instinct, he was energetic and
industrious, he hated sin, ye brethren see his ashes. He was as strong
as the earth in his forgiveness, he never allowed anger to enter his
mind, he was never controlled by any desire, he had conquered all his
passions, he was full of sympathy, fellowship and love.”
About
that time Mahamogallan was then living in a solitary Vihar near
Rajagraha. He was murdered by some assassins employed by the enemies of
the Blessed Lord.
The
sad news of his end was conveyed to the Blessed One. Sariputta and
Mahamogallan were his two chief disciples. They were called
Dharma-Senapati —Defenders of the Faith. The Blessed Lord depended upon
them to continue the spread of his gospel.
The Blessed Lord was deeply affected by their death in his lifetime.
He did not like to stay in Shravasti and to relieve his mind he decided to move on.
PART II : LEAVING VAISHALI
Farewell to Vaishali.
Halt at Pava.
Arrival at Klishinara.
Farewell to Vaishali
Before he set on his last journey the Blessed Lord was staying at Rajagraha on the Vulture’s Peak.
After staying there for some time he said: ” Come Ananda, let us go to Ambalathika.”
“So be it Lord ! ” said Ananda in assent, and the Blessed One, with a large company of the brethren, proceeded to Ambalathika.
After staying at Ambalathika he moved on to Nalanda.
From Nalanda he went to Pataligama, the capital of Magadha.
From Pataligama he went to Kotigam and from Kotigam he went to Nadika.
At
each of these places he stopped for a few days and delivered a
religious discourse either to the brethren or the householders.
From Nadika he went to Vaishali.
Vaishali was the birth-place of Mahavira and consequently a stronghold of his faith.
But the Blessed Lord soon succeeded in converting the people of Vaishali to his own faith.
It is said that owing to drought, a famine ravaged the city of Vaishali to such an extent that people died in large numbers.
The people of Vaishali complained of it in a general assembly convoked by them.
The assembly after much discussion decided to invite the Blessed Lord to the city.
A Lichchavi by name Mahali, a friend of King Bimbisara and son of the chaplain of Vaishali, was sent to offer the invitation.
The
Blessed Lord accepted the invitation and started with five hundred
Bhikkhus. As soon as he entered the territory of the Vajjins there was a
thunderstorm, rain fell in torrents and famine disappeared.
This is the origin of the welcome which the people of Vaishali gave to the Blessed Lord.
Having won their hearts it was natural that the people of Vaishali should give him a warm response.
Then came vasa. The Blessed Lord went to Beluna for his vasa and asked the brethren to make their vasa in Vaishali.
After finishing his vasa the Lord came to Vaishali with a mind to leave Vaishali and move on his journey.
So
the Blessed Lord early one morning robed himself, and taking his bowl,
entered Vaishali for alms; and when he had passed through Vaishali and
eaten his meal he gazed at Vaishali with an elephant’s look and
addressed the venerable Ananda and said: “This will be the last time
Ananda that the Tathagatha will behold Vaishali.”
Thus saying he bade farewell to the people of Vaishali.
He gave to the Lichchavis, when they took leave of him at the old city on their northern frontier, his alms-bowl as a memento.
It was his last visit to Vaishali. He did not live to return to it again.
Halt at Pava
From Vaishali the Blessed Lord went to Bhandagam.
From Bhandagam he went to Hatthi-gam to Bhoga-Nagara.
And from Bhoga-Nagara he went to Pava.
At Pava the Blessed One stayed at the mango grove of one blacksmith by name Chunda.
Now Chunda heard that the Blessed One had come to Pava and was staying in his mango grove.
Chunda went to the mango grove and sat near the Blessed One, who gave him a religious discourse.
Gladdened
by it Chunda addressed the Blessed One and said: ” May the Blessed One
do me the honour of taking his meal together with the brethren, at my
house tomorrow.”
And the Blessed One signified, by silence, his consent. Seeing that the Blessed One had consented, Chunda departed thence.
Next
day Chunda made ready in his dwelling-place sweet rice and cakes and
some preparation of Sukara-Madhava. And he announced the hour to the
Blessed One, saying: ” The hour, Lord, has come, and the meal is ready.”
And
the Blessed One robed himself and taking his bowl went with the
brethren to the dwelling-place of Chunda and partook of the food
prepared by him.
Again after the meal the Blessed One gave a discourse on religion to Chunda, then rose from his seat and departed thence.
The
food offered by Chunda did not agree with the Blessed One. There fell
upon him a dire sickness, the disease of dysentery, and sharp and
shooting pain came upon him even unto death.
But the Blessed One, mindful and self-possessed, bore it without complaint.
Returning
to the mango grove and after nature was relieved, the Blessed One told
Ananda: ” Come let us go to Kushinara” and the party moved from Pava.
Arrival at Kushinara
The Blessed Lord walked for part of the way. He soon felt the need for some rest.
On
the way the Blessed One went aside from the path to the foot of a
certain tree and said to Ananda: “Fold, I pray you, Ananda, the robe;
and spread it out for me. I am weary, Ananda, and must rest awhile! “
” Even so, Lord!” said the venerable Ananda, in assent, to the Blessed One, and spread out the robe folded fourfold.
And the Blessed One seated himself on the seat prepared for him.
And
when he was seated, the Blessed One addressed the venerable Ananda, and
said: ” Fetch me. I pray you, Ananda, some water. I am thirsty, Ananda,
and would drink.”
Ananda
replied: ” This river Kakuttha is not far off, is clear and pleasant,
cool and transparent, easy to get down into and delightful. There the
Blessed One may both drink the water and cool his limbs. The water of
this stream is foul and turbid.”
The Blessed One was too weak to walk down to the river. He preferred to have the water of the nearby stream.
Ananda brought the water and the Blessed One drank it.
After
resting for a while the Blessed One with the company of the brethren
went on to the river Kakuttha; and when he had come there, he went down
into the water, and bathed, and drank. And coming out again on the other
side he went on to the mango grove.
And
when he came there he again asked his robe to be spread out, saying: ” I
am weary and would lie down.” The robe was accordingly spread out and
the Blessed One laid himself down on it.
After
resting for a while the Blessed One got up and said to Ananda: ” Let us
go on to the Sala grove of the Mallas, the Upavana of Kushinara on the
further side of the river Hiranyavatti.”
On
reaching the place in the company of Ananda, he again asked Ananda to
spread his robe between the twin Sala trees. ” I am weary and would lie
down.”
Ananda spread the robe and the Blessed One laid himself down on it.
PART III : HIS END
The Appointment of a Successor.
The Last Convert.
Last Words.
Ananda in Grief.
The Lament of the Mallas and the Joy of a Bhikkhu.
The Last Rites.
Quarrel Over Ashes.
Loyalty to the Buddha.
The Appointment of a Successor
The Exalted One was at one time sojourning among the Sakyans in the mango grove of the Sakyan family named the archers.
Now
at that time Nataputta the Nigantha had just died at Pava. And at his
death the Niganthas became disunited and divided into two parties, in
mutual strife and conflict, quarrelling and wounding each other with
wordy weapons.
Now
Chunda, the novice, having passed the rainy season at Pava, came to see
the venerable Ananda and said: “Nataputta, sir, the Nigantha had just
died at Pava. And he being dead the Niganthas have become disunited and
divided and are quarrelling and wounding one another. This is because
they are without a protector.”
Then
said the venerable Ananda, ” Friend Chunda, this is a worthy subject to
bring before the Exalted One. Let us go to him, and tell him about it.”
” Very good, sir,” replied Chunda.
So
the venerable Ananda and Chunda, the novice, sought out the Exalted One
and saluting him, told him about the Niganthas and pleaded the
necessity of appointing a successor.
The
Blessed Lord on hearing what Chunda had said, replied: ” But consider
Chunda, where a teacher hath arisen in the world, Arahat, supremely
enlightened: where a doctrine hath been well set forth, well imparted,
effectual for guidance, conducive to peace; but where his disciples have
not become proficient in good Norm, nor has it been made a thing of
saving grace to them, well proclaimed among men when their teacher
passes away.
“Now for such a teacher to die, Chunda, is a great affliction for his disciples and a great danger to his Dhamma.
”
But consider, Chunda, where a teacher has appeared in the world who is
all-enlightened; where the Norm has been well set forth, well imparted,
effectual for guidance, conducive to peace, and where the disciples have
become proficient in the good Norm, and where the full scope of the
higher life has become manifest to them when that teacher passes away.
” Now for such a teacher, Chunda, to die is not an affliction for his disciples. Why then have a successor ? “
When
Ananda raised the same question on another occasion the Blessed Lord
said: “What think you Ananda? Do you observe even a couple of almsmen at
variance about what I have taught ? “
”
No. But those who are about the Lord might after his death, stir up
quarrel in the con-fraternity respecting the regimen or of the code and
such quarrels would make for general grief. “
“Of
little concern, Ananda, are quarrels respecting rigours of regimen or
of the code ; it is possible quarrels in the confraternity about the
path which really matter,” said the Blessed Lord.
” These disputes about the path cannot be settled by a dictator. What then a successor can do unless he acts as a dictator.
” The controversies regarding the path cannot be settled by a dictator.
“The
decision of a controversy should be reached by the fraternity. The
whole conjoint body should assemble and thrash out the matter till there
is agreement and then to settle it conformably with such agreement.
” Majority agreements is the way to settle the disputes and not the appointment of a successor.”
The Last Convert
Now
at that time Subhadda the Wanderer was staying at Kusinara. And
Subhadda the Wanderer heard the rumour, ” This very day, it is said, in
the last watch of the night will be the final passing away of Gotama the
recluse.” Then this thought came to Subhadda the Wanderer.
“Thus
have I heard it said by other wanderers who are old and far gone in
years, both teachers and disciples; ‘ Rarely, rarely do Tathagatas arise
in the world, they, who are Arahats, fully Enlightened Ones, And here
tonight, in the last watch, will be the final passing away of Gotama,
the recluse. Now a doubt VII has arisen in my mind and I am assured of
Gotama, the recluse. Gotama, the recluse, can show me a teaching, so
that I may dispel this doubting state of mine.”
Then
Subhadda the Wanderer went towards the branch road to the Sala grove of
the Mallas, where the venerable Ananda was, and coming there he told
the venerable Ananda what he had thought and he exclaimed: ” 0 Master
Ananda ! If only I could get a sight of Gotama the recluse ! “
At
these words the venerable Ananda said to Subhadda the Wanderer: ”
Enough, friend Subhadda! Trouble not the Master! The Exalted One is
wearied.”
Then a second and yet a third time did Subhadda the Wanderer make the same request, and got the same reply.
Now
the Exalted One overheard this talk between the venerable Ananda and
Subhadda the Wanderer. And He called to the venerable Ananda, saying, ”
Enough, Ananda! prevent not Subhadda. Let Subhadda be permitted to see
the Tathagata. Whatsoever Subhadda shall ask of me, he will ask it all
from a desire to know, not from a desire to trouble me. And whatever I
shall say in answer, that will be quickly understood.”
So then the venerable Ananda said to Subhadda the Wanderer, ” Go you in, friend Subhadda. The Exalted One gives you leave.”
So
Subhadda the Wanderer went in to the Exalted One, and coming to Him
greeted Him pleasantly, and after the exchange of friendly compliments
he sat down at one side. So seated, Subhadda the Wanderer thus addressed
the Exalted One:
”
Master Gotama, all those recluses and Brahmins who have followings and
companies of listeners, who are teachers of companies, well known,
renowned founders of sects, esteemed as holy men by the multitude, men
like Purana Kassapa, Makkhali of the Cow-pen, Ajita of hairshirt,
Kacchayana of the Pakudha tree, Sanjaya, son of Belatthi, and Nigantha
of the Natha clan,—have all these, as they say, realised by their own
knowledge the truth of things, or have they not one and all so realised,
or have some realised and others not realised it, by their own
knowledge ? “
” Let be,
Subhadda ! Trouble not yourself about such things, as to whether one and
all or some have realised or not. I will show you the Norm, Subhadda.
Do you listen carefully. Apply your mind. I will speak.”
” Even so. Lord,” said Subhadda the Wanderer and gave heed to the Exalted One. Then the Exalted One said this:
“ln
whatsoever Norm-discipline, Subhadda, the Ariyan Eightfold Path is not
found, therein also no recluse is found. And in whatsoever
Norm-discipline, Subhadda, the Ariyan Eightfold Path is found, therein
also is found a recluse.
“Now
in this Norm-discipline (of mine), Subhadda, the Ariyan Eightfold Path
is found. Herein also is found a recluse of these four degrees. Void of
recluses are the other sects of disputants. But if, Subhadda, in this
one, brethren were to live the perfect life, the world would not be void
of arahats.
” My age was nine and twenty years when I went forth to seek the Good.
” Now fifty years and more are gone, Subhadda, since I left the world to range the Norm of Righteousness.”
And
when he had thus spoken, Subhadda the Wanderer said to the Exalted One:
“Most excellent are these words of thy mouth, most excellent.
”
Just as if a man were to set up that which is thrown down, or were to
reveal that which is hidden away, or were to point out the right road to
him who has gone astray or were to bring a lamp into darkness, so that
those who have eyes can see. 18. ” Just even so, has the truth been made
known to me by the Exalted One. And I, even I betake myself to the
Exalted One as my refuge, to the truth and to the Order.”
“Whosoever,
Subhadda, has formerly been a follower of another doctrine and
thereafter wishes to VII enter the Order remains on probation for the
space of four months.”
” If that is the rule I too will remain on probation.”
But
the Exalted One said, “I acknowledge the difference in persons.” So
saying he called the venerable Ananda and told Ananda, ” As it is,
Ananda, receive Subhadda into the Order.”
” Even so. Lord! ” said the venerable Ananda, in assent to the Exalted One.
And
Subhadda the Wanderer said to the venerable Ananda: ” Great is your
gain, friend Ananda, great is your good fortune, friend Ananda, in that
you all have been sprinkled with the sprinkling of discipleship in this
brotherhood at the hands of the Master himself.”
” The same is true of you, Subhadda,” replied Ananda.
So
Subhadda the Wanderer was received into the Order under the orders of
the Exalted One. He was the last disciple whom the Exalted One himself
converted
Last Words
Then said the Exalted One to the venerable Ananda:
”
It may be, Ananda, that you will say: ‘ Gone is the word of the Master:
we have no longer any Master now!’ But you must not so regard it,
Ananda; for the Norm and discipline taught and enjoyed by me, they shall
be your teachers when I am gone.
“Now,
Ananda, whereas the brethren have the habit of calling one another ‘
friend,’—when I am gone this habit must not be followed. By an elder
brother, Ananda, a brother who is a novice should be called by his name
or clan name or by the word ‘ friend ‘ : but by a novice, Ananda, an
elder brother should be addressed as ‘ Lord ‘ or ‘ Your reverence.’
” Again, Ananda, if the Order so desires, when I am gone, let it abolish the lesser and minor charges.
” You know, Ananda, the brother Channa. How obstinate, perverse and devoid of the sense of discipline he is.
” And to him, Ananda, let the extreme penalty be applied when I am gone.”
” What, Lord, do you mean by ‘ the extreme penalty ‘ ? “
”
The brother Channa, Ananda, whatever he may say, is not to be spoken
to, not to be admonished, not to be instructed by the brethren. He
should be left alone. It might improve him.”
Then the Exalted One addressed the brethren :
”
It may be, brothers, that in the mind of some one brother there is
doubt or perplexity, either about the Buddha, or about the Norm, or the
Order, or the Path, or the Way to the Path. If it be so, brothers, do ye
ask now. Be not hereafter remorseful at the thought, ‘ Here was our
Master face to face with us, and yet we had not the heart to question
the Exalted One, though we were in His very presence.’ “
At these words the brethren were silent.
Then
a second time and yet a third time did the Exalted One address the
brethren in the same words. And a third time the brethren were silent.
Then
said the Exalted One: “May be, brethren, it is out of respect for the
Master that ye ask not. Speak to me, then, as friend to friend,
brethren.”
Whereat those brethren were silent.
Then
exclaimed the venerable Ananda to the Exalted One: ” Strange it is,
Lord ! A marvel it is, Lord! Thus assured am I, Lord, of this Order of
Brethren. There is not any one brother that has a single doubt or
perplexity as to the Buddha, the Norm, the Order, or as to the Path, or
the Way to the Path.”
”
You speak out of assurance, Ananda. But in the Tathagata there is
knowledge of the fact. There is not in any one brother a single doubt or
perplexity as to this. Of these five hundred brethren of mine, Ananda,
even he who is the most backward is a stream-winner, one who is assured
from the Downfall, assured of reaching the Supreme Wisdom.”
Then said the Exalted One to the brethren :
”
Come now, brethren, I do remind ye, ‘ Subject to decay are all
compounded things’ Do ye abide in heedfulness.” 19. Those were the last
words of the Exalted One.
Ananda in Grief
As age advanced the Blessed Lord required a personal attendant to look after him.
He first chose Nanda. After Nanda he chose Ananda who served as his personal attendant till his death.
Ananda was his constant and dearest companion, not merely an attendant.
When
the Blessed One came to Kushinara and rested between the Sal trees, he
saw that his end was coming near, and felt that it was time he took
Ananda into confidence.
So
he called Ananda and said: ” And now this Ananda, at the third watch of
the night, in the Uppavana of Kushinara. between the twin Sal trees,
the utter passing away of the Tathagata will take place.”
And
when he had thus spoken the venerable Ananda addressed the Blessed One,
and said: “Vouchsafe, Lord, to remain during the Kalpa, 0 Blessed One!,
for the good and the happiness of the great multitudes, out of pity for
the world, for the good and the gain and the weal of gods and men.”
Three
times did Ananda make his plea. ” Enough now, Ananda, beseech not the
Tathagata ! ” was the reply. ” The time for making such request is
past.”
” I, Ananda, am
now grown old, and full of years, my journey is drawing to a close. I
have reached my sum of days. I am turning eighty years of age; and just
as a worn-out cart must give way some day, methinks, the same must
happen to the body of the Tathagata.” Hearing this, Ananda left.
Not
seeing Ananda, the Blessed One called the brethren, and said: “Where
then is Ananda?” ” The venerable Ananda is gone and is weeping,” said
the brethren.
And the
Blessed One called a certain brother and said: ” Go now brother, and
call Ananda in my name and say, ‘ Brother Ananda, the Master calls for
thee ‘ “
“Even so, Lord!” said that brother.
When Ananda came back he took his seat by the side of the Blessed One.
Then
the Blessed One said to Ananda: ” Enough, Ananda! Do not weep! Have I
not already, on former occasions, told you that it is in the very nature
of things most near and dear unto us that we must divide ourselves from
them, leave them, sever ourselves from them?
” For a long time, Ananda, you have been very near to me by acts of love, kind and good, beyond all measure.
“You
have done well, Ananda! Beearnest in effort and you too shall be free
from the great evils—from sensuality, from individuality, from delusion,
and from ignorance.”
Then addressing the brethren about Ananda the Blessed One said: ” He is a wise man, brethren, is Ananda.
“He
knows when it is the right time to come and visit the Tathagata, and
when it is the right time for brethren and sisters of the Order, for
devout men and devout women, for a king, or for a king’s ministers, for
other teachers and disciples, to visit the Tathagata.
“Brethren, there are these four special things about Ananda.
”
All are happy to visit Ananda. They are filled with joy on beholding
him; they are happy to hear him. They are ill at ease when Ananda is
silent.”
After this
Ananda again returned to the subject of the passing away of the
Tathagata. Addressing the Blessed One, he said: “Let not the Blessed One
die in this wattled and daub town in the midst of the jungle. For Lord
there are great cities, such as Champa, Rajagraha, Savathi, Saketa,
Kosambi and Benares. Let the Blessed One die in one of them. “
”
Say not so, Ananda! Say not so, Ananda. This Kushinara, Ananda, was the
capital of king Maha-Sudassana under the name of Keshavati.”
Thereafter the Blessed One gave Ananda two errands.
He
told Ananda to see that belief does not spread that the Blessed One
died as a result of the food given to Him by Chunda. He feared that
Chunda might suffer. He asked Ananda to disabuse the mind of the public
on this score.
The
second thing he told Ananda was to inform the Mallas of Kushinara that
the Blessed One had arrived there and would pass away in the last watch
of the night.
” Give no
occasion to reproach yourself. The Mallas may say : ‘ In our own village
the death of our Tathagata took place and we did not know and had no
opportunity of seeing him in his last hours.’”
Thereafter the venerable Anurudha and the venerable Ananda spent the rest of the night in religious discourse.
And in the third part of the night, as previously announced, the Blessed One breathed his last.
When
the Blessed One died, the brethren and Ananda stretched out their arms
and wept, and some even fell headlong on the ground, rolling to and fro
in anguish, saying: ” Too soon has the Blessed One died! Too soon has
the Happy One passed away from existence! Too soon has the Light gone
out of the world ! ” 29. It was at midnight on Vaishakha Paurnima that
the Blessed Lord breathed his last. The year of his death was 483 b.c.
30. As the Pali text truly says: Diva tapati addicco Ratin abhati
candima; Sannaddho khathio tapati Jhayi tapati brahamano; Atha Sabbain
ahorattain Buddho tapati tejasa.
“The
sun shines only in the day and the moon makes bright the night. The
warrior shines when he is in his armour. And the Brahmin when he is
meditating. But the Buddha shines over all by day as well as by night by
his own glory.
“He was beyond question the light of the world.”
The Lament of the Mallas and the Joy of a Bhikkhu
As desired by the Blessed One, Ananda went and informed the Mallas of the event.
And when they heard of this the Mallas, their wives, their young men and maidens were grieved and sad and afflicted at heart.
Some of them wept, dishevelling their hair, and stretched forth their arms and fell prostrate on the ground.
Then
the Mallas, with their young men and maidens and their wives, went to
the Sala grove in the Upavaana to have the last look of the Blessed One.
Then
the venerable Ananda thought: “lf I allow the Mallas of Kushinara one
by one it will take a long time for them to pay homage to the dead body
of the Blessed One.”
So
he decided to arrange them in groups, family by family. Each family then
bowed humbly at the feet of the Blessed One and parted.
Now
at the time the venerable Maha Kassapa was journeying along the high
road from Pava to Kushinara with a great company of the brethren.
Just at the time a certain naked ascetic was coming along the high road to Pava.
And
the venerable Maha Kassapa saw the naked ascetic coming in the
distance; and when he had seen him he said to the naked ascetic: ” 0
friend! Surely VII thou knowest our Master?”
“Yes, friend ! I know him.” “This day the Samana Gotama has been dead a week!”
Immediately on hearing the news the brethren were overcome with grief and started weeping.
Now at that time a brother named Sub-hadda, who had been received into the Sangh in his old age, was seated in their company.
And
this Subhadda addressed the brethren and said: “Enough brethren! Weep
not, neither lament! We are well rid of the great Samana. We used to be
annoyed by being told, * This beseems you, this beseems you not.’ But’
now we shall be able to do whatever we like: and what we do not like,
that we shall not have to do ! Isn’t it good he is dead? Why weep, why
lament ? It is a matter of joy.”
So great and harsh a disciplinarian the Blessed One was.
The Last Rites
Then the Mallas of Kushinara said to the venerable Ananda: “What should be done with the remains of the Tathagata?”
” As men treat the remains of a king of kings, so should you treat the remains of the Tathagata” replied Ananda.
“And how do they treat the remains of a king of kings?”
Ananda
told them: ” They wrap the body of a king of kings in a new cloth. When
that is done they wrap it in cotton-wool. When that is done they wrap
it in a new cloth and so on till they have wrapped the body in five
hundred successive layers of both kinds. Then they place the body in an
oil vessel of iron and cover that close up with another oil vessel of
iron.
They then build a funeral pile of all kinds. This is the way in which they treat the remains of a king of kings.”
“So be it,” said the Mallas.
Then
the Mallas of Kushinara said : ” It is VII much too late to burn the
body of the Blessed One today. Let us now perform the cremation
tomorrow.”
And the
Mallas of Kushinara gave orders to their attendants, saying: “Make
preparations for the funeral of the Tathagata and gather perfumes and
garlands and the musicians of Kushinara.”
But
in paying honour, reverence, respect, and homage to the remains of the
Tathagata with dancing, and hymns and music and with garlands and
perfumes; and in making canopies of their garments, and preparing
decoration wreath to hand thereon, they passed the second day too, and
then the third day, and the fourth and fifth and the sixth day also.
Then
on the seventh day the Mallas of Kushinara thought: “Let us carry the
body of the Blessed One and let us perform the cremation ceremony.”
And
thereupon eight chieftains among the Mallas bathed their heads, and dad
themselves in new garments with the intention of acting as pall-bearers
carrying the body of the Blessed One.
They
carried the dead body to the Shrine of the Mallas, called
Makuta-bandhana; to the east of the city and there they laid down the
body of the Blessed One and set fire to it.
After some time the mortal remains of the Blessed One were reduced to ashes.
Quarrel Over Ashes
After
the body of the Blessed One had been consumed by fire, the Mallas of
Kushinara collected the ashes and the bones of the Blessed One and
placed them in their Council Hall with a lattice work of spears and with
a rampart of bows; and guarded them against anybody stealing them or
any part of them.
For
seven days the Mallas paid honour and reverence and respect and homage
to them with dance and song and music and with garlands and perfumes.
Now the King of Magadha, Ajatasatru, heard the news that the Blessed One had died at Kushinara.
He, therefore, sent a messenger to the Mallas with a request for a portion of the relics of the Blessed One.
Similarly
messengers came from the Licchavis of Vaishali, from the Sakyas of
Kapilavastu, from the Bulis of Attakappa, from the Koliyas of Ramagama
and from the Mallas of Pava.
Among the claimants for ashes there was also a Brahmin of Vethadipa.
When
they heard these claims, the Mallas of Kushinara said: ” The Blessed
One died in our village. We will not give away any part of the remains
of the Blessed One. They belong to us.”
Seeing that the situation was tense a Brahmin by name Drona intervened and said: “Hear, reverend sirs, one single word from me.”
Said
Drona: “Forbearance was our Buddha to teach; unseemly is it that over
the division of the remains of him who was the best of beings, strife
should arise, and wounds and war !
”
Let us all, sirs, with one accord unite in friendly harmony to make
eight portions. Widespread let stupas arise in every land that the
Enlightened One from all parts be reverenced.”
The
Mallas of Kushinara agreed and said: “Do thou then, 0 Brahmin, thyself,
divide the remains equally into eight parts, with fair division.”
” Be it so, sir!” said’ Drona in assent.
And he divided the remains of the Blessed One equally into eight parts.
After making the division Drona said to them: ” Give me, sirs, this vessel. I will set up over it a stupa.”
And they agreed to give the vessel to him.
Thus the ashes of the Blessed One were shared and the quarrel was settled peacefully and amicably.
Loyalty to the Buddha
Shravasti was the occasion (of these events)….
Now
on that occasion a number of monks were VII busied with .making a
robe for the Exalted One, with this idea : When the robe is finished, in
three months’ time, the Exalted One will go forth on his rounds:
Now
at that time Isidatta and Purana, the chamberlains, were staying at
Sadhuka on some business or other. Then they heard the news: “They say
that a number of monks are busied with making a robe for the Exalted One
with this idea: When the robe is finished, in three months’ time, the
Exalted One will go forth upon his rounds.”
So
Isidatta and Purana, the chamberlains, sta-tioned a man on the
high-road (thus instructing him) : ” Now, good fellow, as soon as you
see that Exalted One, that Arahat, that perfectly Enlightened One coming
along, do you come and inform us.”
So
after standing there two or three days that man saw the Exalted One
coming along, while yet some distance off, and he went to inform the
chamberlains, Isidatta and Purana, saying: ” Here comes my lord, the
Exalted One, that Arahat, that perfectly Enlightened One ! Now’s the
time for you to do what you want!”
So
Isidatta and Purana, the chamberlains, went towards the Exalted One,
and on coming to him, saluted him, and followed behind the Exalted One
step for step.
Then the
Exalted One turned aside from the high road and went to the foot of a
certain tree and there sat down on a seat made ready. And Isidatta and
Purana, the chamberlains, saluting the Exalted One, also sat down at one
side. As they thus sat, they said this to the Exalted One:
“Lord,
when we heard of the Exalted One that he would go forth on his rounds
among the Ko-salans, at that time we were disappointed and depressed at
the thought : the Exalted One will be far from us.
9.”
And when. Lord, we learned that the Exalted One was starting out from
Shravasti on his rounds among the Kosalans, again we were disappointed
and depressed at the thought: The Exalted One will be far from us.
”
Again, lord, when we learned that the Exalted One would leave the
Kosalans and go on his rounds among the Mallas . . . that he was
actually doing so . . . we were disappointed and depressed.
“On
hearing that the Exalted One would leave the Mallas and go on his
rounds among the Vajji . . . that he was actually doing so . . . that he
would leave the Vajji for Kasi . . . that he was doing so . . . that he
would leave the folk of Kasi and go on his rounds in Magadha . . . that
he was actually doing so . . . again we were disappointed and depressed
. . ..
“But, Lord, when
we heard that the Exalted One would leave the Magadhas for Kasi and was
doing so, then we were delighted and elated at the thought: The Exalted
One will be quite near us.
“And when we heard that he was actually going his rounds in Kasi among the Magadhas, we were likewise delighted and elated.
(They
continue to trace the Master’s steps from Kasi to the Vajji . . . from
the Vajji to the Mallas . . . from the Mallas to the Kosalans in like
terms.)
” But, Lord,
when we heard that the Exalted One would be going on his rounds from the
Kosalans to Savatthi, we were delighted and elated at the thought: Now
the Exalted One will be quite near us !
”
Then, when we heard: ‘The Exalted One is staying at Shravasti, at Jeta
grove, in Anathapindika’s . Park.’ Then, Lord, boundless was our delight
and boundless our elation at the thought : The Exalted One is near us !
Positive Words of the Awakened One Buddha in30) Classical English,Roman,06) ClassicalDevanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
Hunger is the worst kind of illness said Awakened One Let us encourage all people to Do Good. Grow Broccoli Pepper Cucumber Carrots Beans in Pots. Fruit Bearing Trees all over the world and in Space.
Purify Mind. Lead Hilarious Happy Life to Attain Eternal Bliss as Final Goal.-Online Positive Universal Prabuddha Intellectuals Convention.
Yiyo loo nto ihlala ijonge i-kāya e kānya engaphakathi,
Okanye
uhlala ejonga i-kāya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e
kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e
kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e
kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e
kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya e kānya.
Ubeka ephawula uSanudama we-pheduna eKāya, okanye uhlala ebonakalisa
ukudlula kwe-phenomena eKāya, okanye uhlala ebonisa i-Samuudomeya kwaye
edlula kwi-phenomena eKāya; okanye ngenye into, [ukuqonda:] “Le
ngu-kāya!” I-SATI ifumaneka kuye, ukuya kuthi ga kwi-mere ñāṇa kunye
ne-mere paissisti, ihleli imbiyelwe, kwaye ayinamathele kuyo nayiphi na
into esemhlabeni. Ke ngoko, Bhikkhus, i-Bhikkile ihleli kwi-Kāya in
Kāya.
Explanation:
The are at the journey’s end - their quest for liberation has
succeeded. They are sorrowless and totally released in mind. They have
got rid of all knots and no bonds bind them. In them no anxiety exists.
Verse 91. Saints Are Non-Attached
Mindful Ones exert themselves,
in no abode do they delight,
as swans abandoning their lake
home after home they leave behind.
Explanation:
Those mindful ones make the effort to keep their attentiveness always
in trim. They are not at all attached to abodes or settlements. Giving
up all places of settled living, they leave like the swans who fly away
free in mind.
Verse 92. Blameless Is The Nature Of Saints
For those who don’t accumulate,
who well reflect upon their food,
they have as range the nameless and
the void of perfect freedom too.
As birds that wing through space,
hard to trace their going.
Explanation:
With full understanding that nature is empty and objectless the mind is
free of craving and leaves no trace of its whereabouts like the paths
of birds in flight.
Verse 93. Arahat’s State Cannot Be Traced
For whom pollutions are destroyed,
not attached to any food,
he has as range the nameless and
the void of perfect freedom too.
As birds that wing through space,
hard to trace his going.
Explanation:
If one is totally free of influences, internal or external, that
motivates human behaviour, and is not attached even to food, that kind
of individual focuses his mind on emptiness, objectlessness and freedom
of thought. The path of such saints is difficult to be traced, like the
path of birds flying through the sky.
Verse 94. The Gods Adore Arahats
Whose faculties are pacified
as steeds by charioteers well-tamed,
with pride abandoned, unpolluted,
to even devas this One’s dear.
Explanation:
Those who senses are calmed as a horse trained by a horse-tamer, who
have fully given up judgment, who is free of influences, the sight of
those mentally stable ones please even the gods.
Verse 95. Arahats Are Noble
Like earth is one who’s well-behaved,
secure and not resentful,
as city-post, as filth-free lake,
no wanderings-on for One Who’s Thus.
Explanation:
The noble Arahats never lose their temper whatsoever is done to them.
They are firm and unshaken as the gate-pillars that secure the city
gates. They are as lucid and tranquil as the ocean and the lakes devoid
of mud. That kind of person ceases to wander in the round of existence -
samsara.
Verse 96. The Tranquillity Of The Saints
Peaceful his mind and peaceful
his speech and actions too,
perfect in knowledge of freedom,
One Thus is of utmost peace.
Explanation:
A noble arahat, who is freed by ‘disknowing’, or freedom from knowing,
is calm and unshaken by the impact of changing circumstances. His mind
is at peace. His words are peaceful. His actions are peaceful.
Verse 97. Exalted Are The Unblemished
With no beliefs, the Unmade known,
with fetters finally severed,
with kammas cut and craving shed,
attained to humanity’s heights.
Explanation:
He has no faith in anybody but in himself. He is aware of deathlessness
- the unconditioned. He is a breaker of connections, because he has
severed all worldly links. He has destroyed all the opportunities for
rebirth. He has given up all desires. Because of these, the arahat, is a
truly noble person.
Verse 98. Dwelling Of The Unblemished Is Alluring
Whether in town or woods,
whether in vale, on hill,
wherever dwell the Arahats
so pleasing there the earth.
Explanation:
Whether in the village, in the forest, in a valley or in the plain,
wherever arahats - noble saints - dwell, that place is alluring in the
extreme.
Verse 99. The Passionless Delight In Forests
Delightful are the forests
where folk do not delight,
there the Passionless delight,
they’re not pleasure-seekers.
Explanation:
Those fascinating forests that do not capture the mind of the worldly
masses and in which they do not take worldly delight are attractive to
the passionless ones. The Arahats take delight in the forests, because
they are not pursuers of sensual pleasures.
06) ClassicalDevanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
स्पष्टीकरण:
यात्रा के अंत में - लिबरेशन के लिए उनकी खोज सफल हुई है। वे दुःखद और
पूरी तरह से मन में जारी हैं। वे सभी गाँठों से छुटकारा पा चुके हैं और कोई
बंधन उन्हें बांधता नहीं है। उनमें कोई चिंता मौजूद नहीं है।
Verse 91. संत गैर-संलग्न हैं
सावधान लोग खुद को प्रस्तुत करते हैं,
बिना किसी निवास में वे प्रसन्न हैं,
जैसा कि स्वान ने अपनी झील छोड़ दी
घर के बाद घर वे पीछे छोड़ देते हैं।
स्पष्टीकरण:
उन सावधान लोग हमेशा ट्रिम में अपनी चौकसता रखने का प्रयास करते हैं। वे
अबोड या बस्तियों से जुड़े नहीं हैं। बसने के सभी स्थानों को छोड़कर, वे उन
हंसों की तरह निकलते हैं जो मन में मुक्त उड़ते हैं।
Verse 92. ब्लेमलेस संतों की प्रकृति है
उन लोगों के लिए जो जमा नहीं करते हैं,
जो उनके भोजन पर अच्छी तरह से प्रतिबिंबित करते हैं,
उनके पास नामहीन है और
सही स्वतंत्रता के शून्य भी।
अंतरिक्ष के माध्यम से पंख वाले पक्षियों के रूप में,
उनके जाने का ट्रेस करना मुश्किल है।
स्पष्टीकरण:
पूर्ण समझ के साथ कि प्रकृति खाली है और बेकार है कि मन लालसा से मुक्त है
और उड़ान में पक्षियों के मार्गों की तरह अपने ठिकाने का कोई निशान नहीं
छोड़ता है।
Verse 93. Arahat के राज्य का पता नहीं लगाया जा सकता है
जिसके लिए प्रदूषण नष्ट हो गए हैं,
किसी भी भोजन से जुड़ा नहीं है,
उसके पास नामहीन और सीमा है
सही स्वतंत्रता के शून्य भी।
अंतरिक्ष के माध्यम से पंख वाले पक्षियों के रूप में,
उसके जाने के लिए मुश्किल है।
स्पष्टीकरण:
यदि कोई पूरी तरह से प्रभाव से मुक्त है, आंतरिक या बाहरी, जो मानव
व्यवहार को प्रेरित करता है, और भोजन के लिए भी संलग्न नहीं होता है, तो उस
तरह का व्यक्ति अपने दिमाग को खालीपन, वस्तुहीनता और विचार की स्वतंत्रता
पर केंद्रित करता है। इस तरह के संतों का मार्ग पता लगाना मुश्किल है, जैसे
पक्षियों के मार्ग के माध्यम से उड़ने वाले पक्षियों का मार्ग।
Verse 94. देवताओं ने अराहाट
जिनके संकाय शांत हैं
के रूप में दारोटरों द्वारा अच्छी तरह से tamed,
गर्व को छोड़कर, अप्रकाशित,
यहां तक कि देवों को भी प्रिय।
स्पष्टीकरण:
जो लोग घोड़े के तमेर द्वारा प्रशिक्षित घोड़े के रूप में शांत होते हैं,
जिन्होंने पूरी तरह से निर्णय को छोड़ दिया है, जो प्रभाव से मुक्त हैं, उन
मानसिक रूप से स्थिर लोगों की दृष्टि कृपया देवताओं को भी कृपया।
Verse 95. Arahats महान हैं
पृथ्वी की तरह वह है जो अच्छी तरह से व्यवहार किया गया है,
सुरक्षित और नाराज नहीं,
सिटी-पोस्ट के रूप में, गंदगी मुक्त झील के रूप में,
इस तरह के लिए कोई भटकना नहीं है।
स्पष्टीकरण:
महान अराहाट्स कभी भी उनके गुस्सा को खोने के लिए कभी नहीं खोते हैं। वे
गेट-खंभे के रूप में दृढ़ और असम्बद्ध हैं जो शहर के द्वार को सुरक्षित
करते हैं। वे महासागर के रूप में स्पष्ट और शांत हैं और कीचड़ से रहित
झीलों। उस तरह का व्यक्ति अस्तित्व के दौर में घूमता रहता है - संसार।
Verse 96. संतों की शांति
शांतिपूर्ण उसके मन और शांतिपूर्ण
उनके भाषण और कार्य भी,
स्वतंत्रता के ज्ञान में बिल्कुल सही,
इस प्रकार एक ही शांति का है।
स्पष्टीकरण:
एक महान अराहाट, जो ‘घृणा’ या जानने से स्वतंत्रता से मुक्त, बदलती
परिस्थितियों के प्रभाव से शांत और अस्वीकार है। उसका मन शांति से है। उनके
शब्द शांतिपूर्ण हैं। उनके कार्य शांतिपूर्ण हैं।
Verse 97. ऊंचा अप्रकाशित हैं
बिना किसी मान्यताओं के, अनमोल ज्ञात,
अंत में भ्रूण के साथ,
Kammas कट और लालसा शेड के साथ,
मानवता की ऊंचाइयों को प्राप्त किया।
स्पष्टीकरण:
किसी को भी कोई विश्वास नहीं है लेकिन खुद में। वह मृत्युहीनता से अवगत है
- बिना शर्त। वह कनेक्शन का एक ब्रेकर है, क्योंकि उसने सभी सांसारिक लिंक
को तोड़ दिया है। उन्होंने पुनर्जन्म के लिए सभी अवसरों को नष्ट कर दिया
है। उसने सभी इच्छाओं को छोड़ दिया है। इनके कारण, अराहाट, वास्तव में महान
व्यक्ति है।
Verse 98. बेवजह का निवास आकर्षक है
चाहे शहर या जंगल में हो
चाहे वेले में, पहाड़ी पर,
जहाँ भी Arahats रहते हैं
तो पृथ्वी को प्रसन्न करता है।
स्पष्टीकरण: चाहे गांव में, जंगल में, घाटी में या सादे में, जहां भी Arahats - महान संतों - निवास, वह जगह चरम में आकर्षक है।
Verse 99. जंगल में जुनूनी प्रसन्नता
आनंदमय जंगल हैं
जहां लोक प्रसन्नता नहीं है,
जुनूनहीन प्रसन्नता,
वे आनंद-साधक नहीं हैं।
स्पष्टीकरण:
उन आकर्षक जंगलों जो सांसारिक द्रव्यमान के दिमाग को पकड़ नहीं लेते हैं
और जिसमें वे सांसारहीन लोगों के लिए दुनिया भर में आकर्षक नहीं होते हैं।
Arahats जंगलों में खुशी लेते हैं, क्योंकि वे कामुक सुख के पीछा नहीं कर
रहे हैं।
Gulam Giri full hindi audiobook by Mahtma Phule | गुलामगीरी जोतीराव गोविंदराव फुले द्वारा लिखित |
Educating India
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Translation: L.G. Meshram ‘Vimalakirti’
अनुवाद : एल.जी. मेश्राम ‘विमलकीर्ति’
Jyotirao
Govindrao Phule (11 April 1827 – 28 November 1890) was an Indian social
activist, thinker, anti-caste social reformer and writer from
Maharashtra. His work extended to many fields, including eradication of
untouchability and the caste system, and women’s emancipation. He is
mostly known for his efforts in educating women and lower caste people.
He and his wife, Savitribai Phule, were pioneers of women education in
India. Phule started his first school for girls in 1848 in Pune at
Tatyasaheb Bhide’s residence or Bhidewada. On 24 September 1873, he,
along with his followers, formed the Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of
TruthSeekers) to attain equal rights for people from lower castes.
People from all religions and castes could become a part of this
association which worked for the upliftment of the oppressed classes.
Phule is regarded as an important figure in the social reform movement
in Maharashtra.
महात्मा
जोतिबा फुले ऐसे महान विचारक, समाज सेवी तथा क्रांतिकारी कार्यकर्ता थे
जिन्होंने भारतीय सामाजिक संरचना की जड़ता को ध्वस्त करने का काम किया।
महिलाओं, दलितों एवं शूद्रों की अपमानजनक जीवन स्थिति में परिवर्तन लाने के
लिए वे आजीवन संघर्षरत रहे। सन 1848 में उन्होंने पुणे में अछूतों के लिए पहला स्कूल खोला। यह भारत के ज्ञात इतिहास में अपनी तरह का पहला स्कूल था। इसी तरह सन 1857 में उन्होंने लड़कियों के लिए स्कूल
खोला जो भारत में लड़कियों का पहला स्कूल हुआ। उस स्कूल में पढ़ाने के लिए
कोई शिक्षक न मिलने पर जोतिबा फुले की पत्नी सावित्री आगे आईं। अपने इन
क्रांतिकारी कार्यों की वजह से फुले और उनके सहयोगियों को तरह-तरह के कष्ट
उठाने पड़े। उन्हें बार-बार घर बदलना पड़ा। फुले की हत्या करने की भी कोशिश
की गई। पर वे अपनी राह पर डटे रहे। अपने इसी महान उद्देश्य को संस्थागत
रूप देने के लिए जोतिबा फुले ने सन 1873 में महाराष्ट्र में सत्य शोधक समाज
नामक संस्था का गठन किया। उनकी एक महत्वपूर्ण स्थापना यह भी थी कि महार,
कुनबी, माली आदि शूद्र कही जानेवाली जातियाँ कभी क्षत्रिय थीं, जो जातिवादी
षड्यंत्र का शिकार हो कर दलित कहलाईं।
Happy to see work progressing for renovating Rohni Buddha Vihara. Wish all Buddhists Donate Liberally for the Good Cause.
Hunger is the worst kind of illness said Awakened One Let us encourage all people to Do Good. Grow Broccoli Pepper Cucumber Carrots Beans in Pots. Fruit Bearing Trees all over the world and in Space.
Purify Mind. Lead Hilarious Happy Life to Attain Eternal Bliss as Final Goal.-Online Positive Universal Prabuddha Intellectuals Convention.
Açlyk has erbet keseliň iň erbet görnüşidir - Budda
Brokçik,
burç, pepporbinler, noýba, çopa sorabi planetasynyň ýer böleginden we
kosmosa çenli beýik reňkli agaç agaçlary ösdürip ýetişdirýän ýerlerde
derw miweli agaçlary we miweli agaçlarydyr. Tohumlara we nesiller üçin
baglan we tokaý bölümlerine garşy duruň.
DN 16 - (D II 137)
Mahāparinibbrýa sutta
{bölek}
Mahā-Paýhinibbāna tarapyndan budda iň soňky görkezmeleri
Bu
Suttt Buddanyň häzirki wagtyndan soň yzyna eýerijileriň hatyrasyna
beren dürli görkezmelerini okaýar, bu bolsa häzirki döwürde öňküsi ýaly
möhüm görkezijiler toplumy bolup geçdi.
Şeýle
hem islegli dammāka, Anliiýa Hristian diýip atlandyrýan dammādija
diýseler, Nirachānana, indi tirakçi, indi ownuk-yona ýok, ýok
betbagtlyk, betbagtlyk, betbagtlyk, men Sotāpana, tebigat tarapyndan
betbagtçylyk ştatlaryndan azat we samsowniklere niýetlenendir.
We ānanda,
Şeýle
hem isleg edýän Dammānahanyň özüni yglan edip barmagy, indi Nirachānana
ýok, başga-da, Tirakçiýa-ýoro, başga-da ştat ýok betbagtlyk,
betbagtlyk, I. Tebigat bilen, Samovid ştatlaryna erkin, totāpera,
Samborda niýetlenendirmi?
Ine, Jeýnaý Isāwaka budde AveCyppasāda:
Dhamme AveCyppashypapashypapsāda bilen baglanyşykly:
Saṅghe Aveckapyppashypapsāda bilen baglanyşykly:
Arianlara laýyk gelýän sīala,
Bu,
çiçdi, eýesi Ariýasýa bar bolsa, Ariýasnikanyň emudalyjy Meni aklamak:
“Meniň üçin Nirachton-Xcivisa-da ýok diýilýän dammaāāchana ýok Miseriň
betbagtçylygynyň mesgen boljak hultlylygy bolmadyk ýagdaýa indi şiswod
ştatlaryndan azat etmek, samsowniklere niýetlenendigi bilen
deňeşdirilende Sotāpana.
Sato galmaly, Bilekhus we Sampajānos. Bu biziň size niýetimizdir.
, Bilkhus, Bhikhu Sato? Bu ýerde Biçhus, Bikhus
Şeýlelik bilen, Bilkhus, birkukhu sato. , Bilkhus, Bhikhu Sampajāno? Ine, Bilkhus,
Şeýlelik bilen, Bilkhus, Bhikhu Sampajiān. Sato galmaly, Bilekhus we Sampajānos. Bu biziň size niýetimizdir.
- Ananda, ekiz Sala
Agaçlar
bütin gülkünç gülleýär, gül möwsüminiň möwsümi däl bolsa-da. We güllük
tatahatata tagtada ýagyş ýagýar we taşlap, dargady we dargady we tathaga
ybadathanasyna ybadat bolýar. Köne meral gülleri we asmandan ýeljerilen
güller we gökga çatryk izolýasiýa tozy, düşüriň we taşlaň we tagta
ybadathanasyna ybadathananyň ybadathanasyna çokunýar. Jennet sesleriniň
sesleri we gök gurallaryň sesi howada aýdym-sazda aýdym-sazda aýdym-saz
atýar.
Bu
ninana, Togāgata tölenen, hormat goýulmagy, abraýly ýaşaýyş we hormat
goýulýan. Fýaöne, Ananda, Bhilkh ýa-da ýylanohuni, galan damman, zeper]
-apanna, Galan Damman, Samāc’p'paṭanna,
Dhammanyň,
şol bir tarapdan, şol bir hormatly grafigine, hampaniýa rugsat berýän
hyzmat edýär, monjurany töleýär we iň ajaýyp adam ýaly tatwata-da hormat
goýýar. Şonuň üçin oňatga özümde tälim bermeli, şeýdip,
Damm’ānudham’p'ap’pseṭ’pseṭs’pyBhab’nudh’pseṭ’pseṭs ortadaṭ’pseọpalfas
jiant fralen, Dhammana laýyklykda ýaşap bileris “.
Bhagawan Budda diýýär
“Doganlarym,
ýolunda adam öňüni almak gerekdigini, bu iki asyr bar. Munuň özi iki?
Bir duýguly sapasy içine özüni dalma ybaratdyr. We beýleki onuň
zerurlyklarynyň teni mahrum bir programma austerities ybaratdyr. Bu üç
ikisi-şowsuzlygyna getirıän.
“Men
keşfettim ýoly hem asyr önler we düşünişmek, azat, parahatçylygyň lider
bir göwrümini bar Orta ýoly bar. Dogry düşünişmek, dogry pikir, dogry
söz, dogry Edim, Dogry tutuň, dogry tagalla, sag üns we sag
konsantrasyon gatly ýoly bar. Bu gatly Beýik ýoldan we düşünişmek, azat
parahatçylygyň düşünensiňiz.
ilkinji
ajy bolmagydyr. Dogluş, garrylyga, kesel, we ölüm ejir bar. Gam, gahar,
bahyllyk, endişe, alada, gorky, we çäresizlik ejir bar. ýakynlary aýra
ejir çekýär. sevmediğiniz bolanlara birleşigi ejir çekýär. bäş topara
islegi, berkidiş we Tutunamaya ejir bar.
“Brothers, ikinji hakykaty ajy sebäbi ýüze. nadanlyk sebäpli,
adamlar ýaşaýyş barada hakykaty görüp bilmersiňiz, we arzuw, gahar,
kıskançlık, gynanç, endişe, gorkudan we umytsyzlygyň Flames çekdi
bolmak.
“Brothers, üçünji hakykaty ajy atyşygy bar.
durmuşynyň hakykaty düşünmek her keder we ýakasyny bes barada getirýär we asudalyk we şatlyk ýol berýär.
“Brothers, dördünji hakykaty ajy bes haýsy ýol ýoldur. Men diňe
düşündiripdik gatly ýoly bar. Gatly ýoly mindfully ýaşaýan tarapyndan
beslenen edilýär. asudalyk we şatlyk her ağrı aýyrýar size we gynanç we
ýol bilen we konsantrasyonuna düşünişmek üçin üns grifeller. Men durmuşa
bu ýoly bilen ynamly size ýol görkezer.
“Vision ýagtyltma öň hiç zat eşitmändigini zatlar barada mende
turdy-da, düşünjesi turdy-da, tutanýerliligi, turdy-da, maglumat
turdy-da, ýerinden turdy:. Stres Bu asylly hakykaty comprehended edildi,
“Stres
bes asylly hakykaty: doly solma we bes, çykmak, relinquishment,
wersiýasy & gaty arzuw bilen gideliň. stres bes Bu asylly hakykaty
gerçekleşmiştir. Bu stres bes önde ýüzünde ýoly asylly hakykatdyr.
“Gysga
wagtyň içinde-edildi bolar, onda, meniň öňe hakykatdan arassa etdi göni
ýaradypdy bolmagy üçin geldim bu dört asylly hakykaty barada meniň
maglumat we görmek ýaly dogry öz-özüni awakening ähli görünmez
Aragatnaşyklar tefekkür bilen evrendeki unexcelled, brahman, onuň
awtorlyk we commonfolk. Maglumat we pikir mende turdy: mizemez meniň
Wersiýanyň mundan uly ölçegi bar. Bu meniň iň soňky dogluş bar. indi ýok
täzelenen barlygy ýok. “
Siddhartha
dört Beýik Hakyky düşündirmek durka, keşiş biri Kondanna duýdansyz öz
öňünde içinde parlamak uly duýdum. Ol gaty uzak bakmış azat tadı bolup
biler. Ýüzi şatlykdan gülen. Budda oňa yşarat etdi we “Kondanna gygyrdy!
Sen ony etdik! Sen ony etdik! “
Kondanna
el aýasynyň goşuldy we Sidharth öň tagzym etdi. çuň hormat bilen
aýdanda, “Muhterem Gautama siziň şägirdiniň meni kabul ediň. Men
ýolbaşçylygynda, men Beýik oýanyşy ýetmek boljakdygyny bilýäris. “
Mundan
başga-da Sidharth boýunça aýagujynda tagzym beýleki dört monahlar, eliň
aýasynda goşulýar we okuwçylary hökmünde kabul isledi. Siddhartha
“Brothers diýdi obanyň halky maňa adyny Budda berdiler. ” isleýän
bolsaňyz, köp, şol at bilen meni gözläp bilersiňiz. “
Kondanna “don däl-Budda” ortaça “bir ýaradypdy kim?» Diýip sorady
“Bu dogry, we olar ýüze bolandygyny ýoly jaň” Awakening Way. “Eger-de bu ady näme pikir edýärsiňiz?”
“Bir
ýaradypdy kimiň! “Awakening Way! Ajaýyp! Ajaýyp! Bu atlaryň hakyky,
emma ýönekeý bar. Biz bagtly Budda sizi çagyrarlar, we ýol üçin
Awakening Way tapyldy. diňe aýdyşy ýaly, her gün mindfully ýaşaýan ruhy
ýüzünde köp esasy bolup durýar. ” bäş monahlar öz mugallymy hökmünde
Gautama kabul we Budda ony gözlemek üçin bir akyl bardy.
Budda olara ýylgyrdy. ” Eý doganlar, açyk we akylly ruhy bilen pratik we üç aýyň sen azat miwesini dolan berer. ”
Based
on one of the Four Great Classical Novels of Chinese literature of the
same name, Stephen Chow’s ‘Journey To The West’ is a contemporary remake
of the misadventures of a Buddhist monk as he makes a pilgrimage from
China to India.
farkındalık on Seyirci bilen Budda boýunça öz sözleri Gazet
Maha + satipaṭṭhāna
Dinleriniň, ýarysy, kast, deňsizlikler,
güni bardy
Ol ýerde
we
ýerde dowam eder!
Dr B.R.Ambedkar “Baş Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” Gürledi (Men bu ýurdy Buddist etmek bolar)
Ähli
Aboriginal ýaradypdy jemgyýetleri Thunder hilariously “Hum Prapanch
Prabuddha Prapanchmay karunge.” (Biz bütin dünıäni Prabuddha Prapanch
eder
Bu arkaly bolar
Konwensiýanyň
üpjünçilik, bagtyýarlyk we Parahatçylyk Ähli jemgyýetleriniň üçin üçin
ýaradypdy bir özüne söz we olar üçin Mugt Online Prabuddha Aydınlar
ānāpāna bilen Kaya bölüminiň Gözlem bilen bilinci bilen Maha +
satipaṭṭhāna- Seyirci bilen maksadymyz hökmünde baky Bliss ýetmek,
duruş, sampajañña, repulsiveness, Vedana we Citta elementleri, dokuz
Ossuary meýdançasy,
onda
Dinleriniň, ýarysy, kast we deňsizlikler
bolmaz!
TIPITAKA
DN 22 - (D ii 290)
Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta
Buda tarapyndan farkındalık bilen Dowam
Maha + satipaṭṭhāna
Bu sutta giňden meditasiýa üçin esasy salgylanma hökmünde kabul edilýär.
giriş
Kaya I Gözegçilik
ānāpāna on A. Bölüm
duruş B. Bölüm
sampajañña on C. Bölüm
repulsiveness on D. Bölüm
Elementlerine E. Bölüm
dokuz Ossuary esaslar boýunça F. Bölüm
II. Vedana gözlem
giriş
Şeýdip, men eşitdim:
Bir gezek, Bhagavā Kammāsadhamma, Kuruş bazar Town Kuruş arasynda kalıyorum. Ol şol ýerde hem monahlar ýüzlenip:
- monahlar.
- Bhaddante Monks jogap berdi. Bhagavā diýdi:
- Bu
Monks, ýol bolandygyny hiç zat ýöne tämizlik getirıär
jandarlardan
bolsa gynanç we hasrat bilen ýeňip, dukkha-domanassa biwagt, dogry ýol
ýurdymyzyň, Nirvana durmuşa geçirilmegi, dört satipaṭṭhānas diýmek.
Haýsy dört?
Bu ýerde, Monks, bir keşiş durup geçýär Gözlem Kaya-nji ýylda Kaya, ATAPI
sampajāno, satimā dünýäniň dogry abhijjhā-domanassa terk çekýär.
Ol
ATAPI, satimā, abhijjhā-domanassa dünýä dogry çenli beripdi sampajāno,
Vedana-nji Vedana syn mesgen. Ol ATAPI, satimā dünýäniň dogry
abhijjhā-domanassa çenli beripdi sampajāno, Citta Citi syn mesgen. Ol s,
ATAPI, satimā, abhijjhā-domanassa dünýä dogry çenli beripdi sampajāno ·
Darma-nji ýylda Dharma, · s syn mesgen.
I Kāyānupassanā
ānāpāna on A. Bölüm
we
nähili
Monks yapar bir keşiş işe Gözlem Kaya-nji ýylda Kaya? Bu ýerde, Monks,
bir keşiş, tokaý tamamlanyndan soňra ýa-da agaçdan kökünde tamamlanyndan
soňra ýa-da boş bir otag tamamlanyndan soňra, Kaya dik düzmek we sati
parimukhaṃ sazlaýjylary bellenilen bolmasa, aýaklary çapraz katlanabilir
otyr. Şeýlelikde bolmak ol daşary dem şeker şeýlelikde bolmak, şol dem
şeker. Ol düşünýär uzak dem: «Men uzak dem edýärin; Dem uzak ol
düşünýär: «Men uzak Dem edýärin; Gysga ol düşünýär dem: «Men gysga dem
am; daşary gysga ol düşünýär dem: «Men gysga Dem edýärin; özüni
taýýarlaýar: Kaya duýgy, men dem bereris ‘; özüni taýýarlaýar: ähli Kaya
duýgy, men dem bereris ‘; özüni taýýarlaýar: Kaya-saṅkhāras aşak
sakinleştirici, men dem bereris ‘; özüni taýýarlaýar: Kaya-saṅkhāras,
men dem bolar aşak sakinleştirici.
adalatly
monahlar
ýaly, uzak bir dönüş etmek bir usta Tokar ýa-da Turner boýunça şägirt,
düşünýär: «Men uzak tapgyryna etmek edýärin; gysga dönüş etmek,
düşünjesini: «Men gysga tapgyryna etmek edýärin; Şol bir şekilde,
monahlar, bir keşiş-nji ýylda, uzak dem, düşünýär: «Men uzak dem alalyň,
uzak ol düşünýär Dem:« Men uzak Dem edýärin; Gysga ol düşünýär dem:
«Men gysga dem am; daşary gysga ol düşünýär dem: «Men gysga Dem edýärin;
özüni taýýarlaýar: ähli Kaya duýgy, men dem bereris ‘; özüni
taýýarlaýar: ähli Kaya duýgy, men dem bereris ‘; özüni taýýarlaýar:
Kaya-saṅkhāras aşak sakinleştirici, men dem bereris ‘; özüni
taýýarlaýar: Kaya-saṅkhāras, men dem bolar aşak sakinleştirici.
Şeýlelikde, ol içerki Kaya-nji ýylda Kaya syn mesgen,
ýa-da,
ol daşarky Kaya-nji ýylda Kaya syn mesgen, ýa-da ol içki we daşky
Kaya-nji ýylda Kaya syn mesgen; Ol Kaya-nji ýylda hadysalar samudaya syn
mesgen, ýa-da ol Kaya uzak hadysalar geçen syn mesgen, ýa-da ol
samudaya syn Kaya-nji hadysalar aralykda geçen mesgen; ýa-da, [amala
aşyrmak:] başga “Bu Kaya bar!” sati, ol kesildi mesgen diňe, diňe nana
we diňe paṭissati derejede, oňa bar, dünýäde zat sarılmak däldir.
Şeýlelikde, Monks, bir keşiş durup geçýär Gözlem Kaya-nji Kaya.
B. Iriyāpatha Pabba
Mundan başga-da,
Monks, bir keşiş, yürürken, düşünýär: «Men ýöräp alalyň ýa-da
duran ol düşünýär: «Men duran alalyň ýa-da dünýäden ötdi otururken
düşünýär:
«Men oturan alalyň ýa-da ol düşünýär aşak ýalan bolsa:« Men aşak ýalan
edýärin. Ýa-da başga, haýsy mesele öz Kaya ol şoňa görä düşünýär, elden.
C.PA
Mundan başga-da,
bagkhus,
ýakynlaşanda, singpajula bilen gürleşmek bilen, Sampajañ sa bilen
hereket edýär, egrelendey we ýokarky çeňňekleri we alyp barýarka hereket
edýärdi, eşikleri we alyp barýarka hereket edýärdi Garaska hereket
edýär, içgyskem, ýeňilende, singpaja çeýüp barýarkany sampaja senñala
bilen hereket edýär, SampajaJjamñam bilen hereket edýär, oturgyçda,
oturyp barýarkylda durýarka, duran mahaly Samingatmak, gürleşmekde,
gürleşmek bilen, dymyşanda, sessiz bolsa, Sampajañññ bilen hereket
edýär.
Şeýdip, ol Kāýa-da kāýa-da synlaýaryn, ýa-da
Kāya-da
Kāyy daşynda Kāya synlaýar ýa-da kāýa içerde kāýa içerde we daşynda
synlaýan kāya yzygiderli we daşyna syn edýärler; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
D. abatlaýyş bölüminde bölüm
Mundan başga-da,
Bilekhus, Byzhu bu bedenleri goldaýarlar hasaplaýarlar
derisi
we deri bilen aýrylanlaryň daşyndan we hapalylaryndan doly: “Bu kyranyň
başyndan, kellesiniň, duzlaryň, dyrnaklaryň, telekiň saçlary bar) aşak
düşekde saçlar bar, bedeniň, daglaryň, dişleriň saçlary, diş, çünki then
,
Elbetde,
Bhihus, iki gezek açyk, paddy, pürd nohut, sygyr nohutlary, kowal
nohut, szame tohumy ýaly dürli däne bardy we oňa kesilen tohumlary ýaly
hala. Gowy gözleri gorapaşdyran adam özi bilen seredip, bular
mungylary-na teaslar eşidiş paddy, ol kaw-nohlar oturdylar,
kaw-nohutlary kaw-na uýýan öjükdirýän tüwidir. ” Bhilkhus, aýaklaryň
ýokarsyndan we kelläniň dabasyndan, aýaklaryň dabanyndan we saçlaryndan,
gaty bedeni hasaplaýar,
Derisi bilen we dürli görnüşsiz hapalardan doly
“Bu kāýa-da, kelläniň saçlary bar, bedeniň saçlary bar,
Dyrnaklar,
diş, çökün, äheň, süňk, jemi, çum, eginler, eginler, eginler, phelek,
pheas, gan, çukur, gun, terk, suw, terk etmek, gözýaşlary, ýag, ýag,
tüýkülik, tüýkülik, tüýkülik, surnaý suwuklyk we peşew. “
Şeýdip, ol Kāýa-da kāýa-da synlaýaryn, ýa-da
Kāya-da
Kāyy daşynda Kāya synlaýar ýa-da kāýa içerde kāýa içerde we daşynda
synlaýan kāya yzygiderli we daşyna syn edýärler; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati ony örän örän
örän örän ulularyň ñial we setery-iň daş çykmalaryna gözegçilik edýär we
dünýäde hiç zada kultypdyr. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k
interýa synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
E. elementleriň bölümi
Mundan başga-da,
bhekhus, bhikhu bu gaty kāýa şöhlesinde şöhlelenýär, ýöne ýerleşdirildi,
Emma bu ýerden çykaryldy: “Bu Kāýaa, ýer eýesi bar, earther elementi bar
Suw elementi, ýangyn elementi we howa elementi gury elementi “.
Sygyr,
Brukhus, ussatlyk bilen öldürilen ýa-da Bathcheriň käýinç şägirtleri,
ony bölekleri bölýän çatrykda oturýardy; Edil şonuň ýaly, Bhekhşy gaty
Kāýadygyny görkezýär, ýöne ýer ýüzünde goýulýar, ýöne ýer ýüzünde, ýer
element, suw elementi, ýangyn elementi we howa elementi bar “.
Şeýdip, ol kāýa içaly kāýa-da synlaýar ýa-da ondan kiçi kāýundaky kāýada synlaýar ýa-da kāyy şäherindäki kāýa kāya synlaýar
Kāýa-ny-de
Kāýa-da içalyçylyk we daşarda synçy; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli thisati bar ediviwanyň geçelgesine üňde hast “-iň başga birine
ýapyşmaýarlar we dünýäde kāyýa şäherinde synlaýan ýaşynda;
(1)
Mundan başga-da,
bir
gün bir gün öldi ýa-da üç gün ölen ýa-da üç gün ölen ýarany görüp,
örümli we ýiten topraga gaçdy, astmüş we aknan ýerinden ýüzglenip, bu
kāýaa getirýär: “Bu kāýa Şeýle-de bolsa, beýle tebigatyň bolmagy, bu
beýle bolar we beýle şertden azat däl “.
Şeýdip,
ol içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(2)
Mundan başga-da,
BILIKHU,
ediliň, ediliň ýas jülgäni görýän ýaly, garyndaşlary ýaly tikenler
bilen kowalap, tiken ýere gaçdy, tikenler bilen iýilýän zatlaryň hemmesi
itler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler
tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan
iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler
tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler tarapyndan iýilýän möjekler bilen iýilýär,
iýilýär Dürli jandarlar tarapyndan iýilýän sütärler tarapyndan iýilýän
gapaklar, bu kāýa hasaplaýar, bu kiyýa munuň ýaly bolar we beýle şertden
azat bolmaz “-diýdi.
Şeýdip,
ol içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol “Shamomiýanyň
hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň” Samuaýa “ýa-da keýp turbasynyň geçişini
Kātamada geçýändigini synlaýar, Samudaýewiň mejlislerini we samuaa
synlaýarlar we
Kāaýa-da
hadysalary öçürmek; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa,
diňe örän äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç
zada kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(3)
Mundan
başga-da, Bhilkh, ediliň bir tendon bilen kabul edilen, tenon bolşy
ýaly, bu kāýa seredýärka, bu kāýa seredýär: “Bu Kāýa şeýle ACTOY
Tebigat, bu muňa meňzeýär we beýle şertden azat däl “.
Şeýdip, ol Kāýa-da kāýa-da synlaýaryn, ýa-da
Kāya-da
Kāyy daşynda Kāya synlaýar ýa-da kāýa içerde kāýa içerde we daşynda
synlaýan kāya yzygiderli we daşyna syn edýärler; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(4)
Mundan başga-da,
,
Bhilkhus, edil etkeş ýaly, edil ýaly, gysylmaly, bu kāýa şeýle kāýa
şeýle seredýär, “Bu beýle bir zat ş.m. Tebigat, bu muňa meňzeýär we
beýle şertden azat däl “.
Şeýdip,
ol içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(5)
Mundan
başga-da, Bhilkh, edil etsiz, edil tensonçok, bu kāýa bolmasa, bu kāýa
hasaplanýar we bu Kāýa şeýle Tebigat, bu muňa meňzeýär we beýle şertden
azat däl “.
Şeýdip, ol Kāýa-da kāýa-da synlaýaryn, ýa-da
Kāya-da
Kāyy daşynda Kāya synlaýar ýa-da kāýa içerde kāýa içerde we daşynda
synlaýan kāya yzygiderli we daşyna syn edýärler; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(6)
Mundan
başga-da, Diňe Bhilkhul, ediliň çarbawyny taşlap, şol ýerde oturan
süňküň ýaly kesildi, bu ýerde el sign, bu ýerde topuk süňk, şol ýerde
şin süňk bar Bu ýerde bud süňk bar, bu ýerde arka süňk bar, Ibeer süňk,
bu ýüplük süňk, şol ýerde diş süňk, ýa-da kellesi bu gaty kāýa
hasaplaýar : “Bu Kýuýma hem şeýle tebigat, munuň ýaly bolar we beýle
şertden azat däl”.
Şeýdip,
ol içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(7)
Mundan başga-da, Biçhus, edil öz ýaly ýaly bhikhu
Eriş
edilen jesedi gören süňkleri, gaty kiy-a eýelendi: “Bu kāa-da Kāýa
hasaplaýar:” Bu Kýub munuň beýle tebigy, şonuň ýaly bolar we beýle
görnüşden azat bolmaz ýagdaýy. “
(
Mundan başga-da, Biçhus, edil öz ýaly ýaly bhikhu
Erişiň ölümi, kāybele muny gören süňküli bir ýyl bäri, bu kianyny-da saklap, bu kāýa hem bu öwrümiň we beýle erkin däl şerti. “
Şeýdip,
ol içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
(9)
Mundan başga-da, Biçhus, edil öz ýaly ýaly bhikhu
Eriş
işleri görýän Zotens meýdançasyny gören sütüniň halky irden ýa-da Kāýa
hasaplanýar: “Bu kāýa şeýle Tebigat ýaly hasaplaýar we beýle şertden
azat däl . “
Şeýdip, ol
içersoňy Kāynaat berijä ýa-da biri, Kāýa çenli gamçik synlaýar ýa-da
Kāay göni kāýa inçaýan kāya kāyna bezegde saklaýan we daşarky kāiýa
gam-alýanyndan haswat alyp, lukmanlaýan ýaşaýar; Ol Hewoda hadysalaryň
hadysalarynyň hadysasynyň hadysalarynyň bezegi we Henoadada geçirilen
hadysadan geçmegini we Kādanda syn edýän we Kāaudena synçylarynda
Gysypdyrlar; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu kāýa!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän
äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada
kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhusy, Kāýa şäherinde k interýa
synlaýan kāya miwesini synlaýarlar.
Ii. Wedian-a syn
Mundan başga-da, Bhykhus, Birkukhu nähili, Wadaā Wdiandyň Wadaā synçylary?
Bu ýerde Bikhýus, Bhekykhu, Sukhabat Wadanan: “Men Sukha Wadianā” edýärin: “Men Sukha Wadianā” bilerin “. Dukga Wedianā Wadianā:
Şeýdip, ol Wadawide yzygiderli gözegçilik edýär we
ýa-da wetanāreçini daşarda we ol ýerdäki WADANRI-i synlaýar
Wadaā Wadaā Wanandan başgaça we daşarky görnüşde syn geçirmek; ol ýaşaýardy
Wendiwide
hadysalaryň hadysalarynyň samuýasyny synlaýan ýa-da Wendia-a syn edip,
Samudaýa syn edip, Wdianda hadysalardan syn alan kwartirasyndan
eýerandir äki hüjüm edýär; ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu Wevanā!” Sati
bolsa, diňe örän äheňli ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we
dünýäde hiç zada kultypdyrlar. Şeýlelik bilen ,kykhusy, Ankaýh, Wadaā
Wadaā dilinde miwelere geçýär.
Iii. “Citta” -a syn
Mundan başga-da, Byzhus, umkhu sitta Salta-da sitta synçy edýär?
Biziň bärd, Bikhus, RIVA bilen “Citta” -ly “Citta” -yň “Citta” -ly
“Citta” -yň “Citta” -yň “Citta” -yň “Citta” -yň “Citta” -yň “Citta” -dan
POSE-iň “Citta” -y we Citta bilen düşünýär, ýa-da Doza bolmazdan
“Citta” -dan düşünýär “Citana” “Affa” ýa-da Moha “Citta” ýaly “Citta”
ýa-da “Citta” -dan “Citta” -dan “Citta” -dan “Citta” -dan “Citta” diýip
düşünýär ýa-da dargadylanlara düşünýän hasaplaýjysyna düşünýär
“Giňeldilen ITta” diýip, “giňeldilen sitta” ýaly giňeldilen sitta,
“Artykmaç sitta” ýaly giňeldilen sitta düşünýän ýa-da giňden ýaýran
sitta düşünýän ýa-da düşünmeýän sitta düşünýär ýa-da düşünýär “Citta
Appeca” ady bilen durnuksyz ITta, “Göçürilen Citta” ýaly
konsentratoriýa, ýa-da “azat edilen” Citta “ýaly konsentrirlenen saleta
düşünýän ýa-da erkin ýerleşdirilen sitta düşünýär ýa-da litritaly sitta
düşünýär ýa-da “Atieň däl” hökmünde aç-açan däl sitta düşünýär beed
citta “.
Şeýdip, ol
ýapta astana astrasndan daşarda sitata alyp barýan sitta synçysyny
içünmäge giňden ýaýrady ýa-da içip-dessanda sitata alyp barýar; Ol
Penomiýanyň hadysalarynyň sasyudaýamy synlaýar ýa-da Peomena henomadan
geçip barýan we Pusuda alyp, Peçine synlaýan we hadysadan synlaýar;
ýa-da [durmuşa geçirmek:] “Bu sitta!” Sati bolsa, diňe örän äheňli
ñorsṇa we sepisati “baryna barabardyr, we dünýäde hiç zada kultypdyrlar.
Şeýlelik bilen, Bhekkhitt Sitta Salta synlaýanyny synlaýarlar.
阿毗达摩讲座 03 二谛，究竟法 （Two Kinds of Truth, Brief Introduction On: Citta, Cetasika, Rūpa, Nibbāna）
护法Dayaka
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主讲法师简介：戒喜法师 (1927－2005)
Venerable Sayādaw U Sīlānanda
戒喜法师曾担任仰光第六次佛典结集的首席编辑，协助马哈希尊者及明贡持三藏尊者结集巴利文佛经和注释书。
分段内容 Breakdown
00:00 二谛
two truths
03:42 以汽车房子为例
examples: car, house
07:07 世俗谛
sammutisacca, conventional truth
07:31 概念
paññatti, concept
07:45 名字概念
nāmaattha-paññatti, name concept
8:21 意义概念
attha-paññatti, thing concept
10:31 究竟法
paramattha, ultimate reality
11:47 以汽车为例
example: car
13:00 概念不具有时间性
paññatti is timeless
14:45 以善慧和燃灯佛为例
hermit sumedha and buddha dīpankara
16:17 究竟谛
paramatthasacca, ultimate truth
16:50 以心为例
example: consciousness
19:00 幻术海市蜃楼
magic shows and mirage
21:00 究竟法可以被体验
ultimate reality can be experienced
23:08 以五蕴为例
example: five aggregates
24:50 以受为例
example: feeling
25:33 究竟法的名相
terms of ultimate reality
26:19 佛陀根据不同情况宣讲二谛
buddha taught the two truths according to circumstances
29:11 四种究竟法
four kinds of ultimate truths
30:30 心法
consciousness
35:56 灭尽定暂时无心
mental activities are temporarily suspended during in attainment of cessation
Hunger is the worst kind of illness said Awakened One Mayawati
“A Modern-day Female Ashoka” who planted fruit bearing trees throughout
his empire may order her followers to grow vegetables and dwarf fruit
bearing plants in Pots to overcome hunger for their happiness and peace.
Over
the past decade, dozens of large-scale architectural memorials
commemorating social reformers associated with India’s historically
oppressed “untouchable” (Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samaj) caste have been built throughout Uttar Pradesh. The memorials
were commissioned by the state’s former chief minister, Mayawati,
herself an Awakened Aboriginal. This essay analyzes intersections of
politics, caste, gender, and visibility at two of her memorials in
Lucknow—the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra (a crematory
memorial). Specifically, the author argues that the forms and decoration
of the memorials highlight the absence of earlier Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj leaders and present Mayawati as their
legitimate political heir.
Especially
in commemorative architecture (monuments, memorials, historic markers,
museums), we learn whose histories are legitimate, which narratives are
superfluous (or symbolically omitted), or which images are embraced as
part of our official, national accounts of origins and destiny. We learn
who is allowed to speak for history, who is allowed to speak for “us,”
and whose voices will always be considered marginal to the main event.
—Margaret E. Farrar
The
past few years have witnessed radical additions to the built
environment of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), India’s largest and most populous
state. Dozens of large-scale architectural memorials—enshrining
narrative bronze friezes and monumental bronze and marble statues of
social reformers associated with the historically oppressed Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj (formerly “untouchable”)
caste—have been built in the state capital of Lucknow and in Noida,
outside Delhi. These cities are now also punctuated by statues that
stand sentinel at crowded intersections, outside government office
buildings, and by the side of interstate highways, with smaller cement
statues throughout the state’s rural areas. The memorial buildings and
statues were commissioned by Mayawati (born 1956), herself a dalit,
during her four terms as the U.P. chief minister between 1995 and
2012.[2] Mayawati’s memorials are the most conspicuous expression of
establishing dalit visibility in her state. Others include renaming
districts and prominent buildings to honor dalit heroes. The sheer
number of the memorials, coupled with their monumental scale, arguably
make Mayawati the single most prolific architectural patron in India
since the British Raj commissioned New Delhi in 1911.
The
cast of characters in Mayawati’s sculptural programs includes notable
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs and those who
championed the rights of Prabuddha Bharat’s subalterns. Dr. Bhimrao
Ambedkar (1891–1956), the dalit founder of the modern anti-caste
movement and writer of the Indian constitution, is the best-known public
figure in the statue cycles (fig. 1). Others include Jyotirao Phule
(1827–1890), a campaigner for the education of women and low castes, and
the Buddha, who preached against casteism and whose teachings many
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs have consequently
adopted. Statues of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram (1934–2006), her mentor and
predecessor in the Bajujan Samaj Party (BSP), are given pride of place
in the memorials and often are duplicated several times at each site.
With the monuments’ scale, their recognizable architectural forms and
decoration, and the ubiquity of the Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj statues, Mayawati’s commissions have made an indelible
mark on Uttar Pradesh’s urban fabric.
quod.lib.umich.edu
Monumental Pride: Mayawati’s Memorials in Lucknow
The
memorials aim to empower Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samajs through twin strategies, which Manuela Ciotti refers to as
“presence in space,” and “presence in time,” both of which have been
denied to the Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj
community for centuries. While the former offers visibility, the latter
presents an illustrious Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samaj history, in which its members may take pride and aspire to a
better future. When criticized for such flagrant expenditures, Mayawati
consistently asserts that the memorials fulfill a vital social role and
give hope and pride to her community. As one Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj member of Mayawati’s cabinet remarked,
“The statues have givenAwakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samajs a place in the history of this country, nobody can change that.”
Drawing
from Foucault’s work on the relationship between space and power,
Margaret E. Farrar remarks that those in power construct and reiterate
social, political, and economic power structures in the built
environment. The situation is circular: power shapes space and vice
versa. Space legitimizes and ennobles some groups and excludes,
denigrates, and silences others. Commemorative architecture is supremely
exclusive and visually amplifies messages of communal belonging or
segregation. For centuries in Prabuddha Bharat, Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs have been denied a presence in space and
time, both literally and symbolically. This spatial and historical
exclusion then perpetuates Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samaj social marginalization, inside and outside the community. It is
therefore not surprising that the territorial claiming of physical space
and marking it with Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj
historical figures—thereby visually demanding that they are
recognized—is an integral component of Mayawati’s radical brand of
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj assertion.
The
sprawling Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal
(hereafter referred to by its popular name, the Ambedkar Memorial) with
its monumental Ambedkar stupā (figs. 1, 2) and the Bahujan Samaj Prerna
Kendra (hereafter, Prerna Kendra; fig. 3), both in Lucknow, are
Mayawati’s most politically meaningful architectural commissions. The
Prerna Kendra is unique in that it is a funerary memorial that enshrines
Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes. In commissioning her predecessor’s
memorial, Mayawati was participating in a well-established Indic
performance of legitimating political authority. As with her other
architectural commissions, the Ambedkar Memorial and Prerna Kendra’s
formal and decorative programs, statues, and frieze cycles, as well as
the commemorative rituals held at the sites, work in concert to unite
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs in a singular
“imagined community” and establish Mayawati as their rightful
charismatic leader. Images and text present Mayawati as the political
heir to the most celebrated figures in Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/
of Sarvajan Samaj history, designating Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and
Mayawati as charismatic leaders by referring to models of Indic kingship
and linking Mawayawati to more recent examples of gendered authority. I
employ the term “charismatic leader” in accordance with Max Weber’s
definition:
…
a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is
set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural,
superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities.
These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are
regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them,
the individual is treaded as a leader….What is alone important is how
the individual is actually regarded by those subject to the charismatic
authority, by his “followers” or “disciples.”
Significantly,
Weber suggests that what matters most is that followers believe a
leader possesses exceptional characteristics—not that he or she actually
possesses them. Like many leaders who seek to convince their followers
of their extraordinariness, Mayawati announces her unique and
exceptional powers through monumental public art with straightforward
messages and meaningful, archaized styles.
Also
pertinent for understanding the artworks in the Ambedkar Memorial and
the Prerna Kendra are Weber’s notions about how charisma may be
transmitted (“the routinization of charisma”) from one leader to
another. These include designation by the previous charismatic leader
and being descended from him. Mayawati explicitly references the former
and implicitly suggests the latter in the statues and friezes in her
buildings. Weber also cites support—followers’ lavish donations and
gifts—as a marker of an individual’s charismatic authority, which has
parallels in institutions of traditional Indic kingship. Mayawati has
been the recipient of extravagant gifts from her constituents, a fact
that is highlighted in her commissions.
It
is not surprising that Mayawati has invested so heavily in a
politically charged visual culture and performances of her own charisma.
When she first ran for office, she was an unlikely candidate as chief
minister. While she was not the first
Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj chief minister in Prabuddha
Bharat, she was the first woman from her community to hold the office as
well as the youngest in the state. Coupled with her extravagant public
displays of wealth and acceptance of gifts from her community,
Mayawati’s prolific memorial building activity has consistently garnered
her both national criticism and praise. The Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj community itself is divided in its
support of her building programs. Many Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/
of Sarvajan Samajs to whom I spoke at her sites unanimously and
enthusiastically supported her and echoed her rhetoric of the necessity
of her community building program. Both factions have received ample
media exposure.
The
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajmovement and
Mayawati’s political career have been the subject of several recent
studies. Nicholas Jaoul and Gary Michael Tartakov examine emerging
trends in Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj visual
culture, particularly the increasing prevalence of Ambedkar statues in
rural Uttar Pradesh. They did not consider Mayawati’s monumental urban
statues, presumably because this now statewide phenomenon was only in
its nascent stages during the time of their fieldwork. Focusing her
analyses on its architectural form and location, Maxine Loynd cogently
argues that the Prerna Kendra was created as an intimate, exclusive
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj communal space, quite
different from the Ambedkar Memorial. However, Loynd’s study does not
consider the building’s mortuary roles and is silent on the subject of
its decorative program, whose thematic content highlights Mayawati’s
political lineage and charisma. Thus, a critical study of these two
buildings, their statues, and friezes within her wider political agenda
has yet to be undertaken. Before turning to the memorials themselves, it
is pertinent to first briefly consider Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj history and key figures esteemed by the
community with whom Mayawati visually associates through her
commissions.
(Re)Claiming Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj History and Asserting Communal Presence
Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj—derived from the Sanskrit and
Marathi word meaning “ground down, crushed, destroyed”—is an inclusive
term that members of India’s various lowest castes have used to refer to
themselves since the early twentieth century. Rebuking the Gandhian
term harījān (people of God) as patronizing, Ambedkar defiantly adopted
and popularized Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj. Historically dalits’
hereditary occupations, which in Hinduism are associated with caste,
have been characterized by literal and ritual pollution. For
generations, members of various dalit groups were in contact with
corpses (removing dead humans and animals, working with leather, and
butchering); served as sweepers; and performed other menial jobs.[16]
This pollution is popularly regarded as contagious, leading to forced
dalit segregation in their areas of habitation (predominantly in slums),
at religious sites, and at water sources. Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs had no recourse or means to better
themselves; until the mid-twentieth century, education was largely
denied to them. Numerous social schemes have been implemented since
Indian independence in 1947 to rectify this, such as reservations for
dalits in schools, universities, government jobs, and political offices.
Perhaps the greatest single public triumph for the community was the
1997 democratic election of Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj K. R. Narayanan as president of Prabuddha Bharat.
However, while such concessions and appointments have markedly improved
the Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs’ opportunities
for upward social and financial mobility, they remain among the poorest
and most socially marginalized people in the nation.
Sources
differ on the roots of this discrimination and precisely how long it
has been in effect. Brahmanical texts dating to the first millennium BCE
outline the various Hindu castes and note the existence of those
outside of the order, who are thus “untouchable.” However, since
Ambedkar’s campaigns dating from the 1930s to 1950s, communal pride and
assertiveness has grown steadily. A key factor has been the creation of
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj “presence in time”
and the construction of an alternative Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/
of Sarvajan Samaj history, which presents the community as the former
possessors of wealth, positions of power, and education—the very
qualities popular history denies them. According to these new
trajectories, in the ancient past, kṣhatryǎs (rulers and warriors of
the Hindu caste system) and Brahmans (members of the priestly caste)
divested Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs of their
lofty positions by treachery and relegated them to the lowest social
positions. Whether or not these ancient histories are true is not the
point. Explanation, pride, and hope are. These alternative histories
offer the community a reason for their present subaltern status, a group
of role models, and by extension, a hope that they may achieve
equality, if not regain their former status.
The
BSP has made concerted efforts to increase Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj awareness of key historical community
members of whom they can be proud. Figures from the ancient past include
sages such as Valmiki, the author of the Ramayana. More recent notable
figures include female Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj martial heroes (viranganī)
martyred during the 1857 rebellion against the British. The most
celebrated contemporary Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan
Samaj heroes are Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and Mayawati. In fact, Mayawati
worked closely with Kanshi Ram to fashion her charismatic public image
and promote her qualifications to lead the community by visually
associating her with both Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram.
Mayawati’s
memorial commissions are key strategies in the visual articulation of
her political lineage from these two male Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj leaders and her claims to charismatic
authority. Her buildings and statues are metaphorical lighthouses and
visual rallying points, from which the BSP is able to mobilize the
community to vote for their candidates, who then will demand more rights
and better opportunities on the Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs’ behalf. These messages are
amplified through a scale that is larger than life; through construction
from costly, durable materials that are historically associated with
royalty and political authority; and finally, through historically
meaningful styles.
The
tradition of public memorialization through sculptures and public
buildings in Prabuddha Bharat began with the British, who installed bronze and
marble images of the imperial family and high-ranking Raj civil servants
and commissioned buildings such as museums and railway stations in
their honor. After independence, colonial statues were largely removed
and replaced by ones depicting nationalist heroes, particularly freedom
fighters such as Gandhi, the Raṇī of Jhansi, and Bhagat Singh. Public
buildings were also renamed, but in honor of figures who were almost
exclusively from the higher castes, thereby effectively excluding
Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs from Indian
postcolonial history and public memorial space. In the early 1960s,
Ambedkar joined his upper-caste nationalist cohorts when two public
bronze statues of him were erected, one in Mumbai, the other in front of
the National Parliament in New Delhi.
These
two statues established an Ambedkar iconography: dressed in a suit,
tie, and glasses, and holding one hand up with the index finger
punctuating the air. The Mumbai statue added the Indian constitution,
tucked under Ambedkar’s lowered arm, inscribed with “Bharat” (Prabuddha
Bharat) to ensure its meaning (see fig. 1). Both Mayawati’s statues and
the smaller-scale cement statues Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samajs install in their villages and slums are based on these
models.
Since Mayawati first came to office in the mid-1990s, public Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj statues, particularly those
of Ambedkar, have increased exponentially. Today in Lucknow, Ambedkar
has a more conspicuous public presence than Gandhi does. At the main
intersection of Hajarat Ganj, a fashionable historic shopping district,
an older statue of Gandhi has been joined by a larger and newer Ambedkar
companion statue across the street. Such visual one-upping was surely
not unintentional. In fact, this is a trope in Mayawati’s commissions,
expressed through scale and text. Gandhi and Ambedkar clashed on several
occasions over the issue of caste; while opposing inequality, Gandhi
maintained that there were social and cultural benefits to the system.
Ambedkar campaigned for its abolition. While Gandhi is popularly honored
as the father of the nation, Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj activists such as Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and particularly
Mayawati have publically denounced him on the basis that he did nothing
to improve their situation. In memorializing notable figures from her
own community through buildings and statues, and renaming districts
after them, Mayawati was subscribing to and amplifying performances of
autonomy established by the independent nation.
Iconographies of Androgyny
… it is remarkable that woman is never imagined as an active, sexual being within this discourse on nationalism.
Mayawati’s
commissions established iconographies for Kanshi Ram’s and her own
images as well (fig. 4). Kanshi Ram is dressed in a casual suit, and
Mayawati has cropped hair; a plain, loose-fitting shalwaar kameez;
chunky sandals; a prominent wristwatch; and a handbag at her side. Her
simple, unadorned appearance depicts her as unfussy and androgynous. The
message conveyed is that she is fully capable of negotiating the
male-dominated political arena. Her distinctly unfeminine appearance
also highlights her unmarried status, and by extension, her complete
dedication to the betterment of her community, which she confirms when
questioned about her marital status.
4.
Mayawati and Kanshi Ram flank a frieze that depicts them inaugurating
the Ambedkar statue. Bronze sculptures, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar
Memorial
Neither
Mayawati’s public identity nor her self-promotion of it through
monumental images is unique within the visual culture of Indian
politics, and there were well-established models available to her all
over India. Among these, as Sikata Banerjee documents, are women in the
Hindutva movement who, like Mayawati, present themselves as celibate,
masculine, and martial to participate in the masculine world of Hindu
nationalism. The most common trope of female politician in India is the
asexual widow, such as Vijayraje Scindia. Like Mayawati, Hindu
nationalist women and Hindu widows who have entered politics wear plain
clothing and minimal jewelry and makeup. Perhaps Mayawati’s androgynous
dress and physique as well as her statues bear the closest resemblance
to those of Jayalalitha Jayaram, the former actress and chief minister
of Tamil Nadu, who entered politics and began promoting herself through
public art a few years before Mayawati. In many regards, the two
politicians have similar careers. Both have backgrounds that do not
recommend them for Indian politics (Mayawati as a Awakened Aboriginal
and Jayalalitha as a former film heroine, a profession widely regarded
as immoral for women in Prabuddha Bharat). Both claim to have remained
unmarried so that they can dedicate themselves to their political
parties. As will be discussed further, two prominent tropes in
Jayalalitha’s and Mayawati’s artistic commissions are their descent from
their male political mentors and their conspicuous political promotion,
which announce their charismatic authority.
Tamil
Nadu has a well-established history of male actors who enter into
political careers. As Preminda Jacob states in her work on the art of
cinema and political advertisements in the state, one of the typical
means by which actors-turned-politicians promote themselves is through
monumental banners and cutouts (outlines of figures) that are
stylistically based on film advertisements. Since the 1980s, Jayalalitha
has commissioned more banners and cutouts, which are larger and display
more overt political symbolism, than any other politician in the state.
Her public image and political advertisements certainly have served her
well; Jayalalitha has achieved incredible success, attaining landslide
victories in state elections on three occasions. She and her
advertisements are well publicized in the Indian media, and Mayawati
surely is familiar with them.
Another
significant factor to the deconstruction of Mayawati’s public image is
that in the 1990s Jayalalitha’s promotional images shifted dramatically
in their depictions, changing from her wholesome and feminine film roles
to a distinctly androgynous appearance. She now appears in the banners
and cutouts with her hair in a tight bun and her fleshy physique
concealed in a conservatively draped sari and cape. To shift public
focus from her film career, in which her success hinged on her
sexuality, to her charismatic authority, Jayalalitha desexed herself. In
so doing, she likely provided a model for Mayawati. However, as is
typical of Mayawati’s commissions, they surpass their models. The Tamil
banners and cutouts are two-dimensional and ephemeral. They are
constructed of plywood, supported by bamboo scaffolding, and displayed
only for a few weeks. In contrast, Mayawati commissions buildings and
statues of durable, luxury materials to convey her wealth and ensure
both their permanence and their patron’s public memory.
While
Jayalalitha’s androgyny may be attributed to her desire to distance
herself from her film-star past in an effort to be taken seriously as a
politician, Mayawati had different, yet equally compelling reasons to
publically desex herself. In her analysis of gender among scheduled
castes, Eva-Maria Hardtman draws attention to the fact that the few
low-caste Prabuddha Bharatian women who rise to positions of political
power are subject to intense moral scrutiny by the media, male members
of their own political parties, and the entertainment industry. There is
far less speculation about the morality of Indian high- and
middle-caste female politicians (unless they are former film stars) or
male politicians, whatever their caste. Untouchables have popularly been
considered impure and their touch defiling. Awakened Aboriginal women
have the added stigma of being widely considered immoral and
promiscuous.
Hardtman
cites the late Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj
outlaw-turned-politician Phoolan Devi and Mayawati as examples. Among
the multiple atrocities committed against the former was being
gang-raped on several occasions and paraded naked, which were then
exposed in a book and internationally best-selling film, Bandit Queen,
without her permission. Phoolan Devi denounced the film in particular,
likening it to being raped again. In 1996 a male politician publically
accused Mayawati of engaging in a long-term affair with Kanshi Ram that
resulted in a secret love child. The accusation received widespread
coverage in the Indian media for several months. It cannot be
coincidental that photographs of Mayawati taken until 1997 show her with
shoulder-length hair pulled back into a ponytail, wearing a pastel-pink
shalwaar kameez or occasionally a sari, and gold jewelry. About a year
after the accusation, Mayawati cropped her hair and has since appeared
exclusively in a shapeless, cream-colored shalwaar kameez, which is how
she is immortalized in her statues. Phoolan Devi and Mayawati are both
also well known for their public cursing and for addressing upper-caste
males in the derogatory third-person, tu—behaviors associated with
low-caste males in India. It would appear that for these two Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj female politicians, androgyny
and the adoption of stereotypically low-caste masculine behaviors were
protective responses to having their private lives and morality the
subject of public consumption.
Mayawati as Kanshi Ram’s Charismatic Political Heir
Mayawati was born into the chamar jatī, one of the lowest
Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajsubcastes, whose members have
historically been tanners. Positive accounts of Mayawati’s biography
emphasize her dedication to her studies at a young age and her academic
success; her higher degrees include a law degree (LLB). In 1977, she was
studying for her civil service examinations when she met Kanshi Ram,
who was establishing the BSP at the time. Kanshi Ram groomed Mayawati as
a party leader, and in 2001, at a large rally in Lucknow, he named her
as his successor as president of the BSP (fig. 5). When he suffered a
paralyzing stroke in 2004, he convalesced at Mayawati’s home in Delhi
while she personally cared for and fed him. When he died in 2006, as per
the tenets of his will, he was cremated in a Buddhist ritual, and
Mayawati personally lit his funeral pyre.
In
both Hinduism and Buddhism, performance of the last rites is the final
responsibility of a father’s eldest son and heir. By taking on this
central and traditionally male role in Kanshi Ram’s funeral, Mayawati
challenged gender discrimination and decisively established herself as
the heir of Kanshi Ram. Her action also suggested a more intimate,
familial descent from the founder of the party and, by extension, her
inheritance of his charismatic authority through two well-established
paths: designation by the previous leader or descent from him. Kanshi
Ram’s cremated ashes were placed in an urn, which was processed in a
cortege through Lucknow and which Mayawati personally installed under
bronze statues of the two of them in the Prerna Kendra. These two
acts—Kanshi Ram’s announcement that Mayawati was his successor and her
performance of his last rites—irrefutably established her as his heir
apparent. The two occasions are also among the most popular subjects in
the bronze friezes in Mayawati’s memorials.
That
Kanshi Ram specified that he receive his last rites according to
Buddhist tradition is also significant. Although neither he nor Mayawati
formally converted to the faith, Buddhism has been politically and
religiously associated with the Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj movement since Ambedkar’s highly public conversion in
1956. Adding another layer to Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj alternative history, Ambedkar asserted that members of
India’s lowest castes were Buddhists who had been ostracized for not
accepting Hinduism.[34] Since Ambedkar’s conversion, the faith has
undergone a profound revival among Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samajs, who seek to cast off the stigma of their low status and
shun the system that degraded them for centuries. As several Awakened
Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj Buddhists noted during
conversations with me, they subscribe to Ambedkar’s claims and view
their conversion as a reconversion to the faith and a reclaiming of
their history. Due to the dalit revival of Buddhism; its associations
with Ambedkar, the founder of the modern dalit movement; and Ambedkar’s
assertions that Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samajs were
previously Buddhists, Mayawati’s Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj memorials quote liberally from ancient Indian Buddhist
monuments. Ultimately the neo-Buddhist style of Mayawati’s memorials
makes a Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj “presence in
time” visual.
“A
Modern-day Female Ashoka”. Yes Ashoka planted Fruit Bearing trees
throughout his empire. Mayawati said she will bring back Ashoka’s rule.
She must order all the cadres and followers to train people to grow
vegetables and dwarf fruit trees in pots to overcome hunger the worst
illness as said by the Buddha.
Claiming Awakened Aboriginal Space and Establishing a Awakened Aboriginal Style of Architecture
All
of Mayawati’s sculptures are executed by Ram and Anil Sutar, a
father-and-son, Noida-based team. Ram Suthar graduated at the top of his
class from one of India’s most prestigious art schools, the Sir
Jamsetjee Jeejebhoy School of Art, in 1953. Significant to the work he
would later do for Mayawati, during the 1950s, Ram Sutar served as
modeler for the Department of Archaeology in Aurangabad and restored
sculptures in the Ellora and Ajanta caves, which familiarized him with
ancient Indian Buddhist art. Since he established his own studio in
1959, Ram Sutar’s national fame has grown steadily. He has been
commissioned to cast and carve statues and friezes of a diverse range of
public and mythological figures throughout Prabuddha Bharat. Sutar is
best known for his bust of Gandhi, which has been recast multiple times
and which the government of India has given to numerous countries. In
1995 Sutar was awarded the prestigious Padmashri medal.
Mayawati
doubtlessly chose the Sutars for their reputation as the most
celebrated sculptors to work in a large scale and for the realism,
dynamism, and quality materials that characterize their work. That the
Sutars are well known for their sculptures of Hindu subjects and
high-caste leaders was probably also attractive.
Their past work associated Mayawati and her community with the establishment and the galaxy of national heroes.
By
retaining their services, she effectively communicated that now dalits
too have access to the finest quality materials and the most
sought-after artists to memorialize their heroes.
She
was an active agent in the construction and dissemination of her public
image. The Sutars and Jay Kaktikar, Mayawati’s chief architect,
discussed building and decorative styles and their associations with her
at great length. She then became highly involved in the design and
planning of her commissions. While in office, she frequently toured the
building sites from the air in her private helicopter. Her commissions
certainly have kept the artists in her employ busy. Both Kaktikar and
the Sutars work exclusively for her. When Mayawati first retained the
Sutars’ services in the early 2000s, they only employed twenty-four
full-time workers in their foundry, and they only worked during the day.
When I met the Sutars in August 2011, when Mayawati was still in
office, to keep up with her commissions, they had increased their
workforce to one hundred during the day and another one hundred at
night. Their foundry was open twenty-fours a day, seven days a week.
Still, they were backlogged with work for Mayawati.
It
was not only the rate of her commissions that kept her artists busy, it
was their quality. Kaktikar recounts that Mayawati insisted that her
projects be constructed with an aim toward permanence. Her great concern
was that after her tenure, her non-Awakened Aboriginal SC/STs/OBCs/ of
Sarvajan Samaj successors would raze what she had built. Her fears were
certainly well founded.
Throughout
India memorial statues of Ambedkar and other Awakened Aboriginal
SC/STs/OBCs/ of Sarvajan Samaj icons are routinely vandalized—toppled,
defaced, or garlanded with rows of shoes, with the aim of insulting
them. Only months after she was voted out of office in 2012, statues of
Mayawati and Ambedkar were decapitated in Lucknow. In an attempt to
ensure that Uttar Pradesh was not subjected to further visual programs
to erase the dalits from Lucknow’s built environment, Kaktikar worked
with thicker than usual slabs of stone, and the Sutars cast Mayawati’s
statues and friezes with extra thick bronze.
Mayawati
and Kaktikar devised an instantly recognizable style for her
architectural commissions through their formal and decorative programs
and construction material. Patron and architect perfectly understood the
sociopolitical need not only to build but also to claim space and
territorially mark it through a sectarian style of architecture.
Mayawati’s buildings draw heavily from ancient Indian Buddhist
architecture, as exemplified by sites such as the Great Stupa at Sanchi
(circa first century BCE). Kaktikar notes that he and Mayawati intended
to appropriate this style. Her buildings are not pastiches. Rather than
recreating facsimiles of ancient Buddhist structures, Kaktikar combined
select features from notable Indian buildings to associate his patron
and her community with politically legitimizing models.
The
construction materials are uniform light-pink and red sandstone from
Karuli, Rajasthan, and buff-colored sandstone from Chunar, Uttar
Pradesh. As with all of her commissions, Mayawati’s choice of materials
was well informed and meaningful. Red sandstone and white marble have
been the preeminent building materials for royal and government
structures in North Prabuddha Bharat since the fourteenth-century Khilji
Sultan Ala-ud-din’s commission of the Alai Darwaza at the Qutub complex
in Delhi.
Following
the Khiljis, other Delhi Sultanates, the Mughals, several Rajput
dynasties, the British, and finally the independent nation of Prabuddha
Bharat employed these building materials for their political structures.
Light-pink sandstone is frequently substituted for white marble.
Mayawati’s use of these materials brings her into the visual language of
North Indian rulership.
Chunar
sandstone is deeply associated with the third-century BCE Mauryan
emperor Ashoka, who was a great patron of Buddhism and its arts. Ashoka
raised freestanding columns carved from Chunar sandstone throughout his
vast empire upon which were inscribed edicts. In an effort to associate
herself with one of the greatest figures from Buddhist history, Mayawati
similarly erected dozens of Chunar sandstone columns on the grounds of
her monuments (fig. 6). Her pillars are not facsimiles of the Ashokan
pillars. While the former are constructed exclusively of sandstone and
present a variety of animals, upturned lotuses, and wheels on their
capitals, Mayawati’s pillars are more uniform. Their bronze capitals are
capped by wheels borne on the backs of four addorsed elephants. Here,
the elephants carry polysemic meanings: they are symbols of Indic
authority; are associated with Ashoka, as they are featured on several
of his capitals; and are the BSP party symbol. These messages also are
carried by the dozens of life-size, carved stone elephants that
punctuate the grounds of Mayawati’s buildings. The Ashokan pillars were
erected singly, but Mayawati’s are in clusters. Furthermore, Kaktikar
notes that, per Mayawati’s orders, her columns are slightly taller than
Ashoka’s. The association between Mayawati and Ashoka has not been lost
on her community.
Biku
Chandra Ma, a Awakened Aboriginal Buddhist monk at the Dr. Bhimrao
Ambedkar Gomti Buddha Vihar, a monastic residence in Lucknow
(commissioned by Mayawati), proudly asserted: “Mayawati is just like a
modern-day female Ashoka.” Perhaps the message she seeks to deploy
through the abundance, more permanent material of bronze, and superior
height of her pillars is not simply that she is like the great emperor,
but that she has in fact surpassed him.
In
likening herself to great leaders from Prabuddha Bharat’s ancient past,
Mayawati again subscribes to popular performances of charismatic
authority in recent Indian politics. Jawaharlal Nehru, India’s first
prime minister, is also known to have emulated Ashoka as a model of
Indic sovereignty. He chose icons such as the Ashokan lion capital and
the wheel to represent the new independent nation. More recently, in
1995, Jayalalitha erected numerous banners and cutouts of herself
surrounded by eminent ancient Tamil leaders at the World Tamil
Conference in Thanjavur. In several banners, she appeared next to the
most celebrated Chola emperor, Raja Raja I (reigned 985–1015 CE) and
images of his monumental Brihadeshvara temple. Like Mayawati’s
“Ashokan” pillars, Jayalalitha’s visual propaganda focused on an ancient
leader’s monument that signified his glorious rule, constructed a
fictive lineage, and presented her own rule as a revival of a Golden
Age.
The
exterior parameters of Mayawati’s architectural commissions are bound
by sandstone railings whose forms and low reliefs of chaitya arches are
appropriated from the vedikas (stupā railings) at ancient Buddhist sites
such as Sanchi (fig. 7). Because the first phase of construction at the
Sanchi Stupa was a Mauryan commission, Mayawati’s railings further her
Ashokan associations. Like the pillars, the railings are not copied
exactly from their original sources. While ancient Buddhist vedikas
offer detailed reliefs of a variety of subjects associated with
Buddhism, those at Mayawati’s sites are largely devoid of carvings.
Representations of yakshīs (fertile nymphs) and other figures from the
Buddhist pantheon and scenes from the jatakas would be inappropriate at
the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra. While informed tangentially
by Buddhism, the faith and its architectural styles are employed in the
service of politics in Mayawati’s commissions. These are not sites
built to honor the Buddha. It could even be argued that their ultimate
function is not to honor Ambedkar or Kanshi Ram, but Mayawati.
The Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra
The
Ambedkar Memorial complex is Mayawati’s largest and most ambitious
commission. Completed in 2008 at an estimated cost of seven billion
rupees, the site spans more than twenty-five acres and is enclosed by a
vedika-like fence. It is located at the bottom of a hill, next to the
Gomti river and beside a flyover, a strategic location that ensures its
visibility. The vast, open, granite-lined courts, which are kept
scrupulously clean; prominent ticket booths; and monumental entrance
gates invite visitors inside. As they travel through, visitors can read
about each structure, figures depicted in the statues, and the BSP, and
gaze at images of Mayawati inaugurating the complex in the brochures
that are given with the entrance tickets.
There
is also an open-air sculpture gallery, whose walls are adorned with
high-relief bronze narrative friezes depicting key events from the
political careers of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. In one, they stand side by
side on a stage as Kanshi Ram addresses the assembled, cheering,
flag-waving crowd. The accompanying Hindi inscription informs viewers
that on December 15, 2001, at Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Kanshi
Ram, the founder of the BSP, named Mayawati as his successor (see fig.
5). Another frieze depicts Mayawati feeding cake to a convalescing
Kanshi Ram; the inscription states that this happened on the occasion of
his seventieth birthday at Batra Hospital in Delhi (fig. .
The figures are flanked by plants and diminutive statues of the Buddha,
again associating Kanshi Ram and Mayawati with Ambedkar and the faith
adopted by so many of their community members.
These
friezes establish a highly personal, parental relationship between
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The frieze depicting the rally maps Mayawati’s
inheritance of Kanshi Ram’s charisma via his designation, while the
frieze of her feeding him suggests that she received his charisma via
hereditary descent. Significantly, during Jayalalitha’s campaign for
office in the early 1990s, she commissioned cutouts and banners that
placed her next to her political mentor, the much-loved Tamil
politician, MGR, whose promotion of Jayalaltiha’s career paralleled
Kanshi Ram’s promotion of Mayawati. During her campaign, Jayalalitha was
depicted attending to MGR like a dutiful daughter, again mapping the
transference of charisma from one political generation to the next. It
is also worth noting that it remains difficult for women to rise to
positions of political authority in South Asia. Thus, nearly all female
politicians are initiated into politics by elder male relatives,
particularly husbands or fathers. Mayawati and Jayalalitha are notable
exceptions, and both use public art to create necessary fictive lineages
from their male mentors.
The
high degree of detail and photorealism displayed by the friezes and
their brief, concise text recall photographs and their text captions in
newspapers. If, as Roland Barthes argues, a photograph operates as a
“certificate of presence,” proving that what it depicts happened and who
it depicts existed, newspaper photographs and their captions are
ultimate certificates of presence.
Mayawati,
whose political and personal life is so frequently the subject of media
scrutiny, is surely aware of the power of this form of presentation for
its believability. The newspaper format allows her to convey in the
most convincing format that certain events occurred and that others did
not. The presentation of Mayawati as a nurturing, attentive child who
feeds her enfeebled, yet smiling father was probably intended to convey
an additional message about the nature of their relationship. Several
high-ranking male members of the BSP have publically accused Mayawati of
wielding undue influence over Kanshi Ram and holding him hostage in her
house after his stroke. The newspaper-photograph-like presentation of
the frieze showing her feeding him “proves” otherwise.
The
Ambedkar Memorial is dominated by a monumental stupā, measuring
approximately two hundred feet in height. As with the pillars and
vedekās, the Ambedkar stupā appropriates from, but is not a copy of, any
specific Prabuddha Bharat monument. The most striking difference
between the Great Stupa at Sanchi, and the Ambedkar stupā is that while
the former is comprised of solid hemispherical masses that cannot be
entered, the latter is architectural, with a domed central chamber. The
Ambedkar stupā’s four prominent directional entrances create an
imposing, palatial structure. They are accessed by monumental staircases
arranged in the form of a lotus blossom, a prominent symbol in Buddhist
art.
Significantly, the only way to view the stupā’s lotus plan is from the air, which is Mayawati’s exclusive vantage point.
The
exterior of the Ambedkar stupā references a glorious ancient Aboriginal
Awakened past through the appropriation of ancient Indian stupā form
and decoration, including blind chandrashala arches (see fig. 7), a
monumental chandrashala-arched entrance, and a harmikā (square planned
fence on top of stupās). The stupā form has additional, more immediate
significance for the dalit community, beyond its antiquity: Ambedkar was
cremated and his ashes interred in the Chaitya Bhoomi stupā at Dadar
Choupati, Mumbai.
The
interior of the Ambedkar stupā is dominated by a twenty-seven-foot-high
bronze statue in the round of a seated Ambedkar (fig. 9). Inscribed at
the base of the sculpture is the phrase, “My life struggle is my
message.” Ambedkar never said this; Mayawati devised the phrase,
considering it more appropriate than his more famous, somewhat militant
galvanizing slogan, “Educate, Organize, Agitate!”
Mayawati’s
phrase likely is also a rebuttal to the popular Gandhian phrase, “My
life is my message.” Here, the emphasis is on how Ambedkar struggled and
overcame (more so than Gandhi), thereby providing a communal model.
Mayawati
intended the Ambedkar statue to be modeled on the sculpture of Abraham
Lincoln at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C. The reference is
apt. Ambedkar, who was a lawyer, wrote the Indian constitution, and
Lincoln, also a lawyer, amended the American constitution to extend
rights to all (male) citizens, including African Americans, after the
Civil War. Ambedkar frequently likened Prabuddha Bharat Awakened
Aboriginals to African Americans and viewed Lincoln as a champion of the
rights of the subalterns in his own nation. Mayawati herself received
her LLB and is also an admirer of Lincoln; she sought to link the
founder of her movement to a well-known international figure and make
the Awakened Aboriginals’ struggle universal.
The
central statue is ringed by high-relief bronze friezes on the
surrounding walls that depict key events from Ambedkar’s life. In one,
he sits at a desk, pen in hand, writing the constitution (fig. 10). He
is flanked by a map of India, over which is inscribed “Bharat,” and a
table bearing a Buddha statue and an Ashokan lion capital, which
Ambedkar and Nehru promoted as the national icon of independent
Prabuddha Bharat. If the iconography is unclear, a Hindi inscription
informs the viewer of the events depicted. In another frieze, the viewer
is again informed in text and image that Ambedkar is presenting the
constitution to President Rajendra Prasad (fig. 11). They are surmounted
by the Ashokan lion capital and the circular-planned Prabuddha Bharat
Parliament House, which crowns the three figures like an honorific
umbrella. The bronze friezes within the stupā also reference Ambedkar’s
religious conversion. Wearing monastic robes, Ambedkar stands next to an
enshrined image of the Buddha with a monk on the other side (fig. 12).
The accompanying inscription informs us that in Nagpur, on October 14,
1956, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism.
Ambedkar converts to Buddhism. Bronze frieze, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial
Moving
in a clockwise direction—the established direction for progressing in
Buddhist monuments and thus the logical direction in the Ambedkar
stupā—the penultimate frieze offers an aerial view of the sprawling
memorial complex (the way Mayawati would view the site from her
helicopter), with inscriptions naming each structure. An eleven-foot
sculpture in the round of Mayawati stands beside the frieze, emphasizing
her role as patron. The cycle concludes with eleven-foot sculptures in
the round of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram that flank and gesture toward a
bronze frieze of the Ambedkar sculpture enshrined within the stupā (see
fig. 4). The inscriptions inform us that Sushrī (Most Honorable)
Mayawati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, laid the foundation for the
stupā on August 15, 1995. In publically laying the memorial’s
foundation, Mayawati was again participating in an established
expression of her charisma, in what Sara Dickey terms Indian
“person-centered politics.”
Participating
in public cornerstone-laying ceremonies amid much fanfare is a common
means by which an Prabuddha Bharat politician spreads awareness of his
or her “person.” The date of the ceremony is also significant, as it
was the anniversary of both Ambedkar’s birthday and Indian Independence
Day during Mayawati’s first year in office.
The centrally located Ambedkar statue and the friezes highlight Ambedkar’s various achievements.
Ultimately,
they link him to Mayawati, whose agency in the construction of the very
site in which all these sculptures are housed, is underscored at the
end of the cycle. Mayawati stands with Kanshi Ram by the bronze frieze
depicting the Ambedkar statue, thereby visually mapping the lineage of
dalit political power from Ambedkar to Kanshi Ram and finally to
herself.
Mayawati
also uses the Ambedkar stupā as a stage for performing her political
lineage from Ambedkar. In addition to commencing construction at the
site on Ambedkar’s birthday and personally laying its foundation stone,
Mayawati annually holds ceremonies for Ambedkar’s birthday at the
complex. During these events, Mayawati, who is accompanied by throngs of
party officials, Buddhist monks, and constituents from throughout the
state, publically garlands the main Ambedkar statue and delivers
speeches before it.
Built
between 2003 and 2005, the Prerna Kendra is a very different type of
structure. The Ambedkar Memorial is open, sprawling, and of a monumental
scale. By contrast, the far smaller Prerna Kendra is woven into the
dense urban fabric of upper-middle-class apartments and shops in a
residential area across Lucknow. With its high, battered surrounding
walls, which block visibility from the street, and discreet entrance,
the Prerna Kendra is evocative of a fortress. The form of the Ambedkar
stupā is based on ancient Indian stupās. The formal inspiration for the
105-foot-tall steep pyramidal Prerna Kendra was another well-known
Buddhist pilgrimage site, the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya. The most
important Buddhist pilgrimage site, the temple marks the site of the
Buddha’s awakenment , again linking Awakened Aboriginals to their
Buddhist past and a wider international Buddhist community.
The
intended audiences of the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra are
also different. With its entrance fees and well-run infrastructure, the
Ambedkar Memorial was intended as public space for members of the upper
and middle castes as well as Awakened Aboriginals; there Mayawati
broadcasts versions of Awakened Aboriginals history, the achievements of
her community members, and her own charisma to the widest possible
audience. The Prerna Kendra’s entrance is discreet, the building’s form
is largely obscured by its high outer walls, and the site is frequently
closed. It is therefore far less inviting to non-community members.
Mayawati
inaugurated the Prerna Kandra in 2005 during a Buddhist ritual
performed by monks. Media coverage of the event noted her benevolence to
the monks; she gave them large sums of money, fruit, and umbrellas.
In
demonstrating such largesse, she again used her architectural
commission as a stage to perform her political legitimacy. Not only did
she ally with the Buddhist monks, most of whom are former dalits, she
reminded all that the faith is deeply associated with dalit activism.
Moreover, in showing such magnanimity, Mayawati was subscribing to a
well-established tradition in Indian rulership: generous support of
religious organizations and their monastic members.
Inscriptions
on a pyramidal marble block on the ground floor offer excerpts from
Kanshi Ram’s will that state he wanted Mayawati to light his pyre and
his ashes to be enshrined in the Prerna Kandra. The will also specifies
that Kanshi Ram wanted Mayawati’s cremated remains to be enshrined at
the site, which will thus transform the Prerna Kendra into a political,
dynastic funerary memorial.
In
weaving prominent dalit memorials into a land that had denied the
community a presence in space, Mayawati demanded to be recognized.
Weaving dalit corporeal remains into Lucknow’s urban fabric was an even
more assertive gesture. Her sculptural and architectural memorials
suggest permanence and, by extension, the irreversible betterment of her
community. By interring their ashes in the Prerna Kandra, Kanshi Ram
and Mayawati themselves are symbolically eternally present and are
always leading their community toward an ever better future. Mayawati
was voted out of office in early 2012, but her successor Akhilesh Yadav
has affirmed that the new government will not disturb the Awakened
Aboriginal memorials. This is hardly surprising, given that Mayawati
vowed on several occasions that there would be major Awakened Aboriginal
protests and communal unrest if her memorials were destroyed. Her
threat was put to the test immediately after her and Ambedkar’s statues
were vandalized; as she had predicted, her community members retaliated
by peacefully demonstrating and blocking roads in Lucknow. Images have
power, and Mayawati intends to ensure that their messages will be heard
for as long as possible.
Kanshi
Ram and Mayawati surely would have been aware of the long history and
potentially legitimizing messages of funerary memorials in India. In
addition to stupās, there are several other types of South Asian
funerary memorials. In Islamic Prabuddha Bharat, rulers commissioned
lavish, monumental tombs for their late fathers. The formal and
decorative programs and construction materials of the Indo-Islamic tombs
helped their royal patrons project their own public identities. Rajput
and Maratha kings similarly memorialized their predecessors through
cenotaphs (chatrīs) with politically charged forms and decoration. By
installing Kanshi Ram’s ashes in the Prerna Kendra, Mayawati
appropriated an established royal Indic practice of architectural
memorialization. Similar to performing a father’s funerary rites,
commissioning his memorial is a legitimizing act in India that
irrefutably establishes dynastic lineage and the transference of
political authority from one generation to the next. Thus, in the Indic
context, a funerary memorial is an index not only of absence (of the
memorialized deceased) but also of presence and legitimate power (of the
memorial’s heir and patron).
Like
those of many other notable examples of Indian funerary architecture,
the Prerna Kendra’s ultimate message appears to refer more to its patron
than the one memorialized. Perhaps even more than the Ambedkar stupā,
the sculptural program at the Prerna Kendra asserts Mayawati’s charisma
and ability to lead her party. As noted in a lengthy inscription at the
site, the urn with Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes is contained in a marble
plinth located in the center of the main chamber on the second floor.
The plinth supports three bronze monumental statues in the round. A
life-sized Ambedkar is elevated above flanking eighteen-foot statues of
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The triangular composition, with Ambedkar’s
raised position, once again visually reiterates the lineage of
charismatic leadership in Awakened Aboriginal politics.
The
walls of the Prerna Kendra’s chambers, which are spread over three
floors, are lined with bronze friezes that feature episodes from
Mayawati’s life, with an emphasis on major events in her political
career. Over the three levels of the Prerna Kendra, the friezes’
narrative unfolds in a clockwise direction. Mayawati first appears,
uncharacteristically in a sari, on a frieze with an inscription noting
that it marks her fiftieth birthday and wishing her congratulations. She
then appears with her family in a group portrait as a child (fig. 13);
she studies for her exams with a Buddha image on her bookshelf; she is
sworn in as chief minister (fig. 14); she dines with high-ranking
members of government while in close conversation and laughing (fig.
15), clearly accepted by and completely at ease in these circles of
power. The friezes also depict Mayawati’s major architectural
commissions, again calling attention to her prolific building activity,
which has made dalit public presence conspicuous, material, and
permanent.
Mayawati being sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the third time. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra.
Mayawati and the Indian vice president share a meal at the chief minister’s house in Lucknow. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra.
Despite
the fact that the Prerna Kendra houses his ashes, Kanshi Ram himself
makes few appearances in its friezes. When he is depicted, it is during
key events that validate Mayawati’s political power: when he publically
declared her as his successor, and when she cared for him during his
illness as if she were his child. In fact, Kanshi Ram appears most
frequently in the friezes as a corpse and as cremated ashes. Mayawati
first mourns over her mentor’s corpse, she lights his pyre, she places
the cremated ashes on an altar before the Buddha and finally in the
Prerna Kendra (figs. 16, 17). The funerary friezes all carefully record
in Hindi that Kanshi Ram’s last rites were done in accordance with his
wishes
Mayawati
helps with the preparations of Kanshi Ram’s corpse: “In accordance with
his wishes, Mayawati oversees everything.” Bronze frieze in the Prerna
Kendra.
The
final frieze in the program presents Mayawati in one of her most
controversial and well-documented performances of charismatic authority
(fig. 18). She is well known and frequently criticized for allowing
herself to be festooned with colossal garlands made from countless one
thousand rupee notes. Each garland has an estimated value of between
$500,000 to $2 million. Since 2010, Mayawati has accepted these money
garlands, which the BSP claims represent donations from party members,
at public events like political rallies and celebrations of Kanshi Ram’s
birthday. In what have become iconic media images, she appears flanked
by aides who hoist the cumbersome money garland over her shoulders.
Mayawati raises one arm and holds her hand in a gesture that parallels
the one displayed by the Ambedkar statues she commissions, again
visually linking these two political figures.
Mayawati’s
detractors sharply criticize such performances as vulgar and
inappropriate, particularly because she claims to represent the poorest
and most disadvantaged members of Indian society. Moreover, when she
accepted the garlands, she was chief minister of one of the poorest
states in the nation. Mayawati herself has remained silent on the
subject of the money garlands. However, it is worth considering that,
because dalits historically have been denied access to vast sums of
money and political authority, their chosen representative’s conspicuous
display of both undeniably announces their assertion of their power and
defiance in the face of criticism.
In
her performances of such conspicuous displays of wealth Mayawati again
draws from models of ancient Indic kingship, which are being revived by
democratically elected politicians. Weber observed followers’ donations
of large sums of cash and luxury items as recognition of their leaders’
charisma.[59] Beyond signifying Mayawati’s wealth and charismatic
authority, the money garlands are metonyms that signify the prosperity
her community members may now legitimately claim through her leadership.
In models of traditional Indic kingship, the ruler’s body and his state
were to an extent conflated. It was therefore a royal responsibility to
appear in public “in the beauty and dazzle of his person,”[60] to amass
wealth, and stage awesome performances of conspicuous consumption to
convey the well-being of the state. Established in ancient India, royal
acts of conspicuous displays of wealth continued to hold currency into
the colonial period. The practice is enjoying a resurgence under
Jayalalitha[61] and Mayawati. Indian media frequently covers the
spectacular decorations and gifts Jayalalitha’s supporters bestow upon
her during public appearances: her route to the venue is bedecked with
illuminated triumphal arches, her footpath strewn with flowers and the
air perfumed. After mounting a lavishly decorated stage, she is given
gold coins, reminiscent of performances of support by subjects to their
kings, and a silver-plated scepter, a traditional symbol of kingship in
India.[62] Mayawati has claimed that she amasses her personal wealth on
behalf of her community, making her ostentatious displays of wealth
symbols of dalit pride and empowerment.[63]
That
the frieze cycle at the Prerna Kendra concludes with this iconic image
of Mayawati’s power, wealth, and charisma is fitting. As with the
statues and friezes in the Ambedkar stupā, those in the Prerna Kendra
laud the achievements of previous dalit leaders and activists, but
ultimately map a trajectory to Mayawati as their rightful heir. Her
money garlands announce her charisma and the upward mobility she secures
for her community. As with other aspects of her commissions—scale,
semantic content of the inscriptions, durability of materials, and
overall cost—her money-garland frieze surpasses its models.
Conclusion
Monuments
ensure that the memories of those they commemorate and their patrons
remain. They thus possess enormous potential for communal mobilization,
empowerment, and pride. The Nawabs of Awadh left their impress on
Lucknow’s visual landscape through their imambaras (congregation halls
for Shia commemoration ceremonies for Muharram) and the Rumi Darwaza.
The British are remembered in Lucknow through their Residency and
several government buildings. Mayawati’s memorials now join these sites,
as well as the Taj Mahal, on the official website of the U.P. State
Tourist Board, indicating that they are worth visiting by those seeking
permanent, visual traces of the state’s history.[64]
Whatever
her ultimate political fate and enduring legacy, Mayawati has given
dalits an equitable share in the urban fabric of one of India’s largest
cities. In Lucknow, dalits now have their own monumental spaces, defined
by a communal style of architecture, spaces where they can be ennobled
by the BSP’s version of their history. Mayawati announces messages of
dalit pride and empowerment through a visual language that is at once
recognizably authoritative and unique to the dalit experience. She
claims to speak for her community. In flaunting her command of the very
best materials and artistic skill as well as her lavish displays of
personal wealth, she participates in well-established acts of
upper-class privilege and entitlement. It is too soon to assess how
successful Mayawati’s commissions will be for her community. Will they
persuade more members of the non-dalit Indian public to accept the
historical figures they commemorate, such as Ambedkar, as national
heroes? To return to Farrar, it remains to be seen if, through
Mayawati’s memorials, dalits actually will be granted a legitimate
history and their voices thus will cease to be “considered marginal to
the main event.” Surely the greatest mark of their success would be if
they could actually alter the quotidian realities of living community
members.
It
appears that Mayawati’s memorials failed in what may have been their
patron’s greatest aim—to secure her continued leadership of Uttar
Pradesh. Perhaps, in the end, her commissions announced her wealth too
well. Her political opponents claim that she focused on her memorials at
the cost of more immediate needs—for example, land reform and grooming
other dalits for leadership. One political commentator alleged,
“Mayawati only made statues. That is her only achievement.”[65] Although
for now Mayawati has been divested of her political power, there is
wide speculation that she has designs on becoming the prime minister of
India.[66] It is worth considering what impact this would have on the
built environment of New Delhi.
Happy to see work progressing for renovating Rohni Buddha Vihara. Wish all Buddhists Donate Liberally for the Good Cause.
Hunger is the worst kind of illness said Awakened One Let us encourage all people to Do Good. Grow Broccoli Pepper Cucumber Carrots Beans in Pots. Fruit Bearing Trees all over the world and in Space.
Purify Mind. Lead Hilarious Happy Life to Attain Eternal Bliss as Final Goal.- Universal Prabuddha Intellectuals Convention.
Diving Deeper into Buddhism: Mapping the Buddhist Cosmos
Objective
Students
already familiar with Siddhartha Gautama, or Shakyamuni, the Historical
Buddha, will deepen their understanding of Buddhist beliefs and
artwork. They will analyze and interpret works of art that reveal how
people live around the world and what they value. They will identify how
works of art reflect times, places, cultures, and beliefs.
Essential Questions
What other stories are told in Buddhism beyond Shakyamuni, the Historical Buddha?
How were Buddhist beliefs transmitted between teachers and students?
How do works of art capture and communicate the development of Buddhist beliefs in China?
How has art inspired Buddhist believers and scholars throughout history?
Why did Buddhists create a symbolic map of the world, or cosmology?
2.
இந்தப் பெரும் எண்ணிக்கையிலான ஜதிலர்களின் சமய மாற்றம் பற்றிக்
கேள்வியுற்ற நகர மக்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரைப் பற்றிப்
பேசத் தொடங்கினர்.
3.. இவ்வாறாக, அரசர் பிம்பிசாரர் நகருக்கு புத்தர் வந்திருப்பதை அறியலானார்.
4.
“மிகவும் வைதீகமானவர்களும், வைராக்கியமுடையவர்களுமான ஜதிலர்களைச்
சமயமாற்றமுறச் செய்தது சாதாரண செய்தியன்று.” அரசர் பிம்பிசாரர்
தமக்குள் கூறிக்கொண்டார்; “உண்மையில் அது அப்படித் தான்
இருக்கவேண்டும். அவர் உயர்வெய்தியவராக, வான்புகழ் உடையவராக, நிறைவுறு
நிகரிலா புத்தராக, அறிவிலும், ஒழுக்கத்திலும் ஆழ்ந்த திறம் உடையவராக,
துறவியாக, உலகை நன்குணர்ந்தவராக, மிக்குயர்ந்தவராக, மாந்தரின்
வழிகாட்டியாக, சான்றோர்க்கும், சாதாரண மனிதர்க்கும் போதகராக இருப்பவர்
போலும். தாம் நன்கு உணர்ந்ததையே பிறருக்குப் போதிப்பவராகவே அவர்
இருப்பார்.”
5. “தொடக்கத்திலும், இடையிலும், முடிவிலும்
நனிசிறப்புடையதாக, சொல்லிலும், செயலிலும் மன திடம் உடையவராக,
உன்னதமானதாக உள்ள தம்மத்தையே போதிப்பவராக அவர் இருக்க வேண்டும்; நிறைவான
தூய, உன்னதமான வாழ்க்கையை நிறைவேற்றுவதாகப் பிரகடனம் செய்பவராகவே அவர்
இருக்க வேண்டும். அவரைப் போன்ற ஒரு மாமனிதரைக் காண்பது மிகவும்
நன்று.”
7. அப்போது அந்த எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும்
அடங்கிய பன்னிரு குழுவினரும் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தருடன் வந்த பிக்குகளிடையே
உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரையும் கண்டனர். “இது எப்படி ஆயிற்று? இம்மாபெரும்
சாமணர் உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரின் தொண்டராக ஆகிவிட்டாரா? அல்லது உருவெல்ல
காஸ்யப்பர் இந்த மாபெரும் சாமணரின் தொண்டராகிவிட்டாரா?” என்று அவர்கள்
எண்ணினர்.
8. எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும்
அடங்கிய அந்தப் பன்னிரு குழுவினரின் மனங்களில் தோன்றிய எண்ணங்களைத்
தம் மனத்தில் புரிந்து கொண்டவரான உயர்வெய்திய புத்தர் போற்றுதலுக்குரிய
உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரிடம் உரைத்தார்! “ஓ! உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரே!
மாண்புடையோரென அழைக்கப்படும் தாங்கள் தீ வணக்கத்தைக் கைவிட்டதால்
எதனைக் கண்டீர்கள்? தாங்கள் யாக வேள்வியைக் கைவிட்டது எங்ஙனம்?”
9.
காஸ்யப்பர் பதிலளித்தார்; “காட்சிகள், மனதில் ஏற்படும் பாதிப்பு,
சுவைகள், பெண்கள் மேல் ஏற்படும் காமவேட்கை ஆகியவற்றை யாகங்கள்
தீர்ப்பதில்லை; இவையாவும் மாசுடையவை என நான் புரிந்து கொண்டமையால்
யாகங்களிலும் பலிகளிலும் எந்த மகிழ்ச்சியையும் பெற என்னால்
இயலவில்லை.”
10. “ஆனால் தங்களுக்கு ஆட்சேபனை இல்லையாயின், அப்படி தங்களை சிந்திக்கச் செய்தது எது எனக்கூறுங்களேன்!”
11.
அதன்பின் உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பர், தம் இருக்கையை விட்டு எழுந்து, தன்
மேலங்கியைச் சரிசெய்து தோளின் ஒருபுறத்தில் சரிசெய்த வண்ணம்,
உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரின் பாதங்களில் நெடுஞ்சாண் கிடையாக வீழ்ந்து வணங்கி,
“என் போதகர் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரே ஆவார். நான் அவருடைய சீடன்.” என
உரைத்தார். அதை எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும் இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய
பன்னிரு குழுவினரும் புரிந்துகொண்டனர்; உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பர்
உயர்வெய்திய சாமணரைப் பின்பற்றி வாழ்வாங்கு வாழ்பவரானார்.
12.
எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய பன்னிரு குழுவினரின்
மனத்திலும் தோன்றிய எண்ணங்களைத் தம் மனத்தில் புரிந்து கொண்ட
உயர்வெய்திய புத்தர் அவர்களுக்குத் தம் தம்மத்தைப் போதித்தார்.
வண்ணச்சாயத்தைக் கறையேதுமற்ற தூய ஆடை நன்கு ஏற்பது போல, எண்ணிலா மகத
பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய பதினோரு குழுவினர்,
பிம்பிசாரரின் தலைமையில், அங்கு அமர்ந்திருந்த துய, கறையிலா தம்மக்
கொள்கையை ஏற்றனர். ஒரு குழு உபாசகத் தொண்டர்களாவதாக அறிவித்தனர்.
13.
அதன்பின், இந்தக் காட்சிகளைக் கண்ணுற்ற மகத மன்னர் சேனிய
பிம்பிசாரர், தம்மத்தை நுட்பமாக ஆராய்ந்து கொண்டவராக, தம்மத்தில்
ஆழ்ந்தவராக, நிச்சயமற்ற தன்மைகளை வென்றவராக, ஐயமனைத்தும் தீர்ந்தவராக,
நிறைவுறு அறிவெய்தியவராக, உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரிடம் பின்வருமாறு உரைத்தார்:
“ஐயன்மீர்! கடந்தக் காலங்களில், நான் இளவரசனாக இருந்தபோது, ஐந்து
விருப்பங்கள் உடையவனாயிருந்தேன். இப்போது அவைகள் நிறைவேறிவிட்டன.
14.
“கடந்தக் காலங்களில், ஐயன்மீர்! இளவரசனாக இருந்த எனக்கு இவ்வாறு
தோன்றியது: ‘ஓ! நான் அரசனாக முடி சூட்டப்பட வேண்டும்!’ அது என் முதல்
விருப்பமாயிருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்! அது இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘அதன்பின்
ஓர் உயர்வெய்திய மாமனிதர், முழுநிறைவுறு பேரறிவெய்தியவர் என்
அரசாட்சிக்கு வரவேண்டும்!’ இது இரண்டாவது ஆசையாயிருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்!
அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘உயர்வெய்திய அவர் முன்னிலையில் நான்
நிற்க வேண்டும்.’ இது என் மூன்றாம் விருப்பமாக இருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்!
அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘அதன்பின், அந்த உயர்வெய்தியவர் தன்
தம்மத்தை எனக்குப் போதிக்க வேண்டும்.’ இது என் நான்காம் விருப்பமாக
இருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்! அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘நான் அந்த
உயர்வெய்தியவரின் தம்மத்தைப் புரிந்து கொள்ளவேண்டும்.’ அது என்
ஐந்தாம் ஆசையாக இருந்தது, ஐயன்மீர்! அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது.
ஐயன்மீர்! என் கடந்தக் காலங்களில், நான் இளவரசனாக இருந்தபோது இவைகள்
ஐந்தும் என் விருப்பங்களாக இருந்தன.
2.
இந்தப் பெரும் எண்ணிக்கையிலான ஜதிலர்களின் சமய மாற்றம் பற்றிக்
கேள்வியுற்ற நகர மக்கள் ஒவ்வொருவரும் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரைப் பற்றிப்
பேசத் தொடங்கினர்.
3.. இவ்வாறாக, அரசர் பிம்பிசாரர் நகருக்கு புத்தர் வந்திருப்பதை அறியலானார்.
4.
“மிகவும் வைதீகமானவர்களும், வைராக்கியமுடையவர்களுமான ஜதிலர்களைச்
சமயமாற்றமுறச் செய்தது சாதாரண செய்தியன்று.” அரசர் பிம்பிசாரர்
தமக்குள் கூறிக்கொண்டார்; “உண்மையில் அது அப்படித் தான்
இருக்கவேண்டும். அவர் உயர்வெய்தியவராக, வான்புகழ் உடையவராக, நிறைவுறு
நிகரிலா புத்தராக, அறிவிலும், ஒழுக்கத்திலும் ஆழ்ந்த திறம் உடையவராக,
துறவியாக, உலகை நன்குணர்ந்தவராக, மிக்குயர்ந்தவராக, மாந்தரின்
வழிகாட்டியாக, சான்றோர்க்கும், சாதாரண மனிதர்க்கும் போதகராக இருப்பவர்
போலும். தாம் நன்கு உணர்ந்ததையே பிறருக்குப் போதிப்பவராகவே அவர்
இருப்பார்.”
5. “தொடக்கத்திலும், இடையிலும், முடிவிலும்
நனிசிறப்புடையதாக, சொல்லிலும், செயலிலும் மன திடம் உடையவராக,
உன்னதமானதாக உள்ள தம்மத்தையே போதிப்பவராக அவர் இருக்க வேண்டும்; நிறைவான
தூய, உன்னதமான வாழ்க்கையை நிறைவேற்றுவதாகப் பிரகடனம் செய்பவராகவே அவர்
இருக்க வேண்டும். அவரைப் போன்ற ஒரு மாமனிதரைக் காண்பது மிகவும்
நன்று.”
7. அப்போது அந்த எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும்
அடங்கிய பன்னிரு குழுவினரும் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தருடன் வந்த பிக்குகளிடையே
உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரையும் கண்டனர். “இது எப்படி ஆயிற்று? இம்மாபெரும்
சாமணர் உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரின் தொண்டராக ஆகிவிட்டாரா? அல்லது உருவெல்ல
காஸ்யப்பர் இந்த மாபெரும் சாமணரின் தொண்டராகிவிட்டாரா?” என்று அவர்கள்
எண்ணினர்.
8. எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும்
அடங்கிய அந்தப் பன்னிரு குழுவினரின் மனங்களில் தோன்றிய எண்ணங்களைத்
தம் மனத்தில் புரிந்து கொண்டவரான உயர்வெய்திய புத்தர் போற்றுதலுக்குரிய
உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரிடம் உரைத்தார்! “ஓ! உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பரே!
மாண்புடையோரென அழைக்கப்படும் தாங்கள் தீ வணக்கத்தைக் கைவிட்டதால்
எதனைக் கண்டீர்கள்? தாங்கள் யாக வேள்வியைக் கைவிட்டது எங்ஙனம்?”
9.
காஸ்யப்பர் பதிலளித்தார்; “காட்சிகள், மனதில் ஏற்படும் பாதிப்பு,
சுவைகள், பெண்கள் மேல் ஏற்படும் காமவேட்கை ஆகியவற்றை யாகங்கள்
தீர்ப்பதில்லை; இவையாவும் மாசுடையவை என நான் புரிந்து கொண்டமையால்
யாகங்களிலும் பலிகளிலும் எந்த மகிழ்ச்சியையும் பெற என்னால்
இயலவில்லை.”
10. “ஆனால் தங்களுக்கு ஆட்சேபனை இல்லையாயின், அப்படி தங்களை சிந்திக்கச் செய்தது எது எனக்கூறுங்களேன்!”
11.
அதன்பின் உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பர், தம் இருக்கையை விட்டு எழுந்து, தன்
மேலங்கியைச் சரிசெய்து தோளின் ஒருபுறத்தில் சரிசெய்த வண்ணம்,
உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரின் பாதங்களில் நெடுஞ்சாண் கிடையாக வீழ்ந்து வணங்கி,
“என் போதகர் உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரே ஆவார். நான் அவருடைய சீடன்.” என
உரைத்தார். அதை எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும் இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய
பன்னிரு குழுவினரும் புரிந்துகொண்டனர்; உருவெல்ல காஸ்யப்பர்
உயர்வெய்திய சாமணரைப் பின்பற்றி வாழ்வாங்கு வாழ்பவரானார்.
12.
எண்ணிலா மகத பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய பன்னிரு குழுவினரின்
மனத்திலும் தோன்றிய எண்ணங்களைத் தம் மனத்தில் புரிந்து கொண்ட
உயர்வெய்திய புத்தர் அவர்களுக்குத் தம் தம்மத்தைப் போதித்தார்.
வண்ணச்சாயத்தைக் கறையேதுமற்ற தூய ஆடை நன்கு ஏற்பது போல, எண்ணிலா மகத
பிராமணர்களும், இல்லறத்தாரும் அடங்கிய பதினோரு குழுவினர்,
பிம்பிசாரரின் தலைமையில், அங்கு அமர்ந்திருந்த துய, கறையிலா தம்மக்
கொள்கையை ஏற்றனர். ஒரு குழு உபாசகத் தொண்டர்களாவதாக அறிவித்தனர்.
13.
அதன்பின், இந்தக் காட்சிகளைக் கண்ணுற்ற மகத மன்னர் சேனிய
பிம்பிசாரர், தம்மத்தை நுட்பமாக ஆராய்ந்து கொண்டவராக, தம்மத்தில்
ஆழ்ந்தவராக, நிச்சயமற்ற தன்மைகளை வென்றவராக, ஐயமனைத்தும் தீர்ந்தவராக,
நிறைவுறு அறிவெய்தியவராக, உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரிடம் பின்வருமாறு உரைத்தார்:
“ஐயன்மீர்! கடந்தக் காலங்களில், நான் இளவரசனாக இருந்தபோது, ஐந்து
விருப்பங்கள் உடையவனாயிருந்தேன். இப்போது அவைகள் நிறைவேறிவிட்டன.
14.
“கடந்தக் காலங்களில், ஐயன்மீர்! இளவரசனாக இருந்த எனக்கு இவ்வாறு
தோன்றியது: ‘ஓ! நான் அரசனாக முடி சூட்டப்பட வேண்டும்!’ அது என் முதல்
விருப்பமாயிருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்! அது இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘அதன்பின்
ஓர் உயர்வெய்திய மாமனிதர், முழுநிறைவுறு பேரறிவெய்தியவர் என்
அரசாட்சிக்கு வரவேண்டும்!’ இது இரண்டாவது ஆசையாயிருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்!
அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘உயர்வெய்திய அவர் முன்னிலையில் நான்
நிற்க வேண்டும்.’ இது என் மூன்றாம் விருப்பமாக இருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்!
அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘அதன்பின், அந்த உயர்வெய்தியவர் தன்
தம்மத்தை எனக்குப் போதிக்க வேண்டும்.’ இது என் நான்காம் விருப்பமாக
இருந்தது. ஐயன்மீர்! அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது. ‘நான் அந்த
உயர்வெய்தியவரின் தம்மத்தைப் புரிந்து கொள்ளவேண்டும்.’ அது என்
ஐந்தாம் ஆசையாக இருந்தது, ஐயன்மீர்! அதுவும் இப்போது நிறைவேறியுள்ளது.
ஐயன்மீர்! என் கடந்தக் காலங்களில், நான் இளவரசனாக இருந்தபோது இவைகள்
ஐந்தும் என் விருப்பங்களாக இருந்தன.
பௌத்த இயக்க அறக்கட்டளை அரக்கோணம்”இன்றைய சிந்தனை” —————————— ‘27-08-2021′
செல்வம் போன்றவற்றின் மிகுவிப்பு சாதாரண வரவாகும், உயர்பேரறிவின்
மிகுவிப்பே உன்னதமான வரவாகும். எனவே… *”நாங்கள் உயர்பேரறிவை மிகுவித்துக்
கொள்வோம்” என்கிற இந்த இலக்கை பயிற்றுவித்துக் கொள்ள வேண்டுமென
உரைக்கிரேன்.
பெயர், புகழ் போன்றவற்றின் இழப்பு சாதாரண இழப்பாகும். உயர்பேரறிவின் இழப்பு கொடும் துன்பமானதாகும்.
- ‘பேராசான்’ புத்தர் - _________
# பாபாசாகேப் Dr B.R.அம்பேத்கர் அவர்களின் “பேச்சும் எழுத்தும்” நூல், தொகுதி - 10 #
- இக்கட்டான நிலையில் - ———-
தொடர்ச்சி…..
தீண்டாத மக்களும், சாதி இந்துக்களும் ஒரு கிராமத்தில் இரு பகுதிகளாக
பிரிந்திருப்பது தொடர்பாக இங்கு இன்னொரு அம்சத்தையும் குறிப்பிடுவது
அவசியமாகும். இவ்விரண்டு பகுதிகளும் ஒன்றுடன் ஒன்று எவ்வகையிலும்
சம்மந்தப்படாத இரண்டு தனித்தனி அமைப்புகளாகவே காட்சியளிக்கின்றன. இவற்றில்
ஏதேனும் ஒன்றில் இடம் பெறாமல் எவருமே தப்ப முடியாது.
ஓர் அமெரிக்கனையோ, ஐரோப்பியனையோ எடுத்துக் கொள்ளுங்கள். அவன் ஏதோ ஒரு
குடும்பத்தில் பிறக்கிறான், ஆனால்… தனக்கு விருப்பம் இருந்தாலொழிய
வாழ்நாள் முழுவதும் அவன் அந்த குடும்பத்திலேயே இருப்பதில்லை. அவன் தனது
சொந்தத் தொழிலை, இருப்பிடத்தை, மனைவியை, அரசியல் கட்சியை தேர்ந்தெடுத்துக்
கொள்கிறான். அவன் மற்றவர்களின் செயல்களுக்காக அன்றி தன் செயல்களுக்காக
மட்டுமே பொறுப்பேற்கிறான்.
அவன் ஒரு தனிநபர்,
ஏனென்றால்… அவனது எல்லா உறவுகளும் அவனுக்காக அவனாலேயே
தீர்மானிக்கப்படுகின்றன. ஆனால்… சாதி இந்துக்கள் மற்றும் தீண்டாதவர்கள்
விஷயம் அப்படியல்ல, அவர்கள் எந்த அர்த்தத்திலும் தனிநபர்கள் அல்ல.
ஏனென்றால்… கிட்டத்தட்ட அவர்களுடைய சகல உறவுகளும் ஒரு குறிப்பிட்ட
வகுப்பில், சாதியில் பிறக்கும் போதே தீர்மானிக்கப்பட்டு விடுகின்றன.
அவர்களுடைய தொழில், அவர்களது இருப்பிடம், அவர்களுடைய கடவுள்கள்,
அவர்களுடைய அரசியல் இவை யாவும்… அவர்கள் சார்ந்த வகுப்பால் அவர்களுக்காக
முன்கூட்டியே நிச்சயிக்கப்பட்டு விடுகின்றன. சாதி இந்துக்களும்,
தீண்டாதவர்களும் சந்திக்கும்போது… மனிதனுக்கு மனிதனாக, தனிநபருக்கு தனி
நபராக சந்திப்பதில்லை. அதற்கு மாறாக வகுப்புகளின் உறுப்பினர்களாக அல்லது
இரண்டு வெவ்வேறு இனத்தினராகச் சந்திக்கிறார்கள்.
இது ஒரு
கிராமத்திலுள்ள… தீண்டாதவர்களுக்கும் சாதி இந்துக்களுக்கும் இடையே இது
ஒரு முக்கியமான தாக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்துகிறது. அவர்களுக்கு இடையிலான இந்த
உறவு… நாகரிக முதிர்ச்சியற்ற பழங்காலச் சமுதாயத்தை சேர்ந்த குலமரபுக்
குழுக்களுக்கிடையே நிலவி வந்த உறவை ஒத்ததாக இருக்கிறது.
America’s ‘untouchables’: the silent power of the caste system
We
cannot fully understand the current upheavals, or almost any turning
point in American history, without accounting for the human pyramid that
is encrypted into us all: the caste system. By Isabel Wilkerson
by Isabel Wilkerson
Tue 28 Jul 2020 06.00 BST
Last modified on Fri 4 Sep 2020 12.00 BST
In
the winter of 1959, after leading the Montgomery bus boycott that arose
from the arrest of Rosa Parks and before the trials and triumphs to
come, Martin Luther King Jr and his wife, Coretta, landed in Prabuddha
Bharat, at Palam Airport in New Delhi, to visit the land of Mohandas K
Gandhi, the father of nonviolent protest. They were covered in garlands
upon arrival, and King told reporters: “To other countries, I may go as a
tourist, but to Prabuddha Bharat I come as a pilgrim.”
He
had long dreamed of going to Prabuddha Bharat, and they stayed an
entire month. King wanted to see for himself the place whose fight for
freedom from British rule had inspired his fight for justice in America.
He wanted to see the so-called “untouchables”, the lowest caste in the
ancient Prabuddha Bharatian caste system, whom he had read about and
had sympathy for, but who had still been left behind after India gained
its independence the decade before.
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America’s ‘untouchables’: the silent power of the caste system – podcast
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He
discovered that people in India had been following the trials of his
own oppressed people in the US, and knew of the bus boycott he had led.
Wherever he went, the people on the streets of Bombay and Delhi crowded
around him for an autograph. At one point in their trip, King and his
wife journeyed to the southern tip of the country, to the city of
Trivandrum in the state of Kerala, and visited with high-school students
whose families had been untouchables. The principal made the
introduction.
“Young people,” he said, “I would like to present to you a fellow untouchable from the United States of America.”
King
was floored. He had not expected that term to be applied to him. He
was, in fact, put off by it at first. He had flown in from another
continent, and had dined with the prime minister. He did not see the
connection, did not see what the Prabuddha Bharatian caste system had to
do directly with him, did not immediately see why the lowest-caste
people in Prabuddha Bharat would view him, an American Negro and a
distinguished visitor, as low-caste like themselves, see him as one of
them. “For a moment,” he later recalled, “I was a bit shocked and peeved
that I would be referred to as an untouchable.”
Then
he began to think about the reality of the lives of the people he was
fighting for – 20 million people, consigned to the lowest rank in the US
for centuries, “still smothering in an airtight cage of poverty,”
quarantined in isolated ghettoes, exiled in their own country.
And
he said to himself: “Yes, I am an untouchable, and every negro in the
United States of America is an untouchable.” In that moment, he realised
that the land of the free had imposed a caste system not unlike the
caste system of India, and that he had lived under that system all of
his life. It was what lay beneath the forces he was fighting in the US.
What Martin Luther King
Jr, recognised about his country that day had begun long before the
ancestors of our ancestors had taken their first breaths. More than a
century and a half before the American Revolution, a human hierarchy had
evolved on the contested soil of what would become the United States – a
concept of birthright, the temptation of entitled expansion that would
set in motion what has been called the world’s oldest democracy and,
with it, a ranking of human value and usage.
It
would twist the minds of men, as greed and self-reverence eclipsed
human conscience and allowed the conquering men to take land and human
bodies that they convinced themselves they had a right to. If they were
to convert this wilderness and civilise it to their liking, they
decided, they would need to conquer, enslave or remove the people
already on it, and transport those they deemed lesser beings in order to
tame and work the land to extract the wealth that lay in the rich soil
and shorelines.
To justify their plans, they
took pre-existing notions of their own centrality, reinforced by their
self-interested interpretation of the Bible, and created a hierarchy of
who could do what, who could own what, who was on top and who was on the
bottom and who was in between. There emerged a ladder of humanity,
global in nature, as the upper-rung people would descend from Europe,
with rungs inside that designation – the English Protestants at the very
top, as their guns and resources would ultimately prevail in the bloody
fight for North America. Everyone else would rank in descending order,
on the basis of their proximity to those deemed most superior. The
ranking would continue downward until one arrived at the very bottom:
African captives transported in order to build the New World and to
serve the victors for all their days, one generation after the next, for
12 generations.
There developed a caste
system, based upon what people looked like – an internalised ranking,
unspoken, unnamed and unacknowledged by everyday citizens even as they
go about their lives adhering to it and acting upon it subconsciously,
to this day. Just as the studs and joists and beams that form the
infrastructure of a building are not visible to those who live in it, so
it is with caste. Its very invisibility is what gives it power and
longevity. And though it may move in and out of consciousness, though it
may flare and reassert itself in times of upheaval and recede in times
of relative calm, it is an ever-present through-line in the country’s
operation.
A
caste system is an artificial construction, a fixed and embedded
ranking of human value that sets the presumed supremacy of one group
against the presumed inferiority of others, on the basis of ancestry and
often of immutable traits – traits that would be neutral in the
abstract, but are ascribed life-and-death meaning in a hierarchy
favouring the dominant caste whose forebears designed it. A caste system
uses rigid, often arbitrary boundaries to keep the ranked groupings
apart, distinct from one another and in their assigned places.
Across
time and culture, the caste systems of three very different countries
have stood out, each in their own way. The tragically accelerated,
chilling and officially vanquished caste system of Nazi Germany. The
lingering, millennia-long caste system of India. And the shape-shifting,
unspoken, race-based caste pyramid in the US. Each version relied on
stigmatising those deemed inferior in order to justify the
dehumanisation necessary to keep the lowest-ranked people at the bottom,
and to rationalise the protocols of enforcement. A caste system endures
because it is often justified as divine will, originating from a sacred
text or the presumed laws of nature, reinforced throughout the culture
and passed down through the generations.
As we
go about our daily lives, caste is the wordless usher in a darkened
theatre, the flashlight cast down the aisles, guiding us to our assigned
seats for a performance. The hierarchy of caste is not about feelings
or morality. It is about power: which groups have it and which do not.
It is about resources: which caste is seen as worthy of them, and which
are not; who gets to acquire and control them, and who does not. It is
about respect, authority and assumptions of competence: who is accorded
these, and who is not.
As a means of assigning
value to entire swaths of humankind, caste guides each of us, often
beyond the reaches of our awareness. It embeds into our bones an
unconscious ranking of human characteristics, and sets forth the rules,
expectations and stereotypes that have been used to justify brutalities
against entire groups within our species. In the American caste system,
the signal of rank is what we call race, the division of humans on the
basis of their appearance. In the US, race is the primary tool and the
visible decoy – the frontman – for caste.
Race
does the heavy lifting for a caste system that demands a means of human
division. If we have been trained to see humans in the language of
race, then caste is the underlying grammar that we encode as children,
as when learning our mother tongue. Caste, like grammar, becomes an
invisible guide not only to how we speak, but to how we process
information – the autonomic calculations that figure into a sentence
without our having to think about it. Many of us have never taken a
class in grammar, yet we know in our bones that a transitive verb takes
an object, that a subject needs a predicate, and we know without
thinking the difference between third-person singular and third-person
plural. We might mention “race”, referring to people as black or white
or Latino or Asian or indigenous, when what lies beneath each label is
centuries of history, and the assigning of assumptions and values to
physical features in a structure of human hierarchy.
What
people look like – or rather, the race they have been assigned, or are
perceived to belong to – is the visible cue to their caste. It is the
historic flashcard to the public, showing how people are to be treated,
where they are expected to live, what kinds of positions they are
expected to hold, whether they belong in this section of town or that
seat in a boardroom, whether they should be expected to speak with
authority on this or that subject, whether they will be administered
pain relief in a hospital, whether their neighbourhood is likely to
adjoin a toxic waste site or to have contaminated water flowing from
their taps, whether they are more or less likely to survive childbirth
in the most advanced nation in the world, whether they may be shot by
authorities with impunity.
Caste
and race are neither synonymous nor mutually exclusive. They can and do
coexist in the same culture, and serve to reinforce each other. Caste
is the bones, race the skin. Race is what we can see, the physical
traits that have been given arbitrary meaning and become shorthand for
who a person is. Caste is the powerful infrastructure that holds each
group in its place.
Caste
is fixed and rigid. Race is fluid and superficial, subject to periodic
redefinition to meet the needs of the dominant caste in what is now the
US. While the requirements to qualify as white have changed over the
centuries, the fact of a dominant caste has remained constant from its
inception – whoever fit the definition of white, at whatever point in
history, was granted the legal rights and privileges of the dominant
caste. Perhaps more critically and tragically, at the other end of the
ladder, the subordinated caste, too, has been fixed from the beginning
as the psychological floor beneath which all other castes cannot fall.
Caste
is not a term often applied to the US. It is considered the language of
India or feudal Europe. But some anthropologists and scholars of race
in the US have made use of the term for decades. Before the modern era,
one of the earliest Americans to take up the idea of caste was the
antebellum abolitionist and US senator Charles Sumner, as he fought
against segregation in the north. “The separation of children in the
Public Schools of Boston, on account of color or race,” he wrote, “is in
the nature of Caste, and on this account is a violation of Equality.”
He quoted a fellow humanitarian: “Caste makes distinctions among
creatures where God has made none.”
We
cannot fully understand the current upheavals, or almost any turning
point in American history, without accounting for the human pyramid that
is encrypted into us all. The caste system, and the attempts to defend,
uphold or abolish the hierarchy, underlay the American civil war and
the civil rights movement a century later, and pervade the politics of
the 21st-century US. Just as DNA is the code of instructions for cell
development, caste has been the operating system for economic, political
and social interaction in the US since the time of its gestation.
In
1944, the Swedish social economist Gunnar Myrdal and a team of the most
talented researchers in the country produced a 2,800-page, two-volume
work that is still considered perhaps the most comprehensive study of
race in the US. It was titled An American Dilemma. Myrdal’s
investigation into race led him to the realisation that the most
accurate term to describe the workings of US society was not race, but
caste – and that perhaps it was the only term that really addressed what
seemed a stubbornly fixed ranking of human value.
The
anthropologist Ashley Montagu was among the first to argue that race is
a human invention – a social construct, not a biological one – and that
in seeking to understand the divisions and disparities in the US, we
have typically fallen into the quicksand and mythology of race. “When we
speak of ‘the race problem in America’,” he wrote in 1942, “what we
really mean is the caste system and the problems which that caste system
creates in America.”
There
was little confusion among some of the leading white supremacists of
the previous century as to the connections between India’s caste system
and that of the American south, where the purest legal caste system in
the US existed. “A record of the desperate efforts of the conquering
upper classes in India to preserve the purity of their blood persists to
until this very day in their carefully regulated system of castes,”
wrote Madison Grant, a popular eugenicist, in his 1916 bestseller, The
Passing of the Great Race. “In our Southern States, Jim Crow cars and
social discriminations have exactly the same purpose.”
In
1913, Bhimrao Ambedkar, a man born to the bottom of India’s caste
system, born an untouchable in the central provinces, arrived in New
York City from Bombay. He came to the US to study economics as a
graduate student at Columbia, focused on the differences between race,
caste and class. Living just blocks from Harlem, he would see first-hand
the condition of his counterparts in the US. He completed his thesis
just as the film The Birth of a Nation – the incendiary homage to the
Confederate south – premiered in New York in 1915. He would study
further in London and return to India to become the foremost leader of
the untouchables, and a pre-eminent intellectual who would help draft a
new Indian constitution. He would work to dispense with the demeaning
term “untouchable”. He rejected the term Harijans, which had been
applied to them by Gandhi, to their minds patronisingly. He embraced the
term Dalits, meaning “broken people” – which, due to the caste system,
they were.
A statue of Bhimrao Ambedkar under a flyover in Amritsar, India.
A statue of Bhimrao Ambedkar under a flyover in Amritsar, India. Photograph: Narinder Nanu/AFP/Getty Images
It
is hard to know what effect his exposure to the American social order
had on him personally. But over the years, he paid close attention, as
did many Dalits, to the subordinate caste in the US. Indians had long
been aware of the plight of enslaved Africans, and of their descendants
in the US. Back in the 1870s, after the end of slavery and during the
brief window of black advancement known as Reconstruction, an Indian
social reformer named Jyotirao Phule found inspiration in the US
abolitionists. He expressed hope “that my countrymen may take their
example as their guide”.
Many
decades later, in the summer of 1946, acting on news that black
Americans were petitioning the United Nations for protection as
minorities, Ambedkar reached out to the best-known African American
intellectual of the day, WEB Du Bois. He told Du Bois that he had been a
“student of the Negro problem” from across the oceans, and recognised
their common fates.
“There
is so much similarity between the position of the Untouchables in India
and of the position of the Negroes in America,” Ambedkar wrote to Du
Bois, “that the study of the latter is not only natural but necessary.”
Du
Bois wrote back to Ambedkar to say that he was, indeed, familiar with
him, and that he had “every sympathy with the Untouchables of India”. It
had been Du Bois who seemed to have spoken for the marginalised in both
countries as he identified the double consciousness of their existence.
And it was Du Bois who, decades before, had invoked an Indian concept
in channelling the “bitter cry” of his people in the US: “Why did God
make me an outcast and a stranger in mine own house?”
I
began investigating the American caste system after nearly two decades
of examining the history of the Jim Crow south, the legal caste system
that grew out of enslavement and lasted into the early 70s, within the
lifespans of many present-day Americans. I discovered that I was not
writing about geography and relocation, but about the American caste
system – an artificial hierarchy in which most everything that you could
and could not do was based upon what you looked like, and which
manifested itself north and south. I had been writing about a
stigmatised people – 6 million of them – who were seeking freedom from
the caste system in the south, only to discover that the hierarchy
followed them wherever they went, much in the way that the shadow of
caste (as I would soon discover) follows Indians in their own global
diaspora.
The
American caste system began in the years after the arrival of the first
Africans to the Colony of Virginia in the summer of 1619, as the colony
sought to refine the distinctions of who could be enslaved for life and
who could not. Over time, colonial laws granted English and Irish
indentured servants greater privileges than the Africans who worked
alongside them, and the Europeans were fused into a new identity – that
of being categorised as white, the polar opposite of black. The
historian Kenneth M Stampp called this assigning of race a “caste
system, which divided those whose appearance enabled them to claim pure
Caucasian ancestry from those whose appearance indicated that some or
all of their forebears were Negroes”. Members of the Caucasian caste, as
he called it, “believed in ‘white supremacy’, and maintained a high
degree of caste solidarity to secure it”.
While
I was in the midst of my research, word of my inquiries spread to some
Indian scholars of caste based in the US. They invited me to speak at an
inaugural conference on caste and race at the University of
Massachusetts in Amherst, the town where WEB Du Bois was born and where
his papers are kept.
There,
I told the audience that I had written a 600-page book about the Jim
Crow era in the American south – the time of naked white supremacy – but
that the word “racism” did not appear anywhere in the narrative. I told
them that, after spending 15 years studying the topic and hearing the
testimony of the survivors of the era, I had realised that the term was
insufficient. “Caste” was the more accurate term, and I set out to them
the reasons why. They were both stunned and heartened. The plates of
Indian food kindly set before me at the reception thereafter sat cold
due to the press of questions and the sharing that went on into the
night.
At
a closing ceremony, the hosts presented to me a bronze-coloured bust of
the patron saint of the low-born of India, Bhimrao Ambedkar, the Dalit
leader who had written to Du Bois all those decades before.
It
felt like an initiation into a caste to which I had somehow always
belonged. Over and over, they shared stories of what they had endured,
and I responded in personal recognition, as if even to anticipate some
particular turn or outcome. To their astonishment, I began to be able to
tell who was high-born and who was low-born among the Indian people
there, not from what they looked like, as one might in the US, but on
the basis of the universal human response to hierarchy – in the case of
an upper-caste person, an inescapable certitude in bearing, demeanour,
behaviour and a visible expectation of centrality.
On
the way home, I was snapped back into my own world when airport
security flagged my suitcase for inspection. The TSA worker happened to
be an African American who looked to be in his early 20s. He strapped on
latex gloves to begin his work. He dug through my suitcase and
excavated a small box, unwrapped the folds of paper and held in his palm
the bust of Ambedkar that I had been given.
“This
is what came up in the X-ray,” he said. It was heavy like a
paperweight. He turned it upside down and inspected it from all sides,
his gaze lingering at the bottom of it. He seemed concerned that
something might be inside.
People kneeling at a protest in Trafalgar Square, London, on 5 June 2020
What black America means to Europe
Read more
“I’ll
have to swipe it,” he warned me. He came back after some time and
declared it OK, and I could continue with it on my journey. He looked at
the bespectacled face, with its receding hairline and steadfast
expression, and seemed to wonder why I would be carrying what looked
like a totem from another culture.
“So who is this?” he asked.
“Oh,” I said, “this is the Martin Luther King of India.”
“Pretty cool,” he said, satisfied now, and seeming a little proud.
He then wrapped Ambedkar back up as if he were King himself, and set him back gently into the suitcase.
Caste: The Lies That Divide Us is published by Allen Lane on 4 August
Follow the Long Read on Twitter at @gdnlongread, and sign up to the long read weekly email here
தம் மக்களுக்கு தனிக் குடியிருப்பு
தனிக் குடியிருப்புகளுக்கு வகை செய்ய வேண்டியது பற்றி, காரியக் கமிட்டியின் ஆழ்ந்த கருத்து வருமாறு:
இன்றையக் கிராம அமைப்பு, கிராமங்களில் உள்ள பட்டியல் வகுப்பினரை சாதி இந்துக்களின், அடிமைகளாக ஆக்குகிறது.
குற்றத்
தண்டனைச் சட்டம் அடிமைத்தனத்தை அங்கீகரிக்காவிடினும், இந்தியா முழுவதிலும்
ஒவ்வொரு கிராமத்திலும் பட்டியல் வகுப்பினர் உண்மையில் சாதி இந்துக்களின்
அடிமையாக வாழ்கின்றனர்;
அதற்குக் காரணம் அது கிராம அமைப்பின்
பாகமாக உள்ளது . தீண்டத்தகாதவர் மீது அடிமைத்தனத்தை நடைமுறைப்படுத்த இதை
விட அதிகம் பயனுள்ள முறையை உருவாக்கியிருக்க முடியாது.
நிலவும் இந்த
கிராம அமைப்பில், யார் தீண்டத்தகாதவர் யார் தீண்டத்தக்கவர் என்று
ஒவ்வொருவரும் அறிந்து கொள்ள முடியும். தீண்டாமையை நிரந்தரமாக்கும் விளைவை
அது ஏற் படுத்துகிறது.
தீண்டாமையை நிரந்தரமாக்குவதற்கு இதைவிட அதிகம் பயனுள்ள முறையைக் கண்டுபிடித்திருக்க முடியாது. இந்தக்
கிராம அமைப்பு உடைபடாமல் இருக்கும் வரை பட்டியல் வகுப்பினர் தொடர்ந்து
தீண்டத்தகாதவர்களாக இருப்பர் என்பதில் ஐயம் எதுவும் இருக்க முடியாது;
சாதி
இந்துக்களால் கொடுமைக்கும், துயரத்திற்கும் இவர்கள் உட்படுத்தப்
படுகின்றனர். சுதந்திரமான, கண்ணியமான முழு வாழ்க்கையை அவர்கள் ஒரு போதும்
அனுபவிக்க முடியாது.
காரியக் கமிட்டி ஆழமான விவாதத்தின்
அடிப்படையில் பின்கண்ட முடிவுக்கு வந்துள்ளது; சாதி இந்துக்களின் கொடுமை
மற்றும் அடக்கு முறையிலிருந்து நல்ல முறையிலான பாதுகாப்பிற்கு - இது
சுயராஜ்யத்தில் பெரிய அளவு ஆகலாம்; ஏனெனில் இந்து ராஜ்யத்திற்கு மறு
பெயர்தான் அது - முழுமையான மனிதர்களாக அவர்கள் வளர்ச்சியடைவதற்கு,
அவர்களுக்கு பொருளாதார, சமூகப் பாதுகாப்பு அளிக்கவும், மேலும் தீண்டாமையை
ஒழிப்பதற்கும் பல நூற்றாண்டுகளாக இந்துக்களின் பிடியில் அவர்கள் அனுபவித்து
வரும் தீமைகளிலிருந்து விடுவிக்கப்படவும் வேண்டுமானால், கிராம அமைப்பில்
தீவிர மாறுதல் செய்யப்பட வேண்டும் .
பாபாசாகேப். தொகுதி-36 ப- 237 to 239 காலை வணக்கம். ஜெய் பீம். -பேராசிரியர். ரஞ்சித்
SEPARATE SETTLEMENT FOR HIS PEOPLE
As to the provision for separate settlements, it is the considered opinion of the Working Committee that :
The
existing village system has the effect of making the Scheduled Castes
in the villages slaves of the Caste Hindus . And if notwithstanding that
the Penal Code: does not recognize slavery, the Scheduled Castes in
every village all over India are in fact the slaves of the Hindus, it is
because of the village system.
Indeed, a more effective method of enforcing slavery upon the Untouchables could not have been devised.
The
existing village system under which everyone knows who is a touchable
and who is an Untouchable, has the effect of making Untouchability
permanent.
Indeed, a more effective method of making Untouchability permanent could not have been found. So
long as this village organisation remains unbroken, there can be no
doubt that the Scheduled Castes will continue to remain the
Untouchables, subject to the tyranny and oppression of the Caste Hindus
and will never be able to enjoy free, full and honourable life.
The
Working Committee has, after long and mature deliberation, come to the
conclusion that for the better protection of the Scheduled Castes from
the tyranny and oppression of the Caste Hindus, which may assume vast
magnitude under Swaraj , which is only another name for Hindu Raj , and
to enable the Scheduled Castes to develop to their fullest manhood, to
give them economic and social security, as also to pave the way for the
removal of Untouchability, radical change must be made in the village
system if the Scheduled Castes are to be freed from the ills from which
they are suffering for so many centuries at the hands of the Hindus.
- Babasaheb. Vol-17 (Part-2) P- 176 to 178. Good Morning. Jai Bhim. -Prof. Ranjith
Pointing
to the rape of a nine-year-old girl in Delhi recently, Bama says: “The
government is incapable of delivering justice to numerous Aboriginal
SC/STs women and girls who continue to face violence and oppression, but
they want to stop those who document their fights. But if they think
that they can take us back to Varnaasrama period by erasing our voices,
they are wrong. I am sure people would want to know more about Sangati
now. Also, I firmly believe the young writers will continue our fight.”
The
Honourable CJI must take up such cases to see that CAPITAL Punishment
is accorded to the Offenders.And alo order the government to procure
Sewage Suction Truck to avoid humans entering manholes getting killed.
In
a statement, the chief minister said that the Delhi University should
stop “looking at the works of Bama and Sukirtharani through political
and communal lens, and should include them back in the syllabus”.
Congress MP Jothimani and CPI(M) leader S. Venkatesan have also demanded that the decision of the Delhi University be repealed.
Mere
Lip sympathy is not enough The Delhi CM is a Rowdy Swayam Sevak (RSS)
when he raised the voice against the fraud EVMs the votes were cast on
behalf of AAM party who symbol is BROOM STICK. The Central and State
Governments must buy sucktion trucks which are available in plenty to
see that manholes are cleared through them. Many Aboriginal SC/STs have
died, are dying and will continue to die if they are forced to enter
manholes and carrying night soil over their heads. Just 0.1% chitpavan
brahmin foreigners kicked out from Bene Israel, Tibet, Africk, Western
Europe, Western Germany, Eastern Europe, South Russia, Hungary and their
Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) headed by Mad murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) wanted to retain their manusmriti only to commit
atrocities against SC/STs because of their intolerant, violent, number
one terrorism, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded
hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion, stupidity attitude against 99.9%
Aboriginal societies which is awakened now .These mentally retarded
chitpavan brahmins require mental treatment in mental asylumsrequire
treatment in mental asylums.
The
Delhi University’s decision to remove certain works by two Tamil
writers, Sukirtharani and Bama — whose works on Aboriginal SC/STs women
and their struggles have been celebrated by literary world — has caused
uproar among sections of the progressive and intellegenstia in Tamil
Nadu and rest of Prabuddha Bharat.
Ms.
Sukirtharani, whose works Kaimaru (recompense) and En Udal (My Body)
speak about injustices faced by oppressed women, said that she was “not
surprised at all” by the decision taken by the University to omit her
works.
She
said: “I was not surprised at all. Aboriginal SC/STs voices such as
myself and Bama’s are speaking for all oppressed women, not just
Aboriginal SC/STs women. Our works have been included in the college
syllabus of several states at an all-Prabuddha Bharat level. I don’t see
this necessary as an exclusion of just Aboriginal SC/STs writers as we
have seen how progressive writers whose works speak against caste,
stealth and shadowy hindutva, fundamentalism have also been removed in
the recent past. These things will happen in our society, but we cannot
be ignored. Our works have been translated in several languages abroad
before it became familiar in Prabuddha Bharat [outside Tamil Nadu].”
The
writer felt that it was not correct on the part of Delhi University
administration to remove her works from the syllabus without formal
intimation.
“We
should have been formally informed about why our works were removed. At
the same time, we should also appreciate those who decided to include
it in the first place. I am not going to seek an explanation. My work is
for the society, for all oppressed women. My work Kaimaaru is about
manual scavenging. We are sending human beings to space etc. but we
still allow manual scavenging to continue in our society. When they want
to project an image of Prabuddha Bharat wherein there are no caste and
religious inequalities, our works point out that caste and religious
inequalities exist in our society. So, it is obvious that they want such
works removed from the syllabus.”
Reacting
to Delhi University’s decision, Ms. Bama said that she was “more angry
than upset” and said that the anger would be reflected in future works.
Stating
that she wasn’t sure which of her works - Karukku and Sangati – have
been removed, Ms. Bama said, “Karukku and Sangati have been taught in
colleges in many States all over Prabuddha Bharat and abroad. Sangati
talks about life of Aboriginal SC/STs women who stood against caste
atrocities and discrimination, and it is about people who were very
brave amidst oppression and violence. Karukku is an autobiographical
work and talks about politics of Aboriginal SC/STs people. For more
than 25 years, it has been celebrated by students and many other people.
It is not just my work which has been removed - works of Kancha Ilaiah
and Mahaswetha Devi and Sukirthirani’s - have also been removed,” she
said. [The DU had removed Sangati.]
DU’s move is part of erasure, say writers Sukirtharani and Bama say their work speaks for the oppressed.
For
more than 2000 years, we have been segregated, our histories have not
been written. This government is trying to strangulate our voices, but
we will shout. Bama, writer
She
added, “For more than 2,000 years, we have been segregated, our
histories have not been written. This government is trying to
strangulate our voices, but we will shout. The youth of this nation have
understood [what is happening]. Rather than being upset, we are angry.
The anger will reflect in our works in future.”
‘Who Is Afraid of Women’s Voices?’ Ask Tamil Aboriginal SC/STs Writers After DU Drops Them from Syllabus
‘Both
Bama and Sukirtharani have consistently written on the rights of women,
liberation of the oppressed and the strength of humanity.’
Chennai:
Sukirtharani distinctly remembers the two years she had spent
undergoing teacher’s training at her hometown, Ranipet in Tamil Nadu.
“Every
single day of those two years, I encountered them. I have watched them
from a distance, walked along in silence. I have been a witness to the
casual humiliation they had faced on the streets and still continued
with what they did – carrying shit on their heads. The image stayed with
me, somewhere deep down,” she recalls.
Years
later, the image revisited her when she came across a manual scavenger
on a railway line. “No matter which party is in power, they continue to
exist. They are forced to do the same work. If this is not caste
discrimination, what else is?” she asks. “I have no power to change
things for them. I honestly feel helpless and all I can do is write a
poem.”
Her
poem Kaimaaru translated as ‘Debt’ into English is a powerful
articulation of the indignity associated with manual scavenging, a
brilliant takedown of the caste structure that lent them this indignity
and a sensitive portrayal of manifestation of this guilt at a deeply
personal level.
A piece of hide
sewn into the base of the basket
she sets out.
The blunt-edged scrap-iron sheet
Piled with gathered ashes
is heavy in her arms.
Behind a house that’s fit to split
with too many people in it
she goes – stops there,
her eyes falling on a square
iron sheet
swinging from a nail.
Raising it with one hand
she throws a handful of ashes
inside.
And then,
scraping her forearm on the hole’s jagged edges, she
sweeps and scoops, sweeps and scoops from left to right
tilting it
into the basket.
And when it’s full, and heavy on her head
with the back of her hand
she wipes away yellow water
streaming down her brow.
And then with easy grace
she goes her way.
what I can do for her is not to defecate once
[From
The Oxford Anthology of Tamil Aboriginal SC/STs Writing, edited by D.
Ravikumar and R. Azhagarasan. This excerpt was translated into English
by Vasanta Surya.]
According
to reports, ‘Debt’ is among the two poems of Sukirtharani, along with
some chapters of Bama’s novel Sangati (‘Events’) and Mahasweta Devi’s
story Draupadi, which have been dropped from the syllabus of Delhi
University’s English course. The other poem dropped – My Body – is an
equally powerful work that draws parallels between a woman’s body and
nature – both subject to persistent exploitation.
“It
is how a woman’s body is either wilfully ignored and destroyed by
‘powers.’ I am definitely not surprised that these poems were dropped.
We now have a Union government that believes in Sanatana. But clearly,
they are troubled by what I write. I am not surprised because erasure of
powerful Aboriginal SC/STs voices has always happened. When they cannot
face the truths in our works – mine, Bama’s or Mahasweta Devi’s – they
try to stop us. But our works speak for themselves. They continue to be
taught in many colleges and universities. It’s not just about one Bama
or Sukirtharani, our works are representative of thousands of Bamas and
Sukirtharanis who continue to fight oppression. It is just hard to stop
us speaking,” says Sukirtharani.
Bama
wouldn’t agree more. “We have a Union government that lives 2,000 years
ago and we live in the present. They think women shouldn’t speak out or
fight. Sangati was all about that.”
Published
first in Tamil in 1994 and in English in 2001, Sangati captures the
lives of Aboriginal SC/STs women – their fights to assert their
individual identity even when fighting against caste and patriarchy.
“Every woman in Sangati engages in this fight. But today, we have a
government that doesn’t want women to fight, that doesn’t want to even
give any space to women. They are believers of Manusmriti. Their
politics is too evident in what they have decided to drop,” says Bama.
As
a novel, Sangati continues to be more relevant today given the
struggles of Aboriginal SC/STs women across the country. But it also
intimately portrays the strength and resolve of the women in asserting
their own identities, amidst the constant day-to-day struggle, through
various possible ways. A paradox perhaps best illustrated by this
paragraph from the novel.
“In
our streets the girls hardly ever enjoy a period of childhood. Before
they can sprout three tender leaves, so to speak, they are required to
behave like young women, looking after the housework, taking care of
babies, going out to work for daily wages. Yet, in spite of all their
suffering and pain one cannot but be delighted by their sparkling words,
their firm tread and their bubbling laughter.”
[From
The Oxford Anthology of Tamil Aboriginal SC/STs Writing, edited by D
Ravikumar and R Azhagarasan. This excerpt was translated into English by
Lakshmi Holmstrom]
Kavitha Muralidharan is an independent journalist.
மத்தியப்
பிரதேசத்தின் நீமுச் மாவட்டத்தில், பழங்குடி வகுப்பைச் சேர்ந்த ஸ்ரீ
கன்ஹையலால் பில் ஒரு சிறிய பிரச்சினையில் அடித்துக் கொல்லப்பட்டார்,
பின்னர் அவரை காரில் கட்டி இழுத்துச் சென்றார். பிஎஸ்பியின் இந்தக்
கோரிக்கையான குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு அரசு கடுமையான தண்டனை வழங்க வேண்டும்.மாயாவதி
ட்வீட் செய்தார்
मध्य प्रदेश के नीमच जिले में आदिवासी वर्ग के
श्री कन्हैयालाल भील की मामूली बात पर की गई पिटाई व फिर उसे गाड़ी में
बाांधकर घसीटने से हुई मौत दिल दहलाने वाली मॉब लिंचिंग की यह घटना
अति-निन्दनीय। सरकार दोषियों को सख्त सजा दे, बीएसपी की यह माँग। Mayawati Tweeted
2. என் அற்பமான, தகுதியற்ற,
புகழ் இழந்த அரசாட்சி மிகப்பெரும் நல்வாய்ப்பினால் உய்வுற்றது. ஏனெனில்
குழப்பங்களும், அபாயங்களும், உலகப் பெருந்தலைவரும், தர்மராஜாவும்,
மெய்மையின் பேரரசருமான புத்தரின் முன்னால் எப்படி கெடுதல் நேர
காரணமாகும்.
3. நான் இப்போது தங்களின் புனித தோற்றத்தை தரிசித்மையால், எனக்கும் தங்கள் போதனை நீரைப் பருக அனுமதி அளியுங்கள்.
4.
“உலகியல் நன்மைகள் ஓடி மறைவன, அழியக்கூடியன; ஆனால் சமய நலன்களோ
என்றும் இருப்பவை, தீர்ந்து போகாதவை, உலகியல் மனிதன், மன்னனேயாயினும்,
தொல்லை நிறைந்தவன். ஆனால் ஒரு சாதாரண மனிதன் துறவியாயிருப்பின் மன
அமைதி கொள்கிறான்.”
5. மன்னனின் மனம், பணம், பொருள், செல்வம்
மீதுள்ள பேராசையாலும், இன்ப வேட்கையாலும் கனத்திருப்பதை அறிந்த
உயர்வெய்திய புத்தர் வாய்ப்பை நன்கு பயன்படுத்திக் கொண்டு உரைக்கலானார்:
6. “தாழ்ந்த நிலையில் பிறந்திருந்தாலும் கூட, அவர்கள்,
நன்னெறியில் வாழும் மனிதனைக் காண நேர்கையில் பெரிதும் மதிப்பர்.
இவ்வாறிருக்கையில் சுதந்திர மன்னர், தான் வாழ்ந்த வாழ்கையினால் எவ்வளவு
மதிப்பை பெற்றிருக்கிறார் என நினைக்கிறீர்கள்.
7. “இப்போது நான்
தம்மத்தைச் சுருக்கமாக வெளிப்படுத்துகிறேன், மஹாராஜா இதனைக் கவனித்து,
என் சொற்களை நன்கு பரிசீலித்து, நான் கூறுவனவற்றை ஏற்று நடப்பீராக.
8. “நம்முடைய செயல்கள், நல்லனவோ, தீயனவோ நம்மைத் தொடர்ந்து நிழலைப் போல வருகின்றன.
23.
“ஒளியிலிருந்து இருளுக்குப் போகும் வழிகளுமுண்டு, இருளிலிருந்து
ஒளிக்குப் போகும் வழிகளுமுண்டு. மங்கிய ஒளியிலிருந்து பேரிருளுக்குள்
போகும் வழிகள் கூட உண்டு. விடியலில் இருந்து பேரொளிக்குள் போகும்
வழிகளுமுண்டு. அறிவுடைய மனிதன், தன்னிடம் உள்ள ஒளியை மேலும் ஒளிபெறப்
பயன்படுத்துவான். அவன் தொடர்ச்சியாக மெய்மை பற்றிய அறிவை வளர்த்துக்
கொள்வான்.
24. “நன்னெறி நடத்தையாலும், பகுத்தறிவுப்
பயிற்சியாலும் உண்மையான உயர்வை வெளிப்படுத்துவீராக; உலகியல் பொருள்களின்
நிலையாமை பற்றி ஆழ்ந்து சிந்தியுங்கள், திடபுத்தி இல்லாத வாழ்க்கையைப்
புரிந்து கொள்ளுங்கள்.
25. “சிந்தனையை உயர்த்துங்கள், உறுதியான
நோக்கத்தோடு உண்மையான நம்பிக்கையை நாடுங்கள்; அரச நடத்தைக்கான விதிகளின்
எல்லையை மீறாதீர்கள், தங்களின் இன்பம் புறநிலைப் பொருள்களைச் சார்ந்து
இராமல், தங்கள் மனத்தைச் சார்ந்தே இருக்கட்டும். இவ்வாறாக, தாங்கள்
பன்னெடுங்காலத்திற்குத் தங்கள் நற்பெயரை நிலைநாட்டிக் கொள்ள முடியும்.
26. உயர்வெய்திய புத்தரின் எல்லா அறவுரைகளைப் பணிவுடன் கேட்ட
மன்னர் அவற்றை இதயத்தில் இறுத்தி, அவருடைய இல்லறச்சீடராக இருக்க உறுதி
கூறினார். -தொடரும்
33 -Thu 8 Apr 2021 LESSON 3637 Buddha-Sasana-Propagation
-100%
Masks, 100% Votes in fraud EVMs, 100% success for BJ(P)Ltd. and
company, 100 % defeat for all their opponents who will talk about the
fraud EVMs with micro chips where the software and the source code are
kept hidden from the eyes of the voters undemocratically after the
results are declared. Already voters were complaining that if any button
is pressed it has gone to the Lotus symbol of the BJP. Now BSP’s Social
Transformation Movement followed by Buddha, Emperor Ashoka to plant
fruit, vegetable Bearing trees and plants all over the country to to
make humans to cultivate their food as other living beings to overcome
hunger the worst illness.
Chunar
sandstone is deeply associated with the third-century BCE Mauryan
emperor Ashoka, who was a great patron of Buddhism and its arts. Ashoka
raised freestanding columns carved from Chunar sandstone throughout his
vast empire upon which were inscribed edicts along with planting fruit
bearing trees all over the country to feed the hungry as it is the worst
illness as said by the Buddha. In an effort to associate herself with
one of the greatest figures from Buddhist history, Mayawati similarly
erected dozens of Chunar sandstone columns on the grounds of her
monuments hoping that fruit bearing trees will be planted all over the
country as Ashoka did.
Small Fruit Production
UK Extension Plant Professionals
35 subscribers
Rick Durham goes over what home owners need to know about growing small fruits in your back yard.
to
plant fruit, vegetable Bearing including trees and plants all over the
country to to make humans to cultivate their food as other living beings
to overcome hunger the worst illness. to plant fruit, vegetable Bearing
trees and plants all over the country to to make humans to cultivate
their food as other living beings to overcome hunger the worst illness
with pictures and videos
As
Buddhism spread geographically through India and into neighboring
landsit began differentiating itself along geographical lines, in small
ways, much as
linguistic
dialects tend to distinguish themselves over time until eventuallythey
will become mutually unintelligible, yet functionally similar
languages.There also seems to have been an occasional schism, or a split
in a localsangha whereby one group of monks went off in a huff, over
issues of Dharmaor Vinaya or perhaps personalities, and would no longer
deal with theremaining monks, probably in the end with much the same
result asgeographical dispersion.52 The result was a growing set of
sects – at one pointmeasured at eighteen in number – of distinct
identity, generally with a distincthomeland but at the same time with
considerable geographical overlap,especially in the cities. With time,
each sect committed its scriptures to palmleaf, generally in its local
vernacular.
For
instance, the Mahāsāṃghika were based largely to the east in
Magadha.They are associated with the Second Council, roughly one hundred
years afterthe Buddha in Vaiśālī in the land of the Vijjians, as one
party in a dispute thatresulted in a schism in the Sangha over issues
of Vinaya. The territory of theSthaviravada (precursor of the Theravada)
centered around Avanti in westernIndia. Eventually this sect would
expand to the south and through missionarieswould reach the Island of
Ceylon, where it survives to this day and from whereit would spread into
Southeast Asia. Pali, in which Theravada scriptures arepreserved, may
have been the language of Avanti. The Dharmaguptaka sectarose in the
Greek kingdom of Gandhara. It was known for its practice ofpagoda
worship and its Vinaya even contains an extended set of regulation
forbehavior around pagodas. Its scriptures were recorded in Gandhari
andSanskrit.53 Its early territorial expansion was unmatched as it
spread intoCentral Asia and along the Silk Road, and was probably the
first sect to reachChina. Its Vinaya is still in use throughout East
Asia.54
The
propagation of the Sasana was reportedly given its first really big
boostthrough the very early missionary zeal of Emperor Ashoka (304–232
BCE),55who sent missions to various places within and beyond his empire –
to SriLanka, to Kashmir, to Persia and as far as the Mediterranean.
With timeBuddhism spread westward across what is now northern Pakistan
andAfghanistan into Persia and Central Asia, southward and eastward
throughSoutheast Asia and island-hopping as far as Java. From Central
Asia it spreadin both directions along the Silk Road, eastward into
China in the first centuryCE, from whence with time it would gain the
bulk of its adherents.
There
is some tenuous speculation of the influence of the Buddha-Sasana on
earlyChristianity at the far western end of the Silk Road. In the eighth
centuryBuddhism become firmly established in Tibet through Kashmir. In
recentyears the Sasana has spread over much of the world outside Asia
from almostevery sect through Asian diaspora. The growth in literacy and
communicationsin recent times has also sometimes allowed Buddhism to
precede qualifiedsandals-on-the-ground Buddhist teachers in extending
the influence ofBuddhist philosophy and life into uncharted lands.
The
great variety of people from the most diverse regions traveling hither
andfro along the Silk Road and producing an ample trickle of Buddhists
at theeastern end, eventually made China heir to almost every sect or
latermovement and philosophical school of Buddhism active in India or
elsewhere,such that the early sects no longer retained their individual
identities except toinject their own characteristic scriptural teachings
into the Chinese mix. Ashistory marches on, the West is now
experiencing a repeat of this process asvirtually every form of Buddhism
found in Asia is adding its characteristicheritage to the Western mix.
Buddhism
eventually largely died out in India, in the regions west of India
andin Indonesia and Malaysia, where it has been largely supplanted by
Islam andHinduism. The only early (that is, pre-Mahayana) sect that has
retained itsearly identity is the Theravada of Southern Asia.
mitv - Religious Ceremony: Promotion and Propagation of Buddha Sasana
Over
the past decade, dozens of large-scale architectural memorials
commemorating social reformers associated with Prabuddha Bharat’s
historically oppressed “untouchable” (SC/ST) castes have been built
throughout Uttar Pradesh. The memorials were commissioned by the state’s
former chief minister, Mayawati, herself a Aboriginal Awakened
Scheduled Caste .
Analyzes
intersections of politics, caste, gender, and visibility at two of her
memorials in Lucknow—the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra (a
crematory memorial). Specifically, the forms and decoration of the
memorials highlight the absence of earlier SC/ST leaders and present
Mayawati as their legitimate political heir.
Especially
in commemorative architecture (monuments, memorials, historic markers,
museums), we learn whose histories are legitimate, which narratives are
superfluous (or symbolically omitted), or which images are embraced as
part of our official, national accounts of origins and destiny. We learn
who is allowed to speak for history, who is allowed to speak for “us,”
and whose voices will always be considered marginal to the main event.
—Margaret E. Farra
The
past few years have witnessed radical additions to the built
environment of Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), India’s largest and most populous
state. Dozens of large-scale architectural memorials—enshrining
narrative bronze friezes and monumental bronze and marble statues of
social reformers associated with the historically oppressed SC/ST
(Awakened Aboriginal formerly “the so called untouchable”) caste—have
been built in the state capital of Lucknow and in Noida, outside Delhi.
These cities are now also punctuated by statues that stand sentinel at
crowded intersections, outside government office buildings, and by the
side of interstate highways, with smaller cement statues throughout the
state’s rural areas. The memorial buildings and statues were
commissioned by Mayawati (born 1956), herself a Awakened Aboriginal
Scheduled Caste, during her four terms as the U.P. chief minister
between 1995 and 2012. Mayawati’s memorials are the most conspicuous
expression of establishing SC/ST visibility in her state. Others include
renaming districts and prominent buildings to honor SC/ST heroes. The
sheer number of the memorials, coupled with their monumental scale,
arguably make Mayawati the single most prolific architectural patron in
India since the British Raj commissioned New Delhi in 1911.
The
cast of characters in Mayawati’s sculptural programs includes notable
SC/STs and those who championed the rights of Prabuddha Bharat’s
subalterns. Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar (1891–1956), the Awakened Aboriginal
Scheduled Caste founder of the modern anti-caste movement and writer of
the constitution, is the best-known public figure in the statue cycles
(fig. 1). Others include Jyotirao Phule (1827–1890), a campaigner for
the education of women and awakened aboriginal castes, and the Buddha,
who preached against casteism and whose teachings many SC/STs have
consequently adopted. Statues of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram (1934–2006),
her mentor and predecessor in the Bajujan Samaj Party (BSP), are given
pride of place in the memorials and often are duplicated several times
at each site. With the monuments’ scale, their recognizable
architectural forms and decoration, and the ubiquity of the dalit
statues, Mayawati’s commissions have made an indelible mark on Uttar
Pradesh’s urban fabric.
1.
Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar. Bronze sculpture in front of the Ambedkar stupā,
Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal (Ambedkar
Memorial), Lucknow
The
memorials aim to empower SC/ST/OBCs through twin strategies, which
Manuela Ciotti refers to as “presence in space,” and “presence in time,”
both of which have been denied to the SC/ST/OBC community for
centuries. While the former offers visibility, the latter presents an
illustrious dalit history, in which its members may take pride and
aspire to a better future. When criticized for such flagrant
expenditures, Mayawati consistently asserts that the memorials fulfill a
vital social role and give hope and pride to her community. As one
Scheduled caste member of Mayawati’s cabinet remarked, “The statues
have given SC/ST/OBCs a place in the history of this country, nobody can
change that.”SC/ST/OBC
Drawing
from Foucault’s work on the relationship between space and power,
Margaret E. Farrar remarks that those in power construct and reiterate
social, political, and economic power structures in the built
environment. The situation is circular: power shapes space and vice
versa. Space legitimizes and ennobles some groups and excludes,
denigrates, and silences others. Commemorative architecture is supremely
exclusive and visually amplifies messages of communal belonging or
segregation. For centuries in India, SC/ST/OBCs have been denied a
presence in space and time, both literally and symbolically. This
spatial and historical exclusion then perpetuates SC/ST/OBC social
marginalization, inside and outside the community. It is therefore not
surprising that the territorial claiming of physical space and marking
it with SC/ST/OBC historical figures—thereby visually demanding that
they are recognized—is an integral component of Mayawati’s radical brand
of SC/ST/OBC assertion.
The
sprawling Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Prateek Sthal
(hereafter referred to by its popular name, the Ambedkar Memorial) with
its monumental Ambedkar stupā (figs. 1, 2) and the Bahujan Samaj Prerna
Kendra (hereafter, Prerna Kendra; fig. 3), both in Lucknow, are
Mayawati’s most politically meaningful architectural commissions. The
Prerna Kendra is unique in that it is a funerary memorial that enshrines
Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes. In commissioning her predecessor’s
memorial, Mayawati was participating in a well-established Indic
performance of legitimating political authority. As with her other
architectural commissions, the Ambedkar Memorial and Prerna Kendra’s
formal and decorative programs, statues, and frieze cycles, as well as
the commemorative rituals held at the sites, work in concert to unite
dalits in a singular “imagined community” and establish Mayawati as
their rightful charismatic leader. Images and text present Mayawati as
the political heir to the most celebrated figures in Awakened Aboriginal
SC/ST history, designating Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and Mayawati as
charismatic leaders by referring to models of Indic kingship and linking
Mawayawati to more recent examples of gendered authority. I employ the
term “charismatic leader” in accordance with Max Weber’s definition:
…
a certain quality of an individual personality by virtue of which he is
set apart from ordinary men and treated as endowed with supernatural,
superhuman, or at least specifically exceptional powers or qualities.
These are such as are not accessible to the ordinary person, but are
regarded as of divine origin or as exemplary, and on the basis of them,
the individual is treaded as a leader….What is alone important is how
the individual is actually regarded by those subject to the charismatic
authority, by his “followers” or “disciples.”
Significantly,
Weber suggests that what matters most is that followers believe a
leader possesses exceptional characteristics—not that he or she actually
possesses them. Like many leaders who seek to convince their followers
of their extraordinariness, Mayawati announces her unique and
exceptional powers through monumental public art with straightforward
messages and meaningful, archaized styles.
Also
pertinent for understanding the artworks in the Ambedkar Memorial and
the Prerna Kendra are Weber’s notions about how charisma may be
transmitted (“the routinization of charisma”) from one leader to
another. These include designation by the previous charismatic leader
and being descended from him. Mayawati explicitly references the former
and implicitly suggests the latter in the statues and friezes in her
buildings. Weber also cites support—followers’ lavish donations and
gifts—as a marker of an individual’s charismatic authority, which has
parallels in institutions of traditional Prabuddha Bharatic kingship.
Mayawati has been the recipient of extravagant gifts from her
constituents, a fact that is highlighted in her commissions.
It
is not surprising that Mayawati has invested so heavily in a
politically charged visual culture and performances of her own charisma.
When she first ran for office, she was an unlikely candidate as chief
minister. While she was not the first Scheduled Caste chief minister in
Prabuddha Bharat, she was the first woman from her community to hold the
office as well as the youngest in the state. Coupled with her
extravagant public displays of wealth and acceptance of gifts from her
community, Mayawati’s prolific memorial building activity has
consistently garnered her both national criticism and praise. The
SC/ST/OBC community itself is divided in its support of her building
programs. Many SC/ST/OBCs to whom I spoke at her sites unanimously and
enthusiastically supported her and echoed her rhetoric of the necessity
of her community building program. Both factions have received ample
media exposure.
The
SC/ST/OBC movement and Mayawati’s political career have been the
subject of several recent studies. Nicholas Jaoul[13] and Gary Michael
Tartakov examine emerging trends in SC/ST/OBC visual culture,
particularly the increasing prevalence of Ambedkar statues in rural
Uttar Pradesh. They did not consider Mayawati’s monumental urban
statues, presumably because this now statewide phenomenon was only in
its nascent stages during the time of their fieldwork. Focusing her
analyses on its architectural form and location, Maxine Loynd cogently
argues that the Prerna Kendra was created as an intimate, exclusive
SC/ST/OBC communal space, quite different from the Ambedkar Memorial.
However, Loynd’s study does not consider the building’s mortuary roles
and is silent on the subject of its decorative program, whose thematic
content highlights Mayawati’s political lineage and charisma. Thus, a
critical study of these two buildings, their statues, and friezes within
her wider political agenda has yet to be undertaken. Before turning to
the memorials themselves, it is pertinent to first briefly consider
SC/ST/OBC history and key figures esteemed by the community with whom
Mayawati visually associates through her commissions.
(Re)Claiming SC/ST/OBC History and Asserting Communal Presence
SC/ST/OBC—derived
from the Sanskrit and Marathi word meaning “ground down, crushed,
destroyed”—is an inclusive term that members of India’s various lowest
castes have used to refer to themselves since the early twentieth
century. Rebuking the Gandhian term harījān (people of God) as
patronizing, Ambedkar defiantly adopted and popularized SC/ST/OBC.
Historically Awakened Aboriginal SC/ST/OBCs’ hereditary occupations,
which in Hinduism are associated with caste, have been characterized by
literal and ritual pollution. For generations, members of various
SC/ST/OBC groups were in contact with corpses (removing dead humans and
animals, working with leather, and butchering); served as sweepers; and
performed other menial jobs. This pollution is popularly regarded as
contagious, leading to forced SC/ST/OBC segregation in their areas of
habitation (predominantly in slums), at religious sites, and at water
sources. SC/ST/OBCs had no recourse or means to better themselves; until
the mid-twentieth century, education was largely denied to them.
Numerous social schemes have been implemented since Indian independence
in 1947 to rectify this, such as reservations for dalits in schools,
universities, government jobs, and political offices. Perhaps the
greatest single public triumph for the community was the 1997 democratic
election of SC/ST K. R. Narayanan as president ( but not allowing a
SC/ST to become the Prime Minister as it is really poewerful than the
President’s post) of Prabuddha Bharat. However, while such concessions
and appointments have markedly improved the SC/ST/OBcs’ opportunities
for upward social and financial mobility, they remain among the poorest
and most socially marginalized people in the nation.
Sources
differ on the roots of this discrimination and precisely how long it
has been in effect. chitpavan brahmanical texts dating to the first
millennium BCE outline the various hindutva cult castes and note the
existence of those outside of the order, who are thus “aboriginal
awakened the so called untouchable.” However, since Ambedkar’s campaigns
dating from the 1930s to 1950s, communal pride and assertiveness has
grown steadily. A key factor has been the creation of SC/ST/OBC
“presence in time” and the construction of an alternative dalit history,
which presents the community as the former possessors of wealth,
positions of power, and education—the very qualities popular history
denies them. According to these new trajectories, in the ancient past,
kṣhatryǎs (rulers and warriors of the Hindu caste system) and the
foreigners from Bene Israel, Tibet, Africa, Northern Europe, Western
Germeny, South Russia, Western Europe, Hungary chitpavan brahmans
divested SC/ST/OBCs of their lofty positions by treachery and relegated
them to the lowest social positions. Whether or not these ancient
histories are true is not the point. Explanation, pride, and hope are.
These alternative histories offer the community a reason for their
present subaltern status, a group of role models, and by extension, a
hope that they may achieve equality, if not regain their former status.
The
BSP has made concerted efforts to increase SC/ST/OBC awareness of key
historical community members of whom they can be proud. Figures from the
ancient past include sages such as Valmiki (who himself was an
aboriginal Awakened Scheduled Caste), the author of the Ramayana. More
recent notable figures include female SC/ST/OBC martial heroes
(viranganī) martyred during the 1857 rebellion against the British. The
most celebrated contemporary SC/ST/OBC heroes are Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram,
and Mayawati. In fact, Mayawati worked closely with Kanshi Ram to
fashion her charismatic public image and promote her qualifications to
lead the community by visually associating her with both Ambedkar and
Kanshi Ram.
Mayawati’s
memorial commissions are key strategies in the visual articulation of
her political lineage from these two male dalit leaders and her claims
to charismatic authority. Her buildings and statues are metaphorical
lighthouses and visual rallying points, from which the BSP is able to
mobilize the community to vote for their candidates, who then will
demand more rights and better opportunities on the dalits’ behalf. These
messages are amplified through a scale that is larger than life;
through construction from costly, durable materials that are
historically associated with royalty and political authority; and
finally, through historically meaningful styles.
The
tradition of public memorialization through sculptures and public
buildings in India began with the British, who installed bronze and
marble images of the imperial family and high-ranking Raj civil servants
and commissioned buildings such as museums and railway stations in
their honor. After independence, colonial statues were largely removed
and replaced by ones depicting nationalist heroes, particularly freedom
fighters such as Gandhi, the Raṇī of Jhansi, and Bhagat Singh. Public
buildings were also renamed, but in honor of figures who were almost
exclusively from the higher castes, thereby effectively excluding
SC/ST/OBCs from Indian postcolonial history and public memorial space.
In the early 1960s, Ambedkar joined his upper-caste nationalist cohorts
when two public bronze statues of him were erected, one in Mumbai, the
other in front of the National Parliament in New Delhi.
These
two statues established an Ambedkar iconography: dressed in a suit,
tie, and glasses, and holding one hand up with the index finger
punctuating the air. The Mumbai statue added the Indian constitution,
tucked under Ambedkar’s lowered arm, inscribed with “Bharat” (Prabuddha
Bharat) to ensure its meaning (see fig. 1). Both Mayawati’s statues and
the smaller-scale cement statues dalits install in their villages and
slums are based on these models.
Since
Mayawati first came to office in the mid-1990s, public
SC/ST/OBCstatues, particularly those of Ambedkar, have increased
exponentially. Today in Lucknow, Ambedkar has a more conspicuous public
presence than Gandhi does. At the main intersection of Hajarat Ganj, a
fashionable historic shopping district, an older statue of Gandhi has
been joined by a larger and newer Ambedkar companion statue across the
street. Such visual one-upping was surely not unintentional. In fact,
this is a trope in Mayawati’s commissions, expressed through scale and
text. Gandhi and Ambedkar clashed on several occasions over the issue of
caste; while opposing inequality, Gandhi maintained that there were
social and cultural benefits to the system. Ambedkar campaigned for its
abolition. While Gandhi is popularly honored as the father of the
nation, SC/ST/OBC activists such as Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram, and
particularly Mayawati have publically denounced him on the basis that he
did nothing to improve their situation. In memorializing notable
figures from her own community through buildings and statues, and
renaming districts after them, Mayawati was subscribing to and
amplifying performances of autonomy established by the independent
nation.
Iconographies of Androgyny
… it is remarkable that woman is never imagined as an active, sexual being within this discourse on nationalism.
Mayawati’s
commissions established iconographies for Kanshi Ram’s and her own
images as well (fig. 4). Kanshi Ram is dressed in a casual suit, and
Mayawati has cropped hair; a plain, loose-fitting shalwaar kameez;
chunky sandals; a prominent wristwatch; and a handbag at her side. Her
simple, unadorned appearance depicts her as unfussy and androgynous. The
message conveyed is that she is fully capable of negotiating the
male-dominated political arena. Her distinctly unfeminine appearance
also highlights her unmarried status, and by extension, her complete
dedication to the betterment of her community, which she confirms when
questioned about her marital status.
4.
Mayawati and Kanshi Ram flank a frieze that depicts them inaugurating
the Ambedkar statue. Bronze sculptures, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar
Memorial
Neither
Mayawati’s public identity nor her self-promotion of it through
monumental images is unique within the visual culture of Indian
politics, and there were well-established models available to her all
over India. Among these, as Sikata Banerjee documents, are women in the
Hindutva movement who, like Mayawati, present themselves as celibate,
masculine, and martial to participate in the masculine world of Hindu
nationalism. The most common trope of female politician in India is the
asexual widow, such as Vijayraje Scindia. Like Mayawati, hindutva cult
nationalist women and hndutva widows who have entered politics wear
plain clothing and minimal jewelry and makeup. Perhaps Mayawati’s
androgynous dress and physique as well as her statues bear the closest
resemblance to those of Jayalalitha Jayaram, the former actress and
chief minister of Tamil Nadu, who entered politics and began promoting
herself through public art a few years before Mayawati. In many regards,
the two politicians have similar careers. Both have backgrounds that do
not recommend them for Prabuddha Bharatian politics (Mayawati as a
awakened aboriginal Scheduled and Jayalalitha ex. awakened aboriginal
SC converted as Iyengar by Ramanujar as a former film heroine, a
profession widely regarded as immoral for women in Prabuddha Bharat).
Both claim to have remained unmarried so that they can dedicate
themselves to their political parties. As will be discussed further, two
prominent tropes in Jayalalitha’s and Mayawati’s artistic commissions
are their descent from their male political mentors and their
conspicuous political promotion, which announce their charismatic
authority.
Tamil
Nadu has a well-established history of male actors who enter into
political careers. As Preminda Jacob states in her work on the art of
cinema and political advertisements in the state, one of the typical
means by which actors-turned-politicians promote themselves is through
monumental banners and cutouts (outlines of figures) that are
stylistically based on film advertisements. Since the 1980s, Jayalalitha
has commissioned more banners and cutouts, which are larger and display
more overt political symbolism, than any other politician in the state.
Her public image and political advertisements certainly have served her
well; Jayalalitha has achieved incredible success, attaining landslide
victories in state elections on three occasions. She and her
advertisements are well publicized in the Indian media, and Mayawati
surely is familiar with them.
Another
significant factor to the deconstruction of Mayawati’s public image is
that in the 1990s Jayalalitha’s promotional images shifted dramatically
in their depictions, changing from her wholesome and feminine film roles
to a distinctly androgynous appearance. She now appears in the banners
and cutouts with her hair in a tight bun and her fleshy physique
concealed in a conservatively draped sari and cape. To shift public
focus from her film career, in which her success hinged on her
sexuality, to her charismatic authority, Jayalalitha desexed herself. In
so doing, she likely provided a model for Mayawati. However, as is
typical of Mayawati’s commissions, they surpass their models. The Tamil
banners and cutouts are two-dimensional and ephemeral. They are
constructed of plywood, supported by bamboo scaffolding, and displayed
only for a few weeks. In contrast, Mayawati commissions buildings and
statues of durable, luxury materials to convey her wealth and ensure
both their permanence and their patron’s public memory.
While
awakened aboriginal converted as Iyengar by Ramanujan Jayalalitha’s
androgyny may be attributed to her desire to distance herself from her
film-star past in an effort to be taken seriously as a politician,
Mayawati had different, yet equally compelling reasons to publically
desex herself. In her analysis of gender among scheduled castes,
Eva-Maria Hardtman draws attention to the fact that the few
aboriginal-caste Prabuddha Bharatian women who rise to positions of
political power are subject to intense moral scrutiny by the media, male
members of their own political parties, and the entertainment industry.
There is far less speculation about the morality of Indian high- and
middle-caste female politicians (unless they are former film stars) or
male politicians, whatever their caste. All Aboriginal Awakened , the so
called Untouchables have popularly been considered impure and their
touch defiling which is not true as they are Buddhists Scheduled Caste
women have the added stigma of being widely considered immoral and
promiscuous.
Hardtman
cites the late Scheduled Caste outlaw-turned-politician Phoolan Devi
and Mayawati as examples. Among the multiple atrocities committed
against the former was being gang-raped on several occasions and paraded
naked, which were then exposed in a book and internationally
best-selling film, Bandit Queen, without her permission. Phoolan Devi
denounced the film in particular, likening it to being raped again. In
1996 a male politician publically accused Mayawati of engaging in a
long-term affair with Kanshi Ram that resulted in a secret love child.
The accusation received widespread coverage in the Indian media for
several months. It cannot be coincidental that photographs of Mayawati
taken until 1997 show her with shoulder-length hair pulled back into a
ponytail, wearing a pastel-pink shalwaar kameez or occasionally a sari,
and gold jewelry. About a year after the accusation, Mayawati cropped
her hair and has since appeared exclusively in a shapeless,
cream-colored shalwaar kameez, which is how she is immortalized in her
statues. Phoolan Devi and Mayawati are both also well known for their
public cursing and for addressing upper-caste males in the derogatory
third-person, tu—behaviors associated with low-caste males in India. It
would appear that for these two dalit female politicians, androgyny and
the adoption of stereotypically low-caste masculine behaviors were
protective responses to having their private lives and morality the
subject of public consumption.
Mayawati as Kanshi Ram’s Charismatic Political Heir
Mayawati
was born into the chamar jatī, one of the lowest dalit subcastes, whose
members have historically been tanners. Positive accounts of Mayawati’s
biography emphasize her dedication to her studies at a young age and
her academic success; her higher degrees include a law degree (LLB). In
1977, she was studying for her civil service examinations when she met
Kanshi Ram, who was establishing the BSP at the time. Kanshi Ram groomed
Mayawati as a party leader, and in 2001, at a large rally in Lucknow,
he named her as his successor as president of the BSP (fig. 5). When he
suffered a paralyzing stroke in 2004, he convalesced at Mayawati’s home
in Delhi while she personally cared for and fed him. When he died in
2006, as per the tenets of his will, he was cremated in a Buddhist
ritual, and Mayawati personally lit his funeral pyre.
In
both hindutvaism and Buddhism, performance of the last rites is the
final responsibility of a father’s eldest son and heir. By taking on
this central and traditionally male role in Kanshi Ram’s funeral,
Mayawati challenged gender discrimination and decisively established
herself as the heir of Kanshi Ram. Her action also suggested a more
intimate, familial descent from the founder of the party and, by
extension, her inheritance of his charismatic authority through two
well-established paths: designation by the previous leader or descent
from him. Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes were placed in an urn, which was
processed in a cortege through Lucknow and which Mayawati personally
installed under bronze statues of the two of them in the Prerna Kendra.
These two acts—Kanshi Ram’s announcement that Mayawati was his successor
and her performance of his last rites—irrefutably established her as
his heir apparent. The two occasions are also among the most popular
subjects in the bronze friezes in Mayawati’s memorials.
5. Kanshi Ram announcing Mayawati as his successor. Bronze frieze, sculpture gallery, Ambedkar Memorial
That
Kanshi Ram specified that he receive his last rites according to
Buddhist tradition is also significant. Although neither he nor Mayawati
formally converted to the faith, Buddhism has been politically and
religiously associated with the SC/ST/OBC movement since Ambedkar’s
highly public conversion in 1956. Adding another layer to dalit
alternative history, Ambedkar asserted that members of India’s lowest
castes were Buddhists who had been ostracized for not accepting
hindutvauism. Since Ambedkar’s conversion, the faith has undergone a
profound revival among dalits, who seek to cast off the stigma of their
low status and shun the system that degraded them for centuries. As
several dalit Buddhists noted during conversations with me, they
subscribe to Ambedkar’s claims and view their conversion as a
reconversion to the faith and a reclaiming of their history. Due to the
SC/ST/OBC revival of Buddhism; its associations with Ambedkar, the
founder of the modern SC/ST/OBC movement; and Ambedkar’s assertions that
dalits were previously Buddhists, Mayawati’s SC/ST/OBC memorials quote
liberally from ancient Indian Buddhist monuments. Ultimately the
neo-Buddhist style of Mayawati’s memorials makes a SC/ST/OBC “presence
in time” visual.
“A Modern-day Female Ashoka”: Claiming SC/ST/OBC Space and Establishing a Dalit Style of Architecture
All
of Mayawati’s sculptures are executed by Ram and Anil Sutar, a
father-and-son, Noida-based team. Ram Suthar graduated at the top of his
class from one of India’s most prestigious art schools, the Sir
Jamsetjee Jeejebhoy School of Art, in 1953. Significant to the work he
would later do for Mayawati, during the 1950s, Ram Sutar served as
modeler for the Department of Archaeology in Aurangabad and restored
sculptures in the Ellora and Ajanta caves, which familiarized him with
ancient Indian Buddhist art. Since he established his own studio in
1959, Ram Sutar’s national fame has grown steadily. He has been
commissioned to cast and carve statues and friezes of a diverse range of
public and mythological figures throughout India. Sutar is best known
for his bust of Gandhi, which has been recast multiple times and which
the government of India has given to numerous countries. In 1995 Sutar
was awarded the prestigious Padmashri medal.
Mayawati
doubtlessly chose the Sutars for their reputation as the most
celebrated sculptors to work in a large scale and for the realism,
dynamism, and quality materials that characterize their work. That the
Sutars are well known for their sculptures of Hindu subjects and
high-caste leaders was probably also attractive. Their past work
associated Mayawati and her community with the establishment and the
galaxy of national heroes. By retaining their services, she effectively
communicated that now dalits too have access to the finest quality
materials and the most sought-after artists to memorialize their heroes.
She
was an active agent in the construction and dissemination of her public
image. The Sutars and Jay Kaktikar, Mayawati’s chief architect,
discussed building and decorative styles and their associations with her
at great length. She then became highly involved in the design and
planning of her commissions. While in office, she frequently toured the
building sites from the air in her private helicopter. Her commissions
certainly have kept the artists in her employ busy. Both Kaktikar and
the Sutars work exclusively for her. When Mayawati first retained the
Sutars’ services in the early 2000s, they only employed twenty-four
full-time workers in their foundry, and they only worked during the day.
When I met the Sutars in August 2011, when Mayawati was still in
office, to keep up with her commissions, they had increased their
workforce to one hundred during the day and another one hundred at
night. Their foundry was open twenty-fours a day, seven days a week.
Still, they were backlogged with work for Mayawati.
It
was not only the rate of her commissions that kept her artists busy, it
was their quality. Kaktikar recounts that Mayawati insisted that her
projects be constructed with an aim toward permanence. Her great concern
was that after her tenure, her non-SC/ST/OBC successors would raze what
she had built. Her fears were certainly well founded. Throughout India
memorial statues of Ambedkar and other dalit icons are routinely
vandalized—toppled, defaced, or garlanded with rows of shoes, with the
aim of insulting them. Only months after she was voted out of office in
2012, statues of Mayawati and Ambedkar were decapitated in Lucknow. In
an attempt to ensure that Uttar Pradesh was not subjected to further
visual programs to erase the dalits from Lucknow’s built environment,
Kaktikar worked with thicker than usual slabs of stone, and the Sutars
cast Mayawati’s statues and friezes with extra thick bronze.
Mayawati
and Kaktikar devised an instantly recognizable style for her
architectural commissions through their formal and decorative programs
and construction material. Patron and architect perfectly understood the
sociopolitical need not only to build but also to claim space and
territorially mark it through a sectarian style of architecture.
Mayawati’s buildings draw heavily from ancient Indian Buddhist
architecture, as exemplified by sites such as the Great Stupa at Sanchi
(circa first century BCE). Kaktikar notes that he and Mayawati intended
to appropriate this style. Her buildings are not pastiches. Rather than
recreating facsimiles of ancient Buddhist structures, Kaktikar combined
select features from notable Indian buildings to associate his patron
and her community with politically legitimizing models.
The
construction materials are uniform light-pink and red sandstone from
Karuli, Rajasthan, and buff-colored sandstone from Chunar, Uttar
Pradesh. As with all of her commissions, Mayawati’s choice of materials
was well informed and meaningful. Red sandstone and white marble have
been the preeminent building materials for royal and government
structures in North India since the fourteenth-century Khilji Sultan
Ala-ud-din’s commission of the Alai Darwaza at the Qutub complex in
Delhi. Following the Khiljis, other Delhi Sultanates, the Mughals,
several Rajput dynasties, the British, and finally the independent
nation of India employed these building materials for their political
structures. Light-pink sandstone is frequently substituted for white
marble. Mayawati’s use of these materials brings her into the visual
language of North Indian rulership.
Chunar
sandstone is deeply associated with the third-century BCE Mauryan
emperor Ashoka, who was a great patron of Buddhism and its arts. Ashoka
raised freestanding columns carved from Chunar sandstone throughout his
vast empire upon which were inscribed edicts along with palnting fruit
bearing trees all over the country to feed the hungry as it is the worst
uillness as said by the Buddha. In an effort to associate herself with
one of the greatest figures from Buddhist history, Mayawati similarly
erected dozens of Chunar sandstone columns on the grounds of her
monuments hoping that fruit bearing trees will be planted all over the
country as Ashoka did (fig. 6). Her pillars are not facsimiles of the
Ashokan pillars. While the former are constructed exclusively of
sandstone and present a variety of animals, upturned lotuses, and wheels
on their capitals, Mayawati’s pillars are more uniform. Their bronze
capitals are capped by wheels borne on the backs of four addorsed
elephants. Here, the elephants carry polysemic meanings: they are
symbols of Indic authority; are associated with Ashoka, as they are
featured on several of his capitals; and are the BSP party symbol. These
messages also are carried by the dozens of life-size, carved stone
elephants that punctuate the grounds of Mayawati’s buildings. The
Ashokan pillars were erected singly, but Mayawati’s are in clusters.
Furthermore, Kaktikar notes that, per Mayawati’s orders, her columns are
slightly taller than Ashoka’s. The association between Mayawati and
Ashoka has not been lost on her community. Biku Chandra Ma, a Buddhist
monk at the Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar Gomti Buddha Vihar, a monastic
residence in Lucknow (commissioned by Mayawati), proudly asserted:
“Mayawati is just like a modern-day female Ashoka.” Perhaps the message
she seeks to deploy through the abundance, more permanent material of
bronze, and superior height of her pillars is not simply that she is
like the great emperor, but that she has in fact surpassed him.
6.
Bronze sculptures of SC/ST/OBC heroes and chunar sandstone pillars,
outside Mayawati’s Rashtriya SC/ST/OBC Prerna Sthal in Noida
In
likening herself to great leaders from Prabuddha Bharat’s ancient past,
Mayawati again subscribes to popular performances of charismatic
authority in recent Prabuddha Bharatian politics. Jawaharlal Nehru,
India’s first prime minister, is also known to have emulated Ashoka as a
model of Indic sovereignty. He chose icons such as the Ashokan lion
capital and the wheel to represent the new independent nation. More
recently, in 1995, Jayalalitha erected numerous banners and cutouts of
herself surrounded by eminent ancient Tamil leaders at the World Tamil
Conference in Thanjavur. In several banners, she appeared next to the
most celebrated Chola emperor, Raja Raja I (reigned 985–1015 CE) and
images of his monumental Brihadeshvara temple. Like Mayawati’s
“Ashokan” pillars, Jayalalitha’s visual propaganda focused on an ancient
leader’s monument that signified his glorious rule, constructed a
fictive lineage, and presented her own rule as a revival of a Golden
Age.
The
exterior parameters of Mayawati’s architectural commissions are bound
by sandstone railings whose forms and low reliefs of chaitya arches are
appropriated from the vedikas (stupā railings) at ancient Buddhist sites
such as Sanchi (fig. 7). Because the first phase of construction at the
Sanchi Stupa was a Mauryan commission, Mayawati’s railings further her
Ashokan associations. Like the pillars, the railings are not copied
exactly from their original sources. While ancient Buddhist vedikas
offer detailed reliefs of a variety of subjects associated with
Buddhism, those at Mayawati’s sites are largely devoid of carvings.
Representations of yakshīs (fertile nymphs) and other figures from the
Buddhist pantheon and scenes from the jatakas would be inappropriate at
the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra. While informed tangentially
by Buddhism, the faith and its architectural styles are employed in the
service of politics in Mayawati’s commissions. These are not sites
built to honor the Buddha. It could even be argued that their ultimate
function is not to honor Ambedkar or Kanshi Ram, but Mayawati.
The Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra
The
Ambedkar Memorial complex is Mayawati’s largest and most ambitious
commission. Completed in 2008 at an estimated cost of seven billion
rupees, the site spans more than twenty-five acres and is enclosed by a
vedika-like fence. It is located at the bottom of a hill, next to the
Gomti river and beside a flyover, a strategic location that ensures its
visibility. The vast, open, granite-lined courts, which are kept
scrupulously clean; prominent ticket booths; and monumental entrance
gates invite visitors inside. As they travel through, visitors can read
about each structure, figures depicted in the statues, and the BSP, and
gaze at images of Mayawati inaugurating the complex in the brochures
that are given with the entrance tickets.
There
is also an open-air sculpture gallery, whose walls are adorned with
high-relief bronze narrative friezes depicting key events from the
political careers of Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. In one, they stand side by
side on a stage as Kanshi Ram addresses the assembled, cheering,
flag-waving crowd. The accompanying Hindi inscription informs viewers
that on December 15, 2001, at Lakshman Mela Ground in Lucknow, Kanshi
Ram, the founder of the BSP, named Mayawati as his successor (see fig.
5). Another frieze depicts Mayawati feeding cake to a convalescing
Kanshi Ram; the inscription states that this happened on the occasion of
his seventieth birthday at Batra Hospital in Delhi (fig. . The
figures are flanked by plants and diminutive statues of the Buddha,
again associating Kanshi Ram and Mayawati with Ambedkar and the faith
adopted by so many of their community members.
8.
Mayawati feeding birthday cake to a sick Kanshi Ram at the Batra
Hospital in Delhi. Bronze frieze, sculpture gallery, Ambedkar Memorial
These
friezes establish a highly personal, parental relationship between
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The frieze depicting the rally maps Mayawati’s
inheritance of Kanshi Ram’s charisma via his designation, while the
frieze of her feeding him suggests that she received his charisma via
hereditary descent. Significantly, during Jayalalitha’s campaign for
office in the early 1990s, she commissioned cutouts and banners that
placed her next to her political mentor, the much-loved Tamil
politician, MGR, whose promotion of Jayalaltiha’s career paralleled
Kanshi Ram’s promotion of Mayawati. During her campaign, Jayalalitha was
depicted attending to MGR like a dutiful daughter, again mapping the
transference of charisma from one political generation to the next. It
is also worth noting that it remains difficult for women to rise to
positions of political authority in South Asia. Thus, nearly all female
politicians are initiated into politics by elder male relatives,
particularly husbands or fathers. Mayawati and Jayalalitha are notable
exceptions, and both use public art to create necessary fictive lineages
from their male mentors.
The
high degree of detail and photorealism displayed by the friezes and
their brief, concise text recall photographs and their text captions in
newspapers. If, as Roland Barthes argues, a photograph operates as a
“certificate of presence,” proving that what it depicts happened and who
it depicts existed, newspaper photographs and their captions are
ultimate certificates of presence. Mayawati, whose political and
personal life is so frequently the subject of media scrutiny, is surely
aware of the power of this form of presentation for its believability.
The newspaper format allows her to convey in the most convincing format
that certain events occurred and that others did not. The presentation
of Mayawati as a nurturing, attentive child who feeds her enfeebled, yet
smiling father was probably intended to convey an additional message
about the nature of their relationship. Several high-ranking male
members of the BSP have publically accused Mayawati of wielding undue
influence over Kanshi Ram and holding him hostage in her house after his
stroke.The newspaper-photograph-like presentation of the frieze showing
her feeding him “proves” otherwise.
The
Ambedkar Memorial is dominated by a monumental stupā, measuring
approximately two hundred feet in height. As with the pillars and
vedekās, the Ambedkar stupā appropriates from, but is not a copy of, any
specific Indian monument. The most striking difference between the
Great Stupa at Sanchi, and the Ambedkar stupā is that while the former
is comprised of solid hemispherical masses that cannot be entered, the
latter is architectural, with a domed central chamber. The Ambedkar
stupā’s four prominent directional entrances create an imposing,
palatial structure. They are accessed by monumental staircases arranged
in the form of a lotus blossom, a prominent symbol in Buddhist
art.Significantly, the only way to view the stupā’s lotus plan is from
the air, which is Mayawati’s exclusive vantage point.
The
exterior of the Ambedkar stupā references a glorious ancient dalit past
through the appropriation of ancient Indian stupā form and decoration,
including blind chandrashala arches (see fig. 7), a monumental
chandrashala-arched entrance, and a harmikā (square planned fence on top
of stupās). The stupā form has additional, more immediate significance
for the dalit community, beyond its antiquity: Ambedkar was cremated and
his ashes interred in the Chaitya Bhoomi stupā at Dadar Choupati,
Mumbai.
The
interior of the Ambedkar stupā is dominated by a twenty-seven-foot-high
bronze statue in the round of a seated Ambedkar (fig. 9). Inscribed at
the base of the sculpture is the phrase, “My life struggle is my
message.” Ambedkar never said this; Mayawati devised the phrase,
considering it more appropriate than his more famous, somewhat militant
galvanizing slogan, “Educate, Organize, Agitate!” Mayawati’s phrase
likely is also a rebuttal to the popular Gandhian phrase, “My life is my
message.” Here, the emphasis is on how Ambedkar struggled and overcame
(more so than Gandhi), thereby providing a communal model.
9.
Bronze sculpture of Bhimrao Ambedkar; the base is inscribed “My life
struggle is my message.” Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial
Mayawati
intended the Ambedkar statue to be modeled on the sculpture of Abraham
Lincoln at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.[50] The reference is
apt. Ambedkar, who was a lawyer, wrote the Indian constitution, and
Lincoln, also a lawyer, amended the American constitution to extend
rights to all (male) citizens, including African Americans, after the
Civil War. Ambedkar frequently likened Indian dalits to African
Americans and viewed Lincoln as a champion of the rights of the
subalterns in his own nation. Mayawati herself received her LLB and is
also an admirer of Lincoln; she sought to link the founder of her
movement to a well-known international figure and make the SC/ST/OBCs’
struggle universal.
The
central statue is ringed by high-relief bronze friezes on the
surrounding walls that depict key events from Ambedkar’s life. In one,
he sits at a desk, pen in hand, writing the constitution (fig. 10). He
is flanked by a map of Prabuddha bharat, over which is inscribed
“Bharat,” and a table bearing a Buddha statue and an Ashokan lion
capital, which Ambedkar and Nehru promoted as the national icon of
independent Prabuddha Bharat. If the iconography is unclear, a Hindi
inscription informs the viewer of the events depicted. In another
frieze, the viewer is again informed in text and image that Ambedkar is
presenting the constitution to President Rajendra Prasad (fig. 11). They
are surmounted by the Ashokan lion capital and the circular-planned
Indian Parliament House, which crowns the three figures like an
honorific umbrella. The bronze friezes within the stupā also reference
Ambedkar’s religious conversion. Wearing monastic robes, Ambedkar stands
next to an enshrined image of the Buddha with a monk on the other side
(fig. 12). The accompanying inscription informs us that in Nagpur, on
October 14, 1956, Ambedkar converted to Buddhism.
10. Ambedkar drafting the Indian constitution. Bronze frieze, Ambedkar stupa, Ambedkar Memorial
11.
Ambedkar presenting the Indian constitution to President Rajendra
Prasad beneath an Ashokan lion capital and the Parliament House. Bronze
frieze, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial
12. Ambedkar converts to Buddhism. Bronze frieze, Ambedkar stupā, Ambedkar Memorial
Moving
in a clockwise direction—the established direction for progressing in
Buddhist monuments and thus the logical direction in the Ambedkar
stupā—the penultimate frieze offers an aerial view of the sprawling
memorial complex (the way Mayawati would view the site from her
helicopter), with inscriptions naming each structure. An eleven-foot
sculpture in the round of Mayawati stands beside the frieze, emphasizing
her role as patron. The cycle concludes with eleven-foot sculptures in
the round of Mayawati and Kanshi Ram that flank and gesture toward a
bronze frieze of the Ambedkar sculpture enshrined within the stupā (see
fig. 4). The inscriptions inform us that Sushrī (Most Honorable)
Mayawati, Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, laid the foundation for the
stupā on August 15, 1995. In publically laying the memorial’s
foundation, Mayawati was again participating in an established
expression of her charisma, in what Sara Dickey terms Indian
“person-centered politics.” Participating in public cornerstone-laying
ceremonies amid much fanfare is a common means by which an Indian
politician spreads awareness of his or her “person.” The date of the
ceremony is also significant, as it was the anniversary of both
Ambedkar’s birthday and Indian Independence Day during Mayawati’s first
year in office.
The
centrally located Ambedkar statue and the friezes highlight Ambedkar’s
various achievements. Ultimately, they link him to Mayawati, whose
agency in the construction of the very site in which all these
sculptures are housed, is underscored at the end of the cycle. Mayawati
stands with Kanshi Ram by the bronze frieze depicting the Ambedkar
statue, thereby visually mapping the lineage of SC/ST/OBC political
power from Ambedkar to Kanshi Ram and finally to herself.
Mayawati
also uses the Ambedkar stupā as a stage for performing her political
lineage from Ambedkar. In addition to commencing construction at the
site on Ambedkar’s birthday and personally laying its foundation stone,
Mayawati annually holds ceremonies for Ambedkar’s birthday at the
complex. During these events, Mayawati, who is accompanied by throngs of
party officials, Buddhist monks, and constituents from throughout the
state, publically garlands the main Ambedkar statue and delivers
speeches before it.
Built
between 2003 and 2005, the Prerna Kendra is a very different type of
structure. The Ambedkar Memorial is open, sprawling, and of a monumental
scale. By contrast, the far smaller Prerna Kendra is woven into the
dense urban fabric of upper-middle-class apartments and shops in a
residential area across Lucknow. With its high, battered surrounding
walls, which block visibility from the street, and discreet entrance,
the Prerna Kendra is evocative of a fortress. The form of the Ambedkar
stupā is based on ancient Indian stupās. The formal inspiration for the
105-foot-tall steep pyramidal Prerna Kendra was another well-known
Buddhist pilgrimage site, the Mahabodhi Temple in Bodh Gaya. The most
important Buddhist pilgrimage site, the temple marks the site of the
Buddha’s enlightenment, again linking dalits to their Buddhist past and a
wider international Buddhist community.
The
intended audiences of the Ambedkar Memorial and the Prerna Kendra are
also different. With its entrance fees and well-run infrastructure, the
Ambedkar Memorial was intended as public space for members of the upper
and middle castes as well as dalits; there Mayawati broadcasts versions
of dalit history, the achievements of her community members, and her own
charisma to the widest possible audience. The Prerna Kendra’s entrance
is discreet, the building’s form is largely obscured by its high outer
walls, and the site is frequently closed. It is therefore far less
inviting to non-community members.
Mayawati
inaugurated the Prerna Kandra in 2005 during a Buddhist ritual
performed by monks. Media coverage of the event noted her benevolence to
the monks; she gave them large sums of money, fruit, and umbrellas. In
demonstrating such largesse, she again used her architectural commission
as a stage to perform her political legitimacy. Not only did she ally
with the Buddhist monks, most of whom are former dalits, she reminded
all that the faith is deeply associated with dalit activism. Moreover,
in showing such magnanimity, Mayawati was subscribing to a
well-established tradition in Indian rulership: generous support of
religious organizations and their monastic members.
Inscriptions
on a pyramidal marble block on the ground floor offer excerpts from
Kanshi Ram’s will that state he wanted Mayawati to light his pyre and
his ashes to be enshrined in the Prerna Kandra. The will also specifies
that Kanshi Ram wanted Mayawati’s cremated remains to be enshrined at
the site, which will thus transform the Prerna Kendra into a political,
dynastic funerary memorial.
In
weaving prominent dalit memorials into a land that had denied the
community a presence in space, Mayawati demanded to be recognized.
Weaving dalit corporeal remains into Lucknow’s urban fabric was an even
more assertive gesture. Her sculptural and architectural memorials
suggest permanence and, by extension, the irreversible betterment of her
community. By interring their ashes in the Prerna Kandra, Kanshi Ram
and Mayawati themselves are symbolically eternally present and are
always leading their community toward an ever better future. Mayawati
was voted out of office in early 2012, but her successor Akhilesh Yadav
has affirmed that the new government will not disturb the dalit
memorials. This is hardly surprising, given that Mayawati vowed on
several occasions that there would be major dalit protests and communal
unrest if her memorials were destroyed.[55] Her threat was put to the
test immediately after her and Ambedkar’s statues were vandalized; as
she had predicted, her community members retaliated by peacefully
demonstrating and blocking roads in Lucknow. Images have power, and
Mayawati intends to ensure that their messages will be heard for as long
as possible.
Kanshi
Ram and Mayawati surely would have been aware of the long history and
potentially legitimizing messages of funerary memorials in India. In
addition to stupās, there are several other types of South Asian
funerary memorials. In Islamic India, rulers commissioned lavish,
monumental tombs for their late fathers. The formal and decorative
programs and construction materials of the Indo-Islamic tombs helped
their royal patrons project their own public identities.[56] Rajput and
Maratha kings similarly memorialized their predecessors through
cenotaphs (chatrīs) with politically charged forms and decoration.[57]
By installing Kanshi Ram’s ashes in the Prerna Kendra, Mayawati
appropriated an established royal Indic practice of architectural
memorialization. Similar to performing a father’s funerary rites,
commissioning his memorial is a legitimizing act in India that
irrefutably establishes dynastic lineage and the transference of
political authority from one generation to the next. Thus, in the Indic
context, a funerary memorial is an index not only of absence (of the
memorialized deceased) but also of presence and legitimate power (of the
memorial’s heir and patron).
Like
those of many other notable examples of Indian funerary architecture,
the Prerna Kendra’s ultimate message appears to refer more to its patron
than the one memorialized. Perhaps even more than the Ambedkar stupā,
the sculptural program at the Prerna Kendra asserts Mayawati’s charisma
and ability to lead her party. As noted in a lengthy inscription at the
site, the urn with Kanshi Ram’s cremated ashes is contained in a marble
plinth located in the center of the main chamber on the second floor.
The plinth supports three bronze monumental statues in the round. A
life-sized Ambedkar is elevated above flanking eighteen-foot statues of
Kanshi Ram and Mayawati. The triangular composition, with Ambedkar’s
raised position, once again visually reiterates the lineage of
charismatic leadership in dalit politics.
The
walls of the Prerna Kendra’s chambers, which are spread over three
floors, are lined with bronze friezes that feature episodes from
Mayawati’s life, with an emphasis on major events in her political
career. Over the three levels of the Prerna Kendra, the friezes’
narrative unfolds in a clockwise direction. Mayawati first appears,
uncharacteristically in a sari, on a frieze with an inscription noting
that it marks her fiftieth birthday and wishing her congratulations. She
then appears with her family in a group portrait as a child (fig. 13);
she studies for her exams with a Buddha image on her bookshelf; she is
sworn in as chief minister (fig. 14); she dines with high-ranking
members of government while in close conversation and laughing (fig.
15), clearly accepted by and completely at ease in these circles of
power. The friezes also depict Mayawati’s major architectural
commissions, again calling attention to her prolific building activity,
which has made dalit public presence conspicuous, material, and
permanent.
13. Mayawati (second right) with her parents and siblings. Bronze frieze in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney
14.
Mayawati being sworn in as chief minister of Uttar Pradesh for the
third time. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney
15.
Mayawati and the Indian vice president share a meal at the chief
minister’s house in Lucknow. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by
Arthur Dudney
15.
Mayawati and the Indian vice president share a meal at the chief
minister’s house in Lucknow. Bronze frieze, Prerna Kendra. Photograph by
Arthur Dudney
Despite
the fact that the Prerna Kendra houses his ashes, Kanshi Ram himself
makes few appearances in its friezes. When he is depicted, it is during
key events that validate Mayawati’s political power: when he publically
declared her as his successor, and when she cared for him during his
illness as if she were his child. In fact, Kanshi Ram appears most
frequently in the friezes as a corpse and as cremated ashes. Mayawati
first mourns over her mentor’s corpse, she lights his pyre, she places
the cremated ashes on an altar before the Buddha and finally in the
Prerna Kendra (figs. 16, 17). The funerary friezes all carefully record
in Hindi that Kanshi Ram’s last rites were done in accordance with his
wishes.
16.
Mayawati overseeing preparations of Kanshi Ram’s corpse for his
cremation. Bronze frieze in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur
Dudney
17.
Mayawati helps with the preparations of Kanshi Ram’s corpse: “In
accordance with his wishes, Mayawati oversees everything.” Bronze frieze
in the Prerna Kendra. Photograph by Arthur Dudney
The
final frieze in the program presents Mayawati in one of her most
controversial and well-documented performances of charismatic authority
(fig. 18). She is well known and frequently criticized for allowing
herself to be festooned with colossal garlands made from countless one
thousand rupee notes. Each garland has an estimated value of between
$500,000 to $2 million. Since 2010, Mayawati has accepted these money
garlands, which the BSP claims represent donations from party members,
at public events like political rallies and celebrations of Kanshi Ram’s
birthday. In what have become iconic media images, she appears flanked
by aides who hoist the cumbersome money garland over her shoulders.
Mayawati raises one arm and holds her hand in a gesture that parallels
the one displayed by the Ambedkar statues she commissions, again
visually linking these two political figures.
18. Mayawati is draped with a mala (garland) made of one thousand rupee
notes on the occasion of Kanshi Ram’s birthday and the twenty-fifth
anniversary of the BSP, for which she organized a public rally in
Lucknow. Photograph by Arthur Dudney
Mayawati’s
detractors sharply criticize such performances as vulgar and
inappropriate, particularly because she claims to represent the poorest
and most disadvantaged members of Indian society. Moreover, when she
accepted the garlands, she was chief minister of one of the poorest
states in the nation. Mayawati herself has remained silent on the
subject of the money garlands. However, it is worth considering that,
because dalits historically have been denied access to vast sums of
money and political authority, their chosen representative’s conspicuous
display of both undeniably announces their assertion of their power and
defiance in the face of criticism.
In
her performances of such conspicuous displays of wealth Mayawati again
draws from models of ancient Indic kingship, which are being revived by
democratically elected politicians. Weber observed followers’ donations
of large sums of cash and luxury items as recognition of their leaders’
charisma.[59] Beyond signifying Mayawati’s wealth and charismatic
authority, the money garlands are metonyms that signify the prosperity
her community members may now legitimately claim through her leadership.
In models of traditional Indic kingship, the ruler’s body and his state
were to an extent conflated. It was therefore a royal responsibility to
appear in public “in the beauty and dazzle of his person,”[60] to amass
wealth, and stage awesome performances of conspicuous consumption to
convey the well-being of the state. Established in ancient India, royal
acts of conspicuous displays of wealth continued to hold currency into
the colonial period. The practice is enjoying a resurgence under
Jayalalitha[61] and Mayawati. Indian media frequently covers the
spectacular decorations and gifts Jayalalitha’s supporters bestow upon
her during public appearances: her route to the venue is bedecked with
illuminated triumphal arches, her footpath strewn with flowers and the
air perfumed. After mounting a lavishly decorated stage, she is given
gold coins, reminiscent of performances of support by subjects to their
kings, and a silver-plated scepter, a traditional symbol of kingship in
India.[62] Mayawati has claimed that she amasses her personal wealth on
behalf of her community, making her ostentatious displays of wealth
symbols of dalit pride and empowerment.[63]
That
the frieze cycle at the Prerna Kendra concludes with this iconic image
of Mayawati’s power, wealth, and charisma is fitting. As with the
statues and friezes in the Ambedkar stupā, those in the Prerna Kendra
laud the achievements of previous dalit leaders and activists, but
ultimately map a trajectory to Mayawati as their rightful heir. Her
money garlands announce her charisma and the upward mobility she secures
for her community. As with other aspects of her commissions—scale,
semantic content of the inscriptions, durability of materials, and
overall cost—her money-garland frieze surpasses its models.
Conclusion
Monuments
ensure that the memories of those they commemorate and their patrons
remain. They thus possess enormous potential for communal mobilization,
empowerment, and pride. The Nawabs of Awadh left their impress on
Lucknow’s visual landscape through their imambaras (congregation halls
for Shia commemoration ceremonies for Muharram) and the Rumi Darwaza.
The British are remembered in Lucknow through their Residency and
several government buildings. Mayawati’s memorials now join these sites,
as well as the Taj Mahal, on the official website of the U.P. State
Tourist Board, indicating that they are worth visiting by those seeking
permanent, visual traces of the state’s history.[64]
Whatever
her ultimate political fate and enduring legacy, Mayawati has given
dalits an equitable share in the urban fabric of one of India’s largest
cities. In Lucknow, dalits now have their own monumental spaces, defined
by a communal style of architecture, spaces where they can be ennobled
by the BSP’s version of their history. Mayawati announces messages of
dalit pride and empowerment through a visual language that is at once
recognizably authoritative and unique to the dalit experience. She
claims to speak for her community. In flaunting her command of the very
best materials and artistic skill as well as her lavish displays of
personal wealth, she participates in well-established acts of
upper-class privilege and entitlement.
It
is too soon to assess how successful Mayawati’s commissions will be for
her community. Will they persuade more members of the non-dalit Indian
public to accept the historical figures they commemorate, such as
Ambedkar, as national heroes? To return to Farrar, it remains to be seen
if, through Mayawati’s memorials, dalits actually will be granted a
legitimate history and their voices thus will cease to be “considered
marginal to the main event.” Surely the greatest mark of their success
would be if they could actually alter the quotidian realities of living
community members.
It
appears that Mayawati’s memorials failed in what may have been their
patron’s greatest aim—to secure her continued leadership of Uttar
Pradesh. Perhaps, in the end, her commissions announced her wealth too
well. Her political opponents claim that she focused on her memorials at
the cost of more immediate needs—for example, land reform and grooming
other dalits for leadership. One political commentator alleged,
“Mayawati only made statues. That is her only achievement.”
Although
for now Mayawati has been divested of her political power, there is
wide speculation that she has designs on becoming the prime minister of
India. It is worth considering what impact this would have on the built
environment of New Delhi.
Author’s
note: All photographs were taken by the author unless otherwise stated.
Those not taken by the author have been reproduced with the
photographer’s permission. I would like to thank Rebecca M. Brown and my
two blind reviewers at Ars Orientalis for their careful reading of
earlier drafts of this essay and for making thoughtful comments and
suggestions.
The Buddha said that “hunger is the worst kind of illness” and “the gift of food is the gift of life.”
Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make Prabuddha Bharat Buddhist)
Now
All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha
Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch)
People have started returning back to their original home Buddhism.
Proposed programmes to be conducted by
Mahabodhi Diyun
1. Construction of an Auditoriumin the name of Bada Bhanteji
2. Establishment of a new centre at Itanagar
3. Distribution of photo frames (Life of the Buddha) to 50 village monastries
4. Dhamma camp for children
5. Dhamm preaching and meditation programmes in the villages
6. Plantation of 300 fruit bearing trees
7. Old Age Home project at Mudoi
8. 10-Free Medical Camps in remote villages
9. To Honour elderly momks and lay devotees who contributed in the preservation of Buddha Sasana in Arunachal Pradesh
10. Distribution of 10 Lord Buddha statues to different villages
11. Painting of special events in the life of Bada Bhanteji
12. Distribution of water filters to at least 100 poor families
13. Publish Magazine in the name of Bada Bhanteji by monks and students of runachal Pradesh
14. Organise Seminars on the Dhammapada/Preservation of Dhamma
15. Free distribution of notebooks, stationery and study material at villages
16. Build a statue of Bada Bhanteji at Mahabodhi Diyun
17. Build Seema Temple at Mahabodhi centre, Diyun
18. Distribution of Bada Bhanteji’s books in 50 monasteries
19. Dhamma based personality development workshops in 20 schools
20. Organise 3 blood donation camps
21. Provide 15 Ven.Acharya Buddharakkhita scholarships to boys residing in the hostels from deserving background
22. Organise a drama on the life of Bada Bhanteji
23. Distribution of 9000 candles to the monasteries
24. Provide medical support for surgeries to the most deserving people
Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda- Free Online Analytical … Search domain sarvajan.ambedkar.org/?m=20190517sarvajan.ambedkar.org/?m=20190517 gobbling
the Master Key by Murderers of democratic institutions and Master of
diluting institutions (Modi) by tampering the fraud EVMs with its
software and the source code kept hidden to the eyes of voters and
candidates have become emboldened to commit atrocities on SC/ST/
OBCS/Religious minorities. Therefore 99.9% All Awakened Aboriginal
Hindus’Tantrum: Sid Harth - Google Groups Search
domain groups.google.com/d/topic/soc.culture.arabic/ih7-BUo78Vchttps://groups.google.com/d/topic/soc.culture.arabic/ih7-BUo78Vc This
chip would give ‘fixed’ results on the EVM screen. In other words,
whatever the voters’ preference, the control unit would display numbers
as per the hacker’s plan. Mr Gonggrijp is a prominent campaigner for
election transparency and verifiability, and his technical opinion
appears to have clinched the
Murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) has not revealed the microchip its software and
source code of EVM which is kept hidden from the voters
Free Online Analytical Research … - Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda 6
days ago — committed now as said by Zaidi. Electronic voting machines.
EVM is not tamper- free & needs rectification : Swamy to Delhi HC
Free Online Analytical Research … - Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda machine
to tamper with it. India uses about 1.4m electronic voting machines in
each general election. ‘Dishonest totals’. A video posted on the …
SOS e Voice For Justice & SOS e Clarion of Dalit A:
It would be easy to program a dishonest EVM or EVM component so that
the … The electronic voting machines are safe and secure only if the
source code used … But saving democracy is more critical than saving
election costs or gain in efficiency. … Does not hiding information
about land crimes , in itself also a crime ?
Imagehttps://indianexpress.com › india EVM fraud? Roll out VVPATs, only way to silence doubting politicians … 21-Mar-2017
— Calling for a quick rollout of the Voter Verified Paper Audit Trail (
VVPAT) machines in all polling stations across the …
Imagehttps://www.scribd.com › document Web results Book Democracy at Risk 2010 | Electronic Voting | Electoral Fraud Democracy
at Risk! Can we trust our Electronic Voting Machines? Copyright @ GVL
Narasimha Rao 2010. All rights reserved. Published in 2010 by …
How many languages are there in the world?
7,117 languages are spoken today.
That number is
constantly in flux, because we’re learning more about the world’s
languages every day. And beyond that, the languages themselves are in
flux. They’re living and dynamic, spoken by communities whose lives are
shaped by our rapidly changing world. This is a fragile time: Roughly 0%
of languages are now endangered, often with less than 1,000 speakers
remaining. Meanwhile, just 23 languages account for more than half the
world’s population.
When a just
born baby is kept isolated without anyone communicating with the baby,
after a few days it will speak and human natural (Prakrit) language
known as Classical Magahi Magadhi/Classical Chandaso language/Magadhi Prakrit,Classical Hela Basa (Hela Language),Classical Pāḷi which are the same. Buddha spoke in Magadhi. All the 7111 languages and dialects are off shoot of Classical Magahi Magadhi. Hence all of them are Classical in nature (Prakrit) of Human Beings, just like all other living speices have their own naturallanguages for communication. 116 languages are translated by https://translate.google.com
in 01) Classical Magahi Magadhi,
02) Classical Chandaso language,
03)Magadhi Prakrit,
04) Classical Hela Basa (Hela Language),
05) Classical Pāḷi,
06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
The Marvel of the Dhamma Map of the Maurya Empire under Ashoka’s rule.
The Sanchi stupa in Sanchi, Madhya Pradesh established by emperor Ashoka in the third century BC.
Fragment of the 6th Pillar Edicts of Ashoka (238 BC), in Brahmi, sandstones. British Museum.
Silver
punch-mark coins of the Mauryan empire, bear Buddhist symbols such as
the Dharmacakra, the elephant (previous form of the Buddha), the tree
under which enlightenment happened, and the burial mound where the
Buddha died (obverse). 3rd century BC. Distribution of the Edicts of
Ashoka and Ashokan territorial limits.
Ashokan
territorial limits.[7] Greek Late Archaic style capital from Patna
(Pataliputra), thought to correspond to the reign of Ashoka, 3rd century
BC, Patna Museum (click image for references).
Bilingual
(Greek and Aramaic) inscriptions by king Ashoka at Kandahar
(Shar-i-kuna). (3rd century BC). Preserved at Kabul Museum. Today
disappeared. Two-dimensional inscription.
Ashokan pIllar at Vaishali
This
is the famous original sandstone sculpted Lion Capital of Ashoka
preserved at Sarnath Museum which was originally erected around 250 BCE
atop an Ashoka Pillar at Sarnath. The angle from which this picture has
been taken, minus the inverted bell-shaped lotus flower, has been
adopted as the National Emblem of India showing the Horse on the left
and the Bull on the right of the Ashoka Chakra in the circular base on
which the four Indian lions are standing back to back. On the far side
there is an Elephant and a Lion instead. The wheel “Ashoka Chakra” from
its base has been placed onto the center
This book explores why the state and elites let subalterns speak even while oppressing them
An excerpt from ‘History & Collective Memory In South Asia: 1200-2000’, by Sumit Guha.
Thenmozhi Soundararajan / CC BY-SA 4.0
“Subaltern
Studies”, founded in 1982 by a group of historians of India, has now
established itself as an internationally recognised school of history.
Its most famous article was published a few years later and simply
titled “Can the Subaltern Speak?” – and the author, Gayatri Chakravorty
Spivak, ended by denying the very possibility of meaningful subaltern
utterance.
It is indisputable that SC/ST-Bahujan political
formations such as the BSP have risen to prominence in Prabuddha Bharatian life since
the 1990s and this has therefore found lodgements in the academic
world, till then obsessed with the multiplicity of modes of production
and the authentic flavour of Prabuddha Bharatian nationalism. The role of Dr BR
Ambedkar (1891-1956) in the making of the Indian republic was more
widely accepted. His precursor – and founder of the non-Brahman
movement, Jyotirao (known in Maharashtra as “Mahatma”) Phule (1827-1890)
also received wider recognition in the English-language segment of
Indian public life.
Meanwhile, a hitherto little-noticed SC/ST celebration at the British-era war memorial to at Bhima-Koregaon
burst into public notice when the gathering was attacked on January 1,
2018. The episode illustrated how a Dalit historical memory has gathered
around the site since the 1920s, unnoticed by the official media and
academy.
My recent book
studies when and where subaltern voice and SC/ST memory could be heard
and remembered, and contrariwise, why certain regions and times
accumulated the textual archives from which history has been written.
Edited excerpts appear below.
Why
did the state and elites elicit subaltern speech even while they
confined SC/STs and lower castes to low-status roles and subjected them
to many arbitrary exactions?
Social inequality was, after all,
as pronounced here as elsewhere in South Asia. The book argues that
whether subaltern voices were elicited or suppressed depended upon the
social structure and property system prevailing in each area. The
tightly knit villages of Western Maharashtra elicited speech and
accustomed ordinary men and women to public roles.
Thus when a
dispute arose over the hereditary post of blacksmith and carpenter in
Sasvad, the peasant landholders together with office-holding craftsmen
such as the gardener, astrologer (Joshi), temple attendant, SC/ST
village servants, the Muslim maulana – all were assembled in the village
temple, and asked to testify on the matter.
The reported age of each witness was recorded: the youngest was forty and the oldest eighty.
Every
village in Maharashtra had at some time required the holders of these
offices to bear witness on contested matters. Older men had probably
done so many times. Most such testimonies have perished but many
survive.
When the hereditary post of headman of Vadgaon (near
Pune) was being litigated, the king asked both sides if they would abide
by the verdict of the other hereditary office-holders. Then all of the
latter were summoned to court. Five village office-holders (watandārs) –
Būd the gardener, Śivji son of Konḍji the barber, Bajāji son of
Vaḍjoji washerman, and Rāynāk son of Sāynāk, and Hansā son of
Cāndnāk, both Mahārs – gave depositions of what they knew from their
fathers and grandfathers.
A less detailed statement was given by
Nimbāji son of Janoji, the carpenter and Vaḍjā son of Bahirā, the
leather-worker. Older witnesses were found in a second round of
depositions: so the narrative of Sukhmāli, son of Santmāli, a man of
seventy-five, went back to the time of Sayad Burhan, the earliest
remembered village headman, who had vanished during the famine of
1629-30.
Thus despite widespread illiteracy, ordinary villagers
had passed on key elements of a local history from generation to
generation. The subaltern was expected to speak, and learned to do so in
official settings. Colonial officials were disconcerted by the
directness with which even ordinary plebeians asserted their claims.
Richard Jenkins, an experienced official accustomed to North Indian
servility, wrote in 1827:
“The
most remarkable feature perhaps, of the character of the Marhattas, of
all descriptions, is the little regard they pay to show or ceremony in
the common intercourse of life. A peasant or mechanic, of the lowest
order, appearing before his superiors, will sit down of his own accord,
tell his story without ceremony, and converse more like an equal than
an inferior; and if he has a petition to present, talks in a loud and
boisterous tone, and fearlessly sets forth his claims.”
Such subaltern self-representation is generally hard to find in the South Asian record.
This
feature of local political and judicial life in Maharashtra allows me
to address the historical self-conceptions and traditions of tribal and
Scheduled Castes (both subaltern) communities in seventeenth and
eighteenth century
Western India. I end with a telling example of a woman speaking.
It
was common for cattle from the desiccated plains to be sent up to the
hills in summer as some grass would survive there. The boys of Pargaon
and Ghargaon took the animals from their villages up there to graze.
They then amused themselves by forming two teams, “Mughals” and
“Marathas” that replayed the wars of the previous generation.
Mimic
warfare turned serious and the “Marathas” defeated and pursued the
“Mughals”. One of the latter fell over a cliff in his flight, suffering a
head injury of which he died about two weeks later. His parents were
the hereditary barbers of Ghargaon: his mother then went to the Islamic
judge in the city of Ahmednagar and demanded the other village answer
for the death. The judge declared that it resulted from a quarrel
between children and there was no case to answer.
She was not
appeased and took the case to various officers. This would be no small
inconvenience: the messenger sent to bring the headman would have almost
certainly exacted a small fee and the costs of the journey and a longer
or shorter wait for an audience would fall on the defendant. Finally,
the woman’s voice penetrated the circle of attendants and reached
directly to the Maratha Chatrapati, Shahu I (r 1708-1749). The headman
of Pargaon was summoned to the royal court to explain. He was ultimately
exculpated – but now we can see why Jenkins was surprised by the “loud
and boisterous tone” of common people in Maharashtra. It had long had a
place in even in royal courts.
Excerpted with permission from History & Collective Memory In South Asia: 1200-2000, Sumit Guha, Permanent Black.
Sumit Guha is Professor of History, University of Texas, Austin.
Covid-19: Until we find the cure, the world can do with a little care
In these testing times, any gesture of hope or show of support can go a long way.
We
truly are living in the best of times and worst of times. The world as
we knew, shook in a matter of days, and while some of us have managed to
overcome the gloom with activities and interests that otherwise work
and travel kept us away from, a few others have not been as privileged.
Albert
Camus wrote, “There have been as many plagues in the world as there
have been wars, yet plagues and wars always find people equally
unprepared”. We face a lockdown of global proportions, scarcity of
resources, families away from each other for an indefinite period, and
yet, we fight this, hand in hand.
An aspect of humanity which the ‘Caringly Yours’ app of Bajaj Allianz General Insurance
has captured beautifully in essence is its Social Trackback and
Self-Assessment tests to remain conscious of our state of health,
thereby curbing spread of the disease. While on the frontline we have
healthcare workers, citizen volunteers, delivery personnel, pharmacists
working on a war footing to ensure we eventually get over this state of
crisis, we also have a responsibility of our own.
You don’t have
to always go out of your way to help. There are simpler ways, such as
buy only what you need and not hoard, stay indoors to flatten the curve,
reach out to people to understand what they need, join digital citizen
volunteer groups, appeal to peer groups to fact-check each news article
they share, bust myths constantly, keep yourself updated by following
credible sources. Be vigilant, but remain compassionate.
The #CareWillOvercome video by Bajaj Allianz is a shining testimony to the spirit of humanity at this crucial moment.
In this tumultuous time, as our humanity is being reexamined
we owe it to ourselves. We all are in this together and we shall
overcome this, together.
Many
Theravadi Buddhist leaders believe that the Garudhammas were installed to keep
the distance from both groups in the clergy. The Buddha repeatedly advised the
bhikkhus explaining that it is a common norm for both men and woman to be
always attracted to the physical appearance of each other (“Bondage/Sanyogana
Sutta,” AN 7.48). The subordinate role to the monks could help both monastics
to look at each other in a more respectful and conscientious manner and
Garudhammas could have designed to avoid obstacles to the life of renunciation
as any form of affection is an obstacle to the path of liberation.
In
the Pahankanuwa Dhamma Talks, a renowned, well learned senior monk, from Sri Lanka,
Ven. Katukurunde Gnanananda Himi says, “every clash / problem among human
beings is originated from misinterpretation of the language. People just grab
the words, but do not sense or take the real meaning. So we argue, fight;
misunderstandings arrive and eventually end up in a war. Wrong thinking and
speech becomes the most powerful weapons.”
The
First Female Ordination
The
first female request for ordination came from Queen Ysodhara. When the Buddha
first visited kapilavastu (his home town) on behalf of the invitation of his relatives.
Yasodhara expressed her desire to join the order. The Buddha disapproved her
request by remaining silent. It is stated that from the day Yasodhara came to
know about Prince Sidhartha’s renunciation, she had followed Buddha’s way of
life by wearing yellow robes and having one meal a day, by lying on low couches
and giving up garlands andscents.
Even after having had The
Eight Conditions imposed upon Prajapathigotami, she became the gateway for the
spread of nuns in Buddhism. Theri Mahapajapatigotami proved to the world that
women also had the same or equal capabilities as men to attain enlightenment,
the highest known position in Buddhism. This goes to show that Mahapajapati
Theri broke that cycle, and paved the way for women to be seen as leaders,
along with equality.
The Buddha constantly reminded us:
“as long as the sasana consisting of Bhikkhu, Bhikkuni, Upasaka, Upasika
persist, the Dhamma will remain.” We need to constantly remind ourselves of
this.
Resuscitating the Bhikkhuni Order
The dominant opinion amongst the Sanga in Theravada
countries is that there is no possibility to resuscitating the Bhikkhuni Order.
The validity of the dual ordination carried out at the Bodhgaya concerns
uncertainty whether the Bhikkhuni lineage has been passed on without
interruption in China and whether the Mahayana Bhikkhunis can represent as
Therawada Bhikkunis as their tradition and practice differ from the Theravada
tradition.
Bhikkhu Analayao, (The
Revival of the Bhikkhuni Order and the Decline of the Sasana, Vo.20,2013)
points out that
“However, the same uncertainty applies equally to the Bhikkhu
lineages in South and Southeast Asia, since it is in principal impossible to
provide positive proof that the transmission has always been passed on in an
unbroken manner” (Journal of Buddhist Ethics). Kieffer-Pulz (“Presuppositions,”
‘Journal of Buddhist Ethics,’ 219) argues that it is difficult and if not
impossible, for any of the excising traditions to authenticate both points.”
Ven. Ajhan Bramawanso Maha Thero, (Gender Equality and the
empowerment of Women in Theravada Buddhism) argues that at first the Lord
Buddha gave the bhikkhus authority to ordain bhikkhunis. Later, the Buddha gave
authority for bhikkhunis to be ordained by a dual ordination ceremony; first in
a Sangha of bhikkhunis and then in a Sangha of bhikkhus. However, in contrast
with the history of the bhikkhu ordination, where one finds that whenever a new
ordination is allowed by the Lord Buddha then the previous method is
immediately abolished, the original ordination of bhikkhunis by bhikkhus was
not abolished by the Lord Buddha. It is a general principle of Theravada
Buddhism “Not to abolish what has been authorized by the Buddha” (one of the
seven causes for the longevity of the Buddhist religion – Anguttara Sevens,
23). This, then, is a strong argument for the legitimacy of ordination of
bhikkhunis by bhikkhus alone.”
Can Sexism Produce Karma?
Then there is another argument based on the norm of male
supremacy endemic to Buddhism, the Karma of sexism is healthy and strong in
certain Countries, such as Sri Lanka, Burma. Thailand, Vietnam, Laos, and
Cambodia. Only some communities in Sri Lanka ordain women. Elsewhere in South
East, ordination of woman is illegal. Nuns in Southeast Asian countries are
neglected and ill-served by their tradition. Many do not get prerequisites to
survive, because of their inferiority law status. This has led them to use money
to attend to their requisites, which is against the monastic discipline.
We cannot
generalise that all Theravada monks are against supporting female renounces. At
present there are very compassionate and progressive monks and Nayaka Theros to
be found amongst the Therawada tradition.
Ten
Precepts Sil Mathas (Ten Precepts Nuns)
It
is worthwhile to mention that there is a considerable number of Sri Lankan, Ten
Precepts Sil Mathas who have kept their tradition for the last one hundred
years. There are well educated, experienced and disciplined nuns with more than
twenty five – fifty years in ordination who give meditation instructions and
attend to Buddhist teachings in certain centres. There are clashes between both groups, when
junior Bhikkhunis try to show that they are superior to them or vice versa.
(Sri Lankan Sil Matas)
Sayale Dipankara from Burma
Bhikkhu
Analayo, (Journal of Buddhist Ethics,2013) points out an important issue, regarding
Dasasil Matas, stating that, “a substantial number prefer to remain in their
present setting. One problem is that their whole social relationship network
with other nuns is based on the principal of seniority, which on taking
bhikkhuni ordination will have to be restructured according to seniority in
high ordination.”
According to Anguttara Nnikaya, the
Buddha expected his Sanga community to be “competent, have self-confidence, be
well learned, be upholders of the Dhamma, practitioners of the Dhamma, be
followers of the Dhamma, and illuminate the community.”(AN4.7, D.N 33,)
Whether
they be Bhikkunis or Sil Matas, there is an urgent necessity to educate
and
support the female renounces who are already in the order, who wishes to enter
the order to leave the worldly life. The need of a recognition and involvement
of the Senior Buddhist authorities, the government bodies and the wider
community is very vital in promoting peace and harmony. This could enhance the
inferiority status of the women and foster self-esteem among those female
followers that could speed up their spiritual development and attainments.
They
should be provided with opportunities to take leadership roles that would benefit
the wider society at large, without being desperate, keeping in subordinate
conditions or in inferior situations. When these conditions are supported, and
met, more educated, visionary, and enlightened nuns could be visioned in the female
Sanga Community.
His Holiness the Dalai Lama contributes
greatly to the empowering of women. He speaks at the Lions Club of Dharamsala,
in India, claiming
that “Education alone is not sufficient. Educating only the Brain is not enough.
Education of warm-heartedness is important. Women should take an active role in
the peacemaking. Empowerment of women is very important. I give my full
support. I always feel for other
people.”
“21st Century is
a century for dialog. Proper way to build peace is we must make an effort to
solve peace through meaningful dialog and paying respect to others interests.
In order to promote dialog, great will and self-confidence is important. We must make an effort to strengthen
compassion. When we act with real compassion for all beings, honest,
transparent and truthful real dialogue brings peaceful solutions among human
beings. The Empowerment of women is a peaceful solution for the 21st century.
Women can play an important role in promoting peace. The 21st Century
should be the Century of peace.”
At present, there is ample opportunity for the women to be
engaged in the Buddhist practice as upasikas. The enlightenment can come within
upasikas as well and there are no restrictions to it if one is ambitious.
However, renunciation allows one to get away from the worldly life
to enjoy the freedom and speed up the attainments to reach high goals in the spiritual
path. When a female follower attains the fruit of Arhat-ship, she automatically
becomes a Theri or Bhikkhuni (for e.g. When the lay disciples Bahiya Druchiriya
& Santati the Minister became Arahants and passed away, the Buddha announced
them as Bhikkhu, Samana or Brahmana. One is called Sangawhen anyone in the four fold sanga attains the Noble
Eight Fold Path irrespective of the gender.
The Community of Nuns of the Old
The Community of nuns of the old, continued to prosper
for many centuries. The Anguttara-Nikaya) records a list of famous nuns
who were fully awakened Buddhist nuns and leading female disciples. They were
well known and profound in different domains thus assisted the ministry of the
Buddha in the illumination of the Dhamma: for example, Mahapajapati Theri, the
chief of the Bhikkhuni order, broke the cycle, and paved the way for women to
be seen as leaders, along with equality. Khema and Uppalwanna Theris became the
two chief Nuns of the Buddha. Theri Khema was the foremost among the nuns who
possessed great wisdomand Therie Uppalawanna became the highest Bikkuni amongst all, who
perform Miracles using the astral body.
Theri
Bhaddakaccayana (Yasodhara) was foremost among the nuns who attained
supernormal knowledge, Theri Patacara was foremost among the other nuns
with
regard to knowledge on the code of discipline and Theri Nanda was
foremost
among the nuns who developed their mind. Theri Sona was foremost in
right effort,
Baddakapilanai Theri was foremost in the ability to recollect past
lives. Theri
Sigalakamata was among the ones foremost in faith. Theri Kisagotmi was
foremost among the ones who had the ability to wear rough robes.
Altogether
there were more than two-hundred and fifty famous Buddhist Nuns
including famous nuns such as, Mutta, Punna, Tissa, Dheera, Mitta and
Bhadra Theries from the past.
Theri
Khema, Theri Kanjangala, Theri Vajita, Theri Sukka, Theri Dhammadinna, were
well known for their ability to preach. Many of these nuns attained Arahatship
with the Four Analytical knowledge and endowed with wisdom. Theri Suppa, ordained under
Theri Dhammadinna, was an eminent Bhikkhuni, endowed with wisdom and supper
normal powers (W. M Kodikara, 92) because of her special ability to preach,
many followers became delighted and interested in listening to her Dhamma
preaching, which had made them to enter the order.
Bhikkhuni Dhammadinna was one such Bhikkhuni the Buddha
praised with high regards for her Knowledge of Dhamma. She was placed as
foremost in preaching the Dhamma among the others.
A higher praise was given to Yasodhara Devi for her
fidelity to the Buddha
by protection, faithfulness and devotion shown in her previous
births and her stories are illustrated detailed in “Pujavaliya” (Garland of Offerings).
From Yasodharapadana;
“May all the forest fruits for you turn sweeter!
May men surrounded you as the bees a flower
May the sun its scorching rays for you make dimmer
And league on league, may heavenly halls appear.”
(Yasodharapadana & Pujavaliya, Kuddhaka Nikaya/ Apadana- translated by Ranjini Obeysekera)
These
Bhukkhunis appeared to have spent their entire lives for the welfare and happiness
of the people surrounded in the communities they lived.
Bhikkhuni Lineage in Srii Lanka
According to Dipavamsa and Mahavamsa, during the reign
of King Asoka, in the 3rd BC, Arahat Sangamitta Theri with a group
of Bhikkhunis brought the Bhukkhuni ordination lineage from India to Sri Lanka
and established the Bhikkhuni order. Dipavamsa states, “Theri Sangamitta was
learned and wise and was endowed with her six (supernatural) faculties. Prince Aritta,
together with the five hundred high born illustrious virgins at the royal court
(companions who surrounded Anula), were free from passion and stead- fast, all
received the Pabbajja Ordination and all these persons attained Arahatship and
full perfection in the Doctrine of Jina.”
The Buddhist
female leaders like Vihamahadevi, Somadevi, Sugaladevi, Ahelepola Kumarihami appeared
in Sri Lanka because of her great sacrifice,
unflagging devotion, unassuming courage she gave for the moral, intellectual
and spiritual upliftment for the wellbeing and happiness of the people and the
women-fold of Sri Lanka.
Arahat Theri Sangamitta was a true spiritual successor of Prajapathi
Gothami, Baddhakaccana (Yasodhara), Dhammadinna, and thousands of other Arahat
Theris as such, the community of nuns of the old, continued to prosper for many
centuries.
It took well over five hundred years and appears to
have disappeared at some time around the 11th century due to
political disruptions and various invasions.
Entire monastic community in India
and Sri Lanka had disappeared. Only the
Bhikkhku order was re-established from
Burma.
Even
though the Bhikkhuni lineage disappeared due to political and social
infractions, the Bhikhku lineage survived.
In Sri Lanka, during the 1st
Century The Theravada Leading Bhikkhus preserved the Dhamma Discoursed by the
Buddha, and scripted them on “Ola Leaves” which was previously been preserved
by memory.
This important event decided the future of the Therawada Buddhism. As Buddhists we owe them our deepest gratitude.
Conclusion
To conclude this program, let us look at each role
nominated to the woman by the Buddha.
Each woman’s role during the ministry of the Buddha was
seen as a mother, a wife /a house minister, as Upasika and a Bhikkhiuni. These
roles were well discussed and documented. The Buddha gave the highest
embodiment of respect to the mother. Then he placed the wife in the leader-ship
role and requested her to develop the Buddhist virtues by recognising that,
those values and virtues persisted in a mother, has the potential to change the
home environment to a virtuous family life.
For example, Buddha’s great eminent female lay
followers, like Visaka and Cullasubadra, married husbands from other religious
traditions. They were both convinced by Visaka and Cullasubadra’s behaviour and
moral conduct that led their families and later both husbands to become pious
Buddhists. Later Visaka was called Migaramata (meaning, Migara the
father-in-law’s mother). Queen Mallika was another female disciple who encouraged
and supported her husband King Kosala, to live by the virtues.
The Buddha placed the roles of mother and father as
“Brahma” who believed to have four noble qualities.
As for the Upasika or female lay follower, the Buddha
emphasised that Dhamma was neutral with respect to gender and that the best
role-model of woman was an enlightened one.
The role of each woman in society, placed by the
Buddha, is an admirable one. No such human being has given such a place for
women-fold in the human history. Hence the title given to the Buddha “Satta
Deva Manussanam” - the leader of the all human beings was well rehearsed in
the discussion.
Regarding the Bhikkhunis and Sil mathas, there is
freedom for one to choose the path. However, in the present day, the respect
for women expected by the Buddha seems to have disappeared. The values and the
respect that reciprocals each other as human beings are also appear to be
declining.
The position of the Bhikkhuni Sanga, such as the
approval of a higher order remains unresolved and unsupported, and as such the
decision remains with the Senior Maha Sanga. If such consideration is granted through
kindness and compassion, it could resolve human rights in the modern day we
live andcould positively support to the elimination of the
inferiority low status of the female monastics.
For the past 2600 years we
have been reading, writing and appreciating the works of the Nuns who lived in
the past. In a country like Sri Lanka, where so many enlightened beings
flourished, the Bhikkhuni order declined. This is enough to show our negligence
that is coming from our communities.
Empowering
and improving the conditions of
the female sanga communities was felt important to improve their
inferior,
subordinate low status. We have not heard of a recently enlightened nun
other than “Mae Chee Kaew” from Thailand. But the stories of the
bhikkhus have been many. Whether this
debate should take another2500 years, is not known.
The
doctrine of the Buddhist teachings immersed through meditation activities are
important conditions towards the attainment of the fruits of the path. Merely teaching the Piriven System of
Education does not seem to pave the way to enlightenment. Once those
supportive conditions are met, in future, we will see skilled and disciplined,
educated and cultured, visionary and enlightened female monastics who will live
by the teachings of the Buddha and be an excellent example for generations to
come. Undoubtedly such a group will be a beacon of inspiration for other
females to follow the Path of the Buddha, as the Buddha envisaged. Then we can
see visioned and enlightened female monastics who can contribute to the society
and to the history of the 21st century.
To conclude, let this Dhamma propagation be a tribute
to my Dhamma teachers and lay supporters who diligently inspired and
reinforced me to develop the path to
Nirwana.
Let this be a
tribute to the thousands of bhikkhus, bhikkhunis and nuns, of the past and the
lay male and female disciples of the Buddha who sacrificed so much to hand this
tradition down, from 2600 years ago. I hope that the exploring the poems
composed by the Arahat Bhikkhunis or
enlightened Buddhist nuns of old, would spring much inspirations to the
contemporary Buddhists.
The
Canonical texts reflect the role women played in the conceptualisation of
Buddhism, as such, Buddhism dignifies them by recording and remembering their
spiritual achievements.
I Finally I wish you all be well, happy and peaceful.
May the teachings of the Buddha guide you and bless you with peace that lead to Nirvana!
I also would like to acknowledge and pass merit of the
good thoughts and deeds we generated to day to all our listeners,to the
organisation, The Buddhist Association of the University of Queensland, to the
organisation of the Multi faith Centre, the President, Jacob Wu and the secreaty Jacqueline Roggers
and to all our students for organising and making this event a success and to
Thushari Tilakaratna for assisting me in organising the slide presentation.
May you all be well, happy and peaceful. May the
teachings of the Buddha guide you and bless you with peace that lead to Nirvana!
Presented by Ven. N. Sudhamma
(MEd,
Queensland University of Technology, Australia)
I measure the progress of a community by the degree of progress which women have achieved – Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
Not many people know that Dr. Ambedkar
always worked hard to uplift the situation of women in Indian society.
Here are few of the less known quote/ideas/thoughts/work from Dr. Ambedkar on women empowerment. To celebrate Women’s Day without recognizing the contribution of Dr. Ambedkar, Savitribai Phule, and Mahatma Jotiba Phule is hypocrisy and shameful act.
Newspapers started by Dr. B. R.
Ambedkar, Mooknayak and Bahiskrit Bharat predominantly used to cover
issues related to women and their empowerment.
Dr. Ambedkar was always concerned about
women empowerment. In a letter to his father’s friend, young Dr.
Ambedkar, during his studies at New York, said – We shall see better
days soon and our progress will be greatly accelerated if male education
is persuaded side by side with female education…”
On 18th July 1927, Dr. Ambedkar
addressed a meeting of about three thousand women of Depressed classes,
he said ‘I measure the progress of community by the degree of progress
which women had achieved.’
Never regard yourself as Untouchables,
live a clean life. Dress yourselves as touchable ladies. Never mind, if
your dress if full of patches, but see that it is clean. None can
restrict your freedom in the choice of your garments. Attend more to the
cultivation of the mind and spirit of self-Help. – Dr. B. R. Ambedkar
(While addressing women of Depressed classes on 18th July 1927)
Send your children to schools. Education
is as necessary for Females as it is for males. If you know how to read
and write, there would be much progress. – Dr. B. R. Ambedkar (While
addressing women of Depressed classes on 18th July 1927)
Dr. Ambedkar said to Women “Learn to be
clean. Keep from vices. Give education to your children. Instill
ambition into them. Inculcate in their minds that they are destined to
be great. Remove from them all inferiority complexes.”
Dr. Ambedkar said to Women – The
paternal duty lies in giving each child a better start than its parents
had. Above all, let every girl who marries stand by her husband, claim
to be her husband’s friend and equal, and refuse to his slave. I am sure
if you follow this advice, you will bring honour and glory to
yourselves.
Dr. Ambedkar raised the Women’s issue as
Member of Legislative Council during his debate in Bombay Legislative
Assembly on 10th Nov. 1938; he strongly advocated family planning
measures and said that besides many other problems giving birth to many
children negatively affects Mother’s health.
Did you know? Maternity Benefit Bill was
introduced by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar in 1942, during his tenure as Labour
Minister in Governor General’s Executive Council.
While drafting the constitution of
India, Dr. Ambedkar was the prime movers of the provisions related to
the welfare of women. On the question of civil rights, Dr. Ambedkar made
provisions in articles 14-16 in the Indian Constitution, which provide
equal status to Woman and also banned the of sale and purchase of woman
prevailing Hindu India.
Dr. Ambedkar also introduced an
emancipatory bill (the Hindu code Bill) in Parliament which intended
mainly 1) to abolish different marriage systems prevalent among Hindus
and to establish monogamy as the only legal system; 2) Conferment of
right to property and adoption on women; 3) restitution of conjugal
rights and judicial separation; attempts to unify the Hindu Code in tune
with progressive and modern thought.
Did you know? Dr. Ambedkar created
awareness among poor, illiterate women and inspired them to fight
against the unjust and social practices like child marriages and devdasi
system.
How many Indian ministers have resigned over women issues?
Did you know? In January 1928, a women‟s association was founded in Bombay with Ramabai, Dr. Ambedkar‟s wife, as its president.
Did you know? Dr. Ambedkar believed in
the strength of women and their role in the process of social reform. In
the Kalram Temple entry Satyagraha at Nasik in 1930, five hundred women
participated and many of them were arrested along with men and ill
treated in jails.
Did you know? Dr. Ambedkar believed in
the strength of women and their role in the process of social reform.
The historic Mahad Satyagraha witnessed participation of three hundred
women along with their male counterparts.
I strongly believe in the movements run
by women. If they are truly taken in to confidence, they may change the
present picture of society which is very miserable. In past, they have
played a significant role in improving the condition of weaker section
and classes.
“Unity is meaningless without the
accompaniment of women. Education is fruitless without educated women,
and agitation is incomplete without the strength of women”.
In January 1928, a women’s association was founded in Bombay with Ramabai, Ambedkar’s wife, as its president.
On 20th July 1942, The All India Dalit Mahila conference was organized and 25,000 women attended that conference.
Gaining inspiration and encouragement
from Dr. Ambedkar, many women wrote on topics like Planning, Buddhist
philosophy and such other topics. Women also wrote plays,
autobiographies, and participated in Satyagrahas. Tulsabai Bansode
started a newspaper Chokhamela. This showed how Dr. Ambedkar created
awareness among poor, illiterate women and inspired them to fight
against the unjust social practices like child marriages and devdasi
system.
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Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta — Attendance on awareness — in Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa,
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Sutta iki dianggep akeh minangka referensi dhasar kanggo praktik semedi. Pambuka
I. Pengamatan saka Kāya A. Bagean ing uanāpana B. Bagean ing postur C. Bagean ing sampajañña D. Bagean babagan repulsiveness E. Bagéan ing Unsur F. Bagéan ing sangang gandum garwa
II. Pangamatan Vedanā
III. Pengamatan Citta
IV. Pengamatan Dhammas A. Bagean ing Nīvaraṇas B. Bagean ing Khandhas C. Bagean ing Sher Spense D. Bagean ing Bojjhaṅgas E. Bagean ing Kasunyatan E1. Eksposisi Dukkhasacca E2. Eksposisi Samudayasacca E3. Eksposisi Nirodhasacca E4. Eksposisi Maggasacca
Pambuka
Mangkono aku wis krungu:
Ing salah sawijining kesempatan, Bhagavā tetep ana ing Kurus ing
Kammāsadhamma, kutha pasar Kurus. Ing kana, dheweke ujar para bhikkhus: - Bhikkhus.– Bhaddante mangsuli bhikkhus. Sang Bhagavā ngandika:
- Iki, bhikkhus, yaiku dalan sing ora liya, kajaba ngresiki makhluk,
ngatasi kasusahan lan tangisan, ngilang saka dukkha-domanassa, nggayuh
cara sing bener, nyata-nyata Nibbāna, yaiku ujar papat satipaṭṭhānas.
Sekawan? Ing kene, bhikkhus, sawijining bhikkhu manggenake kāya ing
kāya, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa menyang
jagad iki. Dheweke manggen karo vedanā ing vedanā, ātāpī sampajāno,
satimā, sawise nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa menyang jagad iki. Dheweke
manggon ngawasake citta ing citta, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise
nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa menyang jagad. Dheweke manggon ing ndelok
dhamma · s, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa
menyang jagad iki.
I. Kāyānupassanā
A. Bagean ing uanāpana
Lan kepiye, bhikkhus, apa bhikkhu manggoni kāya ing kāya? Ing kene,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, wis lunga ing alas utawa wis tekan akar wit utawa
sawise mlebu menyang kamar sing kosong, lenggah ing sikil sikil kanthi
nyasar, nyetel kāya kanthi tegak, lan nyetel sati parimukhaṃ. Dadi kewan
iki dheweke ambegan, dadi kewan kaya mangkene. AMBEGAN suwene dheweke
ngerti: ‘Saya suwe ambegan’; ambegan dawa dheweke ngerti: ‘Saya suwe
ambegan’; kanthi cekak napas dheweke ngerti: ‘Aku mung ambegan’; cekak
ambegan dheweke ngerti: ‘Aku nyakot ambegan’; dheweke melatih awake
dhewe: ‘ngrasa kabeh kāya, aku bakal ambegan’; dheweke melatih awake
dhewe: ‘ngrasa kabeh kāya, aku bakal ambegan’; dheweke melatih awake
dhewe: ‘tenang karo kāya-saṅkhāras, aku bakal ambegan’; dheweke melatih
awake dhewe: ‘tenang karo kāya-saṅkhāras, aku bakal ambegan’.
Kaya ngono, bhikkhus, pemula sing trampil utawa magang dadi pemilih,
nggawe dawa, mangertos: ‘Aku nggawe dawa’; nggawe wektu cendhak, dheweke
ngerti: ‘Aku nggawe wektu cendhak’; kanthi cara sing padha, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu, ambegan kanthi dawa, ngerti: ‘Saya suwe ambegan’; ambegan dawa
dheweke ngerti: ‘Saya suwe ambegan’; kanthi cekak napas dheweke ngerti:
‘Aku mung ambegan’; cekak ambegan dheweke ngerti: ‘Aku nyakot ambegan’;
dheweke melatih awake dhewe: ‘ngrasa kabeh kāya, aku bakal ambegan’;
dheweke melatih awake dhewe: ‘ngrasa kabeh kāya, aku bakal ambegan’;
dheweke melatih awake dhewe: ‘tenang karo kāya-saṅkhāras, aku bakal
ambegan’; dheweke melatih awake dhewe: ‘tenang karo kāya-saṅkhāras, aku
bakal ambegan’.
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya
ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing
njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal;
piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke
tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke
ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane,
[sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung
paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing
jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
B. Bagean ing postur
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, sing bhikkhu, nalika mlaku, mangertos: ‘Aku
mlaku-mlaku’, utawa nalika ngadeg dheweke ngerti: ‘Aku wis ngadeg’,
utawa nalika njagong dheweke mangertos: ‘Aku lungguh’, utawa nalika lagi
turu, dheweke ngerti: ‘ Aku ngapusi ‘. Yen ora, ing endi wae kepiye
kepemiliran, dheweke ngerti kanthi bener.
Kanthi mangkono,
dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin
weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing
kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya
fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan
fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena
ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke,
mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan
ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu
manggoni pemerintah kāya.
C. Bagean ing sampajañña
Salajengipun, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, nalika nyedhak lan nalika tindak,
tumindak kanthi sampajañña, nalika nggoleki ing ngarep lan nalika
ndeleng, dheweke tumindak karo sampajañña, nalika mbengkongake lan
nalika mbentang, dheweke kerja karo sampajañña, nalika nganggo jubah lan
jubah ndhuwur lan nalika nggawa mangkuk, dheweke tumindak sampajañña,
nalika mangan, nalika ngombe, nalika ngunyah, nalika ngrasakake, dheweke
tumindak karo sampajañña, nalika nekani bisnis sing ngala lan
ngisin-isini, dheweke tumindak sampajañña, nalika mlaku, nalika ngadeg,
nalika lungguh , nalika turu, nalika siyaga, nalika ngomong lan nalika
meneng, dheweke tumindak nganggo sampajañña.
Kanthi mangkono,
dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin
weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing
kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya
fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan
fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena
ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke,
mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan
ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu
manggoni pemerintah kāya.
D. Bagean babagan Repulsiveness
Kajaba iku, bhikkhu, bhikkhu nganggep awak iki, saka sikil sikil munggah
lan rambut ing sirah mudhun, sing disuda karo kulit lan kebak
macem-macem jinis kotor: “Ing kawah iki, ana rambut sirah, rambut, awak,
kuku, untu, kulit, daging, tendon, balung, sumsum balung, ginjel, ati,
ati, pleura, limpa, paru-paru, usus, mesentri, weteng karo isine, feces,
empile, phlegm , pus, getih, kringet, lemak, luh, grease, saliva, mukus
irung, cairan synovial lan urin. “
Kaya-kaya, bhikkhus, ana tas
sing ana rong bukaan lan diisi macem-macem jinis gandum, kayata
padi-padi, padi, kacang-kacangan, kacang-kacang, wiji wijen lan pari
husked. Wong sing duwe pandhangan sing apik, yen ora mantep, bakal
nimbang [isine]: “Iki pucukan bukit, iki sawah, wong-wong kasebut mung
kacang-kacangan, iku kacang-kacangan, wiji wijen lan iki beras husked;”
kanthi cara sing padha, bhikkhus, bhikkhu nganggep awak iki, saka sikil
sikil munggah lan saka rambut ing sirah mudhun, sing dikepungake karo
kulit lan kebak macem-macem jinis kotor: “Ing kāya iki, ana yaiku rambut
sirah, rambut, awak, kuku, untu, kulit, daging, tendon, balung, sumsum
balung, ginjel, ati, ati, pleura, limpa, paru-paru, usus, mesentri,
weteng karo isine, feces, empan, kahak, nanah, getih, kringet, lemak,
luh, grease, saliva, mukus irung, cairan synovial lan urin. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa
dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
E. Bagéan ing Unsur
Salajengipun, bhikkhus, bhikkhu nggambaraken kawontenan sanget kasebut,
nanging diseleh, nanging dibuwang minangka dumadi saka unsur-unsur:
“Ing kawah iki, ana unsur bumi, unsur banyu, unsur geni lan unsur
udara.”
Kaya dene, bhikkhus, tukang mateni sing duwe katrampilan
utawa magang tukang daging, yen mateni sapi, bakal lenggah ing
persimpangan sing dipotong; kanthi cara sing padha, bhikkhus, bhikkhu
nggambarake kāya banget iki, nanging diselehake, nanging dibuwang: “Ing
kiki iki, ana unsur bumi, unsur banyu, unsur geni lan unsur udara.”
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero,
utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
F. Bagéan ing sangang gandum garwa
(1)
Salajengipun, bhikkhus, minangka bhikkhu, kaya nalika ndeleng awak sing
wis mati, dibuwang ing lemah, sedina seda, utawa rong dina utawa telung
dina mati, abuh, bledosan lan rame, dheweke nganggep banget kutu iki: ”
Ketya iki uga kaya ngono, mula bakal ora kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka
kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani
kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya
ing njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan
eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya,
utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa
dheweke ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane,
[sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung
paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing
jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(2)
Salajengipun, bhikkhu, minangka bhikkhu, sami-sami ningali awak mayit,
dibuwang ing lemah, didhahar dening manuk gagak, dipangan burung,
dipangan dening manuk, dipangan dening heron, dipangan asu, dipangan
macan, dipangan pantter, dipangan macem-macem jinis makhluk, dheweke
nganggep banget kutu iki: “Ketya iki uga kaya ngono, mula bakal dadi
kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi
mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa
dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(3) Salajengipun,
bhikkhu, minangka bhikkhu, sami-sami ningali awak mayit, dibuwang ing
lemah, balung kanthi daging lan getih, sing dikepung dening tendon,
dheweke nganggep banget kutu iki: “Ketya iki uga kalebu kaya ngono alam,
mula bakal kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa
dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(4) Salajengipun,
bhikkhu, minangka bhikkhu, sami-sami ningali awak mayit, dibuwang ing
lemah, balung tanpa daging lan dibungkus getih, dihiasi karo tendon,
dheweke nganggep banget kutu iki: “Ketya iki uga saka alam kaya ngono,
mula bakal dadi ora kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero,
utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(5) Salajengipun,
bhikkhu, minangka bhikkhu, sami-sami ningali awak mayit, dibuwang ing
lemah, balung tanpa daging utawa getih, sing dikepung dening tendon,
dheweke nganggep banget kutu iki: “Ketya iki uga kalebu kaya ngono alam,
mula bakal kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa
dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(6) Salajengipun,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, sami-sami ningali awak mayit, dibuwang ing lemah,
balung sing disebar ing kene, ana balung tangan, ana balung sikil, kene
balung tungkak, ana balung shin , ing kene balung paha, ana balung
pinggul, kene balung, ana balung geger, kene balung tulang belakang, ana
balung gulu, ing kene balung rahang, ana balung untu, utawa ing kono
tengkorak, dheweke nganggep kawat banget iki. : “Kewya iki uga kalebu
sifat kaya ngono, mula bakal ora kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan
kaya ngono.”
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing
kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing
njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal;
piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke
tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke
ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane,
[sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung
paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing
jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(7)
Salajengipun, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, kados ningali awak mayit, dibuwang ing
lemah, balung diputus kaya segara, dheweke nganggep banget kutuya:
“Ketya iki uga wujud kaya ngono, mula dadi kaya ngono, lan ora bebas
saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin
mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya
ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal
lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya,
utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa
dheweke ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane,
[sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung
paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing
jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(8)
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, minangka bhikkhu, kaya dheweke weruh mayat sing
mati, dibuwang ing lemah, ngepit balung sing wis setaun taun, dheweke
nganggep banget kutuya iki: “Ketya iki uga kaya ngono, mula arep dadi
kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi
mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa
dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya ing njaba, utawa dheweke
kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani
kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa dheweke ngudhari samudaya
lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
(9 Salajengipun,
bhikkhus, minangka bhikkhu, kaya nalika ndeleng awak sing mati, dibuwang
ing lemah, balung sing rusak dadi bubuk, dheweke nganggep kutu banget
iki: “Ketya iki uga kaya ngono, mula dadi kaya ngono, lan ora bebas saka
kahanan kaya ngono. “
Kanthi mangkono, dheweke kepengin mirsani
kāya ing kāya ing njero, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing kāya
ing njaba, utawa dheweke kepengin weruh ing kāya ing internal lan
eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména ing kāya,
utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan-kedadeyan fenomena ing kāya, utawa
dheweke ngudhari samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing kāya; utawa liyane,
[sadhar:] “iki kāya!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung
paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing
jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni pemerintah kāya.
II. Pangamatan Vedanā
Lan sabanjure, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu manggon karo vedanā ing vedanā?
Saengga dheweke manggon
karo vedanā ing vedanā sacara internal, utawa dheweke diamati vedanā
ing vedanā sacara internal, utawa dheweke diamati vedanā ing vedanā
sacara internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya
fénoména ing vedanā, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyan fenomena ing
vedanā, utawa dheweke nemokake samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing
vedanā; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki vedanā!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung
ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora
nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Dadi, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggon ing
vedanā ing vedanā.
III. Pengamatan Citta
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu manggon ing citta ing citta?
Ing kene, bhikkhus, bhikkhu ngerti citta karo rāga minangka “citta karo
raga”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta tanpa dina minangka rajapati minangka
“citta tanpa rāga”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta kanthi dosa minangka
“citta karo dosa”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta tanpa dosa kaya “citta
tanpa dosa”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta karo moha minangka “citta karo
moha”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta tanpa moha minangka “citta tanpa
moha”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing diklumpukake minangka “citta sing
dikumpulake, utawa dheweke ngerti sing nyebar citta minangka “citta
sing kasebar”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing ditambahi minangka “citta
sing ditambahi”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing ora larang minangka
“citta sing ora larang”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing ora bisa
dilebokake minangka “citta sing paling akeh”, utawa dheweke ngerti.
citta sing ora bisa ditrapake minangka “citta sing ora bisa dilacak”,
utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing dienggoni minangka “citta sing
dienggoni”, utawa dheweke ngerti citta sing ora diresmikake, utawa
ngerti yen citta dibebasake minangka “citta dibebasake”, utawa dheweke
ngerti citta sing ora diwatesi minangka “citta sing ora diwatesi”.
Mangkono, dheweke manggoni citta ing citta sacara internal, utawa
dheweke nemokake citta ing njaba, utawa dheweke ndeleng citta ing citta
internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fénoména
ing citta, utawa dheweke tetep mirsani kedadeyane fenomena ing citta,
utawa dheweke nemokake prekara samudaya lan ngliwati fenomena ing citta;
utawa liyane, [sadhar:] “iki citta!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora
mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel
karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni citta
ing citta.
IV. Pengamatan Dhammas
A. Bagean ing Nīvaraṇas
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu manggon ing dhammas? Ing kene,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi referensi kanggo
limang nīvaraṇas. Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu manggoni dhammas
ing dhammas kanthi referensi kanggo limang nīvaraṇas?
Ing kene,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, sing ana ketmacchanda sing ana ing njero, ngerti:
“ana kāmacchanda ing jero aku”; ora ana ketmacchanda sing ana ing njero,
dheweke ngerti: “Ora ana kāmacchanda ing jero aku”; dheweke ngerti
sejatine kāmacchanda sing ora diwedharake; dheweke ngerti kepiye aris
kāmacchanda nilar; lan dheweke ngerti kepiye kāmacchanda sing
ditinggalake ora bakal teka ing mangsa ngarep.
Ing kene,
bhikkhus, sing bhikkhu, sing ana ing jero ruangan, ngerti: “ana byāpāda
ing njero aku”; ora ana byāpāda sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “Ora
ana byāpāda ing aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye carane diwatesi byāpāda;
dheweke ngerti carane arum byāpāda sing nilar; lan dheweke ngerti
sejatine byāpāda sing nilar ora bakal kedadeyan.
Ing kene,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, sing ana thīnamiddhā sing ana, ngerti: “ana
thīnamiddhā ing aku”; ora ana thīnamiddhā sing ana ing njero, dheweke
ngerti: “Ora ana thīnamiddhā ing aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye tharis sing
diarani taris; dheweke ngerti carane arisen thīnamiddhā ditinggal; lan
dheweke ngerti kepiye thīnamiddhā sing ditinggalake ora bakal teka
maneh.
Dheweke ngerti babagan mana, dheweke ngerti dhammas,
dheweke ngerti saṃyojana sing muncul amarga loro iki, dheweke ngerti
kepiye kedadeyan ingṃyojana sing ora dikandhakake, dheweke ngerti kepiye
arane saṃyojana sing nilar, lan dheweke ngerti kepiye saṃyojana sing
nilar ora muncul. ing mangsa ngarep.
Mangkono dheweke manggoni
dhammas ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke tetep ndelok dhammas
ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke nemokake dhammas ing dhammas
internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fenomena
ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni mirsani kedadean fenomena ing
dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni ing samudaya lan ngilangi fenomena ing
dhammas; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki dhammas!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung
ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora
nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Mangkono, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni
dhammas ing dhammas, sing ana nemoni internal internal lan eksternal.
D. Bagean ing Bojjhaṅgas
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi
referensi pitung bojjhaṅgas. Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu
manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi referensi pitung bojjhaṅgas?
Ing kene, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, sing ana sati sambojjhaṅga sing ana ing
njero, ngerti: “ana sati sambojjhaṅga ing jeroanku”; ora ana sati
sambojjhaṅga sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “Ora ana sati
sambojjhaṅga ing njero aku”; dheweke ngerti sejatine sati sambojjhaṅga
unarisen; dheweke ngerti sejatine arisen sati sambojjha isga
dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Nalika ana dhammavicaya
kapaljjhaṅga sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “ana kapaljjhaṅga
dhammavicaya; amarga ora dadi kapal dhjavikaya dhammavicaya, dheweke
ngerti: “ora ana dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga ing aku”; dheweke ngerti
kepiye carane dhiri dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga; dheweke ngerti kepiye
arjadir dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Nalika ana vīriya sambojjhaṅga sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “ana
vīriya sambojjhaṅga ing njero aku”; ora ana vīriya kapaljjhaṅga sing ana
ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “Ora ana vīriya kapaljjhaṅga ing njero aku”;
dheweke ngerti kepiye carane varismajjha samboga unarisen; dheweke
ngerti kepiye aris vīriya sambojjhaṅga dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Ing kana, ana ing sangarepe boatjjhaṅga, dheweke ngerti: “ana
kacangjjhaṅga ing Paiti”; amarga ora ana ing ngisor iki, aku ngerti:
“Ora ana pupujjhaṅga ing njero aku;” dheweke ngerti kepiye carane
nggabungake kacangjjjṅga unarisen; dheweke ngerti kepiye aris
kacangtijjṅṅga arisen dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Nalika ana
kapaljjhaṅga passaddhi, dheweke ngerti: “ana kapaljjhaṅga passaddhi ing
aku”; ora ana kapaljjhaṅga passaddhi, dheweke ngerti: “Ora ana kapal
sing apik ing aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye pasjarke passaddhi
sambojjhaṅga; dheweke ngerti kepiye arjunahe sidjjhaṅga arisen
dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Nalika ana samjarku kapaljjhaṅga
sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “ana kapal samjdṅga samādhi”; ora
ana samjarku kapaljjhaṅga sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “ora ana
samādhi sambojjhaṅga ing njero aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye carane
njejeri samādhi sambojjhaṅga; dheweke ngerti kepiye aris samādhi
sambojjhaṅga dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Nalika ana
kapaljjhaṅga upekkhā, dheweke ngerti: “ana kapaljjhaṅga upekkhā ing
aku”; amarga ora ana kapaljjhaṅga upekkhā sing ana, dheweke ngerti: “ora
ana kapal-kapal sambojjhaṅga ing ndhuwur aku”; dheweke ngerti sejatine
upariskhāājjhaṅga unarisen; dheweke ngerti kepiye aris upekkhā
sambojjhaṅga dikembangake dadi kasampurnan.
Mangkono dheweke
manggoni dhammas ing dhammas sacara internal, utawa dheweke tetep ndelok
dhammas ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke nemokake dhammas ing
dhammas internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya
fenomena ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni mirsani kedadean fenomena
ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni ing samudaya lan ngilangi fenomena
ing dhammas; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki dhammas!” sati ana ing dheweke,
mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan
ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Dadi, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni
dhammas ing dhammas, kanthi referensi pitung bojjhaṅgas.
Ing
kene, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, sing ana uddhacca-kukkucca sing ana ing njero,
ngerti: “ana uddhacca-kukkucca ing njero aku”; ora ana uddhacca-kukkucca
sing ana ing njero, dheweke ngerti: “ora ana uddhacca-kukkucca ing
aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye uddhacca-kukkucca unarisen; dheweke ngerti
kepiye uddhacca-kukkucca sing ditinggalake; lan dheweke ngerti kepiye
uddhacca-kukkucca sing ditinggalake ora bakal teka ing mangsa ngarep.
Ing kene, bhikkhus, sing bhikkhu, sing ana ing kono dadi vicikicchā ing
njero: “ana vicikicchā ing jero aku”; amarga ora ana vicikicchā sing
ana, dheweke ngerti: “Ora ana vicikicchā ing aku”; dheweke ngerti kepiye
cara vicikicchā sing ora diwedharake; dheweke ngerti kepiye carane
vicikicchā sing aris ditinggalake; lan dheweke ngerti kepiye para
vicikicchā sing ditinggalake ora bakal teka maneh.
Mangkono
dheweke manggoni dhammas ing dhammas sacara internal, utawa dheweke
tetep ndelok dhammas ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke nemokake
dhammas ing dhammas internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen
mirsani samudaya fenomena ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni mirsani
kedadean fenomena ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni ing samudaya lan
ngilangi fenomena ing dhammas; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki dhammas!” sati
ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep
ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Dadi, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas, kanthi referensi kanggo limang
nīvaraṇas.
B. Bagean ing Khandhas
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi referensi kanggo limang
khandhas. Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye bhikkhu manggon ing dhammas sing
nuduhake kh lima?
Ing kene, bhikkhus, sing bhikkhu [ngerteni]:
“kaya ngono yaiku rūpa, kayata samudaya saka rūpa, kaya ngono liwati
rūpa; kaya ngono vedanā, kayata samudaya saka vedanā, kaya ngono,
lelungan ing vedanā; iku saññā, kaya samudaya saññā, kaya ngono liwati
saññā; kaya ngono saṅkhāra, kayata samudaya saka saṅkhāra, kaya ngono,
liwati saka saṅkhāra; kaya ngono viññāṇa, kayata samudaya saka viññāṇa,
kaya ngono maringaken viññāṇa “.
Mangkono dheweke manggoni
dhammas ing dhammas sacara internal, utawa dheweke tetep ndelok dhammas
ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke nemokake dhammas ing dhammas
internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun manggen mirsani samudaya fenomena
ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni mirsani kedadean fenomena ing
dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni ing samudaya lan ngilangi fenomena ing
dhammas; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki dhammas!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung
ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati, dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora
nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki. Dadi, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni
dhammas ing dhammas, kanthi referensi limang khandhas.
C. Bagean ing Sher Spense
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi
referensi kanggo enem internal internal. Salajengipun, bhikkhus, kepiye
bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi referensi menyang enem
internal internal lan eksternal?
Ing kene, bhikkhus, bhikkhu
ngerti cakkhu, dheweke ngerti rūpa, dheweke ngerti saṃyojana sing muncul
amarga loro iki, dheweke ngerti kepiye kedadeyan ingṃyojana unarisen,
dheweke ngerti kepiye aris saṃyojana ditinggal, lan dheweke ngerti
kepiye saṃyojana sing ditinggal. ora teka njedul.
Dheweke ngerti
sota, dheweke ngerti sadda, dheweke ngerti saṃyojana sing muncul amarga
loro iki, dheweke ngerti kepiye kedadeyan saṃyojana sing ora
dikandhakake, dheweke ngerti kepiye arane saṃyojana sing nilar, lan
dheweke ngerti kepiye saṃyojana sing nilar ora muncul ing mangsa ngarep.
Dheweke ngerti ghāna, dheweke ngerti gandha, dheweke ngerti saṃyojana
sing muncul amarga loro iki, dheweke ngerti kepiye kedadeyan saṃyojana
sing ora dikandhakake, dheweke ngerti kepiye arani saṃyojana sing nilar,
lan dheweke ngerti kepiye saṃyojana sing nilar ora muncul. ing mangsa
ngarep.
Dheweke ngerti jivha, dheweke ngerti rasa, dheweke ngerti
saṃyojana sing muncul amarga loro iki, dheweke ngerti kepiye kedadeyan
saṃyojana sing ora dikandhakake, dheweke ngerti kepiye arane saṃyojana
sing nilar, lan dheweke ngerti kepiye saṃyojana sing ditinggal ora teka.
ing mangsa ngarep.
Dheweke ngerti kāya, dheweke ngerti
phoṭṭhabba, dheweke ngerti saṃyojana sing muncul amarga loro iki,
dheweke ngerti kepiye kedadeyan saṃyojana sing ora diwedharake, dheweke
ngerti kepiye arane saṃyojana sing nilar, lan dheweke ngerti kepiye
saṃyojana sing ora nate muncul ing mangsa ngarep.
Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas kanthi
referensi kanggo papat ariya · saccas. Kajaba iku, bhikkhus, kepiye
bhikkhu manggon ing dhammas sing nuduhake papat ariya · saccas?
E1. Eksposisi Dukkhasacca
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa dukkha ariyasacca? Jingkatan iku dukkha, tuwa
yaiku dukkha (lara yaiku dukkha) maraṇa yaiku dukkha, duka, prihatin,
dukkha, domanassa lan kasusahan yaiku dukkha, asosiasi karo sing ora
disenengi yaiku dukkha, pamisahan saka sing disenengi yaiku dukkha, ora
kanggo njaluk apa sing dikarepake yaiku dukkha; ing cendhak, limang
upādāna · k · khandhas yaiku dukkha.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, yaiku
jabatan? Kanggo macem-macem makhluk ing macem-macem kelas makhluk,
jabatan, lair, keturunan [menyang rahim], sing muncul [ing jagad], rupa,
rupane khandhas, akuisisi akuwasa. Iki, bhikkhus, diarani jabatan.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa jarā? Kanggo macem-macem makhluk ing macem-macem
kelas makhluk, jarā, negara rusak, duwe rusak untu, duwe rambut
abu-abu, diresmikake, mandhaping kekeguhan, bosok indriyas: iki,
bhikkhus, diarani jarā.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, yaiku maraṇa? Kanggo
macem-macem makhluk ing macem-macem kelas makhluk, alur, negara nggeser
[ora ana], istirahat, sirna, tiwas, mara thea, liwati adoh, istirahat
khandhas, mbuwang mayit: iki, bhikkhus, diarani maraṇa.
Lan apa,
bhikkhus, minangka kasusahan? Ing siji, bhikkhus, sing ana gandhengane
karo macem-macem jinis kasangsaran, disentuh karo macem-macem jinis
dukkha dhammas, kasusahan, prihatin, negara kasusahan, kasusahan batin,
kasusahan gedhe banget: iki, bhikkhus, diarani kasusahan.
Lan
apa, bhikkhus, yaiku tangisan? Ing siji, bhikkhus, sing ana gandhengane
karo macem-macem jinis kasangsaran, disentuh karo macem-macem jinis
dukkha dhammas, tangisan, tangisan, nangis, nangis, kahanan nangis,
negara nangis: iki, bhikkhus, diarani tangisan.
Lan apa,
bhikkhus, iku dukkha? Apa wae, bhikkhus, dukkha awak, rasa ora
nyenengake awak, dukkha digawe dening kontak awak, vedayitas sing ora
nyenengake: iki, bhikkhus, diarani dukkha.
Lan, apa, bhikkhus,
yaiku domanassa? Apa wae, bhikkhus, dukkha mental, rasa ora nyenengake
mental, dukkha digawe dening kontak mental, vedayitas sing ora
nyenengake: iki, bhikkhus, diarani domanassa.
Lan apa, bhikkhus,
ora kentekan niat? Ing siji, bhikkhus, sing ana gandhengane karo
macem-macem jinis kasangsaran, disentuh karo macem-macem jinis dukkha
dhammas, kasusahan, putus asa, negara sing ngalami masalah, negara sing
ora kentekan niat, iki, bhikkhus, diarani putus asa.
Lan apa,
bhikkhus, yaiku dukkha sing ana hubungane karo apa sing ora setuju? Ing
kene, babagan wujud, swara, rasa, ambu ora enak, fénoména lan fénoména
mental, sing ora kepenak, ora nyenengake, ora nyenengake, utawa
liya-liyane sing pengin kekurangan, sing kepéngin ilang, wong sing
kepéngin ora seneng, sing kepengin mbebasake saka siji saka lampiran,
patemon, digandhengake, dadi bareng, nemoni: iki, bhikkhus, diarani
dukkha sing gegandhengan karo apa sing ora setuju.
Lan, apa,
bhikkhus, yaiku dukkha dibedakake saka apa sing setuju? Ing kene,
babagan wujud, swara, rasa, ambu ora enak, fénoména lan fénoména mental
sing ana kepenak, nyenengake, nyenengake, utawa liya-liyane sing
kepéngin mupangate, wong sing kepéngin mupangate, wong sing kepéngin
mupangat, wong sing kepéngin mupang, kepéngin mardika saka wong saka
lampiran, ora patemon, ora digandhengake, ora bebarengan, ora nemoni:
iki, bhikkhus, diarani dukkha disuda saka apa sing disepakati.
Lan, apa, bhikkhus, apa dukkha ora njaluk apa sing dikarepake? Ing
makhluk, bhikkhus, duwe ciri lair, mula pangarep-arep kaya mengkene: “oh
tenan, muga-muga ora ana jabatan kanggo kita, lan tenan, muga-muga kita
ora bakal mlebu jabatan.” Nanging iki ora bisa digayuh kanthi kepengin.
Iki dukkha ora njaluk apa sing dikarepake.
Ing makhluk,
bhikkhus, duwe karakteristik kanggo tuwa, kekarepan kaya mengkene: “oh
tenan, bisa uga ora ana jarā kanggo kita. Nanging iki ora bisa digayuh
kanthi kepengin. Iki dukkha ora njaluk apa sing dikarepake.
Ing
makhluk, bhikkhus, duwe ciri lara, mula kekarepan kaya mengkene: “oh
tenan, bisa uga ora ana penyakit kanggo kita, lan tenan, mula kita ora
kena penyakit.” Nanging iki ora bisa digayuh kanthi kepengin. Iki dukkha
ora njaluk apa sing dikarepake.
Ing makhluk, bhikkhus, duwe
karakteristik kanggo tuwa, kekarepan kaya mengkene: “oh tenan, muga-muga
ora mara mara kanggo kita, lan saestu, supaya kita ora mara ing mara
nota.” Nanging iki ora bisa digayuh kanthi kepengin. Iki dukkha ora
njaluk apa sing dikarepake.
Ing makhluk, bhikkhus, duwe
karakteristik kesedihan, tangisan, dukkha, domanassa lan kasusahan,
kekarepan kaya mengkene: “oh tenan, muga-muga ora ana kasusahan,
tangisan, dukkha, domanassa lan kasusahan kanggo kita, lan tenan,
muga-muga ora bisa teka ing kasusahan, tangisan, dukkha, domanassa lan
kasusahan. ” Nanging iki ora bisa digayuh kanthi kepengin. Iki dukkha
ora njaluk apa sing dikarepake.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, cendhak limang
upādānakkhandhas? Yaiku: rūpa upādānakkhandha, sing vedanā
upādānakkhandha, saññā upādānakkhandha, sing saṅkhāra upādānakkhandha,
ing viññāṇa upādānakkhandha. Iki diarani cekak, bhikkhus, lima
upādānakkhandhas.
Iki diarani, bhikkhus, dukkha ariyasacca
E2. Eksposisi Samudayasacca
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa dukkha-samudaya ariyasacca? Iki taṇhā sing
ndadékaké rebirth, sing ana gandhengane karo kepinginan lan rasa seneng,
sing nyenengake, utawa seneng, yaiku: rambut-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā lan
vibhava-taṇhā. Nanging taṇhā, bhikkhus iki, nalika muncul, mula ana sing
muncul, lan nalika ngrampungake [awake], ing endi? Ing jagad iki kayane
katon kepenak lan sarujuk, mula ana ing ngendi taṇhā, nalika njedhul,
bakal ana, ing ngendi tekan.
Lan apa sing ana ing jagat iki
kepenak lan sarujuk? Mripat ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika njedhul, njedhul, ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Kuping
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, njedhul,
ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Irung ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, njedhul, ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Ilat ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul,
njedhul, ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Kāya ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, tangi, nalika ana sing ngrampungake,
mapan. Manajemen ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, tangi, nalika ana ngrampungake, mapan.
Wangun sing katon
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, muncul,
nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan. Swara ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, njedhul, ana nalika ngrampungake,
mapan. Krungu ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, timbul, ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Rasa ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, njedhul, ana nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Fénoména ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika njedhul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Dhammas ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ana
nalika netep, banjur mapan.
Mripat-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ana nalika ngrampungake,
mapan. Ing kuping-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika njedhul, muncul, ana nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Irung-viññāṇa
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, tangi,
nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan. Ilat-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake,
mapan. Kāya-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Mana-viññāṇa ing jagad
iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan.
Mata-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ing kana nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Samphassa kuping ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ana ing kono nalika netep. Samphassa
irung ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul,
tangi, nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan. Basa-samphassa ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, tangi, nalika ana
ngrampungake, mapan. Kāya-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Mana-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, tangi, nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan.
Vedanā sing
dilahirake saka mata-samphassa ing jagad iki nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika njedhul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Vedanā sing
lair saka kuping-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika njedhul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Vedanā sing lair saka
irung-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
timbul, ana, nalika arep ngatasi, banjur netep. Vedanā sing lair saka
basa-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
timbul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Vedanā sing lair saka
kāya-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Vedanā sing lair saka
mana-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
timbul, ana, nalika arep ngrampungake, mapan.
Saññā saka formulir
sing katon ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Saññā swara ing jagad
iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ing kana
nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Saññā wangi ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ing kana nalika netep,
manggon. Saññā rasa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, timbul, ing kana nalika netep, manggon. Fénoména saññā
fénoména ing saindenging jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Saññā Dhammas ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika tangi, timbul, ing
kana nalika netep, manggon.
Niat kasebut [hubungane] katon ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Tujuan [gegandhengan karo] swara ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Niat kasebut [sing ana gandhengane] ambu ora enak
ing jagad iki apik lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana,
nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Niat kasebut [ana hubungane] rasa ing jagad
iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Niat kasebut [ana hubungane] fenomena awak ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana,
nalika ngrampungake, ngrampungake. Niat kasebut [hubungane] dhammas ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika tangi, timbul, ing kana
nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Taṇhā kanggo wujud sing katon ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Taṇhā kanggo swara ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Taṇhā kanggo ambu wangi ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Taṇhā kanggo rasa
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal
ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Taṇhā kanggo fénoména ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Taṇhā kanggo dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ing kana nalika netep,
manggon.
Vitakka saka wujud sing katon ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Vitakka swara ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
njedhul, ana, nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan. Vitakka ambu ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, ana, nalika
ana sing ngrampungake, mapan. Rasa vitakka ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, timbul, ing kana nalika netep,
manggon. Ing vitakka fénoména awak ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika timbul, ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Vitakka
dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul,
timbul, ing kana nalika ngrampungake, mapan.
Wakil bentuk sing
katon ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul,
bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Wakil swara ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, muncul, nalika ana sing
ngrampungake, mapan. Wakil bau ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Wakil cita
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika njedhul, bakal
ana, nalika ngrampungake, mapan. Fénoména fénoména sing ana ing jagad
iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika muncul, ana, nalika
ngrampungake, mapan. Wakil dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika tangi, muncul, nalika ana sing ngrampungake, mapan.
Iki diarani, bhikkhus, dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca.
E3. Eksposisi Nirodhasacca
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa dukkha-samudaya ariyasacca? Iki taṇhā sing
ndadékaké rebirth, sing ana gandhengane karo kepinginan lan rasa seneng,
sing nyenengake, utawa seneng, yaiku: rambut-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā lan
vibhava-taṇhā. Nanging taṇhā, bhikkhus iki, nalika nilar, ana ngendi
ditinggal, lan nalika mandheg, ngendi mandheg? Ing jagad iki kayane
katon kepenak lan sarujuk, yaiku kahanan taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, nalika bareng mandheg.
Lan apa sing ana ing jagat iki
kepenak lan sarujuk? Mripat ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Kuping ing jagad iki nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Irung ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Ilat ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Kāya ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Mana
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Wangun sing katon
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Swara ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, mandheg. Krungu ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Rasa
ing jagad iki nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Fénoména ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg. Dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Mripat-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
ditinggal, ditinggal, ana ing kono nalika mandheg. Ing kuping-viññāṇa
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg. Irung-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Ilat-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Kāya-viññāṇa
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg. Mana-viññāṇa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Mata-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, mandheg. Samphassa kuping ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg, mandheg. Samphassa irung ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur
mandheg. Basa-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, mandheg. Kāya-samphassa
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg. Mana-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
mandheg.
Vedanā sing lair saka samphassa ing jagad iki nyenengake
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, mandheg. Vedanā sing lair saka kuping-samphassa ing jagad iki
nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana
nalika mandheg, mandheg. Vedanā sing lahir saka samphassa ing jagad iki
nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana
nalika mandheg, mandheg. Vedanā sing lair saka basa-samphassa ing jagad
iki nyenengake lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana
nalika mandheg, mandheg. Vedanā lair saka kāya-samphassa ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, mandheg. Vedanā lair saka mana-samphassa ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
mandheg.
Saññā saka formulir sing katon ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Saññā swara ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Saññā saka ambu ora enak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Saññā rasa ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg. Fénoména saññā fénoména ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Saññā Dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana
taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Niat kasebut [sing ana gandhengane] katon ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana ta whenhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Tujuan [gegandhengan karo] swara ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Niat kasebut [hubungane] ambu ora enak ing donya iki
apik lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg. Niat kasebut [hubungane] rasa ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg. Tujuan kasebut [hubungane] fenomena awak ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Niat kasebut [hubungane] dhammas ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Taṇhā kanggo wujud sing katon
ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg. Taṇhā kanggo swara ing jagad iki kepenak
lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg,
banjur mandheg. Taṇhā kanggo ambu wangi ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur
mandheg. Taṇhā kanggo rasa ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Taṇhā
kanggo fénoména ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Taṇhā kanggo
dhammas ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Vitakka saka wujud
sing katon ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg. Vitakka swara ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg. Vitakka ambu ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk,
ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Rasa vitakka ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika
nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Ing vitakka
fénoména ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar,
ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Vitakka dhammas ing jagad
iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg, banjur mandheg.
Wakil bentuk sing katon ing jagad iki
kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika
mandheg. Wakil swara ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, mandheg. Wakil bau ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika ditinggal, ditinggal,
ana nalika mandheg, mandheg. Wakil rasa ing jagad iki kepenak lan
sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg, banjur
mandheg. Fénoména fénoména ing jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā,
nalika ditinggal, ditinggal, ana nalika mandheg. Wakil dhammas ing
jagad iki kepenak lan sarujuk, ana taṇhā, nalika nilar, ditinggal, ana
nalika mandheg, banjur mandheg. Iki diarani, bhikkhus, dukkha · nirodha
ariyasacca.
E4. Eksposisi Maggasacca
Lan, apa, bhikkhus,
yaiku dukun-nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca? Iki mung ariya
aṭṭhaṅgika magga, yaiku sammādiṭṭhi, sammāsaṅkappo, sammāvācā,
sammākammanto, sammā-ājīvo, sammāvāyāmo, sammāsati lan sammāsamādhi.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa sammādiṭṭhi? Yaiku, bhikkhus, yaiku ñāṇa dukkha,
ñāṇa dukkha-samudaya, ñāṇa dukkha-nirodha lan ñāṇa
dukkha-nirodha-gāmini paṭipada, sing diarani, bhikkhus, sammādiṭṭhi.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa sammāsaṅkappas? Yaiku, bhikkhus, yaiku saṅkappas
nekkhamma, saṅkappas abyāpāda, saṅkappas avihiṃsā, sing diarani,
bhikkhus, sammāsaṅkappas.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, yaiku sammāvācā?
Yaiku, bhikkhus, sing nyingkirake musāvādā, nyingkirake pisuṇa vācā,
nyingkirake pharusa vācā, lan nyuda samphappalāpa, sing diarani,
bhikkhus, sammāvācā.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa sammā-kammanta?
Yaiku, bhikkhus, sing nyingkiri pāṇātipāta, nyingkirake adinnādana,
nyingkiri abrahmacariya, sing diarani, bhikkhus, sammā-kammanta.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa sammā-ājīva? Ing kene, bhikkhus, murid sing
mulya, nolak urip sing salah, ndhukung urip kanthi cara pencarian, sing
diarani, bhikkhus, sammā-ājīva.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, yaiku
sammāvāyāma? Ing kene, bhikkhus, sawijining bhikkhu ngasilake chanda
kanggo non-timbul saka sumbang ular lan unus-unen, lan dheweke nggarap
awake dhewe, nggegirisi viriya, ditrapake kanthi kuat citta lan nyoba;
dheweke nggawe chanda kanggo nglirwakake pengakuane arisen lan akusala
dhammas, dheweke nyalekake awake, nggegirisi viriya, ditrapake kanthi
kuat citta lan nyoba; dheweke ngasilake chanda kanggo njedulake dhalahe
kusmin sing ora diwedharake, dheweke nyalurake dhewe, ngrampungake
viriya, ditrapake kanthi kuat citta lan ngupayakake; dheweke nggawe
chanda dheweke kanggo terus mantep ing njero kusala dhammas, amarga ora
ana kebingungan, amarga nambah, pangembangan, budidaya lan ngrampungake,
dheweke bakal nyipta awake dhewe, nggegirisi viriya, ditrapake kanthi
kuat citta lan nyoba. Iki diarani, bhikkhus, sammāvāyāma.
Apa,
bhikkhus, apa sammāsati? Ing kene, bhikkhus, sawijining bhikkhu
manggenake kāya ing kāya, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise nyerah
abhijjhā-domanassa menyang jagad iki. Dheweke manggen karo vedanā ing
vedanā, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa
menyang jagad iki. Dheweke manggon ngawasake citta ing citta, ātāpī
sampajāno, satimā, sawise nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa menyang jagad.
Dheweke manggon ing ndelok dhamma · s, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, sawise
nyerah abhijjhā-domanassa menyang jagad iki. Iki diarani, bhikkhus,
sammāsati.
Lan apa, bhikkhus, apa sammāsamādhi? Ing kene,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, dicabut saka rambut, dicemplung saka akusala dhammas,
sawise mlebu jhāna pertama, tetep ana ing kana, karo vitakka lan
vicāra, karo pīti lan sukha sing lair saka detasmen. Kanthi tenang
vitakka-vicāra, nalika mlebu jhāna kaloro, dheweke tetep ana ing
tanquilization utama, penyatuan citta, tanpa vitakka utawa vicāra, karo
kacangti lan sukha sing lair saka samādhi. Lan kanthi ora seneng marang
polah, dheweke tetep ing upekkha, kewan lan sampajāno, dheweke ngalami
ing sukya sukha sing dijlentrehake ariyas: ‘wong sing padha lan khusyuk
sing manggen ing [sukma] iki, nalika mlebu jhāna katelu, dheweke tetep
ing njerone. Nilar sukha lan nilar dukkha, somanassa lan domanass
sadurunge ilang, tanpa sukha utawa dukkha, kanthi kesucian upekkha lan
sati, nalika mlebu jhāna kaping papat, dheweke tetep ana ing kono. Iki
diarani, bhikkhus, sammāsamādhi.
Iki diarani, bhikkhus, dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca.
Mangkono dheweke manggoni dhammas ing dhammas sacara internal, utawa
dheweke tetep ndelok dhammas ing dhammas kanthi internal, utawa dheweke
nemokake dhammas ing dhammas internal lan eksternal; piyambakipun
manggen mirsani samudaya fenomena ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni
mirsani kedadean fenomena ing dhammas, utawa dheweke manggoni ing
samudaya lan ngilangi fenomena ing dhammas; utawa liya, [sadhar:] “iki
dhammas!” sati ana ing dheweke, mung ora mung ñāṇa lan mung paṭissati,
dheweke tetep ora kepencut, lan ora nempel karo apa wae ing jagad iki.
Dadi, bhikkhus, bhikkhu manggoni dhammas ing dhammas, kanthi referensi
kanggo papat ariya · saccas.
Mupangate prakteke Satipaṭṭhānas
Kanggo
sapa waé, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki
suwene pitung taun, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah
sawijining ilmu sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana
sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo pitung taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa
waé, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki
suwene nem taun, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining
ilmu sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara sing
kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo nem taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa wae,
bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone
limang taun, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu
sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara cling
kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo limang taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé,
bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki suwene
patang taun, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu
sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa,
anāgāmita.
Ayo patang taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus,
bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone telung taun,
salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing sampurna
ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara sing kiwa, anāgāmita.
Aja
nganti telung taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus, bakal
nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki suwene rong taun, salah
sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing sampurna ing
fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo
rong taun, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa wae, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat
satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone setaun, salah sawijine asil bisa
diarepake: salah sawijining kawruh sing sampurna ing fenomena sing
katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Cekake setaun
dhewe, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat
satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki suwene pitung wulan, salah sawijine asil
bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing sampurna ing fenomena sing
katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Aja nganti pitung
wulan, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa wae, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat
satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone nem wulan, salah sawijine asil
bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing sampurna ing fenomena sing
katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo nem wulan,
bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas
kanthi cara iki sajrone limang wulan, salah sawijine asil bisa
diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon,
utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo limang wulan,
bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa wae, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas
kanthi cara iki sajrone patang wulan, bisa uga ana salah sawijine asil:
salah sawijining kawruh sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa
yen ana sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo patang wulan, bhikkhus.
Kanggo sapa wae, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi
cara iki sajrone telung wulan, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah
sawijining kawruh sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana
sawetara cling kiwa, anāgāmita.
Cekake telung wulan, bhikkhus.
Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus, bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi
cara rong wulan iki, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah
sawijining kawruh sing sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana
sawetara kiwa, anāgāmita.
Ayo rong wulan, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa
waé, bhikkhus, bakal nglatih papat satipaṭṭhānas iki sak suwene siji
wulan, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing
sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara cling kiwa,
anāgāmita.
Cekake sewulan, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé, bhikkhus,
bakal nindakake papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone setengah
wulan, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing
sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa,
anāgāmita.
Ayo setengah wulan, bhikkhus. Kanggo sapa waé,
bhikkhus, bakal nglatih papat satipaṭṭhānas kanthi cara iki sajrone
seminggu, salah sawijine asil bisa diarepake: salah sawijining ilmu sing
sampurna ing fenomena sing katon, utawa yen ana sawetara kiwa,
anāgāmita.
“Iki, bhikkhus, yaiku cara sing ora ana, kajaba
panyucian makhluk, ngatasi kasusahan lan tangisan, ngilang saka
dukkha-domanassa, nggayuh cara sing bener, nyata-nyata Nibbana, tegese
kabeh papat satipaṭṭhānas. ” Mangkono wis ujar, lan adhedhasar kabeh iki
wis ujar.
Mangkono pangandikane Sang Bhagavā. Seneng, bhikkhus nyambut ukara Bhagavā.
Mayawati, Four time Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
“Mayavati” redirects here. For the figure in Hinduism, daughter-in-law of Krishna, see Rati.
President of the Bahujan Samaj Party Incumbent Assumed office 18 September 2003 Preceded by Kanshi Ram Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha In office 3 April 2012 – 20 July 2017 (Resigned) Succeeded by Anil Agrawal, BJP Constituency Uttar Pradesh 17th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh In office 3 June 1995 – 18 October 1995 Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav Succeeded by President’s rule Constituency Harora In office 21 March 1997 – 21 September 1997 Preceded by President’s rule Succeeded by Kalyan Singh Constituency Harora In office 3 May 2002 – 29 August 2003 Preceded by President’s rule Succeeded by Mulayam Singh Yadav In office 13 May 2007 – 15 March 2012 Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav Succeeded by Akhilesh Yadav Personal details Born Mayawati Prabhu Das
15 January 1956 (age 64) New Delhi, India Political party Bahujan Samaj Party Residence Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India Alma mater
Kalindi College, University of Delhi Meerut University
Occupation Politician
Mayawati (born 15 January 1956) is an Indian politician.[1] She has
served four separate terms as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. She is
the national president of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which focuses
on a platform of social change for Bahujans, more commonly known as
Other Backward Classes, Muslim, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
She was Chief Minister briefly in 2000 and again in 2005, then from 2002
to 2003 and from 2007 to 2012.
Mayawati’s rise from humble
beginnings has been called a “miracle of democracy” by P. V. Narasimha
Rao, former Prime Minister of India.[2] In 1993 Kanshi Ram formed a
coalition with the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati became the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995. She was the first female Scheduled
Caste Chief Minister in India. In 1997 and in 2002 she was Chief
Minister with outside support from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the
second time only for a year up to 26 August 2003 due to BJP withdrawing
support.[3]
Mayawati’s tenure has attracted praise and
criticism. Millions of Dalits view her as an icon, and refer to her as
Behen-ji (sister), She has been praised for her fundraising efforts on
behalf of her party and her birthdays have been widely celebrated by her
supporters. The rise in her personal wealth and that of her party have
been criticised as indicative of corruption.[4]
After losing the
2012 legislative assembly elections to the rival Samajwadi Party, she
resigned from her post as party leader on 7 March 2012. Later that
month, she was elected to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Indian
parliament. Early life and education
Mayawati was born on 15
January 1956 at Shrimati Sucheta Kriplani Hospital, New Delhi to a
Dalit family.[5][6] Her father, Prabhu Das, was a post office employee
at Badalpur, Gautam Buddha Nagar.[1] The sons in the family were sent to
private schools, while the daughters went to “low-performing government
schools”.[7]
Mayawati studied for her B.A. in 1975 at the
Kalindi College, University of Delhi and later obtained her LLB from
University of Delhi. She completed a B.Ed. from Meerut University’s VMLG
College, Ghaziabad, in 1976.[1] She was working as a teacher in
Inderpuri JJ Colony, Delhi, and studying for the Indian Administrative
Services exams, when Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes politician
Kanshi Ram visited her family home in 1977. According to biographer Ajoy
Bose, Ram told her: “I can make you such a big leader one day that not
one but a whole row of IAS officers will line up for your orders.”[7] In
1983, Mayawati was awarded her LL.B from University of Delhi. Kanshi
Ram included her as a member of his team when he founded the Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984.[8] Mayawati was first elected to Parliament
in 1989.[9] Early political career
Kanshi Ram founded the BSP
in 1984. Influenced by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the chief architect of the
Constitution of India, the party’s primary focus is to improve the
situation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and other
disadvantaged groups through policy reform, affirmative action on hiring
of members of scheduled castes for government posts, and providing
rural development programmes.[8] Reservation in India is a system
whereby a percentage of government positions and seats at universities
are reserved for persons of backward classes and scheduled castes and
tribes. Throughout her political career, Mayawati supported reservation
in both government and private sectors for backward classes, with an
increase in quotas and inclusion of more communities such as religious
minorities and economically weak upper castes.[10][11][12][13][14] In
August 2012 a bill was cleared that starts the process of amending the
constitution so that the reservation system can be expanded to
promotions in state jobs.[15] Mayawati’s career has been called a
“miracle of democracy” by former Prime Minister of India P. V. Narasimha
Rao.[2] Millions of Dalit supporters view her as an icon and refer to
her as “Behen-ji” (sister).[16] Her public meetings have been attended
by large audiences, who use slogans such as “Kanshi Ram ka mission
Adhoora; karegi Behen Mayawati poora” (Kanshi Ram’s unfulfilled mission
will be completed by Mayawati) and “Behenji tum sangharsh karo; hum
tumhare saath hain” (Sister, go ahead with your struggle; we are with
you).[17]
In its first election campaign in 1984, BSP fielded
Mayawati for the Lok Sabha (Lower House) seat of Kairana in the
Muzaffarnagar district, for Bijnor in 1985, and for Haridwar in 1987. In
1989 she was elected as the representative for Bijnor, with 183,189
votes, winning by 8,879 votes.[18][19] Although BSP did not win control
of the house, the electoral experience led to considerable activity for
Mayawati over the next five years, as she worked with Mahsood Ahmed and
other organisers. The party won three seats in the 1989 national
election[20] and two seats 1991.[21]
Mayawati was first elected
to the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) of Uttar Pradesh (UP) in 1994.[1] In
1995 she became, as head of her party, Chief Minister in a short-lived
coalition government, the youngest Chief Minister in the history of the
state up until that point, and the first female Dalit Chief Minister in
India.[16][22] She won election to the Lok Sabha in two different
constituencies in 1996 and chose to serve for Harora.[1] She became
Chief Minister again for a short period in 1997 and then from 2002 to
2003 in coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party. In 2001 Ram named her
as his successor to the party leadership.[9] BSP presidentship
On 15 December 2001, in an address during a rally in Lucknow, Kanshi
Ram named Mayawati as his successor.[23] She was elected national
president of the BSP for her first term on 18 September 2003.[24] She
was elected unopposed for a second consecutive term on 27 August
2006,[25], for a third term on 30 August 2014[26] and for fourth term on
28 August 2019.[27] Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
As the
Chief Minister, Mayawati gained a reputation for efficient
governance[28] and promoting law and order,[29][30] winning praise even
from opposition parties[31][32][33] and other
rivals.[34][35][36][37][38] In 2007, MLA Umakant Yadav of her own
political party accused in a land grabbing case, was arrested near her
dwelling on her orders.[39][40] During September–October 2010, at the
time of the Ayodhya verdict, her government maintained law and
order[41][42][43] and the state remained peaceful.[44] Several
high-profile criminals and mafia dons were jailed during her terms in
office.[45][46][47][48] She called for strong anti-rape laws.[49][50]
Fewer riots,[51] lowest rapes,[52] and least corruption[53][54] occurred
during her tenure as compared to previous or successive governments. In
the 2007-2012 assembly, only 124 MLAs were crorepatis as compared to
271 crorepatis in successive assembly elected in 2012.[55] Uttar Pradesh
achieved higher GDP growth rate at 17 per cent[56][57] and lesser
crimes under Mayawati regime as compared to previous and successive
governments.[58] First term, 1995
Mayawati first served as
Chief Minister from 3 June 1995 to 18 October 1995. During this term,
the new districts of Ambedkar Nagar district and Udham Singh Nagar
district were created.[59] Second term, 1997
Her second term
was from 21 March 1997 to 20 September 1997. A drive under her
government allotted pattas or gram sabha lands on lease to thousands of
landless residents.[60] In April 1997, she created Gautam Budh Nagar
district from the district of Ghaziabad, Kaushambi district was
separated from Allahabad district, and Jyotiba Phule Nagar district from
Moradabad district. In May 1997, Mahamaya Nagar district was created
out of Aligarh district and Banda district was split into Banda and
Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Nagar.[61] Mayawati carried out review
meetings with bureaucrats and suspended 127 officers.[62] She setup Dr
Ambedkar Awards and erected over 100 statues of various sizes of
Ambedkar in Lucknow, Kanpur, Allahabad and other key towns.[63] Third term, 2002–03
Her third term was from 3 May 2002 to 26 August 2003. She suspended 12
IAS officers, including Divisional Commissioners and District
Magistrates. Six IPS officers were suspended for failing to maintain law
and order, while 24 officers were warned to improve.[64] She started
511 acre Gautam Buddha University.[65] She renamed King George’s Medical
University to Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Medical University.[66] She
suspended three senior officials after review in a couple of
administrative divisions.[67] 2007 State and 2009 general election Further information: 2007 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election
Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state and one of its poorest, is
considered pivotal in the politics of India because of its large number
of voters.[68][69] BSP won a majority in the 2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly
elections, fielding candidates from a variety of castes and
religions.[70] The campaign was accompanied by a colourful slogan:
Haathi nahin, Ganesh hain, Brahma, Vishnu Mahesh Hain: “The elephant
(the BSP logo) is really the Lord Ganesha, the trinity of gods rolled
into one”.[71]
The BSP won 20 seats in Lok Sabha from the state
of Uttar Pradesh in the 2009 elections, obtaining the highest percentage
(27.42%) of votes for any political party in the state. The party
placed third in terms of national polling percentage (6.17%).[72] Fourth term, 2007–12: BSP absolute majority
Mayawati was sworn in as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the fourth
time on 13 May 2007. She announced an agenda that focused on providing
social justice to the weaker sections of society and providing
employment instead of distributing money to the unemployed. Her slogan
was to make “Uttar Pradesh” (”Northern Province”) into “Uttam Pradesh”
(”Excellent Province”).[73] Her government began a major crackdown on
irregularities in the recruitment process of police officers recruited
during the previous Mulayam Singh government. Over 18,000 policemen lost
their jobs for irregularities in their hiring, and 25 Indian Police
Service officers were suspended for their involvement in corruption
while recruiting the constables.[74][75] Mayawati instituted reforms to
introduce transparency into the recruiting process, including posting
the results of selection exams online.[76]
On 10 August 2007, the
Mayawati government proposed 30 per cent reservation in jobs in the
private sector.[77] A quota for promotions was also introduced, but was
later quashed by the Supreme Court of India.[78]
In September
2007, Bhimrao Ambedkar Rural Integrated Development Programme was
started.[79] The Dr Ambedkar Gram Vikas Yojana scheme was launched for
supplying water, electricity, and constructing roads in villages with a
Dalit majority.[80][81][82] Under this scheme, 24,716 villages received
improvements.
In 2008, Mayawati launched, Manyawar Shri Kanshiram
Ji Shahri Garib Awas Yojna, a scheme for building low-cost housing
colonies for urban poor with 90,000 low-cost homes under the first round
of construction in different towns and cities across the state while a
second and a third round were still underway when government ended in
2012 and next government scrapped the scheme including cutting down
electricity of these colonies.[83]
Mayawati government started
efforts to set up solar power plants and the first 5 MW solar power
plant located in Naini of Allahabad district started functioning in
March 2012 and was developed by EMC Limited.[84] UP government signed a
MoU with NTPC Limited for 1,320-MW power plant.[85]
Mayawati’s
dream project of 165 km six lane Yamuna Expressway connected Delhi to
Agra through Noida–Greater Noida Expressway, touching 1,182 villages in
the state.[86] Later, Indian Air Force fighter jet Dassault Mirage 2000
test-Landed on Yamuna Expressway as Part of Trials.[87] On 15 January
2008, Mayawati inaugurated the construction of the 1,047 km Ganga
Expressway at the cost of ₹30,000 crore (US$4.2 billion) for joining
Ballia to Greater Noida.[88]
In November 2009, Mayawati dedicated
Noida Metro constructed at the cost of ₹557 crore (US$78
million).[89][90] She had vigorously proposed for construction of Jewar
airport near Noida.[91]
In October 2011, Mayawati government
under public-private partnership with Jaypee Group successfully executed
and delivered First F1 Indian Grand Prix, an international event at
Buddh International Circuit, Greater Noida constructed by Jaypee Group.
The event was hailed as flawlessly conducted salvaging some of India’s
prestige when compared to minor embarrassments in 2010 Commonwealth
Games (Before opening ceremony) conducted in Delhi.[92][93][94] Mayawati
presented the winning trophy to winner Sebastian Vettel.[95] Foreigners
found the track as ‘impressive’[96] and 3 Indian teenagers picked by a
F1 panel to train them as future Formula One drivers in Europe.[97]
Mayawati has seen through to completion of several memorials dedicated
to icons of Bahujan Samaj build first time in India, including the
Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Green Eco Garden (inaugurated March
2011),[98] the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal and Green Garden
(inaugurated October 2011),[99] and the Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik
Parivartan Prateek Sthal (opened November 2012).[100] She renamed Amethi
district as Chattrapati Sahuji Maharaj Nagar[101], Kanpur Dehat as
Rambai Nagar, Sambhal as Bheem Nagar, Shamli as Prabuddha Nagar, Hapur
as Psanchseel Nagar, Kasganj as Kanshiram Nagar, Hathras as Mahamaya
Nagar and Amroha as JP Nagar.[102]
Mayawati during her tenure
directed the all the Commissioners and the District Magistrates to
distribute 3 acre land pieces or pattas to weaker sections of society by
launching special drive for illegal possesses of pattas be dispossessed
of them and the eligible poor be identified by regular monitoring of
pattas and strict action against the mafias and musclemen through spot
verification of different development and public welfare
programmes.[103]
In 2010, 5596 people belonging to the SC and ST
communities were allotted 1054.879 hectares of agriculture land. In a
special drive 74 FIRs were filed and 88 people were arrested for illegal
occupation from agricultural land.[104][105]
Sugar Information Service a model website supported by SMS and IVRS facility was developed.[106]
In 2008, Her government established Dr. Shakuntala Misra National
Rehabilitation University for the Physically challenged students.[107]
Mayawati dedicated the ₹63.5 crore (US$8.9 million) 286-bed
super-specialty Centenary hospital in Lucknow and 50-bed critical care
unit at CSMMU[108] and increased salaries of doctors.[109] Mayawati, in
2007, launched[110] ₹500 crore (US$70 million) Manyawar Kanshiram
Multi-speciality Hospital in Greater Noida which started its OPD
services in April 2013.[111] Mayawati government also spent ₹510 crore
(US$72 million) on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Multi Speciality Hospital in Sector
30 of Noida.[112]
Her government also instituted Sant Ravidas Kala Samman Award with a cash prize of ₹1.25 lakh (US$1,800).[113]
Under Savitri Bai Phule Balika Shiksha Madad Yojna, Mayawati
distributed over 10 lakh bicycles among Muslim and poor school girls
from 2008 to 2011.[114][115]
After coming to power in 2007,
Mayawati wrote letters to the Prime Minister regarding partitioning of
Uttar Pradesh into four different states in 2007, in March 2008 and
December 2009.[116][117] Finally on 15 November 2011, Mayawati’s cabinet
approved partitioning Uttar Pradesh into four different states
(Pashchim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal) for better
administration and governance.[118]
On 6 March 2012 the Bahujan
Samaj Party lost its majority to the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati
tendered her resignation to the governor of Uttar Pradesh the next
day,[119] thereby becoming the first CM to complete full five years in
office.[120] On 13 March 2012 she filed nomination papers for the Rajya
Sabha, and she was declared elected unopposed on 22 March.[121][122] Political and legal issues Ambedkar Memorial Park at night
Mayawati’s political career has attracted praise and
controversy.[123][124] She has been praised for her fundraising efforts
on behalf of her party, and her birthdays were major media events as
well as a symbol for her supporters. The increase in her personal wealth
and that of her party[125][4][126] have been viewed by critics as signs
of corruption.[16][127]
Taj corridor case
Main article: Taj corridor case
In 2002, the government of Uttar Pradesh began improvements of the
infrastructure in the Taj Heritage Corridor, the important tourist area
in Agra that includes the Taj Mahal. The project was soon riddled with
problems, including funds being released for the project without the
submission of the required detailed project reports to the environmental
authorities.[128] Suspecting there were financial irregularities as
well, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) raided twelve
residences, including Mayawati’s. It had filed a First Information
Report against her and seven others two days earlier.[129] The raid
uncovered evidence of assets disproportionate to her known
income.[130][131] Afterwards, Mayawati resigned from her own government
to prove that she was not “hungry for power”[132] She asked the BJP-run
Government of India to remove Union Tourism and Culture Minister,
Jagmohan[133] for conspiring this all controversy against her.[134]
In June 2007, Governor T. V. Rajeswar said that there was insufficient
evidence to prosecute her. In his 23-page order, he said: “the fact that
the Mission Management Board, consisting of officers of both the State
and the Central Government, regularly met and discussed the project and
the fact that even a sum of ₹ 17 crores was spent through the Central
Government public sector undertaking, NPCC, all go to show that the
serious offences with which Mayawati and the Minister were charged do
not stand scrutiny.”[135] Advocates unsuccessfully challenged the
governor’s decision in court. The Supreme Court rejected the plea of the
CBI and refused to direct the governor to prosecute her. The Taj
corridor case was effectively ended before going to
trial.[136][137][138]
Disproportionate assets case
In the
2007–08 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax of ₹ 26 crore,
ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI filed
a case against her for owning assets disproportionate to her known
sources of income. Mayawati described the CBI investigation against her
as illegal.[139] Her party asserted that her income comes from gifts and
small contributions made by party workers and supporters.[140][141]
On 3 August 2011 the Delhi High court dismissed the central
government’s appeal against Mayawati, stating that “she has fully
discharged her obligations by disclosing the identities of all of her
donors, the gifts had been donated by her supporters”.[142] The central
government decided not to file an appeal in the Supreme Court.[143] On
13 March 2012 Mayawati revealed assets worth ₹ 111.26 crore in an
affidavit filed with her nomination papers for the Rajya Sabha.[121] The
disproportionate assets case was finally quashed on 6 July 2012—nine
years later—by a Supreme Court bench of Justice P Sathasivam and Dipak
Misra; the court found that the case was unwarranted.[144] Based on an
opinion received from the Directorate of Prosecution, the CBI decided
not to file an appeal.[145] On 4 October 2012 a review petition was
filed by Kamlesh Verma, contending that the case had been dismissed
merely on technical grounds, and that the evidence had not been
adequately reviewed.[146] On 8 August 2013 the Supreme Court declined a
request to re-open the case.[147] After seeking legal advice, the CBI
finally closed their file on 8 October 2013.[148]
Bahujan Monuments
In her tenures as a Chief Minister, Mayawati commissioned the
production and public display of several monuments[149] having parks,
gallerias, museums,[150] memorials, murals[151] and statues representing
Buddhist and Hindu, Dalit/OBC[152] icons like Gautama Buddha, Gadge
Maharaj, Sant Ravidas, Sant Kabir, Narayana Guru, Jyotirao Phule,
Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Babasaheb Ambedkar, BSP party founder Kanshi
Ram, and of herself.[153] She claims that the expenditure was required
because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit leaders,
in whose memory nothing had ever been built.[154] She spent somewhere
between ₹ 25 and 60 billion rupees (about US$500 million to US$1.3
billion) on projects in five parks and at memorials such as Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Sthal and Manyavar Kanshiram Smarak Sthal,
built in the name of B.R. Ambedkar, Ramabai Ambedkar, and Kanshi Ram in
Lucknow between 2007 and 2009.[155][156][157] In June 2009 the Supreme
Court issued a stay against further building on the projects, until the
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) questioning these expenditures was
settled.[158] The Comptroller and Auditor General of India reported that
₹ 66 crore (about US$12 million) in excessive costs had been incurred
on the construction of the memorials.[159] In February 2010 Mayawati’s
government approved a plan for a special police force to protect the
statues, as she feared that her political opponents might demolish
them.[160] In December 2010, her government received permission to
continue part of the plan, namely maintenance and completion of Ambedkar
Memorial Park.[157][158]
Despite the existing Supreme Court
stay, in October 2011 Mayawati inaugurated the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna
Sthal and Green Garden, built at a cost of ₹ 685 crore.[161] Since the
memorial also features her own statues, Mayawati was accused by the
Indian National Congress of wasting the taxpayers’ money.[162] The BSP
dismissed the allegations, stating that her statues were erected because
Kanshi Ram’s will requested that his statues should be constructed next
to those of the current President of BSP. Mayawati accused the Congress
of being “anti-Dalit”.[162]
In January 2012, the Election
Commission ordered that all of the statues of Mayawati as well as recent
statues of elephants ( the symbol of the Bahujan Samaj Party) should be
covered up until after February’s Uttar Pradesh
election.[158][163][164] On 26 July 2012 the statue in Lucknow was
damaged by members of a group calling themselves “Uttar Pradesh
Naunirman Sena”.[165][166][167] A replacement statue was re-installed
overnight by the Lucknow city administration.[168] Following the Lucknow
vandalism, there were similar such incidents in other parts of Uttar
Pradesh.[169]
In 2015, the Supreme Court continued hearings on
the PLI case about the statues. The BSP had still not provided evidence
about where the monies expended on such monuments came from, whether it
was all from appropriation bills passed by the legislature or also
included party funds spent for the purpose.[158]
World Bank criticism
The World Bank lent India funds for development, and Mayawati was to
manage projects with this money in UP. The projects were preplanned and
on schedule, but the Mayawati government made changes which put the
projects behind schedule, including rapidly transferring high-caste
managers in and out of rural posts.[170] The World Bank sent a letter of
complaint on 1 August 2002 to India’s central government stating, “We
have now learnt that project managers have been replaced within three
weeks of assuming office. The project coordinator of the Diversified
Agriculture Support Project has been changed twice in quick succession
and at the moment there is no project coordinator. In the forestry
project, numerous changes have been made over past six months … Such
developments do not augur well for these time-bound projects that
require consistently good leadership.”[171] Mayawati initially responded
by saying the letter was a fake and later said there had been a
misunderstanding. She then decreased the number of transfers, stopped
creating new posts, and temporarily reduced the level of government
spending on furniture and vehicles in response to the allegations. The
World Bank continued to criticise the level of corruption even after
these measures had been implemented.[170] Personal life and public image Statues of Mayawati (L) and Kanshi Ram (R) at Ambedkar Memorial Park
Mayawati started her political career after Kanshi Ram, the founder of
Bahujan Samaj Party, persuaded her to join the civil service and
politics.[172] Mayawati chose to remain unmarried. She is also known as
the Iron Lady Mayawati.[173][174][175]
Kanshi Ram praised
Mayawati at her 47th birthday celebrations for her fundraising
activities on behalf of the party. He stated that the party’s eventual
goal is to gain power at the national level, and that Mayawati’s efforts
had helped in that quest.[123] Her birthdays have since become major
media events at which she has appeared laden with diamonds.[16] Her
supporters have declared her birthday as Jan Kalyankari Diwas (People’s
Welfare Day). In 2009, the day was marked by the announcement of welfare
schemes targeted towards poor and downtrodden people of the state[176]
and, in 2010, by the launch of social programmes with a value of over ₹
7,312 crore.[177]
In 2007-08, Mayawati paid ₹26.26 crore (US$3.7
million) as income tax.[178] She was at number 20 in I-T department’s
compilation of the top 200 taxpayers’ list with names like Shah Rukh
Khan and Sachin Tendulkar.[179] Most of her income comes as “gifts” from
her faithful supporters of Bahujan Movement started by Kanshi Ram. She
paid ₹15 crore (US$2.1 million) in advance tax in April–December
2007.[180]
When BSP workers garlanded Mayawati with currency
notes on the occasion of the party’s silver jubilee celebrations
coinciding with BSP founder Kanshi Ram’s birth anniversary on 15 March
2010, Indian news channels and newspapers purported to expose the event
as a ‘scandal’ on the presumption that the Chief Minister had publicly
committed an act of corruption that was being flaunted openly and
declaring that the garland of currency notes was made from money through
corrupt means and not from donations of Bahujan Samaj Party supporters
as Mayawati, her Ministers and supporters claimed. At Kanshi Ram’s
funeral ceremonies in 2006, Mayawati stated that both Kanshi Ram and
herself had been, and she would continue to be, observant of Buddhist
traditions and customs. She has stated her intention to formally convert
to Buddhism when the political conditions enable her to become Prime
Minister of India. Her act of performing the last rites (traditionally
done by a male heir) was an expression of their views against gender
discrimination.[181][182] When she was Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh,
she publicly called Bhikkhus to prayer.[183] Literature about Mayawati
Literature about Mayawati includes studies and books. One of the first
works about her was journalist Mohammad Jamil Akhter’s book, Iron Lady
Kumari Mayawati.[184] Her autobiographies are Mere Sangarshmai Jeevan
Evam Bahujan Movement Ka Safarnama in three volumes in Hindi and A
Travelogue of My Struggle-ridden Life and of Bahujan Samaj, in two
volumes in English.[185] Behenji : A Political Biography of Mayawati is a
biography by veteran journalist Ajoy Bose.[7] There is news that
Bollywood will release new biopic about Mayawati, where Vidya Balan will
play lead role.[186] Awards and recognition
In 2003,
Mayawati as the Chief Minister, was awarded with Paul Harris Fellow
Award by UNICEF, World Health Organization and Rotary International, for
her initiative in Polio eradication.[187][188] Mayawati was also
honoured with Rajarshi Shahu Award by Rajarshi Shahu Memorial
Trust.[189] In 2008, Forbes added Mayawati in the 59th place on its list
of the 100 most powerful women in the world.[190][191] She appeared in
Newsweek’s top woman achievers list in 2007.[192] In 2009 a Newsweek
article described her as the Barack Obama of India, and a potential
candidate for Prime Minister.[193] Time magazine included Mayawati in
India’s 15 Most Influential list for 2007.[194]
We,
the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and
Religious Minorities, are able to secure our rights guaranteed under the
Constitution of India due to the incessant struggle and matchless
sacrifice of Babasaheb Dr. Bheemrao Ambedkar. But the caste-prejudiced
governments did not implement these rights to the benefit of our people.
As the result, despite the provisions of Constitution, our
socio-economic condition remained worst as before. Hence, Babasaheb
advocated us to form the government on our own by getting united under
one political platform and one leadership. In this direction, he
contemplated to launch the Republican Party of India during his
life-time. But he, perhaps, did not know that he would die so early even
before he could bring his plans into action. He could not complete the
task which was later on completed by Manyawar Kanshi Ram Saheb. Non-political
Routes: When Manyawar Kanshi Ram Saheb decided to revive the
Ambedkarite movement, the movement was almost extinct. People had almost
forgotten about the movement. Kanshi Ram Saheb made a deep study as to
the conditions which caused the failure of Ambedkarite movement. He saw
that most of the followers of Babasaheb were out of the movement. He
started probing the reasons which led to the discontinuation of the
movement followed by the death of Babasaheb Ambedkar. He, after a
thorough study, understood that the failure of Ambedkarite movement was
caused due to the lack of ‘non-political routes’ among the Bahujan Samaj
and hence, he decided to strengthen the non-political routes to create
the ‘non-purchasable leadership’. He realized that only that society
with strong non-political routes would produce the ‘non-purchasable’
missionary leaders. Thus he decided to prepare the non-political routes
of the society by preparing the educated employees and youths. Before
launching the Bahujan Samaj Party, he started the BAMCEF and DS-4 to
prepare the educated employees and youth from among the SC/ST/OBCs and
Religious Minorities. He devoted the best part of his life to strengthen
the non-political routes of Bahujan Samaj.
Tampering
of EVMs by BJP : Our failure to form our own government in other
states has helped the BJP to defeat us in Uttar Pradesh. They found that
BSP is strong only in UP and not in other states and hence they thought
that if they could finish us in UP, BSP will die a natural death in all
other states. That is how they focused their entire strength to defeat
us in UP. However, they could not win through fair means. They had to
resort to fraudulent way of tampering the electronic voting machines
(EVMs) to defeat us.BJP and company had used the EVMs in 2014 itself to
win the General Election. We thought that it was the mandate against the
scams-ridden and scandals-tainted rule of Congress. But the election
results of the five states held in March 2017 have exposed the EVM
scandal of BJP. They could not win in Punjab, Uttarkhand, Goa and
Manipur. In Goa and Manipur, Congress party got lead over the BJP. But
BJP leaders have managed the other MLAs form their governments. In
Uttarkhand, it was the internal quarrel of the Congress that gave a lead
to the BJP. In Punjab, the anti-incumbency factor of Akali Dal gave the
victory to Congress. BJP, being the partner of Akali Dal, lost the
election. In all the above four states, they did not tamper with the
EVMs and the results were on the expected lines. But in Uttar Pradesh,
nobody expected that BJP would get such a huge margin of victory. The
senior bureaucrats of UP, who are usually the first to know the results
in advance, were making preparations to welcome the BSP Government. They
were utterly surprised when the results were announced. I, seeing the
trend of results late in the morning, went to the press and exposed the
EVM fraud. Later on, we also launched nation-wide struggle against the
fraud of EVMs and legal battle to get the VVPAT incorporated with EVMs.
Thus, we are confronting the BJP at every step.
noun a member of the lowest class in India, whom those of the four main castes were formerly forbidden to touch . Formerly called (taboo, offensive): untouchable
The foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmins
are 1st rate athmas (souls), the Kshatriya, vysias, shudras are 2nd,
3rd, 4th rate souls and the aboriginal inhabitants of
Jumbudvipa/Prabuddha Bharat as having no souls at all. So that any
atrocity can be inflicted upon them. But the Buddha never believed in
any soul. He said all are equal.
Word origin of ‘Dalit’ from Hindi, from Sanskrit dalita, literally: oppressed Nearby words of ‘Dalit’ Dalhousie Dali Dalian Dalit Dall sheep Dallapiccola Dallas
All ENGLISH words that begin with ‘D’ Source Definition of Dalit from the Collins English Dictionary
Dalit Also found in: Thesaurus, Legal, Encyclopedia, Wikipedia. Da·lit (dä′lĭt) n.
A member of the lowest class in traditional Indian society, falling
altogether outside the Hindu caste categories and subject to extensive
social restrictions. [Hindi dalit, crushed, oppressed, from Sanskrit
dalita-, past passive participle of dalayati, to cause to burst,
variant of darayati, he splits, derived form (probably a denominative of
-daraḥ, smasher, as in puraṃdaraḥ, citadel-smasher, an epithet of
Indra) of darati, he splits; see der- in Indo-European roots.]
Want to thank TFD for its existence? Tell a
friend about us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster’s page
for free fun content. Mentioned in ? Harijan outcaste pariah untouchable References in periodicals archive ?
Even though Dalits make up 70 percent of the church, only 600 of
India’s 17,000 priests and six of the 160 bishops come from the Dalit
community. Caste off: Catholic Dalits (untouchables)in India are divided over how to improve their lot
Energy company Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL) reported on Tuesday the
execution of a Heads of Agreement (HOA) to evaluate Floating LNG for the
export of natural gas from the Tamar and Dalit fields, offshore Israel. Noble Energy Inc enters into HOA to evaluate Floating LNG, offshore Israel The awakening of Dalit awareness of selfhood may be traced to the Marathi literature of the 1970s in India. Urmila Pawar. The Weave of My Life: A Dalit Woman’s Memoirs com)– Celebrity stylist Dalit Gwenna shows that hats, the new hip trend, can be worn every day, not just on special occasions. EM & Co and Stylist Dalit Gwenna Share Hat Styling Secrets Tamil Dalit literature is a relatively new arrival in the literary landscape of India. The lives of Tamil Dalit women: a study of the literary works of Bama and P. Sivakami The Dalit Samaritan woman asked Jesus, “Where can I find this living water? Global Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits March 21-24, 2009, Bangkok, Thailand The Bangkok Declaration and Call
THE JUNE RECORD contained some introductory comments about the Dalit
peoples in caste-affected societies, and about the recent Global
Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits, which took place in Bangkok
this past March. Moving mountains: the first step to helping 200 million people is self-education
ISLAMABAD, April 24, 2009 (Balochistan Times) — Human Rights activists
are of view that India has been successful in using its regional might
and its position as an ally of Western countries in keeping the Dalit
issue off the United Nations agenda. India trying to keep Dalit issue off the UN agenda
Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL), a US-based oil and gas exploration and
development company, has announced flow test results from the Dalit
natural gas discovery in the Michal licence offshore Israel. Noble Energy Announces Successful Flow Test Results John Mary, a 45-year-old Dalit Christian, is knocking doors for help. Indian Christian ‘untouchables’ face social monsters
Based on primary research conducted with the Karnataka Domestic Workers
Movement in Bangalore, India, this paper locates the injustice that a
group of dalit women domestic workers identify as structuring their
lives, and assesses the strategies that the group employs in resisting
and dealing with such injustice. Articulations of injustice and the
recognition–redistribution debate: locating caste, class and gender in
paid domestic work in India 8 (ANI): Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief
Mayawati on Thursday condemned the vandalisation of statues of
political and ideological figures across the country including Dalit
icon BR Ambedkar’s statue Mayawati condemns vandalisation of BR Ambedkar statue More results ►
https://www.google.co.in/…/why-not…/article24911632.ece/amp/
The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of
the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the
Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI D. Raja 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST
UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST The government advisory on the use
of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding
movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to
convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an
ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have
been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years
manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of
untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements
launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and
against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed
castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi
Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even
Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from
now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the
term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami
Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described
the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite
rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were
suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people
disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an
article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt.
The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was
first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also
is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of
untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will
probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to
do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary
to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs
to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better
word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for
Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by
someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use
it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used
during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it
humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from
someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the
name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is
applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This
feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent
they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a
man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will
speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi
responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”,
in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was
suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable),
Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’
such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The
Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them
the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been
generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not
prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a
schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become
more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may
refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur
Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High
Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the
government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the
members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same
does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This
has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not
offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not
based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing
the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit
question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution
deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used
in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had
become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word
Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials
in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of
the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who
suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to
launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate.
The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term
Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar,
cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge
Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981)
had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice,
worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice
between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the
Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term
Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying
to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds
strange when no
TODAY’S PAPER OPINION OPINION Why not Dalit?
“The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of
the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the
Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI “The word Dalit denotes the pain of
all those who suffered because of the caste system.” A protest rally in
New Delhi under the banner of the Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI D. Raja 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST
The government advisory on the use of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding
movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to
convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an
ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have
been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years
manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of
untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements
launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and
against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed
castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi
Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even
Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from
now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the
term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami
Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described
the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite
rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were
suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people
disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an
article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt.
The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was
first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also
is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of
untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will
probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to
do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary
to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs
to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better
word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for
Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by
someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use
it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used
during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it
humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from
someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the
name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is
applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This
feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent
they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a
man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will
speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi
responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”,
in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was
suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable),
Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’
such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The
Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them
the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been
generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not
prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a
schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become
more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may
refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur
Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High
Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the
government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the
members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same
does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This
has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not
offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not
based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing
the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit
question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution
deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used
in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had
become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word
Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials
in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of
the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who
suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to
launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate.
The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term
Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar,
cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge
Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981)
had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice,
worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice
between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the
Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term
Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying
to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds
strange when no such demand has been made by any Dalit organisation or
leader, and when the term is used by the Supreme Court.
Such an
advisory at a time when the term Dalit is empowering Dalits in their
relentless fight against the increasing levels of atrocities against
them, and at a time of heightened Dalit consciousness in the country,
only signals the intent of the government to further marginalise the
community, which is being asked to conform to the identity determined by
the government. This is unacceptable. The government should withdraw
its circular and challenge the order passed by the Bombay High Court in
the Supreme Court.
D. Raja is National Secretary of the Communist Party of India and a Member of Parliament
Just
0.1% intolerant, cunning, crooked, number one terrorists, violent,
militant, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded
rapists foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmin RSS (Rowdy
Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) are the real infiltrators remotely controlling
BJP (Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths) full of hatred, anger, jealousy,
delusion that are defilement of the mind requiring mental treatment in
mental asylums. The 99.9 % Sarva SamJ must unite to catch hold of these
mad people to admit them in mental hospitals.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste,
religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel
would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay
the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a
seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’
organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action
and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the
head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of
the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the
Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and
rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on
the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was
the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after
Independence. The first government had representation from all
communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S.
Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V.
Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were
present.
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and
Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste, religion and
nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel would never have
allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay the foundation
for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a seminar on ‘Dr.
Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’ organised by the
Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action and Dr. Ambedkar
Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the head of the interim
government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting
Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the Constitution. Both Nehru
and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and rational outlook, but Patel was a
fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on the commonalities between Nehru
and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a
national government be formed after Independence. The first government
had representation from all communities and regions. ANU Registrar P.
Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S. Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts,
Commerce and Law principal V. Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College
principal B.Re. Victor Babu were present.
Sardar Patel and Dr Ambedkar strongly differed on reservation and caste. They sparred over this in the Constituent Assembly Debates.
Ambedkar wanted to protect SC/ST rights via quotas in education and employment. Patel felt quotas “quotas are anti-national”.
Therefore for this reason Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
after gobbling the Master Key by tampering the Fraud EVMs laid the
foundation stone in 2013, he commissioned Patel’s statue at Kevadia in
Gujarat, which is billed as being the tallest in the world.
Thus,
in this perplexing crucible, it would be worthwhile to delve into the
tomes of history and see whether both the icons – Ambedkar and Patel –
saw eye-to-eye on caste and reservations.
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, SC/ST
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste,
religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel
would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay
the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a
seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’
organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action
and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the
head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of
the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the
Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and
rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on
the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was
the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after
Independence. The first government had representation from all
communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S.
Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V.
Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were
present.
https://www.google.co.in/…/story-EqYMsbzYbhDOtNgocROfNM_amp… Ban RSS, India’s no 1 terror organisation: Former Maharashtra cop
Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday
accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with
right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as
India’s No.1 terror organisation. Updated: Feb 23, 2016 20:25:20
SM Mushrif speaking at the launch of his book. (PTI Photo)
Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday
accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with
right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as
India’s No.1 terror organisation. At the launch of the Bengali version
of his book “RSS - Country’s Greatest Terror Organisation”, Mushrif also
termed the ongoing JNU controversy as a manifestation of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) attempt to turn India into a Hindu nation.
“The IB has been and continues to be the most powerful organisation in
the country and irrespective of which political party is in power at the
centre, it continues to operate the way it wants.
Whatever the
IB says or does is considered the truth and its claims or acts are never
questioned or verified,” said Mushrif, indicting the agency for
colluding with the RSS and its subsidiaries for the killing of
anti-terror squad chief Hemant Karkare, who was probing the involvement
of Hindu radicals in terror acts.
Karkare was killed during the 2008 Mumbai terror attack.
“No other terror organisation has used RDX like the RSS has. At least
18 chargesheets have been filed against the RSS and its subsidiaries
like Abhinav Bharat and Bajrang Dal in terror cases.
The RSS should be immediately banned for being the country’s No.1 terror organisation,” said Mushrif.
Condemning the Jawaharlal Nehru University row, Mushrif expressed alarm over rising right-wing extremism.
“This is only a manifestation of the RSS’s bid to establish the
Aryavart Hindu Rashtra based on the tenets of Smritis and Vedas. Its
time the entire country stood up against this rise of extremism,” said
the author of “Who Killed Karkare? : The Real Face of Terrorism in
India”.
https://defence.pk/…/narendra-modi-a-terrorist-who-rose-to…/ About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the
body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been
injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 2006 RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization?
What makes one or an organization terrorist?
American Heritage Dictionary: The unlawful use or threatened use of
force or violence by a person or an organized group against people or
property with the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or
governments, often for ideological or political reasons.
Does the Sanghparivar have any of these qualities in its work to make it not to declare a terrorist organization?
An American research centre has placed our ultra-nationalist Rashtrya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) on its terrorist list. The East Virginia-based
Terrorism Research Center (TRC) is closely connected to the American
government and many of its directors and researchers have closely worked
with US administrations and have taken part in research and planning
for the US administration.
In the list of ?? in India, the TRC
has placed RSS under no. 21. Here is the link as it appeared on 9
September 2004 on the group?s website under the caption ?Known Terrorist
Groups Operating in India?.
The RSS was founded in 1925 by the Maratha Brahmin Keshav Baliram
Hegdewar on the Aryan Vaishnava Holy day of Vijaya Dashami (the 10th day
of the moon) when the Aryan invader Rama destroyed the Dravidian Empire
of Lanka [ Sangh ]. This was done to symbolise its inherent anti-Sudra
nature. Its organisation is highly skewed, with the Sar Sangh Chalak
(supreme dictator) at the top [ Roots ]. This person can only be a
Brahmin.
RSS militia is organised around local cells or `shakas’
where weapons are distributed to its hardcore members, who are drilled
in a vigorous program of harsh discipline. RSS converted hindu temples
serve as repositories of weapons as well as centers of dissemination of
its racist ideology of Aryan supremacy. RSS cadre graduate to the BJP.
VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad)
The council was established on August 29, 1964 in Bombay, Maharastra [
Biju ] with a political objective of establishing the supremacy of
Hinduism all over the world. It obtains funds and recruits from Aryan
Hindus all across the globe, especially from the US, UK and Canada and
has grown to become the main fund-raising agency of Brahmanist
Fundamentalism. The council was instrumental in the demolition of the
holiest Islamic shrine in Oudh, the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya and has
organised several massacres of Muslims and Christians. It is in the
forefront in the call for a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu State ethnically
cleansed of its non-Aryan populations.
Bajrang Dal ( Party of Monkey God called Hanuman.)
The militant wing of the VHP, it was formed “to counter `Sikh
militancy’ ” during the Sikh Genocide of 1983-84 [ Bajrang ]. Created
with the objective of the eradication of Sikhs which it has termed
“Muslims in disguise”, its cadres fought alongside Congress-backed
Hindutva militias during the massacre of 200,000 Sikhs under Indira
Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Recruits carry a ” knife-like trident to be
slung across the shoulder - an answer to the Sikh kirpan ” [ Bajrang ].
later it has subsequently expanded its targets to include Muslims and
Christians as well.
ABVP
This front comprises students of
Hindu religious schools (vidyalayas). It has expanded its base by
infiltration into `secular’ universities. Its higher-ranking cadres are
well-equipped with weaponry; they often organise communal campus
disturbances against Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains.
Most of its members graduate to become hardcore RSS and VHP militants.
An excellent thesis: articulate, erudite, and dispassionate.
Now go ahead and present this to UN general assemble, UNSC, European
and American media, and try to get RSS ban in at least a couple of
countries. You would find willing allies among Christian fanatics.
If possible ,get it framed and nail it on entrance of UN building, like
Martin Luther nailed his thesis on door of Castle Church of Wittenberg.
This thesis of your is more path braking than the one which caused
Protestant reformation. About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the
body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been
injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 2006 A report on the ‘attack’ on RSS Headquarters on June 01, 2006
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted
simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and
approached him continuously for five days. That the Commissioner
persistently declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries,
reveal his unwillingness and/or his inability to answer these questions.
It also suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this leads
the team to question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s
narration of the encounter. The Cock and bull story of the encounter
thus compels the team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and
requires, in the interest of the nation, a fair probing.
Constituent member organizations:
People’s Union for Civil Liberties,
Nagpur Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights,
Mumbai Dharma Nirapeksh Nagarik Manch, Nagpur
Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee,
Hyderabad Indian Association of People’s Lawyers Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti List of Members
Head of the Team, Justice B G Kolse Patil, Rtd Judge of Mumbai High Court, Convenor, Dr Suresh Khairnar,
Members Dr Anand Teltumde, CPDR, Mumbai; Adv. P Suresh Kumar, Andra
Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee, Hyderabad; Mr Ahmed Latif Khan, Civil
Liberty Monitoring Committee, Hyderabad; Dr D John Chelladurai, India
Peace Centre, Nagpur; Mr Nagesh Choudhury, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti,
Nagpur; Mr Arvind Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Adv. Anil Kale, Indian Assn of
People’s Lawyers; Adv. Surendra Gadling, Indian Assn of People’s
Lawyers; Mr Gaffar Shakir, Dharma Nirapeksha Nagarik Manch, Nagpur; Mr
Ashish K Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Mr Arvind Deshmukh, Bahujan Sangharsh
Samiti, Nagpur; Mr T V Kathane, Nagpur, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti,Nagpur;
Adv. Anand Gajbhiye, IAPL, Nagpur
Introduction
The nation
awoke on June 01, 2006 hearing the shocking news of an attempted attack
on the RSS headquarters building. It was a respite that the news of
police foiling the attempt too came along.
The news of attempted
attack on the Head Quarters of the RSS reportedly by fidayeens of a Pak
based terrorist group, sent a spine chilling fear in the minds of
millions of peace loving people in the country. We all know very well,
the potential of such a happening to ignite a trail of tragic clashes
among the communities. The peace loving masses heaved a sigh of relief
as the leaders of every community promptly condemned the heinous act and
appealed to the masses to maintain peace, and peace did prevail. In the
next twenty four hours quite a lot of information, almost all the
information pertaining to the attackers had been published obviously
supplied by the police department to the media.
The narrative of
the whole encounter as reported on June 02, 2006, instead of clearing
the mystery of the attackers, unfortunately confounded the citizens all
the more. The reports were conflicting and left innumerable questions on
ground zero situation unanswered.
The foiled attempt and the
appreciable tranquility maintained by the masses were a great relief.
However the deadly weapon and ammunition with which the ‘fidayeens’ (as
told by the Commissioner of Police) appeared, and the ease with which
the police claimed to have liquidated them, suggested that the Police
team had a ‘cake walk’ over the deadly terrorists. The very next day a
section of the media aired their doubt over the whole happening (as
reported by the Police Commissioner), most of them quoting wide sections
of the national community, including senior leaders.
The peace
loving social activists and campaigners for communal harmony based in
Nagpur were at first relieved by the success of the police over the
terrorists. However the confounding report that appeared in the media
and the doubts aired by masses and leaders prompted them to read between
the lines. Particularly, the ‘Islamic’ terrorist attempting to attack
RSS Head Quarters has a larger implication. It has the potential to push
the nation into a communal strife. Scuh a thing should not be allowed
to happen in any manner, orchestrated by any group. The confounding
report of the ‘encounter’ therefore requires an honest study.
The
above stated social organizations, hence constituted a fact finding
team comprised of the above mentioned activists. The team is headed by
Mr B G Kolse Patil, retired Judge of Mumbai High Court, and Convened by
Dr Suresh Khairnar, a renowned social thinker and activist. The team
visited the site of the encounter, spoke to the people residing in the
vicinity. The team also visited the RSS Head Quarters and met Mr Shirish
Wate, the HQ incharge.
The team went to Government Medical
College to meet the doctors who carried out the postmortem. Dr Dhavane,
who was present gave elementary information but declined to give
details. The team spoke to Dr Vibhawari Dani, Dean, Govt Medical
Hospital and College on telephone. The Dean also declined to reveal the
postmortem report. It was a classified document, she said.
The
team repeatedly sought an appointment with the Commissioner of Police.
The CP too declined to meet the team. On the contrary the CP asked the
respectable members their credentials; who funded the team, what
international connections does the team have and similar questions with
apparent intention to intimidate the team from their earnest effort to
help the society to know the truth.
The Incident as reported by Mr S P S Yadav, the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur
The Special squad of the City police who were on high alert following
specific input from intelligence agency spotted a white Ambassador car
moving in a suspicious manner in Lakdi Pul in Mahal area and started
tailing it. Two cars, a Tata Sumo and a Qualis were used in the
operation. The tailing cars were unmarked and all police personal in it
were wearing plain clothes.
When the ambassador car with red
beacon atop moved towards RSS Head Quarters, one for the constables in
the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions.
Rattled by the enquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle
even as they tried to get away. In the process they dashed into the
barricade near the eastern side of the RSS HQ. The alert cops led by PSI
Rajendra Tiwari, PSI Arvind Saraf and PSI JA More replied to the
Gunfire. It was their bulletproof jackets that saved police personnel.
The terrorists also threw a hand grenade on the police party. But it
failed to explode. They threw the grenade without pulling out the pin.
The gun battle lasted about 20 minutes in which the militants fired 76
rounds while the cops retaliated with 63 rounds. The terrorists had
three AK-M automatic weapons, 12 hand grenades and 5.6 Kgs of highly
explosive materials with them. They also had three spare magazines for
their fire arms each carrying 30 rounds. They had hundred and twenty
rounds each, said Mr S P S Yadav. Mr Yadav also reported to have said,
looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any
cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’
attack.
Refusing to divulge the exact identity of the three
militants, who were in the age group of 20-22 years, Mr Yadav described
them as ‘Islamic militants.’ At this point of time, he added, it is too
premature to associate them with any outfit.
Media reports
As per the details received from the police a white Ambassador car MH
20-8979 with a red beacon and three persons on board dressed as police
sub-inspectors, was first spotted by the patrolling police party at the
central avenue some time before the incident. The car was heading
towards Badkas Chowk. As it emerged form Chitaroli, two police vehicles,
a Tata Sumo carrying two PSI and five constables and a Toyoto Qualis
with 5 PSI got suspicious about the car. The police vehicles hastened
the chase of the suspicious ambassador car. At Badkas chowk the
ambassador car took a left turn towards Junta chowk and again turned
right towards the Sangh building from the Lakdipul side.
Presuming the car might have gone towards Ayachit mandir the police
stopped the chase for a while. However when the police jeep came back to
the same place during their routine patrol, they noticed the same car
in a small alley between Lakdipul and Gajanan Mandir towards the eastern
gate of the RSS Head Quarters. The Police vans then closed in on the
ambassador car. However, without paying heed to the police patrol the
car tried to force its way through the temporary barricade erected 50
meters before the main entrance of the RSS HQ. At this juncture the PSI
Tiwari intercepted the ambassador car and enquired as to where it was
heading. Instantly thereafter the two ultras who were seated on the rear
seats came out of the car with a grenade in their left hand and AK56
rifle in the right hand. One of them lobbed the grenade at the police,
but since the pin was not fully removed it failed to explode. Seeing
this the ultras opened indiscriminate fire at the police party. In the
melee PSI Saraf who just alighted from the police vehicle got hit at his
abdomen. However, since he was wearing a bullet proof vest the bullet
did not pierce his body. Soon after this police force and the ultras
started exchanging fire in which two of the three militants were killed
on the spot. The driver of the car then tried to flee towards the Bhauji
Daftari School. However he could not escape the bullets from the police
and he too was killed on the spot. The entire shoot out went on for
just around 15 minutes between 4.00 and 4.15 AM.
The police then
informed the control room and the commissioner of Police about the shoot
out. The senior police officers immediately reached the spot and
shifted at the three ultras to the government medical college where they
were declared brought dead. The members of Dautkhani family along with
other neighbours woke up at the sound of the firing and one of his
family members opened the door of their house to peep outside.
However alert cops told the family members to shut the door and remain
inside the house only. It was to prevent the terrorists from taking
shelter in the Dautkani house and taking them as hostages. The operation
was carried out by the city police successfully without any loss of
life other than that of the militants. The press reported on the 2nd
June that, all the three terrorists are said to be Pak nationals. Two of
them hailed from Lahore and the third from Gujranwala. The police had
seized from the place a dairy which contained email addresses in Urdu, a
few phone numbers of Lohare and Gujranwala. Rs 45,000 and maps of the
city were recovered from the terrorists.
The names of three
terrorists are said to be Afsal Ahmed Bhat, Bilal Ahmed Bhat and
Mohammed Usman Habib. Loksatta, (Indian Express Group) Nagpur Marathi
edition, dated June 03 2006 carried an article containing the following
detail. ‘Normally the attacks by the terrorists are preplanned
meticulously and they seldom fail in their attempt. This being the
public opinion, the recent futile attempt by the terrorists on RSS
building and the success gained by the police in thwarting the attempt
creates suspicion in public mind as well as among RSS people and their
rivals.
Though normally terrorists claim the responsibility of
the attack, no terrorist group has claimed any responsibility to this
attempt. Therefore the question arises, whether they were hardcore
Islamic terrorists or just any other newcomers. According to police
statement, threat of attack on RSS head quarters loomed large for the
last one year and there was security cordon around the building. Yet the
attackers seemed to have no idea of any of them, neither did they seem
to know the roads leading to RSS building. And no map of the building
and its surrounding could be found with them.
During the whole
encounter with the police the terrorists got only one chance to lob a
grenade and that too did not explode. That not a single policeman was
injured by the bullets of the attackers, puts a question mark on the
ability of the terrorists. The attackers could bring a car load of guns
and bullets, hand grenades, powerful explosives like RDX from places
thousands of kilometers away without being detected or checked by any
police or civic authorities, is a matter of surprise even in the RSS
circles.
The RSS which usually take such attack on them seriously
and go for nationwide protest, unusually kept extraordinary silence and
the morning shaka at the headquarters went on with more people
attending it. It was a surprise even among the cadres of RSS. This also
has created among their functionaries doubt over the bona fide of the
attackers. However, they speak in a low voice. ‘ Mahanayak, a
Marathi news paper from Mumbai, published a title page news from its
special correspondent from Nagpur, with the caption: “Mahanayak’s
Special Story on the Attack on RSS Head Quarters.” The news goes like
this: There is a talk among the Nagpur police that, of the 11 police who
conducted the encounter, 6 police did not even know how to handle a
carbine. Some of them were under demotion on account of departmental
disciplinary action, and they were given this ‘chance’ to prove their
‘worthiness.’ Sources close to the police circle say, none of the eleven
cops had special commando training. The authorities punished two of
them, for they extorted from a ‘gutka’ merchant a huge amount (Rs 3.5
lakhs) five months ago, in the Panchpoli police station area. At the
orders of the CP they were shifted to another ‘punishment’ section.
Police inner circle is surprised at the composition of the squad for
most of them do not know to handle guns properly.
The reporter
gives details of many indisciplines of the eleven police personals and
wonders how and on what basis they were selected for Special Squad to
handle such an important assignment in the RSS HQ.
Observations of the fact team
1. When the police had prior information about possible attack on RSS
Head Quarters and the police were prepared, as stated by the
Commissioner of Police (CP), to handle possible attack, why did they
allow the attackers to go close to the RSS HQ? Why did the Police not
stop them at first sight?
2. We hear from the residents, that the
police had a kind of rehearsal to the ‘encounter’ few days back on the
same spot. Police even fired in the air on the occasion, they claim. And
when the actual encounter took place, these residents said, they first
thought that it was yet another demonstration. Why did the police take a
demo a few days ago?
3. The CP has said, “when the ambassador
car with red beacon atop moved towards RSS HQ, one of the constables in
the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions.
Rattled by the inquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle
even as they tried to get away.” For the constable to ask casually,
either he must have brought his car (the police vehicle) side by side to
the terrorist vehicle or he (the constable) must have come by foot
close to terrorist vehicle (and asked them). In either case the
constable must have been exposed to the terrorist attack at close
quarter. How did the constable escape unhurt? The narration of the
incident doesn’t have any detail to clarify this.
4. There is no
eyewitness to the whole happening. The encounter took place according to
the police at 4.15 AM. The bodies of the assailants were removed even
before the press reporters (who were the first people other than the
Police) reached the spot, close to 5.00 AM. Why this hurry?
5.
Day one media report says, Deputy Commissioner Mr Prabhat Kumar was in
the patrolling team and he smelled foul and started tailing it in their
unmarked blue Tata Sumo. Why did the CP not bring him (Mr P Kumar) in
his (CP) narration of the encounter? Why did CP hide the DCP?
6.
Another report says that the patrolling police that tailed the
ambassador at one point “presumed the car might have gone towards
Ayachit mandir the police stopped the chase for a while. However when
the police jeep came back to the same place during their routine patrol,
they noticed the same car in a small alley between Lakdipul and
Gajanand Mandir towards the eastern gate of the RSS Head Quarters. As
the point where the police missed the ambassador car and the place where
they saw them again are the same small alley, do the police mean to say
that the attackers were waiting over there until then?
7. It is
said that the attackers’ car tried to force its way through the
barricade. The said barricade was installed a couple of weeks before
June 01 2006, in the aftermath of weapon seizure from antisocial
elements in the State. When the attackers came where were the sentries
posted at the barricade? They must have been the first one to stop the
terrorists or get attacked by the terrorists. Where were they?
8.
The exchange of fire took place for twenty minutes, it was reported.
Can anyone explain how the police disabled the terrorists from using the
dozen hand grenades and the 360 rounds of bullets?
9. That the
terrorists had 12 hand grenade, 360 rounds of bullets, 5.6 Kgs of highly
explosive material which was later stated to be RDX, and they battled
for twenty minutes ‘hopelessly’ not using any of them, is a narration
that fails to convince common sense.
10. It was reported that the
police recovered from the terrorists’ vehicle a sealed case containing
12 hand grenades. The terrorists coming on a deadly mission carrying
their munitions in sealed cases does not comply the logic of terrorist
attack. They did not even open them when they were fighting for 20
minutes in a losing battle makes the narration all the more
unconvincing.
11. That the terrorists, reported to be ‘fidayeen’
who chose to travel on white ambassador car with red beacon atop, not
knowing what is the official protocol but chose to wear PSI dress, does
not comply with the statement of the CP that the terrorists were a
trained fidayeens.
12. The reported information that the police
recovered wet underwear and soaked bathing soap from the white
ambassador car suggests that they could not have been ‘terrorists’ on a
mission involving their very life.
13. The police declared them
as ‘Islamic’ terrorist and Pak based ‘fidayeens’. The stated seizure of a
diary containing all their names and their own telephone numbers sounds
farce. Usually we do not write our own telephone numbers in our dairy.
Terrorists of deadly mission carrying a dairy with their own identities
when they were on an attack, do not appeal common sense.
14. Even
if the police had found a dairy belonging to the attackers, how did
they decipher the code names and codified messages in so short a time
that in less than 10 hours the CP could reveal their identity as
‘Islamic’ terrorist and ‘fidayeens’? (the history of terrorist attack
tells clearly that the terrorists do not carry written documents. If
they have to write anything they choose to write in codes and false
names.)
15. What authentication did the police possess to finally
declare them as Muslims and bury them according to Islamic rituals?
What was the hurry to bury the dead bodies of the terrorists without
establishing their identity?
16. Few holes on the walls (opposite
to Bharat Mahila Vidyalay) are, said by the CID official present at the
site, as bullet marks. Two of the six marks found to be marks of
bullets fired from right across, at 90 degrees. One bullet mark, as
marked by the police on the Bharat Mahila Vidyalay wall too clearly
indicates that the bullet was fired at 90 degrees. Were the police and
their vehicle come side by side the terrorists? It was amusing, that the
police officer present at the time of the team’s visit to the spot,
told that bullets fired by the policemen down the lane from behind the
terrorist vehicle possibly took an aerial curve and hit the wall at 90
degree.
17. There is hardly any mark of terrorist bullets on the other side, except on the Police vehicle.
18. The blue Tata Sumo vehicle that was tailing behind the terrorist
vehicle had six bullet marks. Two of them were at least apparently
pistol bullet marks. The police report did not mention terrorists having
used pistols. How did pistol bullet marks appear on the police vehicle?
19. The terrorists were reported to have fired from AK-M automatic
guns. The bullet marks on the blue Tata Sumo of the police bear bullet
marks that are all single shot marks. There is no series of bullet marks
(which is expected if the opponents were using automatic guns) that
raises the doubt over nature of the exchange of fire.
20. One
bullet hole was found (in the police blue Tata Sumo vehicle) on the
right side front door from inside. The point of hit was almost at the
hip of the driver. Had the driver been on his seat he should have been
hit. There was no such report. It is clear that the driver was not in
the seat at the time of firing. We found bullet marks on the same police
vehicle hit from three angles on the left side of the vehicle. Three
bullets were 45 degrees from behind, two bullets 90 degrees on the left
and one bullet 130 degree further that hit just below the front
windshield. The question is, if the vehicle is not on the move during
the attack, (as the bullet did not hit the driver), then how did the
bullet mark appear from three angles? This question assumes significance
as it was not possible for the terrorists to move to such wide range
and fire from all three angles, for they were caught in their vehicle
that was trapped in a narrow alley and they were immobilized.
21.
Mr S P S Yadav, Commissioner of Police is reported to have said,
“Looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any
cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’
attack.” This conclusion of the CP amounts to be hasty in his decision;
or the terrorists were in his hands prior to the encounter, for him to
know about them in detail.
22. On the site of the encounter was
parked a white Maruti Omni car at the premises of Mr Jopat, the compound
wall being fenced by barbed wire. As the house is the first one in the
lane (in front of which raised the barricade) and the attackers were
inside the lane, if the police wanted to target the attackers, they
should have gone some where behind this Maruti Omni car. When there was
over 140 rounds of fire, there is not a single bullet mark on the
vehicle.
This creates strong doubts over the nature of reported encounter.
Recommendations
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted
simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and
approached him continuously for five days. That the CP persistently
declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries, reveal his
unwillingness / inability to face these fair queries.
It also
suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this lead the team to
question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s narration of the
encounter. The Cock and Bull story of the encounter thus compels the
team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and requires, in the
interest of the nation, a fair probing.
The team therefore,
calls upon the Central government to appoint a judicial enquiry
committee headed by a retired judge of the Supreme Court and probe the
whole episode.
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and Polity for the welfare, happiness and peace of all Awakened
Aboriginal Societies and for their Eternal Bliss as Final Goal.
When a just
born baby is kept isolated without anyone communicating with the baby,
after a few days it will speak and human natural (Prakrit) language
known as Classical Magahi Magadhi/Classical Chandaso language/Magadhi Prakrit/Classical Hela Basa (Hela Language)/Classical Pali which are the same. Buddha spoke in Magadhi. All the 7111 languages and dialects are off shoot of Classical
Magahi Magadhi. Hence all of them are Classical in nature (Prakrit) of
Human Beings, just like all other living spieces have their own natural
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Meditate
throughout life for Welfare, Happiness and Peace in all postures of the
body including, sitting, standing, lying, walking, cycling, swimming,
performing martial arts, Tai Chi, Kung Fu, Karate, Kalari and so on.
Why because:
Buddha was asked, “What have you gained by Meditation?”
He replied “Nothing!”
“However, Buddha said, let me yell you what I lost:
In this sutta, the Buddha reminds the bhikkhus to be satos and sampajānos, and then defines these two terms.
Thus I have heard: On one occasion, the Bhagavā was dwelling near Sāvatthī, in Jeta’s grove, Anāthapiṇḍika’s park.{n} There, the Bhagavā adressed the bhikkhus: – Bhikkhus. – Bhaddante promised the bhikkhus. The Bhagavā said: In this way, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu is sato
And how, bhikkhus, is a Bhikkhu sampajāna? Here, bhikkhus, to a bhikkhu the vedanās arise being known, they persist being known, they pass away being known. The vitakkās arise being known, they persist being known, they pass away being known. The saññās arise being known, they persist being known, they pass away being known. In this way, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu is sampajāna
Bhikkhus, a bhikkhu should remain sato and sampajāna. This is our instruction to you.
மரம் >> சுட்டா பினாகா >> ச ut த்தா நிக்கயா >> சதிப ṭṭṭṭ னா ச ut ட்டா
எஸ்.என் 47.35 (எஸ் வி 180) சதி சுட்டா - விழிப்புணர்வு - [சதி]
இந்த
சுட்டாவில், புத்தர் பிக்குக்களை சடோஸ் மற்றும் சம்பாஜோனோஸ் என்று
நினைவுபடுத்துகிறார், பின்னர் இந்த இரண்டு சொற்களையும் வரையறுக்கிறார்.
இவ்வாறு நான் கேள்விப்பட்டேன்: ஒரு சந்தர்ப்பத்தில், பகவா, ஜீட்டாவின் தோப்பு, அனாதாபிகிகாவின் பூங்காவில், சவத்தாவுக்கு அருகில் வசித்து வந்தார். - பிக்குக்கள். - பதான்தே பிக்குக்களுக்கு வாக்குறுதி அளித்தார்.பகவர் கூறினார்: இந்த வழியில், பிக்குஸ், ஒரு பிக்கு என்பது சாடோ
எப்படி, பிக்குக்கள், ஒரு பிக்கு சம்பாஜனா?இங்கே,
பிக்குக்கள், ஒரு பிக்குவுக்கு வேதன்கள் அறியப்படுகிறார்கள், அவர்கள்
அறியப்படுவதைத் தொடர்கிறார்கள், அவர்கள் அறியப்படுவதைக் கடந்து
செல்கிறார்கள்.விட்டாக்ஸ் அறியப்படுவது எழுகிறது, அவை அறியப்படுவதைத் தொடர்கின்றன, அவை அறியப்படுவதைக் கடந்து செல்கின்றன.சாஸ் அறியப்படுவது எழுகிறது, அவை அறியப்படுவதைத் தொடர்கின்றன, அவை அறியப்படுவதைக் கடந்து செல்கின்றன.இந்த வழியில், பிக்குஸ், ஒரு பிக்கு என்பது சம்பாஜனா
பிக்குஸ், ஒரு பிக்கு சடோ மற்றும் சம்பாஜனமாக இருக்க வேண்டும்.இது உங்களுக்கு எங்கள் அறிவுறுத்தல்.
Ivan Battilana 408 subscribers Lesson on the meaning of Nirvana and salvation in Buddhism.l Category People & Blogs
§ 2. The Buddha did not promise to give Salvation. He said He was Marga
Data (Way Finder) and not Moksha Data (Giver of Salvation)
1. Most religions are described as revelations. But the Buddha’s religion is not a revelation.
2. A revealed religion is so called because it is a message of God
to His creatures to worship their maker (i.e., God) and to save their
souls. 3. Often the message is sent through a chosen individual
who is called a prophet, to whom the message is revealed and who reveals
it to the people. It is then called Religion. 4. The obligation of the prophet is to ensure salvation to the faithful.
5. Salvation of the faithful means the saving of their souls from
being sent to hell, provided they obey God’s commands and recognise the
prophet as his messenger. 6. The Buddha never claimed that he was a prophet or a messenger of God. He repudiated any such description.
7. A more important point than this is that his religion is a
discovery. As such, it must be sharply distinguished from a religion
which is called Revelation. 8. His religion is a discovery in
the sense that it is the result of inquiry and investigation into the
conditions of human life on earth; and understanding of the working of
human instincts with which man is born; the moulding of his instincts
and dispositions which man has formed as a result of history and
tradition, and which are working to his detriment. 9. All
prophets have promised salvation. The Buddha is the one teacher who did
not make any such promise. He made a sharp distinction between a moksha
data and a marga data, one who gives salvation and one who only shows
the way. 10. He was only a marga data. Salvation must be sought by each for himself by his own effort. 11. He made this very clear to the Brahmin Moggallana in the following Sutta. 12. “Once the Exalted One was staying at Shravasti, in the East Park, at the [multi-]storeyed house of Migara’s mother.
13. “Then the Brahmin Moggallana, the accountant, came to the
Exalted One and gave him friendly greeting, and after the exchange of
courtesies sat down at one side. So seated, the Brahmin Moggallana, the
accountant, said this to the Exalted One: 14. “‘Just as, Master
Gautama, one gets a gradual view of this [multi-]storeyed house, a
progress, a graduated path, and so on right up to the last step of the
stairs, just so is the progressive training of us Brahmins: that is to
say, in our course of study in the Vedas.’ 15. “‘Just as in a
course of archery, Gautama, with us the Brahmins, the training, the
progress, the approach is step by step; for instance, in counting.’
16. “‘When we take a private pupil we make him count thus: ‘One one,
twice two, thrice three, four times four, and so on up to a hundred.’
Now is it possible. Master Gautama, for you to point to a similar
progressive training on the part of your followers in your Dhamma?’
17. “‘It is so, Brahmin. Take the case, Brahmin, of a clever
horse-trainer. He takes a thoroughbred in hand, gives him his first
lesson with bit and bridle, and then proceeds to the further course.’
18. “‘Just so, Brahmin, the Tathagata takes in hand a man who is to
be trained and gives him his first lesson, thus: ‘Come thou, brother!
Be virtuous. Abide, constrained by the restraint of the obligation.’
19. ‘Become versed in the practice of right behaviour; seeing
danger in trifling faults, do you undertake the training and be a pupil
in the moralities.’ 20. “‘As soon as he has mastered all that,
the Tathagata gives him his second lesson, thus: ‘Come thou brother!
Seeing an object with the eye, be not charmed by its general appearance
or its details.’ 21. “‘Persist in the restraint of that
dejection that comes from craving, caused by the sense of sight
uncontrolled–these ill states, which would overwhelm one like a flood.
Guard the sense of sight, win control over the sense of sight.’
22. “‘And so do with the other organs of sense. When you hear a sound
with the ear, or smell a scent with the nose, taste a taste with the
tongue, or with body touch things tangible, and when with mind you are
conscious of a thing, be not charmed with its general appearance or its
details.’ 23. “‘As soon as he has mastered all that, the
Tathagata gives him a further lesson, thus: ‘Come thou, brother! Be
moderate in eating; earnest and heedful do you take your food, not for
sport not for indulgence, not for adding personal charm or comeliness to
body, but do it for body’s stabilising, for its support, for protection
from harm, and for keeping up the practice of the righteous life, with
this thought: ‘I check my former feeling. To no new feeling will I give
rise, that maintenance and comfort may be mine.’ 24. “‘Then,
Brahmin, when he has won restraint in food, the Tathagata gives him a
further lesson thus: ‘Come thou, brother! Abide given to watchfulness.
By day, when walking or sitting, cleanse your heart from things that may
hinder you. By night spend the first watch walking up and down or
sitting, and do likewise. By night in the second watch, lie down on the
right side in the posture of a lion, and placing one foot upon the
other, mindful and self-possessed, set your thoughts on the idea of
exertion. Then in the third watch of the night rise up, and walking up
and down, or sitting, cleanse the heart of things that may hinder.’
25. “‘Then, Brahmin, when the brother is devoted to watchfulness,
the Tathagata gives him a further lesson, thus: ‘Come thou, brother!
Be possessed of mindfulness and self-control. In going forth or going
back, have yourself under control. In looking forward or looking back,
in bending or relaxing, in wearing robes or carrying robe and bowl, in
eating, chewing, tasting, in easing yourself, in going, standing,
sitting, lying, sleeping or waking, in speaking or keeping silence have
yourself under control.’ 26. “‘Then Brahmin, when he is
possessed of self-control, the Tathagata gives him a further lesson
thus: ‘Come thou, brother! Seek out a secluded lodging, a forest or
root of a tree, a mountain or a cave or a mountain grotto, a charnel
field, a forest retreat, the open air, a heap of straw.’ And he does so.
And when he has eaten his food he sits down crosslegged, and keeping
his body straight up, he proceeds to practise the four ecstacies.’
27. “‘Now, Brahmin, for all brothers who are pupils, who have not yet
attained mastery of mind, who abide aspiring, for such is the manner of
my training.’ 28. “‘But as to those brethren who are arhants,
who have destroyed the asavas, who have lived the life, done their task,
laid down the burden, won their own salvation, utterly destroyed the
fetters of becoming, and are released by the perfect insight, for such
as those these things are conducive to ease in the present life and to
mindful self-control as well.’ 29. “When this was said, the Brahmin Moggallana, the accountant, said to the Exalted One :
30. “‘But tell me, Master Gautama. Do the disciples of the worthy
Gautama,–do all of them win the absolute perfection which is Nibbana,
or do some fail thus to attain?’ 31. “Some of my disciples, Brahmin, thus advised and trained by me, do so attain. Others do not.”
32. “But what is the reason, Master Gautama? What is the cause,
Master Gautama? Here we have Nibbana. Here we have the Path to Nibbana.
Here we have the worthy Gautama as instructor. What is the reason, I
say, why some disciples thus advised and trained do attain, while
others do not attain?” 33. “That, Brahmin, is a question that I
will answer. But first do you answer me this, so far as you think fit.
Now how say you. Brahmin–Are you well skilled in the road to
Rajagraha?” 34. “I am, master, Skilled indeed am I in the road to Rajagraha!’ 35. “Well, thus instructed, thus advised, he takes the wrong road, and off he goes with his face set to the west.
36. “Then a second man comes up with the same request, and you give
him the same instructions. He follows your advice and comes safe to
Rajagraha. 37. “‘That is my business?’ 38. “‘What do I in the matter. Brahmin? The Tathagata is one who only shows the way.’ 39. Here is a full statement that he does not promise salvation. He only shows the way. 40. Besides, what is salvation? 41. With Mohammad and Jesus, salvation means saving the soul from being sent to hell, by the intercession of the Prophet. 42. With Buddha, salvation means Nibbana, and Nibbana means control of passions. 43. What promise of salvation can there be in such a Dhamma?
இவான் பட்டிலனா 408 சந்தாதாரர்கள் புத்தமதத்தில் நிர்வாணம் மற்றும் இரட்சிப்பின் பொருள் பற்றிய பாடம் வகை நபர்கள் & வலைப்பதிவுகள்
§ 2. புத்தர் இரட்சிப்பைக் கொடுப்பதாக வாக்குறுதி அளிக்கவில்லை. அவர்
மார்கா டேட்டா (வே ஃபைண்டர்) மற்றும் மோக்ஷா டேட்டா (இரட்சிப்பைக்
கொடுப்பவர்) அல்ல என்று கூறினார்
1. பெரும்பாலான மதங்கள் வெளிப்பாடுகள் என விவரிக்கப்படுகின்றன. ஆனால் புத்தரின் மதம் ஒரு வெளிப்பாடு அல்ல.
2. வெளிப்படுத்தப்பட்ட ஒரு மதம் என்று அழைக்கப்படுகிறது, ஏனென்றால் அது
படைத்தவர்களை (அதாவது, கடவுளை) வணங்குவதற்கும் அவர்களின் ஆத்துமாக்களைக்
காப்பாற்றுவதற்கும் கடவுளின் செய்தி. 3. பெரும்பாலும் செய்தி ஒரு
தீர்க்கதரிசி என்று அழைக்கப்படும் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்ட நபர் மூலமாக
அனுப்பப்படுகிறது, யாருக்கு செய்தி வெளிப்படுத்தப்படுகிறது, அதை மக்களுக்கு
வெளிப்படுத்துகிறது. பின்னர் அது மதம் என்று அழைக்கப்படுகிறது. 4. உண்மையுள்ளவர்களுக்கு இரட்சிப்பை உறுதி செய்வதே தீர்க்கதரிசியின் கடமையாகும்.
5. உண்மையுள்ளவர்களின் இரட்சிப்பு என்பது அவர்கள் ஆத்துமாக்களை
நரகத்திற்கு அனுப்புவதிலிருந்து காப்பாற்றுவதாகும், அவர்கள் கடவுளின்
கட்டளைகளுக்குக் கீழ்ப்படிந்து, தீர்க்கதரிசியை அவருடைய தூதராக
அங்கீகரிக்கிறார்கள். 6. புத்தர் ஒருபோதும் அவர் ஒரு தீர்க்கதரிசி அல்லது கடவுளின் தூதர் என்று கூறவில்லை. அத்தகைய எந்த விளக்கத்தையும் அவர் மறுத்தார்.
7. இதை விட மிக முக்கியமான விஷயம் என்னவென்றால், அவருடைய மதம் ஒரு
கண்டுபிடிப்பு. எனவே, இது வெளிப்படுத்துதல் என்று அழைக்கப்படும் ஒரு
மதத்திலிருந்து கூர்மையாக வேறுபடுத்தப்பட வேண்டும். 8. பூமியில் உள்ள
மனித வாழ்க்கையின் நிலைமைகள் பற்றிய விசாரணை மற்றும் விசாரணையின்
விளைவாகும் என்ற அர்த்தத்தில் அவரது மதம் ஒரு கண்டுபிடிப்பு; மனிதன்
பிறக்கும் மனித உள்ளுணர்வுகளின் செயல்பாட்டைப் புரிந்துகொள்வது; வரலாறு
மற்றும் பாரம்பரியத்தின் விளைவாக மனிதன் உருவாக்கிய அவனது உள்ளுணர்வு
மற்றும் மனநிலைகளின் வடிவமைத்தல் மற்றும் அவனுக்கு தீங்கு விளைவிக்கும்.
9. எல்லா தீர்க்கதரிசிகளும் இரட்சிப்பை வாக்குறுதி அளித்துள்ளனர். அத்தகைய
வாக்குறுதியை வழங்காத ஒரே ஆசிரியர் புத்தர். அவர் ஒரு மோக்ஷ தரவுக்கும்
மார்கா தரவிற்கும் இடையே ஒரு கூர்மையான வேறுபாட்டைக் காட்டினார்,
இரட்சிப்பைக் கொடுப்பவர் மற்றும் வழியை மட்டுமே காண்பிப்பவர். 10. அவர் ஒரு மார்கா தரவு மட்டுமே. ஒவ்வொருவரும் தனது சொந்த முயற்சியால் இரட்சிப்பைத் தேட வேண்டும். 11. அவர் இதை பின்வரும் சுத்தத்தில் பிராமண மொகல்லனாவிடம் மிகத் தெளிவுபடுத்தினார். 12. “ஒரு காலத்தில் உயர்ந்தவர் கிழக்கு பூங்காவில் உள்ள ஷ்ராவஸ்தியில், மிகாராவின் தாயின் [பல] மாடி வீட்டில் தங்கியிருந்தார்.
13. “பின்னர் பிராமண மொகல்லனா, கணக்காளர், உயர்ந்தவரிடம் வந்து அவருக்கு
நட்பு வாழ்த்து தெரிவித்தார், மரியாதை பரிமாற்றத்திற்குப் பிறகு ஒரு
பக்கத்தில் அமர்ந்தார். எனவே அமர்ந்து, கணக்காளர் பிராமண மொகல்லானா இதை
உயர்ந்தவரிடம் கூறினார் : 14. “‘மாஸ்டர் க ut தமா, ஒருவர் இந்த [பல]
மாடி வீடு, ஒரு முன்னேற்றம், ஒரு பட்டம் பெற்ற பாதை போன்றவற்றைப்
படிப்படியாகப் பெறுகிறார், மேலும் படிக்கட்டுகளின் கடைசி படி வரை,
முற்போக்கான பயிற்சி எங்களில் பிராமணர்கள்: அதாவது, வேதங்களில் எங்கள்
படிப்பில். ‘ 15. “” வில்வித்தை, க ut தமா, எங்களுடன் பிராமணர்கள், பயிற்சி, முன்னேற்றம், அணுகுமுறை படிப்படியாக உள்ளது; உதாரணமாக, எண்ணுவதில். ‘
16. “” நாங்கள் ஒரு தனியார் மாணவனை எடுத்துக் கொள்ளும்போது, அவரை
இவ்வாறு எண்ணுவோம்: ‘ஒன்று, இரண்டு, இரண்டு, மூன்று, மூன்று, நான்கு முறை,
மற்றும் நூறு வரை.’ இப்போது அது சாத்தியம். மாஸ்டர் க ut தமா, உங்கள்
தம்மத்தில் உங்களைப் பின்தொடர்பவர்களின் தரப்பில் இதேபோன்ற முற்போக்கான
பயிற்சியை சுட்டிக்காட்ட வேண்டுமா? ‘ 17. “‘அது அப்படியே, பிராமணர்.
ஒரு புத்திசாலித்தனமான குதிரைப் பயிற்சியாளரின் விஷயத்தை எடுத்துக்
கொள்ளுங்கள். அவர் கையில் ஒரு முழுமையாய் எடுத்து, தனது முதல் பாடத்தை பிட்
மற்றும் கசப்புடன் தருகிறார், பின்னர் மேலும் போக்கிற்கு செல்கிறார்.’
18. “‘அப்படியே, பிராமணரே, ததகதா பயிற்சி பெற வேண்டிய ஒரு மனிதனைக் கையில்
எடுத்துக்கொண்டு, அவனுடைய முதல் பாடத்தை அவனுக்குக் கொடுக்கிறான்,
இவ்வாறு:’ சகோதரனே, வாருங்கள், நல்லொழுக்கமுள்ளவராக இருங்கள். 19.
‘சரியான நடத்தை நடைமுறையில் தேர்ச்சி பெறுங்கள்; அற்பமான தவறுகளில்
ஆபத்தைப் பார்த்து, நீங்கள் பயிற்சியை மேற்கொண்டு ஒழுக்கநெறிகளில் ஒரு
மாணவராக இருக்கிறீர்களா? ‘ 20. “‘அதையெல்லாம் அவர் தேர்ச்சி பெற்றவுடன், ததகதா அவருக்கு இரண்டாவது பாடம் கொடுக்கிறார், இவ்வாறு:’ சகோதரனே வா!
21. “‘ஏக்கத்திலிருந்து வரும், கட்டுப்பாடற்ற பார்வை உணர்வால் ஏற்படும்
அந்த வெறுப்பைத் தடுத்து நிறுத்துங்கள் - இந்த மோசமான நிலைகள், ஒருவரைப்
போல வெள்ளத்தை மூழ்கடிக்கும். பார்வை உணர்வைக் காத்து, பார்வை உணர்வின்
மீது கட்டுப்பாட்டை வெல்லுங்கள் . ‘ 22. “‘மேலும் மற்ற உறுப்புகளுடன்
செய்யுங்கள். நீங்கள் காதுடன் ஒரு சத்தத்தைக் கேட்கும்போது, அல்லது
மூக்கால் ஒரு வாசனை வாசனை வரும்போது, நாக்குடன் ஒரு சுவை ருசிக்கும்போது,
அல்லது உடல் தொடுதலுடன் உறுதியானவை, மற்றும் மனதில் இருக்கும்போது ஒரு
விஷயத்தை அறிந்தவர்கள், அதன் பொதுவான தோற்றம் அல்லது விவரங்களுடன்
வசீகரிக்க வேண்டாம். ‘ 23. உடலில் தனிப்பட்ட அழகை அல்லது அழகைச்
சேர்ப்பதற்காக அல்ல, ஆனால் உடலின் உறுதிப்படுத்தலுக்காகவும், அதன்
ஆதரவிற்காகவும், தீங்குகளிலிருந்து பாதுகாப்பதற்காகவும், நீதியான
வாழ்க்கையின் நடைமுறையைத் தொடரவும் இதைச் செய்யுங்கள்: ‘எனது முந்தைய
உணர்வை நான் சரிபார்க்கிறேன். இல்லை பராமரிப்பு மற்றும் ஆறுதல் என்னுடையதாக
இருக்கலாம் என்று நான் புதிய உணர்வைத் தருவேன். ‘ 24. “‘பின்னர்,
பிராமணரே, அவர் உணவில் கட்டுப்பாட்டை வென்றதும், ததகதா அவருக்கு மேலும் ஒரு
படிப்பினை அளிக்கிறார்:’ சகோதரரே, வாருங்கள்! விழிப்புடன் இருங்கள். பகல்,
நடைபயிற்சி அல்லது உட்கார்ந்திருக்கும்போது, உங்கள் இருதயத்தை
தூய்மைப்படுத்துங்கள் உங்களுக்கு இடையூறாக இருக்கலாம். இரவில் முதல்
கடிகாரத்தை மேலேயும் கீழேயும் அல்லது உட்கார்ந்து கழிக்கவும், அவ்வாறே
செய்யுங்கள். இரண்டாவது கடிகாரத்தில் இரவில், சிங்கத்தின் தோரணையில் வலது
பக்கத்தில் படுத்து, ஒரு பாதத்தை மறுபுறம் வைக்கவும், கவனத்துடன் மற்றும்
சுயமரியாதை உடையவர்கள், உழைப்பின் யோசனையில் உங்கள் எண்ணங்களை அமைத்துக்
கொள்ளுங்கள். பின்னர் இரவின் மூன்றாவது கண்காணிப்பில் எழுந்து, மேலும்
கீழும், அல்லது உட்கார்ந்து, தடைசெய்யக்கூடிய விஷயங்களின் இதயத்தை
சுத்தப்படுத்துங்கள். ‘ 25. “‘அப்படியானால், பிராமணரே, சகோதரர்
விழிப்புடன் ஈடுபடும்போது, ததகதா அவருக்கு மேலும் ஒரு பாடம் தருகிறார்,
இவ்வாறு:’ சகோதரரே, வாருங்கள், நினைவாற்றல் மற்றும் சுய கட்டுப்பாட்டைக்
கொண்டிருங்கள். வெளியே செல்லும்போது அல்லது திரும்பிச் செல்லும்போது,
நீங்களே இருங்கள் கட்டுப்பாட்டுக்குள். அல்லது ம silence னம்
காத்துக்கொள்வது உங்களை கட்டுக்குள் வைத்திருக்கும். ‘ 26. “‘பின்னர்
பிராமணரே, அவர் தன்னடக்கத்தைக் கொண்டிருக்கும்போது, ததகதா அவருக்கு
மேலும் ஒரு படிப்பினை அளிக்கிறார்:’ தம்பி, வாருங்கள், ஒரு ஒதுங்கிய
உறைவிடம், ஒரு காடு அல்லது ஒரு மரத்தின் வேர், ஒரு மலை அல்லது குகையைத்
தேடுங்கள் அல்லது ஒரு மலை கிரோட்டோ, ஒரு சேனல் புலம், ஒரு காடு
பின்வாங்கல், திறந்தவெளி, வைக்கோல் குவியல். ‘ அவர் அவ்வாறு செய்கிறார்.
அவர் தனது உணவைச் சாப்பிட்டவுடன் குறுக்கு வழியே உட்கார்ந்து, உடலை நேராக
வைத்துக் கொண்டு, நான்கு பரவசங்களையும் கடைப்பிடிக்கிறார். ‘ 27.
“‘இப்போது, பிராமணரே, மாணவர்களான, இன்னும் மனதில் தேர்ச்சி பெறாத,
ஆர்வமுள்ளவர்களாக இருக்கும் அனைத்து சகோதரர்களுக்கும், என் பயிற்சியின்
முறை இதுதான்.’ 28. “‘ஆனால், சகோதரர்களாக, ஆசவர்களை அழித்தவர்கள்,
வாழ்க்கையை வாழ்ந்தவர்கள், தங்கள் பணியைச் செய்தவர்கள், சுமையைச்
சுமத்தினர், தங்கள் சொந்த இரட்சிப்பை வென்றவர்கள், ஆகிவிடுவதை முற்றிலுமாக
அழித்து, விடுவிக்கப்பட்டவர்கள் சரியான நுண்ணறிவு, இது போன்றவை தற்போதைய
வாழ்க்கையில் எளிமையாக்கவும், கவனத்துடன் சுய கட்டுப்பாடு கொள்ளவும்
உகந்தவை. ‘ 29. “இது கூறப்பட்டபோது, கணக்காளர் பிராமண மொகல்லனா மிக உயர்ந்தவரிடம் கூறினார்:
30. “‘ஆனால், மாஸ்டர் க ut தமா, என்னிடம் சொல்லுங்கள். தகுதியான க ut
தமரின் சீடர்கள், - அவர்கள் அனைவரும் நிபானா என்ற முழுமையான முழுமையை
வென்றார்களா, அல்லது சிலர் அவ்வாறு அடையத் தவறிவிடுகிறார்களா?’ 31.
“என் சீடர்களில் சிலர், பிராமணர், இவ்வாறு எனக்கு அறிவுரை மற்றும்
பயிற்சியளித்தார், அவ்வாறு செய்யுங்கள். மற்றவர்கள் அவ்வாறு செய்ய
மாட்டார்கள்.” 32. “ஆனால், என்ன காரணம், மாஸ்டர் க ut தமா? என்ன
காரணம், மாஸ்டர் க ut தமா? இங்கே நமக்கு நிபானா இருக்கிறது. இங்கே நமக்கு
நிபானாவுக்கான பாதை உள்ளது. இங்கே பயிற்றுவிப்பாளராக தகுதியான க ut தமா
இருக்கிறார். காரணம் என்ன, நான் சொல்கிறேன், சில சீடர்கள் ஏன் இவ்வாறு
அறிவுறுத்தப்படுகிறார்கள், பயிற்சியளிக்கிறார்கள், மற்றவர்கள் அடையவில்லை? “
33. “அது, பிராமணரே, நான் பதில் சொல்லும் ஒரு கேள்வி. ஆனால் முதலில்
நீங்கள் இதற்குப் பதிலளிப்பீர்கள், நீங்கள் பொருத்தமாக நினைக்கும் வரை.
இப்போது நீங்கள் எப்படிச் சொல்கிறீர்கள். பிராமணர் - ராஜகிரகா செல்லும்
பாதையில் நீங்கள் நன்கு திறமையானவரா?” 34. “நான், எஜமானரே, ராஜகிரகா செல்லும் பாதையில் நான் உண்மையில் திறமையானவன்! ‘
35. “சரி, இவ்வாறு அறிவுறுத்தப்பட்டு, இவ்வாறு அறிவுறுத்தப்பட்டு, அவர்
தவறான பாதையை எடுத்துக்கொள்கிறார், மேலும் அவர் முகத்தை மேற்கு நோக்கி
அமைத்துக்கொள்கிறார். 36. “பின்னர் இரண்டாவது மனிதர் அதே கோரிக்கையுடன்
வருகிறார், நீங்கள் அவருக்கு அதே வழிமுறைகளை வழங்குகிறீர்கள். அவர் உங்கள்
ஆலோசனையைப் பின்பற்றி ராஜகிரகத்திற்கு பாதுகாப்பாக வருகிறார். 37. “‘அது என்னுடைய தொழில்?’ 38. “‘இந்த விஷயத்தில் நான் என்ன செய்வது. பிராமணரா? ததகதா என்பது வழியை மட்டுமே காண்பிப்பவர்.’ 39. அவர் இரட்சிப்பை வாக்களிக்கவில்லை என்று ஒரு முழு அறிக்கை இங்கே. அவர் வழி மட்டுமே காட்டுகிறார். 40. தவிர, இரட்சிப்பு என்றால் என்ன?
41. முகமது மற்றும் இயேசுவுடன், இரட்சிப்பு என்பது நபி அனுப்பியதிலிருந்து
ஆன்மாவை நரகத்திற்கு அனுப்புவதிலிருந்து காப்பாற்றுவதாகும். 42. புத்தருடன், இரட்சிப்பு என்றால் நிபனா, மற்றும் நிபானா என்றால் உணர்ச்சிகளைக் கட்டுப்படுத்துதல் என்று பொருள். 43. அத்தகைய தர்மத்தில் இரட்சிப்பின் வாக்குறுதி என்ன? இந்த வலைத்தளத்தைப் பற்றி youtube.com நிர்வாண அறிவொளி மற்றும் புத்த இரட்சிப்பு புத்தமதத்தில் நிர்வாணம் மற்றும் இரட்சிப்பின் பொருள் பற்றிய பாடம்
Dalit Chetna has its roots in the
sufferings of its progenitors who never tired in making efforts to wake
up their people/Samaj. The beginning was made in a more systematic
manner during the life time of revered Jyotirao Phule who with the
support of his bold life partner revered Savitri Bai Phule made
stringent efforts to educate the lowest of the low while equating
education with the milk of Lioness that whosoever drink it will roar
like a lion. The flame of this struggle was taken up soon after by
Periyar E.V. Ramasamy who founded Justice Party to struggle for long
lost Dalit human rights during colonial India.
Babasaheb Dr B. R. Ambedkar became the
legitimate heir of Phule-Periyar tradition of the generation of Dalit
consciousness and took the same to new heights, never witnessed before
since the beginning of the raising of voice against social exclusion
and justice in the discourses by Tathagat Buddha. Babasaheb Dr Ambedkar
remained on the platform of Dalit struggle from the time of his first
publication on Genesis of Caste in 1916 till his last breath on
December 6, 1956. From 1956 till 1972 Dalits in India experimented with
his conversion formula to get rid of untouchability and getting
organized under Dalit political parties (Independent Labour Party,
Scheduled Castes Federation, Republican Party of India) to fight back
social segregation, political marginalization and economic
peripheralisation. Conversion somehow could not succeed in throwing off
the debris of untouchability even from the confines of their newly
embraced religions. The experience with the distinct Dalit political
parties also remained quite disheartening as at different electoral
intervals Scheduled Castes failed to register victory. Reservation in
the legislature both at state and national levels encouraged
opportunists from within the rank and file of the low castes to get
played in the hands of the upper castes masters in the mainstream
political parties to be ready to come forward to defeat their
counterparts from the Dalit political parties. That is why Babasaheb
used to say that on the reserved seats deaf and dumb low castes are
picked up by the shrewd mainstream political party bosses to defeat the
genuine Dalit candidates from the Dalit Political Parties. This was the
outcome of the failure of Communal Award hard earned by Babasaheb Dr
Ambedkar.
A new wave came with the arrival of Sahib
Shri Kanshi Ram Ji on the political scene of the Dalit Politics in
India as well as with the birth of Dalit Panther movement in
Maharashtra in the early 1970. It was also the time of the revival of
Ad Dharam movement in Punjab by Mr. Mangu Ram, the namesake of Babu
Mangu Ram Mugowalia, who after long stay in England came to stay put in
Jalandhar to work for the upliftment of the Dalit Samaj. Sahib Shri
Kanshi Ram Ji also made sincere efforts to stir new consciousness in
the minds of Dalit people in Punjab while referring to the various
achievements of the glorious Ad Dharam movement. Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram
Ji, in fact, had successfully been able to inject a new energy and
passion among the Scheduled castes, especially of Punjab and Uttar
Pradesh, by bringing them together on the platform of BAMCEF, DS4
(Dalit Shoshit Samaj Sangarsh Samiti) and Bahujan Samaj Party. He was
of the firm opinion that political power is the key to all locks of
Dalit empowerment. He wanted to strengthen his own people and Samaj who
had been taken for a free ride during centuries.
What Sahib Shri Kanshi Ji said and done
for the Dalit Samaj has once again being realized by his followers and
scholars of Dalit studies that the current times need him and his style
of politics more strongly for the emancipation and empowerment of the
Scheduled castes people.
Ambedkar Times (www.ambedkartimes.com) and Desh Doaba (www.deshdoaba.com)
forum pay floral tributes to the fond memory and momentous work that
Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram Ji had done for his people and Samaj on his
anniversary!!
Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram
was born on March 15, 1934, in Khawas Pur village of Ropar District of
Punjab. He was the eldest of eight siblings. He belonged to the
Ramdassia (Ad Dharmi) community of the Scheduled Caste group, which is
the largest group in Punjab. He was named Kanshi because after his
birth the midwife placed him in a tray made of kansa metal. His father
owned some land and his uncles were in the armed forces. In Sahib Kanshi
Ram’s own words, “I was born and brought up amongst those who
sacrificed themselves but never betrayed the country…” Despite his
low caste background, he earned a bachelor’s degree in science from the
Government College at Ropar (Punjab).
His upbringing was modest. During his
education years there was nothing special about him to suggest that he
would mature into great social revolutionary. It was only after he took
up a government job in the western Indian state of Maharashtra that he
began to be influenced by the writings and life of Baba Sahib Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar who voiced the concerns of India’s low caste community and
worked hard throughout his life for their empowerment. Soon after his
graduation, Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram Ji joined the research staff of
Kirki’s Explosive Research and Development Laboratory (ERDL) in Pune
1957. While working in Pune, he quit his job after becoming involved in
the famous Deena Bhan case. Deena Bhan, a Rajasthani Scheduled Caste
employee and senior colleague of Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram Ji was
suspended. His fault was that he protested against the decision of ERDL
management for the cancellation of holidays for Ambedkar and Buddha
Jayantis and their replacement by the Tilak Jayanti and one additional
holiday for Diwali. Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram decided to fight against such
a caste ridden and dictatorial behavior of the management. The fighter
in Kanshi Ram got the suspension orders of Deena Bhan revoked and
Ambedkar and Buddha Jayantis holidays were restored.
This was the beginning of the long battle
for the emancipation of the Dalits in the country that Sahib Shri
Kanshi Ram had to lead till his last breath. He resigned from his job
and totally dedicated his entire life for the cause of the community.
He never married nor visited his home since then. His struggle was not
for the home and family. He devised a new strategy to regain the lost
glory of the original (Adi) inhabitants of Bharat. He gave utmost
importance to the culture of work and democratic method of struggle. He
also expanded the circle of the Dalits by incorporating other Backward
Classes and Minorities into it.
He criticized the post-Ambedkar
leadership of Dalits in India. For that he declared Poona Pact as the
main reason. He said that “Poona Pact made Dalits helpless. By
rejecting separate electorate, Dalits were deprived of their genuine
representation in legislatures. Several and various kind of Chamchas
were born in the last fifty years. As and when India’s so called high
caste Hindu rulers felt the need of Chamchas and when the authority of
the upper castes got endangered by real and genuine Dalit leaders,
Chamchas were brought to the fore in all other fields”.
In his “The Chamcha Age”, a well-argued
and polemical tirade against the pseudo Dalit leaders, Sahib Shri Kanshi
Ram Ji sharpens the contradiction for the legitimate acquisition of
political power by the downtrodden in electoral democracy in India. In,
the Chamcha Age, “he focused very much on the Poona Pact which was a
point of a rather decisive Gandhian victory over Dr. Ambedkar after a
long duel between the two at the Round Table Conference”. In the
mid-1960s, Sahib Shri Kanshi Ram Ji began to organize Dalit government
employees to fight against what he saw as the deeply entrenched
prejudice of higher caste peoples. It was around this time that he
decided that he would not marry and dedicate his life to the cause of
Dalit improvement. By the mid-1980s, he decided play a crucial role in
the politics of the country.
The result was the formation of the BSP
(the Common Man’s Party) in 1984. As a politician, he became very
popular among his people, who found a new hope and vision in his style
of functioning and sincerity. Suddenly he became a national figure. He
was a master strategist and a meticulous organizer. He used his
strengths to carve out a niche for Dalits. This was done by deploying
an often combative and aggressive strategy, with virulent attacks on
other political parties which he claimed only represented the interests
of higher caste Hindus. He was sharply different from other
politicians of the mainstream. He used to communicate before he spoke.
He was one of the few great leaders of
Independent India who actually expanded the limits of Dalit politics.
His political vision was never confined to Scheduled Castes only, as is
often thought about him. All of the political organizations he founded
were meant for the downtrodden of all sorts – SC, ST, OBC and
Minorities. It would not be an exaggeration to say that he was the one
who took a lead in making Indian democracy more competitive and
practically open to the Dalit-Bahujan Samaj. Posted on
www.ambedkartimes.com March 15, 2014
PREFACE
OF THE CHAMCHA AGE
(AN ERA OF THE STOOGES)
SAHIB
SHRI KANSHI RAM JI
THE CHAMCHA AGE (An Era of the Stooges)
As victims of the Brahminical culture, for centuries, the
Shudras and Ati-Shudras, now known as the Backward Castes
(S.C., S.T. and O. B. C.) were passing through the Dark
Age Around 1848 Jyotirao Phule initiated revolt against
the Brahminical culture. From the beginning of the 20th
century, the Depressed Classes all over India started revolting
against the Brahminical culture. Around 1920, they were
lucky to have the leadership of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar.
Up to 1930, the struggle of the Depressed Classes was largely
ignored by Gandhiji and the Congress. During the Round Table
Conferences of 1930, 31, & 32 when the communal Award
was announced, Gandhiji was shocked to see that the able
leadership of Dr. Ambedkar could secure for them, both Recognition
and Rights.
This was too much for Gandhiji and his Congress. To deny
the Depressed Classes their due Gandhiji, went on fast till
death on 20th September 1932. Such coercive methods forced
Poona-Pact on the Depressed Classes. But even the Poona-Pact
could not take away Recognition. Thus, we see that when
Caste Hindus were forced to concede a little bit of power,
they took to second line of defense. They saw to it that
they must not lose control over it. This was secured by
the Poona-Pact, by way of denying the right to Separate
Electorates and forcing the Joint Electorates on the Depressed
Classes. Through the Joint Electorates, the representatives
of the Depressed Classes became only nominal representatives
and not real representatives, for no untouchable who did
not agree to be a nominee of the Caste Hindus and be a Chamcha
in their hands, could be elected in a Joint Electorates
in which the untouchable voter was outnumbered in ratio
of 1:5.
With this started the Chamcha Age on September 24, 1932,
the date when Poona-Pact was signed taking away the Separate
Electorates and forcing the Joint Electorates on the Depressed
Classes of India. Now when the Chamcha Age is 50 years old,
it has been decided to write the book, besides denouncing
the Poona-Pact in a big way all over India.
The purpose of writing this book is to enlighten, awaken
and caution the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj (Oppressed and Exploited
Society) and its workers and leaders about the large scale
existence of the element of stooges (Chamchas) in our oppressed
and exploited society. The book is also designed to make
the masses, especially the workers, distinguish between
the genuine and the counterfeit leadership. Those who struggle
to change the times, the Age, must know and understand the
Age in which they are living and operating. The book is
designed to serve that purpose as well.
To make the book more purposeful, it has been divided into
4 parts and 17 chapters. Part I and II give a glimpse of
the past struggles, Part III speaks of the present times
and Part IV suggests ways and means for the future struggles.
Thus all the 4 parts and 17 chapters put together secure
continuity of the past, present and future happenings and
struggles relevant to the purpose before the Book.
Initially a booklet of about 50 pages was designed to enlighten
and caution our own missionary workers about the existence
and nature of the element of stooges amongst the oppressed
and exploited Indians. Later on, it was thought necessary
to give background, the past events that eventually pushed
us into the Chamcha Age. To fulfill this need, the quoting
of past events extensively became inevitable. All this brought
the book to its present size.
The book contains 3 memorandums and one long statement
by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar. Even otherwise Dr. Ambedkar has been
largely referred and extensively quoted. Keeping in mind
the controversial nature of the topic and the wrong stand
on celebrating the golden jubilee of the Poona-Pact by the
lieutenants of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, we are forced to take
shelter under the heavy cover of his writings and works.
Thus, the risk of repetition and over-emphasis has been
purposefully and willfully taken to secure continuity, clarity
and credibility.
The following 4 words: - (i) Tool (ii) Agent (iii) Stooge
(iv) Chamcha carry almost the same meaning, but slightly
different spirit. All over the book, these 4 words have
been used depending upon their effectiveness in carrying
the meaning and the spirit. In the common man’s terminology,
a tool, an agent, or a stooge is termed as Chamcha. And
in this book, I have decided to use common man’s terminology.
To my mind, it will be fruitful to use common man’s
terminology when we fight for his cause.
If you call some one as Chamcha, he will not like it and
is likely to go against you. But when you are calling the
Age as the Chamcha Age, you are biting so many and they
may hit back. But as Chamcha cannot operate on its own,
the operator may hit you back with Chamcha. We should, therefore,
be prepared for the ‘Chamcha Attack’. To keep
the attack mild, we have refrained from illustrating the
events by giving the names, even at the risk of becoming
vague and leaving a lot of guess work for our readers.
At any rate, the Chamcha attack should not frighten us,
because a Chamcha is not a powerful or deadly weapon. Besides,
we must aim at the hand that uses Chamcha. If hit hard the
Chamcha will fall. A fallen Chamcha is absolutely harmless.
Thus, this way, we hope to end the Chamcha Age within a
short Span of about 10 years.
AMBEDKAR
ON POONA PACT
DISADVANTAGES OF THE POONA PACT
SAHIB
SHRI KANSHI RAM JI
THE CHAMCHA AGE (An Era of the Stooges)
On
15th March 1947, on behalf of the Scheduled Caste Federation,
Baba Saheb Dr. B.R. Ambedkar submitted a lengthy Memorandum
to the constituent Assembly which was to draft the future
constitution of India. The memorandum demanding the safeguards
for the Scheduled Castes was quite long and exhaustive.
One of the chapters of the Memorandum dealt with the Poona
Pact, especially the disadvantages of the Poona Pact.
It being most relevant to this book, (THE CHAMCHA AGE
(An Era of the Stooges) expressing Baba Saheb Ambedkar’s
views 15 years after Poona Pact, it therefore reproduced
below:
1-
The Poona Pact was intended to devise a method where by
the Scheduled Castes would be able to return to the Legislature
representatives of their choice. This intention has been
completely nullified as will be seen from the following
series of statistics. The series have been constructed
from the results of the last elections, which took place
in February, 1946.
2-
The statistical data is arranged in four series of tables:
First
series show the votes secured by the successful
Caste Hindu candidate and the successful Scheduled Caste
candidate in the Final election.
Second
series show in how many cases did reliance on
reservation clause become necessary for the success of
the Scheduled Caste candidate in the Final election and
in how many he succeeded without the benefit of reservation.
Third
series show the relative voting strength of the
Caste Hindus and the Scheduled Castes in constituencies
in which seats are reserved for the Scheduled Castes.
Fourth series show the position in the Primary
election of the Scheduled Caste Candidates who became
successful in the Final elections.
3. The conclusions that follow from these figures
will not escape those who care to examine them. The figures
prove the following propositions:
(i)
That every of the Scheduled Caste candidate, who became
successful in the Final election, owed his success to
the votes of the caste Hindus and not of the Scheduled
Castes. A great many of them came to the top of the poll
and secured votes equal to and in some cases larger than
those obtained by Caste Hindu candidates (See Tables in
the First Series). Secondly, in very few constituencies
was the successful Scheduled Caste candidate required
to rely on reservation (See Tables in the Second Series).
This is a most unexpected phenomenon. Anyone who compares
the voting strength of the Scheduled Castes with the voting
strength of the Caste Hindus in the different constituencies
(See Tables in the Third Series) would realize that the
voting strength of the Scheduled Castes is so small that
such a phenomenon could never have occurred if only the
Scheduled Castes voters had voted for the Scheduled Castes
candidates. That they have occurred is proof positive
that the success of the Scheduled Caste candidate in the
Final election is conditioned by the Caste Hindu votes.
(ii)
That comparing the results of the Primary election with
those of the Final election the Scheduled Caste candidate
who was elected in the Final election was who had failed
in the Primary election (if the Primary election be treated
as a Final election and the constituency be treated as
a single-member constituency).
(iii)
Owing to the extreme disparity between the voting strength
of the Hindus and the Scheduled Castes- Disparity, which
will not disappear even under adult suffrage system of
joint electorates will not succeed in giving the scheduled
castes the chance of returning their true representatives.
(iv)
The Poona Pact has completely disfranchised the Scheduled
Castes in as much as candidates whom they rejected in
the Primary elections-which is a true index of their will
have been retuned in the Final election by the votes of
the Caste Hindus.
The
Poona Pact is, thus, fraught with mischief. It was accepted
because of the coercive fast of Mr. Gandhi and because
of the assurance given at the time that the Hindus will
not interfere in the election of the Scheduled Castes.
DENUNCIATION
OF THE POONA PACT
SAHIB
SHRI KANSHI RAM JI
THE CHAMCHA AGE (An Era of the Stooges)
The
Untouchables were forced to sign the Poona Pact under
the impact of the coercive fast of Gandhiji. Dr. Ambedkar
denounced it the very next day expressing his views, “the
Untouchables were sad. They had every reason to be.”
He kept denouncing it till the end of his life in 1956.
He denounced it in private discussions, public meetings,
relevant writings, in fact on all the occasions that demand
denunciation.
As
an illustration of the denunciation by Baba Saheb Dr.
Ambedkar, some quotations from his two books (1) What
congress and Gandhi have done to the Untouchables, published
in 1945 & (2) States and Minorities, published in
1947, are given below:-
1-
“There was nothing noble in the fast. It was a foul
and filthy act. The fast was not for the benefit of the
Untouchables. It was against them and was the worst form
of coercion against helpless people to give up the constitutional
safeguards of which they had become possessed under the
Prime Minister’s Award and agree to love on the
mercy of the Hindus. It was a vile and witched act. How
can the Untouchables regard such a man as honest and sincere?”
2-
The Communal Award gave the Untouchables two benefits:-
(i) A fixed quota of seats to be elected by separate electorate
of Untouchables and to be filled by persons belonging
to the Untouchables. (ii) Double vote, one to be used
through separate electorates and the other to be used
in the general electorates.
Now
if the Poona Pact increased the quota of seats for the
Untouchables it took away the right to the double vote
given to them by the Communal Award. This increase in
seats can never be deemed to be a compensation for the
loss of the double vote. The second vote given by the
Communal Award was priceless privilege. Its value as a
political weapon was beyond reckoning.
3-
Today the Untouchables have a few more seats than were
given to them by the communal Award. But this is all that
they have. Every other member is indifferent, if not hostile.
If the Communal Award with its system of double voting
had remained, the Untouchables would have had a few seats
less but every other member would have been a member for
the Untouchables. The increase in the number of seats
for the Untouchables is no increase at all and no recompense
for the loss of separate electorate and the double vote.
4- Clause (5) of the Poona Pact has limited the system
of primary election to ten years which means that any
election taking place after 1947 will be by a system of
joint electorates and reserved seats pure and simple.
Things will be much worse under the system of joint electorates
and reserved seats, which will hereafter become operative
under the terms of the Poona Pact. This is no mere speculation
the last election has conclusively proved that the scheduled
Castes can be completely disfranchised in a joint electorate.
5- “The Poona Pact had produced different reactions.
The Untouchable were sad. They had every reason to be
-”
6- In the light of these considerations, it cannot but
appears that the Poona Pact was only the first blow inflicted
upon the Untouchables and that the Hindus, who disliked
it were bent on inflicting on it other blows as and when
circumstances gave them an occasion to do so.”
7- After having accepted the Poona Pact, why did not Mr.
Gandhi keep faith with the Untouchables by telling the
Congress not to despoil the politics of the Untouchables
by contesting the seats reserved for the Untouchables
by getting such Untouchables elected as were prepared
to become the tools of the Hindus?
8- After having accepted the Poona Pact why did not Mr.
Gandhi keep up the gentleman’s agreement and instruct
the Congress High Command to include representatives of
the Untouchables in the Congress Cabinets?
9- This shows that Mr. Gandhi not with standing his being
a party to the Poona Pact is determined not to allow the
Scheduled Castes being given the status of a separate
element and that he is prepared to adopt any argument
however desperate to justify his attitude of opposition.”
10- In short Mr. Gandhi is still on the war path so far
as the Untouchables are concerned. He may start the trouble
over again. The time to trust him has not arrived. The
Untouchables must still hold that the best way to safeguard
them is to say ‘Beware of Mr. Gandhi.’
11- The second misdeed of the Congress was to subject
the Untouchable Congressmen to the rigours of party discipline.
They were completely under the control of the Congress
Party Executive. They could not ask a question which it
did not like. They could not move a resolution which it
did not permit. They vote as they wished and could not
speak what they felt. They were there as dumb driven cattle.
One of the objects of obtaining representation in the
Legislature for the Untouchables is to enable them to
ventilate their grievances and to obtain redress for their
wrongs. The Congress successfully and effectively prevented
this from happening.
12- To end this long and sad story the congress sucked
the juice out of the Poona Pact and threw the rind in
the face of the Untouchables.
13- The Poona Pact has completely defranchised the Scheduled
Castes in as much as candidates whom they rejected in
the Primary election-which is a true index of their will-have
been returned in the Final election by the votes of the
Castes Hindus.
14- The Poona Pact is thus fraught with mischief. It was
accepted because of the coercive fast of Mr. Gandhi and
because of assurance given at the time that the Hindus
will not interfere in the election of Scheduled Caste.
For the past seven decades, the southern Indian city has been home
to some 15 ethnic Chinese families, whose forebears fled during China’s
civil war
As the second informal Xi meeting takes place amid
strained bilateral relations, the community is hopeful for an outcome
that will help bridge cultural ties.
As a boy growing up in India
, David Ma listened to stories about his grandmother braving a crackdown by communist militias and fleeing Wuhan, China
. Reaching what was then called Burma, she walked for days to its
shores, before taking a boat to the southern Indian city of Chennai.
For him, Wuhan has remained a place from where his family had to escape.
Which is why when Chinese President Xi Jinping met on Saturday
to invoke the conciliatory “Wuhan spirit”, 50-year-old Ma will be watching closely.
Ma is among dozens of people in Chennai who trace their origins to
Chinese lands, but have made Chennai – the city where the second
informal Xi summit is taking place – their home for the past seven
decades.
Despite being around for years, their existence remains a
little-known secret in the bustling city of over seven million people.
While the Indian establishment has been showcasing the ancient Chinese
links that Mamallapuram and Chennai share, these families have a more
current link to China and Wuhan in particular.
The central Chinese city of Wuhan was where Xi last April held their first informal summit, in pursuit of smoother ties.
EARLY DAYS
Chennai’s Chinese community arrived just before World War II, escaping the civil war in China.
There are no official figures but Ma estimates there are about 15 such
families in the city – and they are now into their fifth generation.
Sitting in the living room of his house, the soft-spoken Ma reminisces
on his childhood, frequently breaking into a smile, even when sombre.
“My grandmother had to flee because things were very tough for the poor
in China then, during the civil war. If you didn’t support the
Communists, you could be killed,” he says, speaking in fluent Hindi and
Tamil.
The police suspected one of my aunts and her family were
Chinese spies. In one swoop, they were all deported to Hong Kong. David
Ma
To arrive in Chennai, a city with barely any migrant
population, was not easy. The community initially struggled, with
language, food and daily provisions.
But more than anything else, what affected the community was the fluctuations in India-China ties , David says.
India was among the first nations to establish diplomatic ties with
China in 1950. But a decade later, the two sides found themselves in a
murky boundary dispute which ended in a war in 1962. Often, the
community’s fortunes mirrored the ebb and flow in the ties. At their
lowest point, during that war, the community too bore the brunt of
anti-China animosity .
“There used to be a lot of
misunderstandings in those days. The police suspected one of my aunts
and her entire family – who like us, had fled from China – were Chinese
spies. In one swoop, they were all deported to Hong Kong,” Ma says.
ALIEN TONGUES
As the years went by, things got better for Chennai’s tiny Chinese population.
Now, the community is facing a different kind of issue. Being born and
raised in India has meant their links to Chinese culture and traditions
have grown weaker.
Ma’s father, 83-year-old Ma Yau Chung, says the linguistic abilities erode with each new generation.
“Among the children, barely anyone can speak Chinese. They all want to
speak English and maybe some other language too, but not Chinese,” says
Ma Yau Chung. We speak English and Hindi at home, and we eat various Indian cuisines as much as we eat Chinese food. David Ma
A few members of Chennai’s ethnic Chinese community pictured at the
home of David Ma, extreme right. Photo: Kunal PurohitA few members of
Chennai’s ethnic Chinese community pictured at the home of David Ma,
extreme right. Photo: Kunal Purohit A few members of Chennai’s ethnic Chinese community pictured at the home of David Ma, extreme right. Photo: Kunal Purohit As a boy growing up in India , David Ma listened to stories about his grandmother braving a crackdown by communist militias and fleeing Wuhan, China
. Reaching what was then called Burma, she walked for days to its
shores, before taking a boat to the southern Indian city of Chennai.
For him, Wuhan has remained a place from where his family had to escape. Which is why when Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping meet on Saturday to invoke the conciliatory “Wuhan spirit”, 50-year-old Ma will be watching closely.
Ma is among dozens of people in Chennai who trace their origins to
Chinese lands, but have made Chennai – the city where the second
informal Xi-Modi summit is taking place – their home for the past seven
decades. War games, Kashmir and a US$57b question: the issues as Xi meets Modi
Despite being around for years, their existence remains a little-known
secret in the bustling city of over seven million people.
While
the Indian establishment has been showcasing the ancient Chinese links
that Mamallapuram and Chennai share, these families have a more current
link to China and Wuhan in particular. SUBSCRIBE TO This Week in Asia Get updates direct to your inbox By registering, you agree to our T&C and Privacy Policy
The central Chinese city of Wuhan was where Modi and Xi last April held
their first informal summit, in pursuit of smoother ties. Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping pictured in Wuhan last April. Photo: Xinhua Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping pictured in Wuhan last April. Photo: Xinhua Share:
EARLY DAYS
Chennai’s Chinese community arrived just before World War II, escaping the civil war in China.
There are no official figures but Ma estimates there are about 15 such
families in the city – and they are now into their fifth generation.
Sitting in the living room of his house, the soft-spoken Ma reminisces
on his childhood, frequently breaking into a smile, even when sombre.
“My grandmother had to flee because things were very tough for the poor
in China then, during the civil war. If you didn’t support the
Communists, you could be killed,” he says, speaking in fluent Hindi and
Tamil. The police suspected one of my aunts and her family were
Chinese spies. In one swoop, they were all deported to Hong Kong. David
Ma
To arrive in Chennai, a city with barely any migrant
population, was not easy. The community initially struggled, with
language, food and daily provisions. But more than anything else, what affected the community was the fluctuations in India-China ties , David says. What happened to India’s disappearing Chinese migrants?
India was among the first nations to establish diplomatic ties with
China in 1950. But a decade later, the two sides found themselves in a
murky boundary dispute which ended in a war in 1962. Often, the
community’s fortunes mirrored the ebb and flow in the ties. At their
lowest point, during that war, the community too bore the brunt of
anti-China animosity .
“There used to be a lot of
misunderstandings in those days. The police suspected one of my aunts
and her entire family – who like us, had fled from China – were Chinese
spies. In one swoop, they were all deported to Hong Kong,” Ma says. A Lunar New Year lion dance performance seen in India. Photo: Alamy A Lunar New Year lion dance performance seen in India. Photo: Alamy Share:
ALIEN TONGUES
As the years went by, things got better for Chennai’s tiny Chinese population.
Now, the community is facing a different kind of issue. Being born and
raised in India has meant their links to Chinese culture and traditions
have grown weaker.
Ma’s father, 83-year-old Ma Yau Chung, says the linguistic abilities erode with each new generation.
“Among the children, barely anyone can speak Chinese. They all want to
speak English and maybe some other language too, but not Chinese,” says
Ma Yau Chung. We speak English and Hindi at home, and we eat various Indian cuisines as much as we eat Chinese food. David Ma
Ma says most people in the community do not make conscious efforts to keep Chinese traditions alive.
“I remember when growing up, during Lunar New Year, we used to all
gather in a large group, exchange red envelopes and celebrate it
together. Now, most families just have a quiet meal among themselves,”
says Ma.
Much of it has also to do with how far the community has integrated into life in India.
“We speak English and Hindi at home, and we eat various Indian cuisines
as much as we eat Chinese food,” says Ma, who works as a dentist.
In fact, when some of his family members visited Hong Kong and Macau
recently, they felt homesick for Indian food, Ma’s wife Esther says.
“They could not bear the Chinese food served there and missed having
Indian dishes.”
THE CHINA-INDIA EQUATION
For a while now, relations between India and China have been frosty, with the two nations bickering over various issues.
For many observers, this trip is a chance for both sides to thaw the
chill in ties, even though they are cautious about their expectations
from the summit.
“Xi’s visit is a good development. If the summit
means good things for the two countries, then we are happy as well,” Ma
says. “But the way things have been between the two currently, I don’t
expect anything substantial to emerge.”
Ma, who does not believe
much of the media’s reporting on Beijing, hopes that cultural exchanges
between the two countries will help to clear some misconceptions about
China.
“People often create an image of something based on what
they read and hear. That is not the right away to create one’s
perception,” Ma says. “People-to-people ties are a must for this and I
hope the two countries facilitate that.”
As the two leaders try
and revive the Wuhan spirit and recover from chilly relations, Chennai’s
Chinese community hopes its prayers will also be heard.
https://www.scmp.com/…/xi-meets-modi-chennais-chinese-commu… ஜி சென்னையின் சீன சமூகத்தை சந்திக்கும்போது, ‘வுஹான் ஆவி’க்கு சாட்சியாக இருக்கும் என்று நம்புகிறார்
கடந்த ஏழு தசாப்தங்களாக, தென்னிந்திய நகரம் சுமார் 15 இன சீன குடும்பங்களுக்கு சொந்தமாக உள்ளது, சீனாவின் உள்நாட்டுப் போரின்போது முன்னோர்கள் தப்பி ஓடிவிட்டனர்
இரண்டாவது முறைசாரா ஜி கூட்டம் இருதரப்பு உறவுகளுக்கிடையில் நடைபெறுவதால், கலாச்சார உறவுகளை மேம்படுத்த உதவும் ஒரு முடிவுக்கு சமூகம் நம்பிக்கை கொண்டுள்ளது.
இந்தியாவில் வளர்ந்து வரும் சிறுவனாக
, டேவிட் மா தனது பாட்டி கம்யூனிச போராளிகளின் ஒடுக்குமுறையைத் துணிந்து சீனாவின் வுஹானிலிருந்து தப்பி ஓடியது பற்றிய கதைகளைக் கேட்டார். . அப்போது பர்மா என்று அழைக்கப்பட்டதை அடைந்த அவர், தென்னிந்திய நகரமான சென்னைக்கு ஒரு படகு எடுத்துச் செல்வதற்கு முன்பு, அதன் கரையோரங்களுக்கு பல நாட்கள் நடந்து சென்றார்.
அவரைப் பொறுத்தவரை, வுஹான் அவரது குடும்பத்தினர் தப்பிக்க வேண்டிய இடமாக இருந்து வருகிறார்.
அதனால்தான் சீன அதிபர் ஜி ஜின்பிங் சனிக்கிழமை சந்தித்தபோது
சமரசமான “வுஹான் ஆவி” யை அழைக்க, 50 வயதான மா உன்னிப்பாக கவனிப்பார்.
சென்னையில் டஜன் கணக்கான மக்களில் மாவும் சீன நிலங்களுக்கு தோற்றுவித்தவர்களில் ஒருவராக இருக்கிறார், ஆனால் சென்னையை - இரண்டாவது முறைசாரா ஜி உச்சி மாநாடு நடைபெறும் நகரமாக - கடந்த ஏழு தசாப்தங்களாக அவர்களின் வீடு.
பல ஆண்டுகளாக இருந்தபோதிலும், ஏழு மில்லியனுக்கும் அதிகமான மக்கள் வசிக்கும் சலசலப்பான நகரத்தில் அவர்களின் இருப்பு கொஞ்சம் அறியப்பட்ட ரகசியமாகவே உள்ளது.
இந்திய ஸ்தாபனம் மாமல்லபுரம் மற்றும் சென்னை பகிர்ந்து கொள்ளும் பண்டைய சீன இணைப்புகளைக் காண்பிக்கும் அதே வேளையில், இந்த குடும்பங்களுக்கு குறிப்பாக சீனாவுக்கும் வுஹானுக்கும் தற்போதைய தொடர்பு உள்ளது.
மத்திய சீன நகரமான வுஹான், கடந்த ஏப்ரல் மாதம் ஷி அவர்களின் முதல் முறைசாரா உச்சிமாநாட்டை நடத்தியது, மென்மையான உறவுகளைத் தொடர்ந்தது.
ஆரம்ப நாட்களில்
இரண்டாம் உலகப் போருக்கு சற்று முன்னர் சென்னையின் சீன சமூகம் வந்து, சீனாவில் உள்நாட்டுப் போரிலிருந்து தப்பித்தது.
உத்தியோகபூர்வ புள்ளிவிவரங்கள் எதுவும் இல்லை, ஆனால் நகரத்தில் இதுபோன்ற 15 குடும்பங்கள் இருப்பதாக மா மதிப்பிடுகிறது - இப்போது அவர்கள் ஐந்தாவது தலைமுறையில் உள்ளனர்.
தனது வீட்டின் வாழ்க்கை அறையில் உட்கார்ந்து, மென்மையாகப் பேசும் மா தனது குழந்தைப் பருவத்தை நினைவுபடுத்துகிறார், அடிக்கடி புன்னகையுடன் உடைக்கிறார்.
“உள்நாட்டுப் போரின்போது, சீனாவில் ஏழைகளுக்கு விஷயங்கள் மிகவும் கடினமாக இருந்ததால் என் பாட்டி தப்பி ஓட வேண்டியிருந்தது. நீங்கள் கம்யூனிஸ்டுகளை ஆதரிக்கவில்லை என்றால், நீங்கள் கொல்லப்படலாம், ”என்று அவர் சரளமாக இந்தி மற்றும் தமிழில் பேசுகிறார்.
எனது அத்தைகளில் ஒருவர் மற்றும் அவரது குடும்பத்தினர் சீன உளவாளிகள் என்று போலீசார் சந்தேகித்தனர். ஒரே நேரத்தில், அவர்கள் அனைவரும் ஹாங்காங்கிற்கு நாடு கடத்தப்பட்டனர். டேவிட் மா
எந்தவொரு புலம்பெயர்ந்த மக்கள்தொகை கொண்ட நகரமான சென்னைக்கு வருவது எளிதானது அல்ல. சமூகம் ஆரம்பத்தில் மொழி, உணவு மற்றும் தினசரி ஏற்பாடுகளுடன் போராடியது.
ஆனால் எல்லாவற்றிற்கும் மேலாக, இந்தியா-சீனா உறவுகளில் ஏற்ற இறக்கங்கள் தான் சமூகத்தை பாதித்தன , டேவிட் கூறுகிறார்.
1950 ல் சீனாவுடன் இராஜதந்திர உறவுகளை ஏற்படுத்திய முதல் நாடுகளில் இந்தியாவும் இருந்தது. ஆனால் ஒரு தசாப்தத்திற்குப் பிறகு, இரு தரப்பினரும் தங்களை ஒரு இருண்ட எல்லை தகராறில் கண்டனர், இது 1962 ல் ஒரு போரில் முடிந்தது. பெரும்பாலும், சமூகத்தின் அதிர்ஷ்டம் உறவுகளின் ஓட்டத்தையும் ஓட்டத்தையும் பிரதிபலிக்கிறது. அவர்களின் மிகக் குறைந்த கட்டத்தில், அந்தப் போரின்போது, சமூகமும் சீனாவுக்கு எதிரான விரோதப் போக்கைக் கொண்டிருந்தது .
“அந்த நாட்களில் நிறைய தவறான புரிதல்கள் இருந்தன. எங்களைப் போன்றவர்கள், சீனாவிலிருந்து தப்பி ஓடிவிட்டவர்கள் - சீன உளவாளிகள் என்று எனது அத்தை ஒருவர் மற்றும் அவரது முழு குடும்பத்தினரும் காவல்துறை சந்தேகித்தனர். ஒரே நேரத்தில், அவர்கள் அனைவரும் ஹாங்காங்கிற்கு நாடு கடத்தப்பட்டனர், ”என்று மா கூறுகிறார்.
ஏலியன் மொழிகள்
ஆண்டுகள் செல்ல செல்ல, சென்னையின் சிறிய சீன மக்களுக்கு விஷயங்கள் சிறப்பாக வந்தன.
இப்போது, சமூகம் வேறு வகையான சிக்கலை எதிர்கொள்கிறது. இந்தியாவில் பிறந்து வளர்ந்திருப்பது சீன கலாச்சாரத்துடனான அவர்களின் தொடர்புகள் மற்றும் மரபுகள் பலவீனமடைந்துள்ளன.
ஒவ்வொரு புதிய தலைமுறையினரிடமும் மொழியியல் திறன்கள் அரிக்கப்படுவதாக மாவின் தந்தை, 83 வயதான மா யாவ் சுங் கூறுகிறார்.
“குழந்தைகள் மத்தியில், யாரும் சீன மொழி பேச முடியாது. அவர்கள் அனைவரும் ஆங்கிலம் பேச விரும்புகிறார்கள், வேறு சில மொழியும் பேசலாம், ஆனால் சீனர்கள் அல்ல, ”என்கிறார் மா யவ் சுங். நாங்கள் வீட்டில் ஆங்கிலம் மற்றும் இந்தி பேசுகிறோம், சீன உணவை எவ்வளவு சாப்பிடுகிறோமோ அதேபோல் பல்வேறு இந்திய உணவு வகைகளையும் சாப்பிடுகிறோம். டேவிட் மா
சீன மரபுகளை உயிரோடு வைத்திருக்க சமூகத்தில் பெரும்பாலான மக்கள் நனவான முயற்சிகளை மேற்கொள்வதில்லை என்று மா கூறுகிறார்.
“வளர்ந்து வரும் போது, சந்திர புத்தாண்டின் போது, நாங்கள் அனைவரும் ஒரு பெரிய குழுவில் கூடி, சிவப்பு உறைகளை பரிமாறிக்கொண்டு அதை ஒன்றாக கொண்டாடினோம். இப்போது, பெரும்பாலான குடும்பங்கள் தங்களுக்குள் ஒரு அமைதியான உணவைக் கொண்டிருக்கின்றன, ”என்கிறார் மா.
இந்தியாவில் சமூகம் வாழ்க்கையில் எவ்வளவு தூரம் ஒருங்கிணைந்துள்ளது என்பதற்கும் இதில் பெரும்பகுதி தொடர்புடையது.
“நாங்கள் வீட்டில் ஆங்கிலம் மற்றும் இந்தி பேசுகிறோம், நாங்கள் சீன உணவை சாப்பிடுவதைப் போலவே பல்வேறு இந்திய உணவு வகைகளையும் சாப்பிடுகிறோம்” என்று பல் மருத்துவராக பணிபுரியும் மா கூறுகிறார்.
உண்மையில், அவரது குடும்ப உறுப்பினர்கள் சிலர் சமீபத்தில் ஹாங்காங் மற்றும் மக்காவுக்கு விஜயம் செய்தபோது, அவர்கள் இந்திய உணவுக்காக வீடாக உணர்ந்ததாக மாவின் மனைவி எஸ்தர் கூறுகிறார். “அங்கு பரிமாறப்பட்ட சீன உணவை அவர்களால் தாங்க முடியவில்லை, இந்திய உணவுகளை சாப்பிடுவதை தவறவிட்டனர்.”
சீனா-இந்தியா ஈக்வேஷன்
இப்போது சிறிது காலமாக, இந்தியாவிற்கும் சீனாவிற்கும் இடையிலான உறவுகள் உறைபனியாக உள்ளன, இரு நாடுகளும் பல்வேறு பிரச்சினைகளில் சண்டையிடுகின்றன.
பல பார்வையாளர்களுக்கு, இந்த பயணம் உச்சிமாநாட்டிலிருந்து தங்கள் எதிர்பார்ப்புகளைப் பற்றி எச்சரிக்கையாக இருந்தாலும், இரு தரப்பினரும் உறவுகளில் குளிர்ச்சியைக் கவரும் வாய்ப்பாகும்.
“ஷியின் வருகை ஒரு நல்ல வளர்ச்சி. உச்சிமாநாடு என்பது இரு நாடுகளுக்கும் நல்ல விஷயங்களைக் குறிக்கிறது என்றால், நாங்கள் மகிழ்ச்சியாக இருக்கிறோம், ”என்று மா கூறுகிறார். “ஆனால் தற்போது இருவருக்கும் இடையில் விஷயங்கள் இருந்தன, கணிசமான எதுவும் வெளிப்படும் என்று நான் எதிர்பார்க்கவில்லை.”
பெய்ஜிங்கைப் பற்றி ஊடகங்கள் அதிகம் புகாரளிப்பதை நம்பாத மா, இரு நாடுகளுக்கும் இடையிலான கலாச்சார பரிமாற்றங்கள் சீனாவைப் பற்றிய சில தவறான கருத்துக்களை அழிக்க உதவும் என்று நம்புகிறார்.
“மக்கள் பெரும்பாலும் அவர்கள் படிப்பதையும் கேட்பதையும் அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்டு ஏதாவது ஒரு படத்தை உருவாக்குகிறார்கள். ஒருவரின் உணர்வை உருவாக்குவது இப்போதே இல்லை, ”என்று மா கூறுகிறார். “மக்களிடமிருந்து மக்கள் உறவுகள் இதற்கு அவசியமானவை, இரு நாடுகளும் அதற்கு உதவுகின்றன என்று நான் நம்புகிறேன்.”
இரு தலைவர்களும் வுஹான் ஆவிக்கு புத்துயிர் அளித்து, மிளகாய் உறவுகளிலிருந்து மீண்டு வருவதால், சென்னையின் சீன சமூகம் அதன் பிரார்த்தனைகளும் கேட்கப்படும் என்று நம்புகிறது.
1956年，时任中国总理的徐恩来访问了玛玛拉普兰。卡马拉加尔当时是泰米尔纳德邦的首席部长。
我们的Chola国王Karikalan在两千多年前的玛曼人中是独一无二的。现代历史学家仍对他竖立的墓感到好奇。卡拉巴拉（Kalabhras）上台后，卡里卡兰（Karikalan）的后裔离开了Chola国家，定居在安得拉邦（Andhra
Pradesh）。
“我们是卡里卡兰的后裔，他们在卡夫里建造了这座墓”。它们也于9月发布。它们在卡达帕和库尔诺奥尔的安得拉邦南部地区被发现。他们对所谓的“
Raynand Cholas”的引用是在袁闯的《西西书》中。元庄将统治帕拉瓦北部边界的人称为“科拉”。 元庄和 他的作品不仅对中国人而且对我们都是宝库。 袁闯的下属金平跟随苏乃来。 Mamallapuram这个名字今天在全世界引起了共鸣。 要在泰米尔土地的款待之国举行，伟大的领导人是金平 世界和平-以善为中心的例子。 -生肖。
11.10.19 About This Websiteyoutube.comLeshan Giant Buddha, Sichuan,
China in 4K (Ultra HD)Leshan Giant Buddha is 71 m (233 ft) tall statue,
carved out of a cliff face…https://www.scmp.com/…/xi-meets-modi-chennais-chinese-commu… 当习近平与钦奈的华人社区相遇时，希望见证“武汉精神”
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WHAT TO EXPECT/CONCERT ETIQUETTE
Many times, those new to classical music are nervous about attending concerts because they don’t know what to expect in terms of concert etiquette, and they may have heard that it is kind of “stuffy” with lots of rules. Relax! Classical music isn’t as intimidating as you might think. Use the tips on this page as a starting point to help you fully experience the wonderful classical music performed by the Arapahoe Philharmonic, whether it is your first time attending an orchestral concert or you are a seasoned concert-goer.
A Night at the Movies with the Arapahoe PhilharmonicWhat do I wear?
Our performers will generally be in formal attire, unless we are having a special themed event such as our Trailriders collaboration or a “Night at the Movies” program. As an audience member, however, you can wear whatever is comfortable for you. A good guide might be your personal dress code for dinner with friends, or “smart casual.” But you will probably see other concert-goers in everything from relatively dressy attire to a T-shirt and jeans, so you can feel comfortable wearing anything in this range. If you wear a hat, don’t forget to remove it during the performance so as not to block anyone’s view of the stage.
Cellular Telephones and Pagers
Please silence your cell phones, pagers, alarms, and other audible electronic devices before the concert begins. But, feel free to check in or tweet your location before you put your phone away. We love engaging with audience members on social media!
Where should I sit?
It may take you several concerts to decide where you prefer to sit. Do you want to be on the left side of the auditorium close to the front and watch the percussion section? Do you want to be in the center near the back and see the bigger picture of the whole performance? Do you want to be nearer the front on the right and keep a close eye on the cellos and bass players? Because we don’t have assigned seats, you can try out different locations until you find the perfect spot.
Late Seating
If you arrive late, you may need to wait until a break between pieces for an usher to allow you to enter the hall. However, late seating is not available at all performances, depending on the program. Please try to arrive in plenty of time to get seated before the lights dim and the concert begins.
How will I know when the concert is about to begin?
When you first take your seat, you may find that some musicians are already on stage even though the concert isn’t scheduled to begin for awhile. Don’t worry; you’re not late. The musicians are warming up, checking over their music, looking at difficult music page turns, and getting settled before the concert begins. Just before the start of the concert, after all of the members of the orchestra are seated, the lights will dim, and the concertmaster will come out to the front of the stage, take a bow, and signal to the first oboe player to play the note A. The rest of the orchestra will then tune their instruments to match the oboe. The conductor will then come out onto the stage. He will take a bow also, then turn around, mount the podium, and begin the concert. It is appropriate to clap for both the concertmaster and the conductor as they bow.
Is it time to clap yet?
While tradition has changed over time, today’s audiences usually wait until the end of an entire work to clap, even though the piece may have several parts or movements where the orchestra will pause before continuing. It is considered a minor faux pas to clap between movements, though the musicians will be glad to know that you are enjoying their performance! Why is it important not to clap at these break points? Holding applause between movements is considered to be respectful to the performers’ concentration and maintains the momentum of the music they are creating. In addition, quiet endings have a lingering magic that can be too easily broken by audience members in a hurry to initiate applause. Sacred works offered in worship are not applauded at all, but when presented in an artistic context such as an Arapahoe Philharmonic concert, sacred works still often get respectful silence for a long moment before any applause is generated.
If you want to anticipate when the composition will come to an end, you can count the number of movements for an entire work as listed in the program booklet. The movements are also usually easy to hear because of the different tempos or speeds and moods of the music, so keep track of the sections and applaud after the final movement. The occasional composer can trick you, however, by not inserting a pause between movements. Beethoven, for example, doesn’t have a pause between the third and fourth movements of his 5th Symphony. Your best bet is to watch the conductor. He will let you know when a piece is over, so wait until he puts his arms down and turns to face the audience. If his hands remain in front of him, he is waiting for the orchestra to be ready to continue with the next movement of the piece. If the work is completed, the conductor will also shake the hands of the concertmaster and the soloist if there is one. If you’re still in doubt, you can always wait until the majority of the crowd begins to applaud.
Other Sounds During the Concert
The most important thing to remember at a classical music concert is to make sure others can listen to the music undisturbed. Instruments are usually not amplified, so audience noises can be distracting. Our audiences want to hear everything this wonderful music has to offer! Don’t talk, whisper, sing or hum along, or move personal belongings. Even the quietest whispers can be heard in the concert hall and can prove to be a distraction to patrons and musicians alike. Conversation at a concert normally stops at the first entrance of the concertmaster, conductor, or soloist. Save your comments until intermission or after the concert, as it will give you and your friends much more to discuss. This will ensure that you and the other patrons will enjoy the full benefit of the performance.
Please completely silence your cell phones, pagers, watch alarms, and other electronic devices for the duration of the performance. We record our performances, so we appreciate your help in maintaining the quality of our recordings. Should you need to use oxygen at a concert, we ask that you please set your tank to a quiet, continuous flow if possible, so that no extraneous sounds are recorded.
Don’t enter or exit the hall while a performance is in progress unless absolutely necessary. If you must leave your seat, do so quickly and quietly, proceeding to the nearest door or asking the nearest usher for assistance.
Coughing/Sneezing
If you have a cold or allergies, please take appropriate medication in advance to control symptoms. For that tickle in the throat, use a cough drop to ensure that the concert experience is as pleasurable as possible for you — and those around you. Cough drops are available from the Box Office. Please kindly unwrap them ahead of time as well.
Experienced concertgoers try to suppress coughs and sneezes until a loud passage arrives, and muffle these. If you cannot suppress a fit of coughing, it is acceptable to depart from the Hall until you feel better. There is water available in the lobby.
During Intermission
You may take the time to visit the restroom, get a snack or other refreshment in the lobby, and visit briefly with other concert-goers or orchestra performers who may be spending intermission in the lobby along with our patrons. Watch for signs that you should return to your seat – flashing lobby lights or a bell ringing will be typical indicators.
Encores
Occasionally, if the audience continues enthusiastic applause and a soloist and orchestra are prepared to play an additional composition, an encore performance will be provided. This is unlikely in most of the Arapahoe Philharmonic concerts, but if it happens, now you know what is going on!
After the Concert
As the applause starts to die down, the performers will leave the stage to put their instruments away. The house lights will be turned on. At this point the concert is over, and it is time to go home. Please exit the hall with the same courtesy you exhibited throughout the concert.
Historical Perspective
While there are some specific rules of etiquette for attending a concert, there have been some major lapses of decorum throughout music history! In 1861 a Paris performance of Richard Wagner’s opera Tannhäuser was deliberately sabotaged by audience members bringing noisemakers. Catcalls and whistles from the crowd interrupted the premiere of Stravinsky’s ballet The Rite of Spring in 1913, and deteriorated into fistfights in the aisles requiring police intervention. Conductor Michael Tilson Thomas recalls a woman walking down the aisle and beating her head against the front of the stage, crying out, “Stop, stop! I confess!” We trust that you will find the music performed at Arapahoe Philharmonic concerts to be much more to your liking, and that none of these types of disruptions will break out in our concert hall!
We do like to have a little fun, however. In this video, AP Music Director and Conductor Devin Patrick Hughes gets the audience conducting and reenacts the riot at The Rite of Spring premiere.
Thank you for reviewing this information. We hope that you find it useful as you experience the delights of a live classical concert performance with the Arapahoe Philharmonic! If you have additional questions, please check in with the Box Office prior to the concert.
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Part of the audience at Woodstock, observing concert etiquette which is suitable for an open-air rock concert
Concert etiquette refers to a set of social norms observed by those attending musical performances. These norms vary depending upon the type of music performance and can be stringent or informal.
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Last edited 3 months ago by Nick-D
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body of professional applauders in French theatres and opera houses
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additional performance added to the end of a concert
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Real Freedom Struggle against Chitpavan brahmins starts on 23-5-2019
Murderers of democratic institutions and Master of diluting institutions (Modi) of Brashtachar Jhoothe Psychopaths ((BJP) anounced their mission 360. Since Ballot Papers were not used but continue with their fraud EVMs without 100% verification of the VVPATs, the results will be in favor of chitpavan brahmins. All Awakened Aboriginal Societies will start their freedom struggle against the chitpavan brahmins.
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VINAYAK SAVARKAR HOMOSEXUAL COWARD TRAITOR CHITPAVAN JEW
Posted on May 29, 2014 by Indian Gentile
veer-savarkar_030213083424
Vinayak Damodar Savakar is a hero to the Sangh Movement The fact is the RSS has never been associated in either the public mind or in historians minds with the Indian freedom movement They badly needed and still need a Sangh “freedom fighter” Unfortunately for them they picked up a coward turncoat and a man who in all probability was a British spy spying on real freedom fighters
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar was also a Chitpavan “Brahmin ” Recent Research increasingly points to Chitpavan’s being a branch of the Bene Israeli Jews of Maharashtra The Irony of a Hindu Nationalist movement hero worshiping a crypto Jew is rich indeed
Dr Mini Kariappa is a Asst. Professor/ Professor of Anatomy & Genetics at the Jubilee Mission Medical College of Thrissur and Kolenchery College of Medicine In 2001 she began research into DNA mapping at the HYDERABAD CENTER Dr Kariappas research found that Chitpavan “Brahmins”, Tulu “Brahmins”, the Namboothiri “Brahmins” and the Nazranies or Syrian Christians all have the same DNA factors (common Haplotypes) i.e. those of the Jews . Source
NOT having participated in the anti imperialist freedom struggle , the RSS is hard put to it trace a legacy for their claim as the only nationalist party of India. In the countrywide door-to-door campaign a few months, ago it was forced to concoct facts and publish booklets that presented fabricated images of the participation of their leaders in the freedom struggle. VD Savarkar is, therefore “Veer” Savarkar in RSS folklore, and has been so for a long time, if one were to go by the Vidya Bharti school texts, and the popular nomenclature of VD Savarkar assiduously popularized by the RSS in its shakhas.
VD Savarkar, the RSS ideologue, in fact clearly and unambiguously broke away from India’s freedom movement and adopted a public position expressing this break
After a short flirtation with a ‘Free Indian Society’ located in England, during the course of which a member of that society killed a high ranking official in the India Office (London) and consequently had to face the British wrath, Savarkar decided to flee. He was arrested in Marseilles, put into the Andaman jail, and soon his ‘resistance’ collapsed, unable to face incarceration in jail.
Instead of fighting for Indian freedom, he preferred to secure his own freedom, under the most humiliating terms possible. Ignoring and bypassing the Indian National Congress’ demand for his unconditional release, he chose to give an undertaking which in a way was a total surrender, and which made him a public ally of the British policy of divide and rule. It also served the purpose of proving his distance from the politics of the Congress led national movement.
Savarkar had sent two mercy petitions to the colonial government from the Cellular Jail in the Andamans. The petition dated November 14, 1913, which refers also to Savarkar’s earlier petition of 1911, is reprinted in R.C. Majumdar’s `Penal Settlement in Andamans‘. The petition assures the British regime:
“I hereby acknowledge that I had a fair trial and just sentence. I heartily abhor methods of violence resorted to in days gone by and I feel myself duty bound to uphold (British)law and constitution to the best of my powers and am willing to make the reform a success insofar as I may be allowed to do so in future”.
SAWARKARS SECOND LETTER TO THE BRITISH was in November 14 1913
In the end may I remind your honor to be so good as to go through the petition for clemency that I had sent in 1911 and to sanction it for being forwarded to the Indian Government? The latest development of the Indian Politics and the conciliating policy of the Government have thrown open the constitutional line once more.
Now no man having the good of India and Humanity at heart will blindly step on the thorny paths which in the excited and hopeless situation of India in 1906-1907 beguiled us from the path of peace and progress.
Therefore if the Government in their manifold beneficence and merely release me I for one cannot but be the staunchest advocate of constitutional progress and loyalty to the English Government which is the foremost condition of that progress.As long as we are in jails, there cannot be real happiness and joy in hundreds and thousands of homes of His Majesty’s loyal subjects in India, for blood is thicker than water; but if we be released the people will instinctively raise a shout of joy and gratitude to the Government, who knows how to forgive and correct, more than how to chastise and avenge.
Moreover my conversation to the constitutional line would bring back all those misled young men in India and abroad who were once looking up to me as their guide,I am ready to serve the Government in any capacity they like , for as my conversion is conscientious so I hope my future conduct would be. By keeping me in jail nothing can be got in comparison to what would be otherwise. The mighty alone can afford to be merciful and therefore where else can the prodigal son return but to the parental doors of the Government?
Hoping your honor will kindly take into notion these points.
YES THAT IS THE MAN THE SANGH PARIVAR IDOLIZES A COWARD TRAITOR AND VERY POSSIBLY A SPY FOR THE BRITISH
A facsimile of this letter to the British authorities was published in Frontline, April 7, 1995, (p 94). The reforms he is referring to are the Montague-Chelmsford proposals of 1919 that fell far short of what the Indian nationalist leadership was demanding, and which were rejected at the time. He also accepted restrictions on his movement and residence within the Ratnagiri district, that he would not travel outside the district without permission of the government, or engage in any public or private political activities without permission. Obviously then, the only politics that he practised openly was that of the Hindu Mahasabha, which supplemented the British policy of divide and rule.
He didnt just free himself he got his brother Ganesh Savarkar free too Remember he was facing a 50 year sentence and got out after serving only 13
Subsequently ‘Veer’ Savarkar never participated in any anti British agitation. He busied himself with recruiting Indians for the British army. The Congress historian Pattabhi Sitaramayya recorded that ” On the day of the arrests of Gandhi and his colleagues, Savarkar’s call to the Hindus was one of ‘no support to the Congress move’.
godse-gay
Larry Collins and Domnique Lapierre (neither of whom had any axe to grind with Godse or Savarkar ) in their non fiction best-sellar Freedom at Midnight have said that Savarkar (never married) and Godse (never married too ) were HOMOSEXUAL LOVERS see Freedom at Midnight, New Delhi, 1976, Chapter 16
L.COLLINS – D. LAPIERRE, Freedom at Midnight, New Delhi, 1976, Chapter 16
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INDIAS CRYPTO JEWS
In “Afridi Pathan”
CRYPTO JEWS KILLED MAHATMA GANDHI ?
In “Godse”
BRAHMIN JEW WARS IN THE RSS ?
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6 Responses to VINAYAK SAVARKAR HOMOSEXUAL COWARD TRAITOR CHITPAVAN JEW
sirfak says:
August 27, 2014 at 6:57 am
what is ur view of Gandhi ?
Reply
Indian Gentile says:
August 27, 2014 at 8:23 am
That he was an imperfect eccentric Great Soul (Mahatma)
Reply
vivekchaturvedi6666 says:
August 3, 2016 at 5:14 am
I hope your view on Gandhi has evolved my friend, he was recruited from SA (or even sent there for a purpose)….perhaps he was the ultimate turn-coat….if events that panned out are any indication. You should read the Gandhi paper on Miles W Mathis’s website, quite eye opening…
Reply
sirfak says:
August 28, 2014 at 12:02 am
what is ur religious view ? it seems to me that you are following islam ?
Reply
Indian Gentile says:
August 28, 2014 at 6:02 am
It seems to you? It seems to me Ajay Singh from मेलबोर्न you are a brain dead Sanghi who assumes anyone who does not worship the fagotty coward Savarkar is a Mooslim Guess what loser Im not a Mooslim and you dont get to troll me here
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What was the contribution of Dr B.R. Ambedkar in the Indian freedom struggle?
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25 ANSWERS
Shekhar Bodhakar
Shekhar Bodhakar, Rationalist Philosophy
Updated Mar 29, 2019 · Author has 90 answers and 191.7k answer views
Dr B.R Ambedkar contributed towards the upliftment of all Indians in ways that NO other leader or social reformer did or could. Since this question is specifically about what he contributed towardsthe Indian freedom struggle, I’ll just focus on this, ONE OF MANY, contributions
THOSE WHO THINK DR AMBEDKAR DID NOT PARTICIPATE IN THE INDIAN FREEDOM STRUGGLE.. THINK AGAIN !!
I decided to write this reply after reading all other answers giving reasons why Dr Ambedkar DID NOT participate in the Indian freedom struggle.
MOST ASSUMED THAT HE DIDN’T or his contributions were negligible.
Read the following quote by the greatest Indian freedom fighter carefully (especially the LAST word).
“After giving deep thought to the problem, EVERYBODY WILL HAVE TO ADMIT THAT: Conversion is necessary to the Untouchables as self-government is to India. The ultimate object of both is the same. There is not the slightest difference in their ultimate goal. This ultimate aim is to attain FREEDOM .”– Babasaheb Dr BR Ambedkar (1935 Speech).
Today you will discover two ‘secrets’ that have NEVER been taught in ANY school before and will never be taught by the dominant classes in India.
AND THESE ARE…
Dr B.R. Ambedkar was the ONLY PERSON to fight for the freedom of ALL INDIANS AND
IF THERE WAS NO BHIMRAO AMBEDKAR INDIA WOULD MOST PROBABLY STILL BE UNDER BRITISH RULE (WHY? Read on)
In this respect, his struggle for the freedom of ALL Indians, he declared as early as 1935 and again one year later in 1936 at the Nasik conference, Maharashtra
DR Ambedkar is the ONLY PERSON to have saved India from permanently staying in the dark ages where social and scientific progress would have been impossible, as it had been since the decline of the Mauryan empire in Jambudeep, the land that is now called Bharat or India.
Dr Ambedkar saved India from the greatest imaginable tragedy by NOT participating in the struggle for freedom JUST FOR THE DOMINANT CLASS, the Brahmins.
He wanted every single Indian to be free
To fully appreciate the gravity of what has been said so far, you must first know the real reasons why the Brahmins hated the British and why they wanted them to quit India. Never before did the Brahmins rebel against any other foreign ruler so vehemently. In fact they enjoyed mutually beneficial relationships with all previous invaders and were even happy to give their daughters in wedlock to the foreigners as long as they maintained the social structure designed by the Brahmins. Only the British were hard to convince..
(Video in Hindi): Why the Brahmins wanted the British to quit India)
1) On 16th May 1775, under the East India regulatory act 1773, Nand kumar Dev became the FIRST EVER BRAHMIN TO BE CONVICTED OF MURDER. Prior to this date the Brahmins had exclusive impunity from state prosecution regardless of the crime.
2) 1795: For the FIRST TIME since the decline of the Ashokan empire, Shudras were granted the right to own property
3) 1804: Female infanticide banned.
4) 1813: Slavery abolished
5) Also in 1813: Right to education for all granted
6) 1817: Punishments according to Varna system made illegal.
7) 1819: A ban was put on the archaic custom of a Brahmin spending the first three nights with the newly wed Shudra bride
8).1830: Human sacrificial rituals made illegal
9) 1835: Compulsory offering of the first born son of a Shudra to the river Ganga made illegal
10) Also in 1835 on 7th of March, Lord Macaulay fought for and won the right to higher education for Shudras & untouchables and the right to learn English for all non Brahmins.
Under this newly found freedom to education, the iconoclast JYOTIRAO PHULE became the first person to successfully complete matriculation becoming the most educated person from the ‘OBC Catagory’.
DR B.R AMBEDKAR was the FIRST PERSON from the so called untouchable class to be allowed to enrol for a degree under the same right to higher education.
11) Untouchable were granted the right to sit on chairs
12) The British banned the custom of ‘sati’ in which it was obligatory for the widow of the deceased to be burnt to death
and the list continues..
The continual amendments by the Brits to these draconian anti-humanity laws became a great source of worry for the Brahmins. Its about time they started a movement to kick them out. Ambedkar, on the other hand, had TWO freedoms to fight for. Firstly, he wanted independence from the 2-3 % Brahmins and following that, independence from the British.
WHO STARTED THE “SWARAJ” & “QUIT INDIA” MOVEMENTS AND WHY?
(Photo : Courtesy of Wikipedia )
The first and strongest advocate of Swaraj (”self-rule”) was a Chitpavan Brahmin, Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856-1920); also know as Lokmanya. He was known as “the father of Indian unrest” by the British.
WHY?
The Age of Consent Act, 1891, also Act X of 1891, was a legislation enacted in British India on 19 March 1891 which raised the age of consent from 10 years for sexual intercourse for all girls, married or unmarried, to twelve years of age in all jurisdictions.
The Chitpavan Brahmins, with Tilak as their leader, were against this 1891 Age of Consent bill, seeing it as INTERFERENCE with Hinduism and a dangerous precedent.
REFERENCE: Jai Narain Sharma-Political Thought of Lokmanya Bal Gangadhar Tilak- Concept Publishing Company-ISBN 13:9788180695841
No wonder the Brahmins were the only ones who wanted to expel just the British from India. For then, they would once again become the lawmakers and live as gods.
Whereas, Dr Ambedkar was the ONLY person who truly struggled for the freedom of ALL Indians from ALL dictators, giving special attention to the rights of women and the deprived castes in what was to become an “Independent” country. It is no wonder that for this reason, the masses began to refer to Ambedkar-the-Great as Babasaheb, meaning respected father (grandfather in some areas) for he attended to their needs as a loving father would do
In his struggle for freedom, Dr Ambedkar earned a special place in the hearts of the poor and the deprived, the downtrodden victims of grave atrocities, the oppressed and the suppressed, the mentally crushed and broken, the women and widows, the workers, the orphans, and the disabled.
Had Dr Ambedkar been unsuccessful in securing those rights for the common person, it is evident that India would not have been an independent country. There would simply have been a PERMANENT TRANSFER OF POWER from the British to the most ardent dictators, the Brahmins on 15th August 1947.
And now the answer to :
WHY, IF THERE WAS NO DOCTOR BHIMRAO AMBEDKAR, INDIA WOULD MOST PROBABLY STILL BE UNDER BRITISH RULE
ANSWER:
Because if Dr Ambedkar did not DEMAND from the British justice for the oppressed masses, THE BRAHMIN - BANIA ALLIANCE WOULD HAVE NO REASON TO START A QUIT INDIA MOVEMENT AND THE BRITISH WOULD HAVE CONTINUED THEIR RULE AS DID THE PREVIOUS INVADERS IN HISTORY
It was not until the 26th January 1950, when the constitution of India came into force that India truly became an independent democratic country free from both, the British and the Brahmanic rule.
On 15th August 1947 the British were replaced by the Brahmins. On 26th January 1950 India gained complete freedom, officially freeing itself from the Brahmanic rule too. So the true Indian independence day is 26th January 1950 and not 15th August 1947 as is commonly assumed and vehemently promotion by successive governments dominated by Brahmins.
The Indian Independence Act 1947 states that 15th August 1947 shall be called THE APPOINTMENT DAY (NOT Independence Day).
Re point (3) above : Lord Mountbatten became the first Governor-General of India.Dr Ambedkar’s Speech on the Indian constitution
Muhammed All Jinnah was CHOSEN to be the Governor-General of Pakistan
Jawaharlal Nehru was also CHOSEN (not elected) to be the prime minister of India
On 25th Nov *1949* in his last parliamentary speech as the chairman of the drafting committee, Baba Saheb Dr Ambedkar said,”On the 26th Jan 1950 India *WILL be* an independent country.”
NOTE:
If India had gained independence on the 15th of August 1947, Babasaheb Dr Ambedkar would NOT have made the above statement in 1949 referring to 26th Jan 1950
Further ahead, in the same speech, he AGAIN points to the future FOR THE SECOND TIME and says:
“On the 26th Jan 1950, India *would be* a democratic country… ”
This means that before 1950 India WAS NOT a democracy. BEFORE 1950 INDIA WAS REFERRED TO AS HINDUSTAN.
26th January is the actual Indian independence day (four reasons):
1) The chief architect and author of the Indian constitution, Dr BR Ambedkar specifically said so in his last official parliamentary speech as the chairman of the drafting committee.
2) It was on 26th January 1950 that INDIA was officially CREATED and HINDUSTAN ABOLISHED.
3) If THE CURRENT constitution didn’t come into fruition:
NO Non-Brahmin would have tasted complete freedom
and
NO SO CALLED UNTOUCHABLE WOULD HAVE TASTED *ANY* FREEDOM.
These being freedoms that the uninformed Indian takes for granted.
4) You most probably would never have heard of Dr B.R. Ambedkar & his legacy (unless some foreigner re discovered him in the future) had the constitution of India:
A) Not been written in the format it was drafted and
B) had it not been accepted at its (India’s) inception.
*26th Jan is Indian Independence day (from the Manuvadi Brahmins). On 15 Aug 1947, the comparatively little freedom that the deprived castes and women had gained, thanks to the British, was now at the mercy of the Brahmins.
For 29 months, from the 15 Aug 1947 TO 26 Jan 1950, the Manuvadi Brahmins were the happiest people on earth. THEY became free from British rule. Power was TRANSFERRED from
the *BR* itish to
the *BR*ahmin.
So then, instead of the British, the Brahmins became the rulers (through TRANSFERRING of POWER).
Their happiness dwindled on 26th November 1949, when it was decided that the newly authored constitution by Dr Ambedkar would be officially implemented from the 26th January 1950. This day (26th November) is now acknowledged and celebrated as CONSTITUTION DAY making Dr Ambedkar the father of Indian freedom too, for he was the ONLY one who secured those freedoms for EVERY citizen.
(FOUNDING FATHER OF MODERN INDIA : Title conferred upon Dr.B.R Ambedkar by Columbia University)
As soon as the Manuvadi Brahmins realised that the Indian constitution will be based on principles favouring humanity, they were the FIRST ones to oppose it so that they could have a constitution based on the Manusmriti and other religious texts.
(BBC HINDI Video: Exposes the secrets in the Manusmriti, an archaic book of draconian anti-humanity laws)
Thats why I say: If it wasn’t for the constitution, we probably would NEVER have heard about Baba Sahib Dr Ambedkar & his mission and most likely would have had to just wait until a foreigner re-discovered him. We would have gone back to the dark ages when the laws of Manu were the only laws
One worryimg cause of concern is:
There is an open secret that the extreme right wing Hindutva leaders, in collaboration with the largest known terrorist organisation in the world, the RSS are planning to replace the current Indian constitution with an alternative religious constitution. This is nothing less than a planned ‘latent- coup’ because it is being GRADUALLY achieved by making regular amendments to the constitution. Ambedkar had foreseen that this could be a real possibility and warned the new independent India of this in his last speech as the chairman of the drafting committee of the Indian constitution.
So to say that, Dr Ambedkar did not participate in the Indian freedom struggle” is not correct. In fact it’s a lie.
A question that I would like the answer to is:
“Why was Dr Ambedkar the ONLY person who struggled to fight for the freedom of ALL Indians”
It seems there is a conspiracy to subtly defame Ambedkar, the father of modern India and champion of human rights by not highlighting his contributions. Could it be because he came from what is termed the untouchable class. Even questions on Quora are being asked that prompt the reader into belittling Ambedkar.
For example :
Was Dr.Bhimrao Ambedkar poor in english?
PLEASE NOTE:
One of my very popular answers on Ambedkar and Hinduism (My favourite too) has been deleted by Quora. The reason given was violation of Quora policies. The Question was:
Was Ambedkar really anti-Hindu? Shekhar Bodhakar’s answer to Why did Dr B.R. Ambedkar hate Hinduism?
I provided THE SAME ANSWER in response to another question (Q6 below). JUDGE FOR YOURSELF whether that answer warrants deletion or not What could be the reason for deletion?
FIND ALL LINKS (& more) at My @Quora Profile: Shekhar Bodhakar
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Bible and Quran: Revelations, Commonalities and Differences
By
Ejaz Naqvi, M.D.
Rabbi Pamela Frydman
Despina Namwembe
Iftekhar Hai
Presented at the Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015, Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
Table of Contents
Similarities of the teachings of the Quran and the Bible By Ejaz Naqvi, M.D.
Tanakh, Holy Bible and Quran By Rabbi Pamela Frydman
The Role and Position of Women in the Bible: A Critical Look
at the Prevailing Interpretations By Despina Namwembe
Pluralism in Quran: Results of Divisive Interpretation By Iftekhar Hai
Brief Bios for the Authors and Presenters
—–
Similarities of the teachings of the Quran and the Bible
By Ejaz Naqvi, M.D.[1]
Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015, Salt Lake City, UT
Introduction and Background:
Religion has been used to divide people and is blamed for violence throughout the history. In more recent times, Islam and its teachings have come under the limelight, especially after the geopolitical events of the past fifteen years or so. Despite this newfound fame, the teachings of the Holy Quran remain arcane. Many mainstream polls in the U.S.A. have consistently shown that most Americans view Muslims, or Islam, unfavorably. Muslims scored the lowest points (40% favorable) in a recent Pew research study, compared to Jews (63%) and Catholics (62%)[2]. Zogby Associates showed a similar trend. According to their findings, attitudes towards Arabs declined from 43% in 2010 to 32% in 2014. Attitudes toward Muslims declined from 35% in 2010 to 27% in 2014.[3] Ironically, most people who have a negative opinions about the teachings of the Quran and the Bible have actually not read these scriptures from cover-to-cover and their sources of information are often secondhand and frequently cited out of context. This was confirmed by the same study, showing that 64% of Americans “do not know enough about Islam and Muslims.” This clearly implies a need for American Muslims to engage in outreach and become more involved in the mainstream.
In addition to the perception that the Scriptures promote hatred and violence against each other, similar misperceptions and myths are prevalent about how women are perceived in the Scriptures of the Abrahamic faiths. But do the Quran and the Bible really send their followers conflicting messages? Do the Quran and the Bible truly render women as second-class citizens? This paper will analyze various passages from the Scriptures to answer these questions.
Religion has been used to divide people for centuries. Jews, Christians and Muslims have been at odds with one another at various times during the past two millennia. Many believe that the teachings of the Scriptures are the root cause these problems, socio-political complexities notwithstanding. It may, therefore, come as a surprise to many that the teachings of the Quran and the Bible have more in common than in difference. When I started to study the Quran in earnest some twenty years, it became quite apparent to me that the teachings of the Quran are universal and inclusive. The study of the Quran actually prompted me to read the Bible and that’s when I started to realize that the Quran and the Bible have much more in common than commonly perceived. This paper will mainly focus on the similarities of the core teachings of the Scriptures, while acknowledging that significant differences do exist. The Scriptures cited below are the Quran, the Old Testament (Tanakh) and the New Testament.
Common Teachings:
The common teachings of the Quran and the Bible may be grouped into three broad categories.
Core beliefs
Code of conduct
Prophetic stories
Due to the limitation of space, only an outline of the aforementioned teachings will be presented here. For the same reason, a very small set of verses will be mentioned to support each argument. My colleague, Rabbi Pam Frydman is covering some of the prophetic stories in her paper. This paper does not cover those stories, but I do want to mention that the stories of Adam, Noah and the floods, Moses and the Israelites and Joseph’s stories are strikingly similar in the Quran and the Bible.
Core beliefs:
Belief in God, prophets, angels and the Day of Judgment are common to the teachings of the Quran, New Testament and Old Testament, though we must also realize that the meaning of “believer” may and does vary.
Belief in God: It is widely understood that the belief in God is essential. The attributes of God are also very similar. Indeed the Abrahamic Scriptures can be easily labeled as God-centric. The book of Genesis (the first book of the Torah, Tanakh, and Holy Bible) starts with the mention of God and His creation.[4] Not only does it start with God, but also one of His key attributes is clearly emphasized, namely, that He is the Creator of everything. Similarly, the Quran starts with “In the name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful.”[5] Every chapter (surah) of the Quran starts with this verse, except chapter 9. Note that not only does the verse begin with His name, but it is also followed by two of His attributes. It is also worthy of our contemplation that He chose to use these two attributes as opposed to attributes reflecting His powers (such as Almighty, All-Powerful, the Judge, etc.). Perhaps this should serve as a reminder as to how we should view Him as in our daily lives. The first surah (chapter) of the Quran, named Al-Fatiha (The Opening) is considered the heart and soul of the Quran. It starts with “Praise be to Allah, the Lord of all the worlds (“Alhamdu Lillahe Rabb ul Alaimeen”)”.[6] Note that the Quran emphasizes that Allah is Rabb ul Alaimeen, or Lord of the worlds, and not just the Rabb ul Muslimeen, or Lord of Muslims, once again pointing to the pluralistic message of the Quran, right from the very beginning.
Oneness of God (“Tawheed”): Another key message of the Bible and the Quran is that God is One. This is more than a numeric concept, as the mutual belief is that God is beyond our imagination and beyond limits, and therefore, assigning a number does not seem accurate. Indeed this attribute refers to His uniqueness; more than his numeric attribute and that there is no one like God. [7] The Oneness of God serves as a foundation for the Islamic belief and serves as the first half of “Shahada” for Muslims.[8] This is emphasized repeatedly in the Quran and the references here are a small sample of such verses: “Your god is one God; there is no one worthy of worship except Him, the Compassionate, the Merciful.” Or “ That surely your God is One…”[9]
Another myth, at least in the minds of some Muslims, is that the Bible does not emphasize Tawheed, or Oneness of God. But the fact is that the Ten Commandments of the Torah start with declaring Tawheed and the prohibition of polytheism.[10] The Hebrew prayer Shema starts with a verse from Deuteronomy, “Hear O’ Israel: The Lord is our God, the Lord is one.”[11] The Hebrew word Ekhad used to describe God’s Oneness is phonetically similar to the Quranic word Ahad with the same meaning.
Submission to God. Islam means “submission (to God’s will)”. It is one of the key commandments, repeatedly emphasized in the Quran. “Nay, whoever submits his whole self to Allah and is a doer of good, he will get his reward with his Lord; on such shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve.”[12] However, the submission to God is a subject of the Bible as well. For instance, the New Testament Book of James commands the followers to do just that: “Submit therefore to God. Resist the devil and the devil will flee from you. Draw near to God and He will draw near to you.”[13] Similarly the concept of “d’veykut”, meaning, “clinging “ (to God) with faith and devotion is a key concept in Judaism. The daily Jewish prayer, Shema, starts with declaration of God’s oneness and is followed by, “ You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul and with all your might….”[14]
Other attributes of God: Both in the Quran and the Bible, God has been referred to as light[15], Kind and Loving[16], the Creator [17], God is the First and the Last[18], God is the Judge[19] and Almighty [20]. This is, of course, a very small sample, not only of all of God’s attributes mentioned in the Quran and the Bible, but also of the verses that reflect these attributes.
Beliefs in prophets, angels and the Day of Judgment: The Quran and the Bible mentions various prophets and angels and that they served as His messengers to mankind, or to a specific group of people in history. The agreement is not complete, however. Judaism does not recognize Jesus or Muhammad, peace be upon them, as prophets. Christians do recognize the Hebrew prophets, but not Muhammad. The Quran asks its followers to recognize and respect all of these prophets and. in fact repeatedly, mandates the followers to not make any distinction between prophets.[21] However, the Quran also calls certain prophets more exalted than the others (Ulul Azm prophets). These are Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus and Muhammad. In addition, the Quran also exalts David and Adam. “Allah did choose Adam and Noah, the family of Abraham, and family of Imran above all people”.[22] Special peace and salutations are offered to Abraham and Muhammad. Abraham is widely viewed as the father of monotheistic faiths. In fact, the Quran calls Islam the “Deen-e-Ibrahimi (The religion of Abraham): “Say (O Muhammad) Surely (as for) me, my Lord has guided me to the right path, a most right religion, the faith of Abraham….”[23]. Many other references to Islam being the religion or way of Abraham are mentioned in verses 2:130-131, 2:135-136, 4:125, 16:120-123 and 22:78. The Quran considers all prophets as Muslims (submitters), since they all brought the same basic message from the same God. Therefore, it should not surprise anyone that the Quran asks its followers to recognize and respect all prophets.
Angels are mentioned in the Quran and the Bible, some more specifically, such as Gabriel (Jibraeel), considered to be an archangel. They are assigned various functions, including conveying the message of God to certain prophets. Muslims believe God spoke to Muhammad, PBUH, through angel Gabriel. The Quran also mentions that God spoke directly to some (Moses)[24], though it is also implied that Abraham also spoke with God directly.
Both the Quran and the Bible speak to eschatology — death, the end of times and a Day of Judgment, where there will be only one judge. However, the Scriptures vary greatly in terms of the details of the life hereafter. By far, the most detailed accounts are found in the Quran, and the least detailed are in the Old Testament. The New Testament is somewhere in between in this respect. The Quran teaches that we all came from God and to Him is our return, making “life” a two-way trip and death being a transition, and not merely an end of life. ”To Allah we belong, and to Him is our return” is a frequent verse that Muslims recite when hearing about the death of someone.[25] Life on earth is viewed as a transit. This fact is variously narrated in the Old Testament as well. “ I am here on earth for just a little while, do not hide your commands from me”.[26] “Remember how short my life is, how empty and futile this human existence! No one can live forever; all will die…”[27]
Code of Conduct:
Both the Quran and the Bible repeatedly command their followers to pursue a certain code of conduct in their daily life. The overarching theme being summarized in the Quran as Amr bil Maroof (Enjoin what is good) and Nahi Anil munkar (forbid what is evil). “And from among you, there should be a party who invites to good and enjoins what is right and forbid what is wrong”. [28] Ma’asim tovim, meaning good works and actions, may be viewed as the Hebrew equivalent of Amr bil Maroof. The Jewish Talmud describes 613 commandments, derived from the Torah, of which 248 are “positive commandments”(The “Do’s”), and 365 are “negative commandments” (the “Do Not’s”). They cover a wide range of personal and social life, including worship, charity, marital laws, treatment of servants, judicial system and code of conduct during wars.
The Quran commands the followers to conduct themselves in the best of a manners that includes being honest and truthful [29], to avoid anger and to be forgiving[30], and to be kind to each other[31]. In fact, a Hadith (saying of Prophet Muhammad) asks the followers to go even beyond showing kindness to fellow humans. “Those who are kind and considerate to Allah’s creatures, Allah bestows His kindness and affection on them. Show kindness to the creatures of earth so Allah may be kind to you.” In multiple places, the Quran commands kindness to parents (6:151), spouses even in the setting of divorce (2:229), the orphans, the widows and the needy. The Quran asks the followers to be humble and modest[32], avoid slander[33], and considers adultery a big sin[34]. Verse 2:177 defines “righteousness” and in many ways, summarizes the beliefs and many of the “good” deeds: “It is not righteousness that you turn your faces towards the East and the West, but righteousness is this that one should believe in Allah and the last day and the angels and the Book and the prophets, and give away wealth out of love for Him to the near of kin and the orphans and the needy and the wayfarer and the beggars and for (the emancipation of) the captives, and keep up prayer and pay the poor-rate; and the performers of their promise when they make a promise, and the patient in distress and affliction and in time of conflicts– these are they who are true (to themselves) and these are they who guard (against evil).”
Similarly, the Bible emphasizes on the righteousness: “And the Lord our God commanded us to obey all these decrees and to fear Him so He can continue to bless us and preserve our lives, as He has done to this day. For we will be counted as righteous when we obey all the commands the Lord our God has given us.”[35]. The Bible asks the followers to show kindness, mercy and forgiveness towards each other: “Get rid of all bitterness, rage, anger, harsh words, and slander, as well as all types of evil behavior. Instead, be kind to each other, tenderhearted, forgiving one another, just as God through Christ has forgiven you”[36]. Jesus, in one of his many sermons to his followers, tells them to guard against slander, bad language, lust and immorality.[37] Similar emphasis is applied to humility[38], and the virtues of humility are well summarized in one of my favorite passages- “But those who exalt themselves will be humbled, and those who humble themselves will be exalted.”[39]
The Golden rule:
Variations of the golden rule may be found in many religions, not just the Abarahamic faiths. Various religions asks the followers to treat others the way they would like to be treated, assuming that every one would like to be treated with dignity, justice, kindness and in a good manner, without harsh words and prejudice. If everyone followed their own version of the golden rule, it can be safely assumed that many of the social injustices would be eliminated, leading to peace and harmony among people of various faiths. “In everything, therefore, treat people the same way you want them to treat you, for this is (essence of) the Law of Moses and the Prophets.”[40] The Jewish version of the golden rule is derived from the teachings of Hillel. It is based on of a verse from Leviticus 19: 18 that states: You shall not take vengeance or bear a grudge against your kinsfolk. Love your neighbor as yourself: I am the LORD. It is reported that once a gentile came to Hillel and asked to be converted to Judaism under the condition that the entire Torah be explained to him while he stood on one foot. Hillel responded with what is now regarded as the golden rule of Judaism, “What is hateful to you, do not do to your fellow: this is the whole Torah; the rest is the explanation; go and learn.”[41]
Similarly, a Hadith from Prophet Muhammad states “Not one of you truly believes until you wish for your brother (others) what you wish for yourself.”
Women as second-class citizens?
I will only briefly review some issues related to women in my paper as one of my colleagues, Despina Namwembe has reflected upon this issue in more detail in her paper. I will also limit most of my discussion concerning the Quranic passages as my colleague Iftekhar Hai has reflected upon them in his paper.
Both the Quran and the Bible have been accused of treating women as second-class citizens. Given some of the images of women in some Muslim countries, the Quran perhaps has received even more scrutiny, at least in recent times and in mainstream western media. Hijab has been viewed as a sign of oppression. Some practices, such as not allowing women to drive in Saudi Arabia, are seen as universal Islamic practices. There are reports of women still having to sit in the back of public buses in certain Ultra Orthodox Jewish areas in Israel, though some do not view this as a sign of mistreatment, but rather of respect, so as to not to allow males to look at females from behind. There are also published reports of Ultra Orthodox Jews refusing to sit next to women on airplanes.[42] Are these practices consistent with the teachings of the Scriptures? Are Scriptures really teaching us to treat women as second-class or are we misinterpreting the Scriptures based on our own biases and socio-cultural background? Let us review the teachings of the Quran to separate the myths from the realities.
The highest form of “ gender equality” in the Quran is considered the spiritual equality. No one is “superior” and no one is ‘closer” to God, except by their faith and good deeds, whether men or women. There is a wide perception among the followers of the Scriptures that women are spiritually inferior. However ,as we will see here, this is not consistent with the teachings of the Quran. “Whoever works righteousness, man or woman, and has Faith, verily, to him will We give a new Life, a life that is good and pure and We will bestow on such their reward according to the best of their actions.”[43]. A similar theme is presented in another verse: “So their Lord accepted their prayer: That I will not waste the work of a worker among you, whether male or female.”[44]. Yet another verse emphasizes the same, without mentioning women, men or any race. “Verily, the most honored among you in the sight of God is the one who is most righteous (period)…[45]. This means we are not judged by our gender, race, socioeconomic status, nationality or religious title, but rather by the righteous deeds, which are variously spelled out in many verses in the Quran. Prophet Muhammad also further communicated this theme in his famous last sermon at the occasion of Hajj as follows: “All mankind is from Adam and Eve, an Arab has no superiority over a non-Arab nor a non-Arab has any superiority over an Arab; also a white has no superiority over a black nor a black has any superiority over a white – except by piety and good action.”
Jewish views about the separation of men and women in certain settings is discussed at length by Jewish commentators.[46]
Husband-Wife relationship:
The Quran declares that the union between men and women is a holy one since His name is invoked. Not only that, but this relation must be built upon a foundation of love and kindness. “And one of His signs is that He created mates for you from yourselves that you may find rest in them, and He put between you love and compassion; most surely there are signs in this for a people who reflect.”[47]
One of the chapters in the Quran is in fact named Al Nisa, or The Women. It spells out the roles and rights of the women, though in maintaining the tradition of the Quran, the chapter is not exclusive to the women’s issues. In pre-Islamic Arabia, there was a practice of practically selling women as gifts for marriage. The Quran prohibited that and declared that women cannot be given as wives against their will. The Quran goes on to command the followers to treat women as equals. “O you who believe! You are forbidden to inherit women against their will. Nor should you treat them with harshness, that you may take away part of the dower you have given them, except where they have been guilty of open lewdness; on the contrary live with them on a footing of kindness and equity…”[48] Moreover, this command to be kind to women was not only during marriage, but even in the setting of a divorce, men are commanded to be fair and kind. Divorce must be considered only as a last resort when all attempts towards reconciliation fail. The verse ends with a warning to those who take undue advantage of women. “When you divorce women, and they fulfill the term of their (‘Iddat) (practically a cooling off period), either take them back on equitable terms (in kindness) or part with them on equitable terms (in kindness); but do not take them back to injure them, (or) to take undue advantage; if any one does that; He wrongs his own soul. Do not treat Allah’s Signs (verses) as a jest (mockery)…”[49]. A similar message appears in verse 65:2. A review of Prophet Muhammad’s life clearly shows he exemplified these Quranic principles. His relationship with his first wife Khadija, and his youngest wife Aisha, clearly reveals a relationship built upon trust, love and respect. Aisha is known to have openly argue, and even questioned Prophet Muhammad on some occasions, once again showing that the relationship was built on equal footing despite Prophet Muhammad’s undisputed status as a religious, spiritual and state leader at the time.
We should remember that the woman (Eve) came out from the man’s (Adam’s) ribs (side). Not from his feet to be walked upon. Not from his head to be superior. But from his side to be equal, under his arms to be protected, near his heart to be loved.
Hijab:
This is probably the most misunderstood aspect involving women, both by Muslims and people of other faiths. There are many myths such as:
Hijab means head covering;
Hijab is for women only;
That this Hijab is commanded by the Quran;
That this Hijab is commanded for Muslims only.
A critical review of the Quran actually shows that none of the above are true, at least not entirely.
Hijab,in its larger meaning, refers to a code of conduct based upon modesty for both men and women. The word Hijab, or its derivative, is mentioned in the Quran seven times, but not once related to head covering, as we now know it. Imam Feisal Abdul Rauf has written a beautiful article on this subject, outlining various prevailing myths and misinterpretations.[50] He states, “the word is used in the sense of a “barrier” or “screen,” for example between Heaven and Hell (7:46) or between the Prophet and unbelievers (17:45).”
There are two verses in the Quran that do address modesty and head coverings. “Tell the believing women to lower their gaze and to be mindful of their chastity, and not to display their charms beyond what may be (decently) apparent thereof; hence, let them draw their head-coverings over their bosoms”.[51] It is of note that when the Quran does talk about modesty, it addresses men first in a verse that immediately precedes verse 24: 31 noted above. This a fact often overlooked by zealous Muslim men eager to enforce Hijab on their women. Another verse commanding the followers to practice “Hijab” is found in verse 33:59.
It is noteworthy that the practice of the veil or head covering preceded the revelation of the Quran. The Old and New Testaments have variously described women wearing a veil and a head covering. For example: “Isaac went out to meditate in the field toward evening; and he lifted up his eyes and looked, and behold, camels were coming. Rebekah lifted up her eyes, and when she saw Isaac, she dismounted from the camel. She said to the servant, “Who is that man walking in the field to meet us?” And the servant said, “He is my master. Then she took her veil and covered herself.” [52] And in the following set of verses, Paul addresses Timothy in one of his letters, giving him many instructions. “And I want women to be modest in their appearance. They should wear decent and appropriate clothing and not draw attention to themselves by the way they fix their hair or by wearing gold or pearls or expensive clothes. For women who claim to be devoted to God should make themselves attractive by the good things they do.” [53]
Mary is considered an exalted woman in the Quran, Many of the images of Mary found in churches and Christian drawings depict her wearing a headscarf. Nuns have been required to cover their heads until recently. During my presentation, I will show an old picture of a nun from the St. Joseph School in Karachi, Pakistan, wearing a “Hijab”. It is also interesting that a seemingly Muslim woman next to her is actually the one not wearing the “Hijab”.
Conclusion:
It must be emphasized that the only Quran that is considered to be “the Quran” is the Quran in its original language — Arabic. All translations from the original Arabic are considered just that — translations. They introduce a human element along with their inherent biases based upon social, cultural and personal knowledge, baises and limitations. The same may be said about the Bible, realizing that the original Tanakh was revealed in Hebrew, and that we may not have the “original” version of the Tanakh available. Thus, the Tanakh is also subject to the same biases and limitations as the Quran. It is also common knowledge that Jesus spoke Aramaic, but the original Gospels were written in Greek many years after the time of Jesus, and these Gospels were then translated back into Aramaic years after the “original” was written. These are important facts to remember when debating the teachings of the Scriptures.
It is my hope that — despite these limitations — I was able to demonstrate that the core messages of the Quran and the Bible have much in common, whether related to our belief system or to our daily lives and code of conduct involving relationships between men and women, relationships with our neighbors and other issues related to social justice. It is natural to have disagreements and varied viewpoints, and when we do, we should agree to disagree in a civil manner. Given the commonalities, it is further hoped that realizing and celebrating our common values will result in building strong relationships between people of various faiths, hopefully resulting in long lasting peace and harmony — Amen/Ameen.
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Tanakh, Holy Bible and Quran
By Rabbi Pamela Frydman[54]
Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015, Salt Lake City, UT
Introduction:
The Tanakh,[55] the Holy Bible and the Holy Quran have much in common. One commonality is that each was revealed in a language, and has been translated into many other languages.[56] Translations are essential for those not fluent in the original language. However, translations tend to lose the original linguistic idiom and are limited by the spiritual capacity and motives of the translator. This is discussed at some length by Dr. Ejaz Naqvi in his article entitled, “Similarities of the teachings of the Quran and the Bible” and by Iftekhar Hai in his article entitled, “Pluralism in Quran: The Results of Divisive Interpretation.” Notwithstanding the challenges posed by a world of human beings who speak diverse languages, I believe it is possible to learn from our own respective scriptures as well as from one another’s.
Background:
The Jewish scriptures are called Tanakh or Hebrew Bible. Tanakh is a Hebrew acronym. “T” stands for “Torah,” meaning “Teaching.” The Torah includes 5 books, sometimes called the Five Books of Moses. “N” stands for “Nevee’eem,” meaning “Prophets.” Nevee’eem contains 8 books. “K” stands for “Ketuvim,” meaning “Writings.” Ketuvim contains 11 books.
The Christian scriptures are called the Holy Bible. The Holy Bible consists of the Old Testament and the New Testament. Some Christian Bibles also include books of the Apocrypha.
The original text of the Old Testament is exactly the same as the Tanakh. However, Jews and Christians divide the books differently. Christians count First and Second Kings, First and Second Isaiah, and First and Second Chronicles as two books each, whereas Jews count them as one book each. Christians count the prophetic book Trey Asar as 12 separate books, whereas Jews count it as one book. Thus, the Old Testament contains 39 books and the Tanakh contains 24 books even though the word for word text of the Tanakh and the Old Testament are identical.
The second part of the Christian scriptures is the New Testament, which contains the revelation and teachings of Jesus and the Apostles. To the best of my knowledge, all Christians divide the text of the New Testament into 27 books. However, the ordering of these 27 books is different in the Orthodox, Roman Catholic and Protestant traditions.
The Apocrypha includes such books as Judith, the Maccabees and a number of other volumes. Jews do not consider the Apocrypha to be part of the Tanakh. Some Christians consider the Apocrypha to be part of the Holy Bible, while others do not. Christian Holy Bibles that include books of the Aprocrypha place them in three different configurations: between the Old Testament and the New Testament; at the end of the New Testament; and interspersed amongst the books of the Old and New Testaments.[57]
The Holy Quran consists of 114 surahs (chapters) of varying lengths. Each surah has a name and a theme. The content of each surah is distinct, yet all the surahs — except surah 9 — begin with the words, “Bismillah, ar-Rehman ar-Raheem,” “in the name of G-o-d, the Gracious, the Merciful”.[58] There are a number of possible derivations for the term “al-Quran.” Two that I have learned are that al-Quran derives from “al-Qar,” meaning “to collect,” or from “Qara,” meaning “to recite.”
Common Teachings: universal divine revelation
All three scriptures contain universal divine revelation. The opening surah of Quran — surah al-Fatihah begins: “In the name of G-d, the Compassionate, the Merciful, Praise be to G-d, Master of all the worlds. The Compassionate, the Merciful. Ruler on the Day of Judgment.”[59] Dr. Naqvi points out that surah al-Fatihah says, “Master of all the worlds” and not “Master of all the Muslims”. We see a similar phenomenon in the Tanakh and the New Testament. It says in the Tanakh, “And God said, Let us make Adam in Our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creeps upon the earth. So G-o-d created Adam in G-o-d’s own image, in the image of G-o-d did G-o-d create Adam; male and female G-o-d created them.[60] This does not say that G-o-d created Jewish people. Rather it says that G-o-d created all people. Similarly, in the Gospel of John, it says: “In the beginning was the Word and the Word was with G-o-d and the Word was G-o-d.”[61] John does not limit this teaching to Christians or to the Christian Word of G-o-d. Rather, he speaks of G-o-d in the universal.
Common Teachings: Yusuf, Yosef, Joseph
In addition to teachings about G-d, the Judeo-Christian-Muslim scriptures also teach about human beings. Surah 12 of the Quran is called Surah Yusuf. Many of the stories in Surah Yusuf are also found in the Book of Genesis in the Tanakh/Old Testament.[62] In both tellings, Yusuf/ Yosef/Joseph is a youth, he dreams that the sun, moon and stars bow down to him and he tells the dream to his father. In the Quran, Yusuf’s brothers throw him down a well. In the Tanakh/Old Testament, Yosef’s brothers throw him into a pit. In both stories, Yosef/Yusuf is taken by caravan to Egypt where he is sold. In the Tanakh/Old Testament, Yosef is sold to Potiphar. Potiphar’s wife desires Yosef and tries to seduce him. She takes hold of Yosef’s garment. Yosef pulls away and flees, leaving his garment in her hand. She calls to her male servants and accuses Yosef of trying to lay with her. Yosef is sent to prison.
In the Quran, Yusuf is sold to Aziz. Aziz suggests to his wife that Yusuf may bring them goodness and perhaps they will adopt him. However, after Yusuf grows to manhood, the wife of Aziz desires Yusuf and tries to seduce him. Yusuf tries to flee and the wife of Aziz runs after him. As Yusuf makes his way to the door, she takes hold of his shirt and his shirt tears from the back. Aziz appears at that moment. Yusuf pleads his case and Aziz sides with Yusuf, because Yusuf’s shirt is torn from the back, which supports Yusuf’s claim that he was trying to escape. The wife of Aziz then prepares a banquet for ladies who have been gossiping about her desire for Yusuf. She arranges for a knife to be placed at each table setting. She asks Yusuf to come out before the gathered ladies who become so enamored that they cut themselves. Yusuf chooses prison over being seduced.
According to the Tanakh/Old Testament, Pharoah’s cup bearer recounts Yosef’s capacity for interpreting dreams. Pharoah has Yosef brought from prison in order to interpret Pharoah’s dreams. At first, Yosef tells Pharoah that it is “G-o-d who will interpret Pharoah’s dreams” and then Yosef proceeds to interpret the dreams to Pharoah’s satisfaction. Pharoah puts Yosef in charge of the storehouses of Egypt and elevates him to a role second only to Pharoah himself. According to the Quran, the one who pours wine for the king arranges for Yusuf to interpret the king’s dreams. The king sends a messenger to bring Yusuf from prison. Yusuf tells the messenger: “Go back to your lord [the king] and ask him ‘What is the state of mind of the ladies who cut their hands? For my Lord [G-o-d] is certainly aware of their snare.’ ” The king asks the ladies what happened when Yusuf sought to seduce them. The ladies say, “we do not know any evil against him.” The wife of Aziz then says, “Now is the truth manifest. It was I who sought to seduce him from his self. He is indeed of those who are true.” The wife of Aziz goes on to say that she was never false to Yusuf in his absence. Muslim commentators contend that Yusuf and the wife of Aziz were in love, but Yusuf refused to act upon their love because of his fidelity to his master Aziz.
The king calls for Yusuf to be brought from prison and says, “Be assured this day that you are, before our own Presence, with rank firmly established and fidelity fully proven.” Yusuf asks to be placed in charge of the storehouses so he may guard them. Yusuf’s power is, thereby, established in the land. The Quran teaches that Yusuf was destined to save both the Egyptians and his own extended family from starvation. The Tanakh/Old Testament contains the very same teaching. The Quran tells the story of Yusuf and the wife of Aziz as a story of unfilled love, whereas the Tanakh/Old Testament tells the story of Yosef and the wife of Potiphar as a story of unrequited love. The Tanakh/Old Testament portrays the wife of Potiphar as being vindictive. The Quran portrays the wife of Aziz as being vindictive at first, but later she repents and tells the truth.
The Tanakh/Old Testament and the Quran do not reveal the wife’s name, though she is named Zuleikha in Muslim commentaries. There are many other women in the Quran, Tanakh and Holy Bible whose names are omitted. This practice also permeates everyday life. In my office, I have a donation certificate that my mother, of blessed memory, presented to me as a gift. It says the donation was made “by her mother Mrs. Ben Frydman.” We are all aware that violence against women and girls, and the silencing of women and girls, are tragic realities around the globe. Yet in the story of Yusuf/Yosef and the wife of Aziz/Potiphar, it is the woman who perpetrates violence against the man by tearing his shirt or holding onto his garment, and by causing him to go to prison. In the Quran, the woman finally speaks up on Yusuf’s behalf; in the Tanakh, she never does. Despite the evolution of consciousness on many important issues — including the rights of women and girls — humanity is almost completely silent on the suffering of men at the hands of women. The lack of consciousness and caring about the abusing and demeaning of men through physical and emotional violence is a sad and silent epidemic.
Parallel Teachings: Religious Law, Teshuvah and Jihad
Judaism has a practice called teshuvah. Teshuvah refers to the process of turning away from evil and toward goodness; away from losing sight of who we really are and toward a returning to our true self. During teshuvah, we admit our wrongdoing, we apologize, we make restitution and we promise to not make the same mistake again. The story in Quran of Zuleikha telling the truth about Yusuf is a beautiful trans-religious example of what Jews call teshuvah. The Book of Deuteronomy is part of the Torah, which is at the beginning of the Tanakh/Old Testament. It says in Deuteronomy, “If you go out to war against your enemies, and the Lord your God delivers them into your hands, and you take their captives, and you see among the captives a beautiful woman and you desire her, you may take [her] as a wife. You shall bring her into your home, and she shall shave her head and let her nails grow. And she shall remove the garment of her captivity and stay in your house, and weep for her father and mother a full month. After that, you may be intimate with her and possess her, and she will be a wife for you. And it will be, if you do not desire her, then you shall send her away to wherever she wishes, but you shall not sell her for money. You shall not keep her as a servant, because you afflicted her.”[63]
This Judeo-Christian teaching enshrines the despicable practice of forced marriage during war. It also provides that if the husband no longer desires the wife of his forced marriage, he must let her go free. The following is an excerpt from a teaching by Rabbi Kalonymous Kalman Epstein[64] in which he says that teshuvah is the war against the evil inclination within ourselves: The Torah says, “If you go out to war against your enemy…” This is the war against a person’s own inclination that misleads the person toward material desires and the study of Torah to attain honor for oneself. The Torah continues: “And the L-o-r-d your G-o-d delivers them into your hand…” G-o-d promises that you will be able to defeat your evil inclination if you keep at it. The Torah continues: “and you take them captive,” meaning you will capture your evil inclination that impels you to study scripture for improper motives. The Torah says, “And you see among the captives a beautiful woman and you desire her and wish to take her as your wife.” Rabbi Epstein reminds us that the Torah is often referred to as a “woman,” and that the word “woman” also refers to the Shechina — the indwelling divine presence — which may be called a woman of valor.[65]
When a person is aroused by the good inclination to study Torah, and the good inclination is held captive by unwholesome motives, one is allowed to study Torah for these unwholesome motives in the spirit of “from doing it not for its own sake, it will come to be done for its own sake.” The Torah goes on to say, “Should you no longer want her,” meaning that if, heaven forbid, you have no desire for the Torah’s true essence, but your only desire is to gain honor and vanities, then “you shall release her and you shall not sell her for money.” It is better to let go of studying scripture than to study it continually for the wrong reasons. Using this trans-religious model, one might say that Rabbi Epstein’s teaching is an example of the Muslim practice of inner jihad, the holy war against the unfortunate inclinations within the self. Rabbi Tuvia Bolton[66] teaches that the meaning of war is to carry out the work that G-o-d assigned to Adam, the first human. According to the Book of Genesis, G-o-d created Adam and blessed Adam saying, ”Be fruitful and multiply, rule the earth and conquer it.”[67] Who was the enemy that Adam had to conquer when he was alone in the world? He had to conquer himself and the entire creation in order to reveal the divinity embedded within himself and within all of creation. The only way Adam could achieve this was through self-sacrifice. According to Rabbi Bolton, that is why, after G-o-d created Eve, and Eve offered Adam the forbidden fruit, it was very difficult — and in the end, it proved impossible — for Adam to resist eating it.
As of this writing, the genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity being perpetrated by so-called-ISIL are unspeakably tragic and heart breaking, and they are also fomenting a great deal of misunderstanding about Islam. Many Muslim scholars and theologians are risking their positions, and even their lives, to speak out against so-called-ISIL and Boko Haram. There are numerous Muslim statements on the internet,[68] including an open letter to Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, head of so-called-ISIL. This open letter begins with an executive summary[69] that includes the following teachings:
ˆ It is permissible in Islam [for scholars] to differ on any matter, except those fundamentals of religion that all Muslims must know.
ˆ Jihad in Islam is defensive war. It is not permissible without the right cause, the right purpose and without the right rules of conduct.
ˆ The re-introduction of slavery is forbidden in Islam. It was abolished by universal consensus.
ˆ It is forbidden in Islam to enact legal punishments (hudud) without following the correct procedures that ensure justice and mercy.”
ˆ After the death of the Prophet Mohammed, PBUH, Islam does not require anyone to emigrate anywhere.”[70]
I want to focus for a moment on the above teaching about jihad that says, “Jihad in Islam is defensive war. It is not permissible without the right cause, the right purpose and without the right rules of conduct.” In modern terms, we might refer to the “rules of conduct” as the The Geneva Convention. The Geneva Convention is not patterned after Muslim rules of conduct, nor after the rules of conduct any one religion. However, I believe that the Geneva Convention is an example of how secular treaties and agreements accomplish the same goals as religious rules of conduct.
In the Tanakh/Old Testament, Moses’ father-in-law Jethro presents a judicial system to help Moses avoid burn out during the 40 years of wandering in the wilderness. Jethro says, “Listen now to my voice, I will give you counsel, and God shall be with you; Represent the people before G-o-d, that you may bring the causes to G-o-d; And you shall teach them ordinances and laws, and shall show them the way where they must walk, and the work they must do. And you shall choose out of all the people able men, such as fear G-o-d, men of truth, hating unjust gain; and place such over them, to be rulers of thousands, and rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens. And let them judge the people at all seasons. And it shall be, that every great matter they shall bring to you, but every small matter they shall judge; so it shall be easier for you, and they shall bear the burden with you.[71] The judicial model of a supreme court and lower national, regional and local courts parallels this Biblical model just as the Geneva Convention parallels the Muslim model of the rules of conduct of war.[72]
Common Teachings: Rahab, Moab, Ruth, Jewish Messiah, Jesus and al-Mahdi
According to the Tanakh/Old Testament, Joshua was the successor to Moses. When Joshua was preparing for the conquest of the city of Jericho, he sent two spies to spy out the city. The spies entered the city and came to the abode of a prostitute named Rahab. Rahab provided the spies with valuable intelligence, and when Jericho authorities came looking for the spies, Rahab hid them and helped them to escape. In return, the spies arranged for the Israelites to save Rahab and her family. According to the Babylonian Talmud, Rahab was one of the four most beautiful women in human history.[73] Rahab became a prostitute at age 10 and there was not a prince nor ruler who did not have relations with her.[74] The Talmud goes on to say that Rahab converted to Judaism and married Joshua. Joshua and Rahab were ancestors of the Prophetess Huldah,[75] the Prophet Jeremiah and seven lesser known prophets.[76]
The Book of Matthew in the New Testament begins: “This is the book of the generations of Jesus the Messiah, the son of David, the son of Abraham.”[77] In the fifth verse, it says, “Salmon the father of Boaz, whose mother was Rahab, Boaz the father of Obed, whose mother was Ruth, Obed the father of Jesse, and Jesse the father of King David.”[78] At the end of the genealogy, it says, “Thus there were fourteen generations in all from Abraham to David, fourteen from David to the exile to Babylon, and fourteen from the exile to [Jesus] the Messiah.”[79]
The Book of Ruth in the Old Testament includes Ruth, Salmon and Boaz. According to the Book of Ruth, Ruth was married to an Israelite named Kilion. Kilion died and Ruth married Boaz who was a relative of Kilion. The Book of Ruth concludes: “And Amminadab fathered Nahshon, and Nahshon fathered Salmon, and Salmon fathered Boaz, and Boaz fathered Obed, and Obed fathered Jesse, and Jesse fathered David.”[80] Thus, the Tanakh/Old Testament and the New Testament both recount that Ruth and Boaz were the parents of Obed who fathered Jesse who fathered David. The lineage of Boaz is through Tamar. Despina Namwembe presents Tamar in her paper entitled, “The role and position of women in the Bible — A critical look at the prevailing interpretations.” I want to mention here that Tamar seduced her father-in-law Judah, without revealing her identity to him, in order to conceive a child by him. Tamara did this because her father-in-law failed to allow Tamar to fulfill the Israelite rite of yevum, allowing a widow to marry the brother of her deceased husband if she and her deceased husband did not have a child together. According to Judaism, Tamar is an ancestor of King David through Boaz, and thus, Tamar is an ancestor of the Jewish Messiah. According to Christianity, Tamar is an ancestor of Jesus through Boaz and King David.
I want to also mention the lineage of Lot’s daughters who had sons with their father through incest. According to the Book of Genesis in the Tanakh/Old Testament, Sodom and Gomorrah were destroyed. Before the destruction, Lot was married and he and his wife had grown daughters, some of whom were married, and two of whom were unmarried. Lot’s unmarried daughters stayed in Sodom with their husbands and they and their husbands died during the destruction. Lot’s wife turned to a pillar of salt during their escape from Sodom, and Lot found himself hiding in a cave in the hill country with his two unmarried daughters. These unmarried daughters thought that there were no more suitable men in the world because of the destruction they had witnessed. So they got their father drunk on two evenings and each one had sex with him on one of those evenings. One daughter gave birth to Moab who became the father of the Moabite people.[81] Ruth was a Moabites. According to the Old and New Testaments, Ruth was an ancestor of King David, and according to the New Testament, Ruth was also an ancestor of Jesus.\
The Jewish and Christian Messiahs are understood differently. According to Christianity, Jesus came to the world and will return. According to Judaism, the Messiah has not yet come to the world. Despite these and other differences, however, the Jewish and Christian traditions hold that the Messiah is or will be a descendant of a prostitute and a child born of incest. Muslims believe in Isa/Jesus. Muslims also believe that Isa will return to earth to assist al-Mahdi. At the end of al-Mahdi’s rule, there will be a day of judgment for the entire human race. The interconnectedness of these lineages is profound. One does not need to start out being good in order to be part of goodness; one just needs to engage in teshuvah, repentance, or inner jihad. The One who forgives our wrongdoings is the Merciful, the Compassionate; the One who created Adam male and female; and the One whose very Word is G-o-d.
Conclusion:
I can read and understand the Tanakh in Hebrew, although there are some words whose meanings are unknown or uncertain at this time in human history. I study the New Testament in Hebrew which is a translation from Greek. I also study the New Testament in English, which is likely also a translation from the Greek. I study Quran in English translated from Arabic. I am sure that all three scriptures contain divine revelation, but I rely upon translations to gain an understanding of the New Testament and the Quran.
The beautiful commonalities of the Tanakh, the Holy Bible and the Holy Quran are extensive and I have touched upon just a few: All three scriptures include universal divine revelation. All three include stories, and the people in the stories are very human, with both foibles and qualities of greatness. Women are not always named; women and men are not always treated fairly. Prostitutes and children of incest may rise to positions of prominence. Salvation is promised in all three faiths. May the Peoples who follow these three Holy Scriptures soon learn to live in peace amongst themselves, with one another and with all of humanity, and let us say, Amein/Amen/Ameen.
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The Role and Position of Women in the Bible:
A Critical Look at the Prevailing Interpretations
By Despina Namwembe[82]
Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015, Salt Lake City, UT
Introduction:
This presentation is based on my “lay believer’s perspective” that tries to embody my faith as a faith of love for all. Yet struggling with the issues and challenges that face me and those in similar situations today — as women as well as men — struggling for women’s equality in the spiritual world.
Christian Religion was highly welcomed in Africa in as early as the 1st century. It came with many incentives and opportunities, many of which were never seen in an African setting. Hospitals with modern medical care, schools, modern and permanent houses, and modern weaponry were some of the incentives that attracted most traditional Africans to Missionaries of that time. When the missionaries set out to evangelize, some of the negative cultural practices, like human sacrifices and extra judicial killings, were eliminated, and the Missionaries sowed the gospel of love and harmonious co-existence. Although the above were key components, the women still remained strongly controlled by men. This was both from a cultural as well as a religious perspective.
African tradition dictated a woman to be confined to the kitchen and to the nurturing of children. With the coming of Christianity with verses in it that emphasized that (1 Timothy 2: 12) a woman is not supposed to teach or say anything in Church; (1 Corinthians 14: 34) women should not only keep quiet in Church but rather ask their husbands while at home, etc., the communities welcomed it with open arms, especially the male gender and the already complacent women. After all, the men were the ones to be on the pulpits and not the women. Although the women had the highest statistical strength in both the traditional and modern religious places, their voice was, and actually continues to be, challenged in terms of full participation. This continues even today. Since African tradition gives more powers and opportunities to the male child, it has found a strong support in the Bible, especially in the Old Testament, but also emphasizing those verses in the New Testament that promote male supremacy.
This reflection is mainly focused on three great women in the Bible, and they are Esther; Tamar, the widow of Er; and Mary Magdalene.
A Critical Look at the Biblical Women’s Role:
Women’s Role: the Case of Queen Esther
It is very important for the Bible or any other religious book to be owned locally through local theologies and understandings. Having a holy book and leaving it at that, without engaging in the connection between the Heavenly and Earthly experiences, leaves a lot of unfinished business in the lives of the current man.
In the Book of Esther for example, Queen Vashti defies the King. (Esther1: 9-13) It is not clear why, but we clearly see that she also had a parallel party with only the women, and since the king was basically calling her to show her off as a beauty trophy to the rest of his male governors and other such leaders, this lady decides that she would rather party with fellow women than to be showcased as such. Esther, on the other hand, used her beauty to promote justice for her people through strong prayer and actions. (Esther 14:1-19) She knew that although her beauty would strike the king, she needed the grace of the Divine Being to intervene and change the status quo. She knew that Jewish lives were at stake because of planned selfish plots by those in leadership positions. She, therefore, set herself to bring about justice by ensuring that the vulnerable persons were either placed in situations of responsibility — like Mordecai — or that they were set free. Esther is a reminder of God’s promise to His people. Upbeat with both beauty and divine intervention, the king gently asks — in chapter 5: 1-3 – “what do you wish, Esther? What is your request? It shall be given to you, even to half of my Kingdom.”
What an offer! This was her chance and it is a good example to help women of today to utilize such incidences to their advantage to help other fellow women. If you are married to a person in a decision making position, yet you see situations of men who torture their wives, and you see other various gender based violence scenarios, it is important to use the opportunity to fight some of these injustices. However, one thing challenges me, and that is that many women in my community would rather support a man than their fellow women. Women will sometimes rally to fail a fellow woman. This is so because we are brought up in a situation of rivalry and competition over men rather than supporting and appreciating one another.
If God granted you utmost beauty as a woman, it would be good to use it positively to also uplift other fellow women and beat down on the social cultural stereotypes that deter women from working together. In many instances, men are always going to listen to a beautiful woman and can easily give in to her demands. By the time a man gives in to a woman’s inner beauty, the one with outer beauty will have made recognizable mileage. Therefore, it is also up to the women to consider this gift of outer beauty as a divine gift that transcends personal benefits, and can also positively affect other fellow women and men in the process. The beauty being mentioned here can be either physical or professionally placed in the line of intellect in favor of women. These two attributes of Esther saved the Jews from extinction in those early days. Men are also usually attracted to intellectual women, and the way one uses this intellect can help support humanity from destruction.
B) Women’s Role: the Case of Tamar
There are two women named Tamar mentioned in the Scriptures. Both represent tragic sexual scenarios of women who were ruined by the neglect and abuse of close family members. Their stories seem to be included in Scripture for the purpose of providing historical and spiritual information about the Messianic lineage with Jesus. There is Tamar who was raped by her half brother Amnon in 2 Samuel 13: 1-22, and the other Tamar who sought justice from her husband’s relative in Genesis 38: 1-11. For purposes of this theme, we shall concentrate on Tamar in the book of Genesis.
We see that Tamar, who never got the chance of bearing a child with her late husband Er, is promised by her father-in-law Judah to be married to her brother-in-law Onan, who purposely refused to have unprotected sex with her, leading to his death. (Genesis 38:10). Tamar is further promised to wait for the third and youngest son, Shelah — a promise which is not fulfilled when the time comes. Realizing the situation to bare children from her husband’s family lineage was becoming futile, she decided to trick her father-in-law by pretending to be a prostitute and conceiving by him. (Genesis 38:14) The consequences of her pregnancy without a husband are nothing but threatening. When she later reveals the father of her child, it is a mixture of embarrassment and later ownership.
Although Tamar’s strategy of beating the system was unorthodox , it is clear that sometimes we need to do the extra ordinary to pursue justice. She knew that as a widow, her life was over, she neither could remarry outside the family, nor could she give her husband a chance to continue his family lineage.
I am not in any way advocating for incest in this case, especially in communities that are against it; but sometimes we need to stand strong against the odds. Like Tamar, in 2 Samuel 13:1-22, we see the disgrace with which these two women are treated. Tamar in Genesis 38 was considered unclean and undesirable, because she was considered a prostitute, a widow whose husbands ended up being killed. Tamar in 2 Samuel was raped and later discarded by her half brother Amnon.
The challenging circumstances that transcend today’s women in the Church and in the Biblical world:
The circumstances for both ladies — Tamar in 2 Samuel and Tamar in Genesis – in terms of the societal perception of uncleanness, and hence undesirability, are not of their own making, but are rather considered so by both Biblical and societal norms. We see these reoccurrences happening in many ways as concealed situations hidden in Religious Canons and social constructions, that deter women from fully participating in Church related rituals and functions. It is not in any way right, for example, to consider women unclean when they are having their menstrual periods. Because of this, they are not supposed to take Holy Communion in the Orthodox Church. Periods are natural and God created. Women in their capacity have no control over such.
These teachings, coupled with cultural norms and traditions, has greatly contributed to keeping the woman in the back. In many parts of Africa, a true African woman is the one who never directly responds to her husband, who is committed to the Kitchen, who is shy, and who doesn’t speak her mind directly. For example, it is common knowledge that a “woman’s no is a yes” in most parts. Even when the woman means it, for example, in a situation of rape, she is considered to like the situation.
The male structured administrative centers in some religious groups are a major contributor to making the woman’s voice less heard. Structures like the Synod — which is a body of high ranking clergy from around the world in the Orthodox Church, The Episcopal Conference and the Catholic Church — are some of those. Yet all these are run by men and the men are supposed to make decisions that affect women. Even when one goes lower, to the Metropolitan Councils (kind of Archbishop’s Councils) which govern the Diocese, no women are represented and the same goes for the Catholic Episcopal Conference, which is a body of Catholic Bishops who are all men. Not that these congregations are bad; but there needs a voice that sits there listening in and contributing from an affected perspective of the female gender.
If Mary Magdalene was strong enough to withstand the complexities that stood in the way concerning the death and resurrection of Jesus — thereby becoming the first to spread the good news — I think that women should be considered major contributors, and hence, major partners in this spiritual journey.
The rampant social constructions, coupled with the Biblical provisions, have not only condoned women’s control, but have also made women complacent to the prevailing circumstances of subordination. Such verses include (1 Timothy 2: 12), we see that a woman is not supposed to teach or say anything in Church. 1 Corinthians 14: 34 goes on to say they should not only keep quiet in Church but rather ask their husbands while at home. Finally, in Titus 2:5, they should be self-controlled and pure, to be busy at home, to be kind, and to be subject to their husbands, so that no one will malign the word of God.
Conclusion:
All the above was, and is, considered true based upon the circumstances at that time. I am no master of the reasons as to why St. Paul and the others, like Titus, would come up strongly with such gender based laws, but I do know that they aimed at ensuring that certain rituals and customs are either deterred, or maintained, respectively, in as far as the laws of the land were concerned at that time.
Whatever the reason maybe though, some of these laws are seen as not important in the short time that Jesus ministered to his people. We see Him protecting the woman who was a sinner, who poured the expensive alabaster oil on His body. (Mathew 26:6) We again see Him ensuring that a woman caught in outright promiscuity is not stoned. We see him healing women. (Mark 5: 21-43) And finally, we see Him making a woman the bearer of the good news of His resurrection.
Women could not be disciples or Apostles at that time, because of the strong customs and laws that governed the land. But we see that many who were appreciative of what Jesus had done for them, by healing them, followed Him wherever he went, including providing for Him and His disciples, from their own resources. Some of these included Mary Magdalene; Joanna, the wife of Harold’s steward; Chuza; Susanna and many others. (Luke 8:1-3)
These were laws of then, and Jesus did not want to cause a challenging situation with the authorities in many ways. That is why He was able to tell all that the most important commandment was to fear God with all your heart and soul, and to love the other the way we love ourselves. (Mathew 7:12) This teaching is also found in all the various Religious backgrounds, Spiritual expressions and Indigenous traditions summarized as the Golden Rule. This, therefore, literary means that you cannot hurt, discriminate, hate, kill or torture the other, because you would not want the same to be done to you.
By virtue of their inherent gift of nurturing, and as caretakers of all, women can greatly transform the spiritual and interfaith world. This is so because they start this from their homes with their children, and then they bring it right into the society. In many religious, spiritual and indigenous traditions, women are the majority, not only by way of commitment, but also by their presence. Having women as equal partners is not a gamble, but is rather a reality of greater transformation for humanity.
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Pluralism in Quran: Results of Divisive Interpretation
By Iftekhar Hai[83]
Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015, Salt Lake City, UT
Introduction and Background:
We are born accidentally or by chance of birth in whatever faith we are born. Usually, most of us live and adopt to the faith in which we were born. Some do question their faith, some convert to another faith or walk away from their faith, but that is separate from the points I wish to make here. Every faith is based upon divine principles. There is a teaching in 10:47, 14:4 and 16:36 of the Quran, and I can paraphrase that: “to every people (was sent) a messenger in their own language and in their own country and that when their messenger comes (before them), the matter will be judged between them with justice, and they will not be wronged.” However, a lot depends upon how the Holy Scriptures are interpreted. There are good interpretations done by scholars with global vision and there are interpretations that are not good — they are exclusive of other faiths and with limited vision. I call these Divisive Interpretations. Divisive Interpretation leads some people to believe that only their religion is right and all other faiths are wrong. This kind of divisive and exclusive interpretation has led nations to wars. Even today, some nations are victims of Divisive Interpretations that they are taught and they believe that other faiths are null and void.
In some Muslim countries, Divisive Interpretation is more widespread. Religious discrimination and violation of human rights emanate from the teachings of Divisive Interpretation.
Divisive Interpretation has annihilated Pluralistic verses that are there in the Quran. Divisive interpreters have introduced the theory of Abrogation applicable to the Quran. In order to annihilate all the verses which are full of Pluralism and interfaith harmony, they say, “All the verses on pluralism are abrogated.” Pluralism is never taught and translation is done in such a way that the real meaning of pluralism never comes out.
Some divisive interpreters have translated the verses on pluralism in such a way as to render them useless, meaningless and irrelevant. They only teach, “People of other faiths are infidels or kafirs. They are not included as believers in God.”
The following are key words and verses that are the main cause of radical thinking that arises from Divisive Interpretation:
Islam:
The word Islam means to submit or surrender to One God. This, in my view, encompasses all the people of any faith who say they believe in God. Divisive Interpretation has narrowed the definition to surrender and submission only as shown by Prophet Mohammed, PBUH. It considers every other person who is submitting to God as non-believers if they do not believe in Prophet Mohammed and the Quran. To radicals, it is not important if people believe in God; they say believing in Prophet Mohammed is more important. Such thinking lays the ground work for mistrust, enmity and wars.
Auliya or Friends:
Here is an example of a radical translation of Surah 5:51: “Do not take the Jews and Christians as your friends.” The correct translation should be saviors. “Do not take the Jews and Christians as your saviors.”
Muslims are permitted to marry from among Christians and Jews. Marriage cannot happen if trust, love and friendship are not present. Marriage is always preceded by greater trust and understanding. Hence, translating the word auliya as friend does not make sense.
The correct translation of the Arabic word Auliya should be saviors instead of friends. Auliya in Arabic means one who is wali, meaning God-centered with holy knowledge in the Quranic message. Of course, Jews and Christians have their own Holy Scriptures and their own Apostles. They do not generally know about Quran or Prophet Mohammed. This is the reason why Muslims are advised not to take Jews and Christians as saviors or spiritual guides regarding their spiritual life in this world or life in the Hereafter. All over the Quran, the wrong translation and interpretation is used for the word “auliya” as friend instead of as savior. This kind of preaching puts Muslims in a different mind-set with people of other faiths. Divisive Interpretation leads to a mind-set which becomes combative and self-righteous and causes people to be ready to put down other faiths.
In the days of the Crusades, all interpretation of Quran was anti-Christian. This was because Muslims were facing existential threats from the Crusaders and translations of Quran were focused on creating enmity with Christians and recruiting mercenaries to fight against the Christian Crusaders. These political conditions also had great influence on the science of interpretation. Divisive Interpretation was essential for survival in the days of the Crusades. But in the 21st century, Muslim scholars are revisiting old interpretations against present day conditions. More and more liberal perspectives are being brought out.
Universal Message of Pluralism:
Living in the 21st century as part of one humanity, scholars in the Muslim world are now looking at the interpretation of the Quran and Hadiths in a global context in light of establishing peace and harmony among religions. We find that the time has come for Muslim scholars to bring forward — as part of the regular teachings in Muslim literature and sermons — the true global values in the Quran as explained below:
Heart of Pluralism in Quran, Hadith and the Prophet’s Last sermon:[84]
Quran 5:48: “To you we have given the scriptures, just as WE have given the scriptures to people before you [Jews, Hindus, Buddhists, Christians, etc. Islam came after all these religions.] We have protected your Scripture [Quran] in its entirety. So judge among people from what knowledge has come to you. To each among you [this includes all religions and spiritual traditions…not excluding anyone] WE have prescribed the LAW [spiritual laws coming from Torah, Gita/Vedas, Bible, Quran, etc.] and an OPEN WAY [meaning spiritualists who follow their spiritually guided conscience and who do not have their own Holy Scripture, such as native Americans and indigenous Yezidis of Iraq. God is inclusive of all His creation for His Mercy and Compassion.] If God would have willed, HE would have made all of you into one single community [religion]. But this is not part of HIS plan. HIS plan is to test you in all that HE has given you. So strive as in a race in all good works. God alone will tell you the truth in matters in which you dispute.”
Quran 10:47, 14:4 and 16:36: Quran reiterates pluralism, “To every people was sent an Apostle in their own language and in their own country.” Jews and Christians are considered as People of the Holy Scriptures. Most modern reformers and thinkers are now including people of all faiths as receiving the message of God. God does not discriminate based on their birth faith or ethnic origin.
Quranic verses that strengthens Pluralism: Muslims believe there are 124,000 prophets [which may be understood as numerous or countless] sent to every nation. All prophets are equal, (See Quran 2:136, 2:85, 3:84 and 4:152) and logically, the followers of any prophet are also equal, because the core message is to stand for fairness, justice and having faith in God and the Last Day. This kind of Islamic knowledge defeats the radical thinking of divisive interpreters who attach superiority of Muslims over people of other faiths.
Prophet Mohammed’s Last Sermon: Here again, the Prophet reiterates pluralism: “All mankind is from Adam and Eve. An Arab has no superiority over non-Arab and a non-Arab has no superiority over an Arab. Also a black person has no superiority over white and a white person has no superiority over black, except by righteous thinking.”
Quran 2:62: Rewards for All Good people from any faith: Having given examples of pluralism in Quran, I want to point out that God gives hope to all good people of any faith through rewards. Reward could be salvation, nirvana or Heaven …. Only God knows what the reward will be. No human can decide on this. Surah 2:62 says, “Those who believe [in the Quran], those who follow the Jewish Scriptures, the Christians [of any denomination] and the Sabians, any who believe in God [here any means Hindu, Buddhist, Zoroastrians, etc. etc.], the Last Day and does righteousness [meaning to stand for justice as honest witnesses] shall have their rewards from their Lord; on them shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve.” This verse is repeated twice more in Quran.
Radical or Divisive thinkers have abrogated these verses which are repeated 3 times in the Quran. By this strategy they are controlling the mind-set that is full of distrust and suspicion about believers in other faiths.
Quran 2:256: “There is no compulsion in religion.” It would be wonderful if this principle were universally accepted by all countries. Divisive interpreters have killed this verse by applying the Theory of Abrogation. They say this verse applies to people who lived before the time of Prophet Mohammed and had not received the message of the Prophet. They believe present day people must accept Islam as the final religion.
Conclusion:
In the Muslim world, 80% of Muslims are non-Arabs and Arabic is not their mother tongue. Non-Arabs are reading translations of the Quran, which are now abundantly available all over the world. They are finding monumental differences in translations and interpretations of the Quran. The Theory of Abrogation has wrecked the peaceful and merciful message of the Quran. There are Muslim scholars who do not believe in the Theory of Abrogation and they are looking for a more realistic interpretation that will transform the radical interpretation and retranslate the Quran as a blessing to all humanity in its pluralism. They read the verses on pluralism and diversity with pride and they are ready to reform the minds of young Muslims. The unfortunate events of 9/11 have galvanized American Muslims to defeat the radical interpretations.
New translations and interpretations are coming from Western born Muslims as well as open-minded intellectuals from the Muslim countries, and they are stimulating a review of the traditional translations, contrasting with fundamentalist ways of thinking. It is certainly my hope that this is the beginning of the revival of the true spirit of the Quranic principles and that the entire Muslim world will begin to embrace the true global teachings that are full of pluralism, freedom of religion, democracy and human rights. If all these universal principles are put in proper perspective, then Secular Governance is the most logical outcome. We have a lot of work to do to achieve this with the full cooperation of all the people from around the world.
—–
Biographies of the Authors and Presenters
Ejaz Naqvi, M.D. is a board-certified Pain Medicine physician and a “born-again-Muslim.” Dr. Naqvi is an Amazon bestselling author of the book entitled, The Quran: With or Against the Bible? A Topic By Topic Review For The Investigative Mind. He is a past president of the Islamic Center of Zahra in Pleasanton, California and he serves on the board of the Interfaith Council of Contra Costa County in the San Francisco Bay Area. He is a frequent speaker at interfaith events in local communities as well as in academic institutions and secular venues such as the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco. He has appeared as a guest on over thirty radio shows across the United States, and in 2013, he hosted his own talk show on Toginet Radio. The show was entitled, “Frank Talk with Dr. Ejaz,” and the focus was on interfaith relations as they are affected by politics and culture. Dr. Naqvi also serves on the Board of Directors of the Islamic Scholarship Fund, a non-profit organization that aims to promote the engagement of American Muslim students in the mainstream through educational scholarships and mentorship programs in the areas of liberal arts and humanities.
Rabbi Pamela Frydman was raised Orthodox as a child and Conservative as a teenager. She was founding rabbi of Or Shalom Jewish Community in San Francisco, now a Reconstructionist synagogue. She was ordained in the Jewish Renewal Movement and was the first woman to serve as President of OHALAH, the international association of Renewal clergy. She is Chair of Rabbis for Religious Freedom and Equality in Israel; former International Co-Chair of Rabbis for Women of the Wall; and a co-founder of the Rabbinic Advisory Council of Shalom Bayit, working to end domestic violence in Jewish homes. She is on the Organizing Committee of Beyond Silence, raising consciousness about abuse in the Northern California Jewish community. She co-leads “Yezidis–Assyrians.org Save Us From Genocide!!” on behalf of the Interfaith Council of Contra Costa County, Marin Interfaith Council, Interfaith Center at the Presidio and Silicon Valley Interreligious Council. She is a teacher in Sufi Ruhaniat International, the Dervish Healing Order and the Inayati-Maimuni Tariqat of Sufi-Hasidim. She is the author of Calling on God, Sacred Jewish Teachings for Seekers of All Faiths.
Despina Namwembe is an Orthodox Christian. She is a social scientist who holds a masters degree in peace and conflict studies and has a passion for conflict resolution, gender issues, women and girl mentorships and interfaith relations. She serves as Regional Coordinator for United Religions Initiative (URI) in the Great Lakes region of Africa, where she coordinates over 23 self-organized grassroots interfaith organizations in Rwanda, Burundi, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan and Uganda. She also coordinates women’s work for URI in Africa. She is a contributor to “A force, such as the world has never known — Women Creating Change,” “A girl’s walk” and other related women’s literature. She mentors women and girls, often having face-to-face interactions in their locales and ensuring a shared solution strategy for the situations they face. She began her journey as a youth, representing girls at local and international events, and later representing women at international events. She has spoken in numerous countries on socio-cultural issues that affect the vulnerable, and she believes in human development and socio-cultural equality for all.
Iftekhar Hai was a founding Director of United Muslims of America (UMA). Presently he is the founding President of the UMA Interfaith Alliance whose mission is to promote interfaith harmony through dialogue. He is a strong proponent of religious pluralism and has been a tireless interfaith worker for decades. He has taught and interacted with leaders of a variety of faiths and has been a teacher of youth. He is an author and has served as an honorary lecturer in academic institutions. He has represented Islam at Conflict Resolution Conferences and interfaith seminars in a number of countries around the world. He has worked with United Religions Initiative, the Parliament of World’s Religions, the San Francisco Interfaith Council, the American Friends Service Committee and a number of other religious and ecumenical endeavors. He presently serves as a translator from Hindi and Urdu to English for individuals seeking medical care in the San Francisco Bay Area.
Moderator and Organizer: Ejaz Naqvi, M.D.
Pacing: Despina Namwembe
Inspiration: Iftekhar Hai
Editor: Rabbi Pamela Frydman
Parliament of World’s Religion
October 17, 2015
Salt Lake City, Utah, U.S.A.
[1] Ejaz Naqvi, MD, is the author of the Amazon bestselling book, “The Quran: With or Against the Bible? A Topic By Topic Review For The Investigative Mind.”
[2] “How Americans feel about religious groups”. Pew Research Center. www.pewresearch.org/religion . July 16, 2014.
[3] American Attitude towards Arabs and Muslims. Arab American institute. July 29, 2014.
[4] “In the beginning, God created heavens and the earth.” Genesis 1:1 (NLT)
[5] “Bismillah Ar Rehman Ar Raheem”
[6] The Quran 1:1
[7] The Quran 42:11, Exodus 8:10, Deuteronomy 4:32 and 33:26, 2 Samuel 7:22,
[8] “There is no god but God, and Muhammad, PBUH, is His (final) Prophet.”
[9] The Quran 2:163, 16:51, 17:22-23, 37:4-5, 112:1-4
[10] “ I am the Lord, your God…You shall have no gods before me”. Exodus 20:2-17 and Deuteronomy 5:6-21
[11] Deuteronomy 6:4
[12] The Quran 2:112
[13] James 4:7-8
[14] Deuteronomy 6:4-9
[15] The Quran 24:35, Isaiah 60:19, Revelation 21:23
[16] The Quran 1:2, 85:14, 2:2017, 59:10, Psalm 36:7, Nehemiah 9:31, 1 John 4:16
[17] The Quran 6:1,36:36, 39:62, Genesis 1:1-4, Psalm 148:2-5
[18] The Quran 57:1, Isaiah 44:6, Revelation 1:8
[19] The Quran 95:8, Psalm 7:11, James 4:12
[20] “Al-Qadir” and “Al-Jalil” in the Quran, Joshua 22:22, Job 36:32, Revelation 1:8
[21] The Quran 2:136, 2:85, 3:84 & 4:152
[22] The Quran 3:33
[23] The Quran 6:161
[24] The Quran 4:164
[25] The Quran 2:156
[26] Psalm 119:19
[27] Psalm 89:47-48
[28] The Quran 3:104
[29] The Quran 9:119, 40:28
[30] The Quran 42:37, 3:134, 42:40, 42:43
[31] The Quran 4:36
[32] The Quran 31:18, 25:63, 31:19
[33] The Quran 49:12, 24:23
[34] The Quran 17:32, 25:68
[35] Deuteronomy 6:24-25
[36] Ephesians 4:31-32
[37] Matthew 5:21-22, Colossians 3:5-9, James 1:19-20
[38] James 4:6-7, James 4:10
[39] Matthew 23-12, Luke 14:11
[40] Matthew 7:12
[41] Shabaath 31 a, Babylonian Talmud
[42] http://www.huffingtonpost.com/2014/09/30/orthodox-jewish-flight-delay_n_5902078.html, September 30, 2014
[43] The Quran 16:97
[44] The Quran 3:195
[45] The Quran 49:13
[46] Here are two examples: http://www.mechon-mamre.org/jewfaq/women.htm and http://www.chabad.org/therebbe/letters/default_cdo/aid/1440261/jewish/Why-Separate-Men-and-Women-in-the-Synagogue.htm
[54] Rabbi Pamela Frydman is a Jewish leader; a teacher in Sufi Ruhaniat International and the Inayati-Maimouni Order; and author of Calling on God, Sacred Jewish Teachings for Seekers of All Faiths.
[55] Tanakh is pronounced “tah – nach”. “Ch” is pronounced as in (Johann Sebastian) “Bach”.
[56] The Book of Daniel is in Aramaic and Hebrew. The other books of the Tanakh/Old Testament are in Hebrew. The Quran is in Arabic. Some believe the New Testament was originally in Aramaic. However, most Biblical scholars believe the Greek text is the original and the Aramaic is a translation from Greek. I have been blessed to inherit Murshid Samuel L. Lewis’ Hebrew-English New Testament with Hebrew translated from the Greek.
[57] See http://sacred-texts.com/bib/apo/index.htm.
[58] Bismillah, ar-Rehman ar-Raheem. I have also seen this holy phrase translated, “In the name of Allah, Most Gracious, Most Merciful”, “In the name of Allah, Most Compassionate, Most Merciful”, “in the name of Allah, Most Beneficent, Most Merciful” and “in the name of Allah, infinitely Compassionate and Merciful”.
[60] Genesis 1:26-27. Vayomeyr Eh – lo – heem naaseh adam b’tzalmeynu keed-mu-teynu v’yeerdu veed-gat hayam uva’ohf hashamayeem uvabeheymah uvechol ha-aretz uvechol haremes haromes al ha’aretz. Va-yeevrah Eh – lo -heem et ha-adam betzalmo betzelem Eh – lo – heem bara oto, zachar unekeyvah barah otam.
[61] John 1:1
[62] The Biblical stories of Yosef/Joseph are in Genesis chapters 37 through 50. These chapters are known in Jewish as Parshiyot Vayeysheyv through Vayechi.
[63] Deuteronomy 21:10-14
[64] Rabbi Kalonymous Kalman Halevi Epstein (1754-1823) — a disciple of Rabbi Elimelech of Lizhensk — was the author of a volume known as Maor VaShemesh. I learned Rabbi Epstein’s teaching from Rabbi Yonatan Cohen of Congregation Beth Israel in Berkeley, California.
[65] Shechina is a Hebrew name for the divine presence that dwells within creation.
[66] Rabbi Tuvia Bolton is a Chabad rabbi who lives in Israel.
[67] Genesis 1:28
[68] See, for example https://www.yezidis-assyrians.org/muslims-speak-out/ that includes links to numerous statements where Muslims are speaking out on this subject.
[69] Open Letter to Dr. Ibrahim Awwad al-Badri Alias ‘Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’ and to the Fighters and Followers of the Self Declared Islamic State. 24 Dhul-Qi’da 1435 AH / 19 September 2014 C.E.
http://www.lettertobaghdadi.com
[70] Ibid.
[71] Exodus 18:17-27
[72] See, for example, “The Biblical Basis for Our Civil Justice System and Trial Lawyers,” by Andrew Cochran, May 3, 2011. http://7thamendmentadvocate.org/blog/2011/05/the-biblical-basis-for-our-civil-justice-system-and-trial-lawyers/
[73] Babylonian Talmud, Tractate Megillah 15a
[74] Babylonian Talmud, Zevachim 116b. Other sources hold that Rahab was 12 when she became a prostitute.
[75] The prophetess Huldah is mentioned in 2 Kings 22, and 2 Chronicles 34.
[76] Babylonian Talmud, Megillah 14b. (The prophet Jeremiah is consider to be the author of the Tanakh/Old Testament books of Jeremiah and Lamentations.)
[77] Gospel of Matthew 1:1, translated from the Hebrew in The New Testament in Hebrew and English, Cambridge, Great Britain: The Trinitarian Bible Society.
[78] Matthew 1:5-6
[79] Matthew 1:17
[80] Ruth 4:20-22
[81] Genesis 19
[82] Despina Namwembe is Regional Coordinator for United Religions Initiative (URI) in the Great Lakes region of Africa and she coordinates women’s work for URI in Africa.
[83] Iftekhar Hai is President of the Interfaith Alliance of United Muslims of America. www.umaia.net.
[84] Words in brackets are the author’s commentary on the text of Quran, Hadith and Last Sermon of Prophet Mohammed, PBUH.
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Modi sabotaging nation’s interest to favour crony capitalist friends.-Reacting to the why Congress is not part of alliance in the Uttar Pradesh, BSP supremo Mayawati said that both Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Congress had indulged in corruption.-Master of diluting institutions (Modi)’s Forward Quota is an Insult To Dr Ambedkar-Election 2019 For All India-For those who are “More loyal than thy king & Master of diluting institutions (Modi)sabotaging nation’s interest to favour crony capitalist friends who set a higher benchmark price and waived the bank guarantee or French government’s sovereign guarantee-
Modi sabotaging nation’s interest to favour crony capitalist friends. Reiterating
its demand for a JPC probe into the controversial deal, the opposition
party also sought to know from the Master of diluting institutions
(Modi) why he set a higher benchmark price and waived the bank guarantee
or French government’s sovereign guarantee sabotaging country’s
interest to favour his “crony capitalist friends” and claimed the
agreement to purchase the 36 French Rafale jets from France was in
violation of Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP) who enhanced the
benchmark price for Rafale by Euro 3 billion (Rs 22,743 crore). Why did
he set a higher benchmark price of Euro 8.2 Billion (Rs 62,166 crore)
from Euro 5.2 billion (Rs 39,422 )? Why did he waive the sovereign
guarantee requirement?
poor Master of diluting institutions & Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
Instead
of providing 2 crore jobs every year and Rs 15 lakh in very citizen’s
bank accounts, promised before elections, now asks the youth to sell
pakodas and earn Rs 2000 per day. The Murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) after gobbling the Master Key by tampering the fraud
EVMs who earlier claimed that he was a tea seller and family business
as Punnakku and who suppressed the fact that he was married and later
for Lok Sabha elections he said that he was married in the Marital
Column and without talaq keeps his wifew away from him and there by a
Master of diluting the institutions.
Reacting
to the why Congress is not part of alliance in the Uttar Pradesh, BSP
supremo Mayawati said that both Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and
Congress had indulged in corruption. “We haven’t included Congress in
our alliance because scams in defence deals happened under both Congress
and BJP. Congress lost power due to Bofors and BJP will face ouster
because of Rafale scam. Votes don’t transfer when allying with Congress,
they go to BJP instead, hence we’re not including it in our alliance,”
she said, citing past instances.
Drawing further parallels,
Mayawati said Congress had imposed the Emergency while the BJP was
responsible for an ‘undeclared Emergency’ in the country..
Political
analysts believe that Congress votes would not have gone to the
Alliance anyway, and that BJP stood to suffer most in a triangular
contest.
If Congress is out of the SP-BSP alliance, it will be
easier for it to defeat BJP. Had Congress been part of the alliance,
whatever polarisation BJP planned to do against the alliance would have
ultimately given an advantage to Congress. Now, one thing is clear, that
wherever Congress contests, it would cut BJP votes, not the alliance’s.
Election
strategy sometimes worked in very strange ways, and in the upcoming Lok
Sabha elections such an alliance would be appreciated. “Supporters of
Congress hardly agree to vote BSP and SP, but if Congress works under
the same alliance, then it would have to fight on only a few seats.
During the press conference, SP-BSP said they had left two seats — Rae
Bareli and Amethi — for Congress. Congress would have managed hardly 10
seats if they were part of alliance, but now they can fight more than
10 seats,” he said, adding that. Congress was a marginal player in Uttar
Pradesh and “we should not forget that Congress is not in the same
condition as they were in 2009, and will try to contest over 30-35
seats. If they manage to grab 10 seats, then it would really affect BJP,
as the SP-BSP alliance will manage to snatch 40 seats from saffron
party.”
When asked how it this alliance would impact Congress,
Hilal Ahmed, Associate Professor, Centre for the Study of Developing
Societies, told Newsclick, “The presence of Congress is negligible.
They are not an important force as many of leaders who were previously
associated with Congress are now part of SP and BSP. So, thinking of
Congress as an independent entity would be misleading. In terms of
electoral arithmetic, this alliance is going to perform better. The
second aspect which is more political now is what kind of narrative the
SP-BSP alliance going to produce. Is there anything new from this
alliance or it is just and alternative alliance? The same applies to
Congress as well, because they also need to counter the discourse with
regard to 2019. So, in terms of political narrative, the larger point is
to oppose Narendra Modi, but on what sort of grounds? The grounds are
very similar for them.”
Muslim Votes
When asked about the
sizeable Muslims votes, Hilal Ahmed said, “For this my answer is based
on the survey we have been doing since a long time that there is no such
thing as a ‘Muslim vote bank’. So, I don’t see Muslims as a
consolidated vote bank being an important issue with the regard to this
alliance. But there is symbolism involved in this alliance. The manner
in which Muslim votes as an entity are presented makes sense. The
alliance is trying to constitute a winnable configuration in which they
assume Yadav, Dalit and Muslim votes would come together and would
defeat the upper caste vote bank of BJP.”
He said it was
established through their survey that voters do not entirely consider
caste and religion at the end of the day. He, however, felt that BJP
would suffer the most by the triangular contest.
On the issue of
transfer by Congress, Samajwadi Party (SP) spokesperson, Abdul Hafiz
Gandhi told Newsclick, “The alliance of SP-BSP is enough to defeat BJP.
Congress has not been able to transfer its vote share. So, it’s always
better that regional parties capable of transferring their votes, come
together in Uttar Pradesh. The SP-SP is a natural alliance.”
Bitter
rivals SP and BSP have joined hands after 24 years. Following that, the
seat-sharing formula for the upcoming elections was announced, which
sees SP and BSP fighting in 38 seats each in the 80 Lok Sabha seats. Out
of the remaining four seats, the gathbandhan has set aside two for
their allies (not yet disclosed), while they have decided to not fight
in the other two (Rae Bareli and Amethi), leaving them vacant for the
Congress.
In the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP had won 71
seats in Uttar Pradesh while its ally Apna Dal, bagged two. The
Samajwadi Party won five seats and the Congress two, while the BSP could
not open its account because the fraud EVMs with its software &
the source code hidden from the eyes of the voters were tampered in
favour of Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP). Murderer of democratic
institutions & Master of diluting institutions (Modi) gobbled the
Master Key negating the Universal Adult Franchise enshrined in our
marvellous Modern Constitution. The ex CJI Sathasivam committed a
grave error of judgement by ordering that the EVMs should be replaced
in. Phased manner where the question of replacement in itself is a clear
proof that the EVMs could be tampered. The ex CEC made such a
suggestion because of the cost which was Rs 1600 crore at that point of
time. Now the CJI must order to dissolve the central government and go for fresh polls with Ballot Papers.
https://www.newsclick.in/modis-forward-quota-insult-dr-ambedkar Master of diluting institutions (Modi)’s Forward Quota is an Insult To Dr Ambedkar On
the one hand, Rowdy Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks (RSS) tries to appropriate
Ambedkar, while on other, they reject his basic thinking on the need for
reservations for oppressed castes. Modi’s decision to extend 10%
reservation to the economically backward class is a ‘masterstroke’ or a
‘jumla’ (a hollow statement). RSS has consistently opposed
caste-based reservation as penned in the Constitution, and advocated
reservation based on economic backwardness. Modi’s step is in that
direction. Until today, RSS has tacitly, and sometimes overtly, hated
the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes
(OBCs), even calling them ‘Sarkari brahmins’. Now that Modi has extended
this carrot, the mythical argument of merit might well be behind us. Needless
to say, the promise of 10% reservation to the economically backward
class is a political ploy. Modi is currently in a quagmire, with
dwindling popularity, rising farm distress and intensifying
unemployment. The economy is suffering and the so-called gau
rakshaks(cow vigilantes) continue to run amok.
Modi has not been
able to fulfil the promises he made in 2014, and the noises around the
Rafale deal have drowned out the calls for Ram Mandir. ‘Upper caste’
reservation is just a panicky tactic to change the narrative. Even
though it includes Muslims and Christians, Modi ministers continue to
advertise the reservation for economically backward as a win for the
baniyas, bhumihars, rajputs and, most importantly, brahmins. Modi is
basically reading from former Prime Minister VP Singh’s playbook of
1989, who had come up with the Mandal Commission 29 years ago. Singh
expected OBCs to be alienated from the Ram Mandir movement after the
introduction of Mandal Commission. But that didn’t happen. It didn’t
even help Singh in the next elections. However, it had a wide-ranging
socio-political impact after its enforcement in 1992. Modi’s forward
quota wouldn’t be triggering that impact either.
According to
Sanjay Kumar of Centre for Study of Developing Societies (CSDS), the
upper caste votes in 2014 had gone to Modi by a significant margin, to
the extent that the BJP couldn’t hope to add more in 2019. This lollipop
can only go as far as curbing anti-incumbency and keeping the
disillusioned upper caste vote intact. On the other side, it is likely
to trigger a reverse consolidation of OBC and SC/ST voters against
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In fact, dalit youth leader Jignesh Mewani
has asked if this is a RSS conspiracy to eat into their reservations.
Even
former Prime Minister Narasimha Rao had attempted to pull off this
stunt to quell the atmosphere after Mandal, but it was struck down by a
nine-member bench of the Supreme Court in the historic Indira Sawhney
Vs. Union of India case. This verdict explains at length why it isn’t
constitutionally possible to give reservation on economic basis.
But
Modi’s trusted minister Arun Jaitley says the government is well aware
of the drawbacks in Rao’s decision. His government’s attempt to provide
reservations on economic basis has followed an amendment in Articles
15(4) and 16(4) of the Constitution. Something that Rao didn’t do. Yet,
law experts believe it wouldn’t stand scrutiny in the apex court.
The
architects of our Constitution had made the reasons behind caste-based
reservation amply clear. Babasaheb Ambedkar had said it was not a
poverty alleviation scheme but a special opportunity for those who have
been oppressed for centuries. Jawaharlal Nehru had endorsed it as well.
The
Constituent Assembly refused to include ‘economic backwardness’ along
with ‘social and educational backwardness’ in final draft after detailed
deliberations. This doesn’t mean they lacked empathy for the poor. They
made other provisions for the economically backward class. But Modi is
essentially defying the core of Ambedkar’s original idea of reservation.
Some may say this is an insult to Ambedkar. On one hand, RSS tries to
appropriate Ambedkar, and on other, they reject his basic thinking!
Except
for Rashtriya Janata Dal and the two Tamil parties — DMK and AIADMK –
not many political parties have had the gall to call out Modi on this,
exposing their hypocrisy. Congress, Nationalist Congress Party,
Trinamool Congress and the Biju Janata Dal criticised the decision but
didn’t expose the government for tampering with the Constitution and
voted for the Bill. Except for Prakash Ambedkar, no dalit leader,
including Mayawati, lived up to Babasaheb’s legacy. But an amendment
that goes against the spirit of the Constitution can be reviewed by the
Supreme Court. The 1973 case of Keshawananda Bharati is clear on that.
But
Modi need not worry about it. Even though the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha
have approved the Bill, it needs to pass through 50% of all the state
Assemblies. It would then be signed by the President and become a law.
In the meantime, the general elections of 2019 would have concluded. So,
even if someone knocks the doors of the Supreme Court, Modi doesn’t
need to worry. The case wouldn’t be concluded immediately either.
However,
the same Modi as Chief Minister of Gujarat kept saying India needs
jobs, not reservations. He had been opposed to increasing the cap of 50%
reservation. Today, his initiative has made it 59.5%. The Supreme Court
has yet to pronounce its verdict on the Tamil Nadu quota case. Until
that comes through, this quota would remain ambiguous.
On top of
that, the criteria for being economically backward are controversial, to
the say the least. A home under 1,000 square feet, annual household
income under Rs 8 lakh or farmland under five hectares would mean most
Indians fall in the category. How did the government arrive at those
numbers, and the 10% figure, still remains a mystery.
The biggest
irony, however, is that there are no jobs. More than 10 lakh jobs from
public sector have vanished under Modi. When the demand is for 10 lakh
government jobs, only 45,000 of them are available annually. If Modi
genuinely wanted to take a revolutionary step, he should have extended
this reservation in the private sector. But that would require guts.
TMC
MP Derek O’Brien, perhaps, had the most pertinent comment on Modi’s new
lollipop. He said in the Rajya Sabha, “Modi has initiated several
programmes till date. Stand up India, Start up India, Make in India and
so on. This is a new programme. Cheat India.”
[7:33 AM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: Not the RSSised Ambedkar which is being appropriated & misappropriated to make believe the chamchas and the stooges. We invite you all for the Public Talk on
*Dr. K. Y. Ratnam Associate professor, Department of Political Science & Head - Centre for Ambedkar Studies, UoH.
On 14-01-2019 (Monday),5pm At Library Lawns, UoH.
Bahujan Students’ Front (BSF-University of Hyderabad). ☸☸☸☸☸☸☸☸☸ [9:41 AM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: https://youtu.be/LjmJ1vG0c8Y [9:48 AM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: BSP Gulbarga Zone - ಜೈ ಭೀಮ ಬಂಧುಗಳೇ,
ಬೆಹನ್
ಕುಮಾರಿ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಯವರ 64 ನೇ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಬ್ಬವನ್ನು ‘ಆರ್ಥಿಕ ಸಹಯೋಗ ದಿವಸದೊಂದಿಗೆ ”
ಜನಕಲ್ಯಾಣ ದಿನವನ್ನಾಗಿ “‘ ಪ್ರತಿ ವರ್ಷ ಆಚರಿಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ ವರ್ಷವು
ಕಲಬುರಗಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ವಲಯ ಮಟ್ಟದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮವನ್ನು ದಿನಾಂಕ: 15-1-2019 ರಂದು
ಆಯೋಜಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಈ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಕಲ್ಬುರ್ಗಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ , ಬಿದರ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ ರಾಯಚುರ
ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ, ಯಾದಗಿರಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ ಬೆಳಗಾವಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ , ಧಾರವಾಡ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ , ವಿಜಯಪುರ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ ,
ಬಾಗಲಕೋಟೆ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ , ಕೊಪ್ಪಳ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆ , ಕಾರವಾರ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಗಳ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಿತಿಯ
ಪದಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳು, ಎಲ್ಲಾ ವಿಧಾನಸಭಾ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರಗಳ ಸಮಿತಿ ಪದಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳು, ಸೆಕ್ಟರ್
ಪದಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳು, ಬೂತ್ ಮಟ್ಟದ ಪದಾಧಿಕಾರಿಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಪಾರ್ಟಿಯ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಗರು
ಕಡ್ಡಾಯವಾಗಿ ಬೆಹನಜೀ ಅವರ ಹುಟ್ಟು ಹಬ್ಬದ ಕಾರ್ಯಕ್ರಮಕ್ಕೆ ಆಗಮಿಸಿ
ಯಶಸ್ವಿಗೊಳಿಸಬೇಕೆಂದು ವಿನಂತಿ.
ಜೈ ಭೀಮ, ಜೈ ಭಾರತ.
ಕೆ .ಬಿ. ವಾಸು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಪ್ರಧಾನ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ ಹಾಗು ಕಲ್ಬುರ್ಗಿ ವಲಯ ಉಸ್ತುವಾರಿಗಳು.
[9:58
AM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: 15-1-1019 Jana Kalyan Divas is
the most auspicious day in our Prabuddha Bharath which is for Sarvajan
Hitaya Sarvajan Sukhaya i.e., for the welfare, happiness and Peace for
All Societies. [10:00 AM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: போகிப்பொங்கல் பண்டிகையெனும் சங்கறாந்தி போதிப் பொங்கல் பண்டிகை.
மார்கழி
மாதத்தின் கடைசி தேதியன்று கொண்டாடப்படும் பண்டிகை போகிப்பண்டிகை.
போகிப்பண்டிகைக்கான காரணமென்ன? அது யாரால் கொண்டாடப்பட்ட பண்டிகை? யாரை
முன்னிருத்தி கொண்டாடப்படும் பண்டிகை அது?
சிலர் இதனை
இந்துபண்டிகை என்கிறார்கள். சிலர் தமிழர் பண்டிகை என்கிறார்கள். இன்னும்
சிலரோ அறுவடைப் பண்டிகை என்கிறார்கள். இதில் உண்மை எது? இதில் எதுவும்
உண்மையில்லை என்பதே உண்மை.
இந்துப்பண்டிகை என்று பாமரமக்கள்
கொண்டாடும் பண்டிகை எதுவும் வரலாற்றில் இல்லை. எல்லோருக்குமான ஓர் பண்டிகை
என்பது இந்து மதத்தில் சாத்தியமில்லாதது. பண்டிகை என்பதற்கே எதிரான
கருத்துடைய மதம் இந்து மதம். பண்டிகை என்பதற்கான அர்த்தம் தங்களிடம் உள்ள
பொருட்களை மற்றவர்களுக்கும் பகிர்ந்தளித்து மகிழ்வதாகும்
(பண்டம்+ஈகை=பண்டிகை./பண்டம்=பொ
ருட்கள்; ஈகை=கொடுத்தல்.).இப்போதும் மக்கள்
பண்டிகைக்காலத்தில் தங்களுக்குள் பண்டங்களை கொடுத்து மகிழ்கிறார்கள். ஆனால்
இந்து மதம் இத்தகைய பண்பாட்டை ஏற்பதில்லை. அது யார் யாரோடு நட்பாக
இருக்கவேண்டும் என்பதை விதியாக கூறுகிறது. பிராமணன் பிராமணனோடு மட்டும்
தான் நட்பாய், உறவாய் இருக்க முடியும்.அப்படியே ஒவ்வொரு சாதியினரும் அவரவர்
சாதியினருடன்தான் உறவாடமுடியும். எனவே பொதுவான ஓர் பண்டிகை என்பதே இந்து
மதத்தில் இருந்ததில்லை என்பாதே வரலாறு. தமிழர் பண்டிகை என்றும்
சொல்லமுடியாது. ஏனெனில் பௌத்த ஞானிகளால் தமிழ் எனும் மொழி
உருவாக்கப்படுவதற்கு முன்பிலிருந்தே போகிப்பண்டிகை ‘தீப சாந்தி’ இந்திர
விழா’ என்றெல்லாம் கொண்டாடப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. அப்படியெனில் போகிப்பண்டிகை
யாருடைய பண்டிகை? எதற்காக கொண்டாடப்படும் பண்டிகை?
போகிப்பண்டிகை பூர்வ பௌத்த மக்களான சாக்கியர்களின் பண்டிகை என்பதே சரியான
பதில். பூர்வ பௌத்த மக்களான சாக்கியர்களே இக்காலத்தில்,
பறையர்,பள்ளர்,வண்ணார்,சக்கிலி
யர்,போன்ற பெயர்களால் அழைக்கப்படும் தலித்
மக்களாவார்கள். இந்த மக்கள் கொண்டாடிய பண்டிகைதான் போகிப்பண்டிகை. அதாவது
போகிப்பண்டிகை என்பது ‘பௌத்தப் பண்டிகை’யேயாகும்.
போகிப்பண்டிகைக்கான காரணமும் வரலாறும் என்ன?
சுமார்
2500 ஆண்டுகளுக்கு முன் இந்திர தேசமெனும் இந்தியாவில்
சுதந்திரம்,சமத்துவம்,சகோதரத்து
வம் அடிப்படையிலான சமூக தத்துவமான
தம்மத்தினைப் போதித்து, பௌத்த வழியில் அன்பும்,கருணையும் கொண்ட மக்களை
வழிநடத்தி வந்த சாக்கிய மாமுனி புத்தர் வாழ்ந்து வந்தார்.தனது தந்தை
நாட்டிற்கும் தனது அன்னை பிறந்த நாட்டிற்கும் இடையில் ஓடிக்கொண்டிருந்த
ரோகிணி நதி நீரினை பகிர்வதில் இரு நாட்டிற்குமிடையே போர் நடக்கப்போவதற்கான
சூழல் வந்ததை எதிர்த்து இளவரசனான சித்தார்த்தர்(புத்தர்) போரில் ஈடு
படமுடியாது,பிரச்சனைகளுக்கு போர் தீர்வளிக்காது என்று கூறி
தேசம்விட்டு,இளவரச வாழ்வைவிட்டு, இளம் மனைவி யசோதராவையும்,குழந்தை
இராகுலனையும் இன்னும் பிற சொத்துக்களையும் துறந்து வெளியேறி,
துக்கத்திற்கான காரணங்களையும் அதிலிருந்து உயிர்களை காப்பதற்கான வழிகளையும்
தேடி தனது 28 ஆம் வயதின் முடிவில் துறவு பூண்டார். ஒழுக்கத்தினாலும்,
சிறந்த தியானத்தினாலும் உயர் ஞானமெய்து, புத்தராக உயர்வடைந்து, தான்
கண்டுணர்ந்த ஞானத்தை போதித்து, மக்களின் மனங்களை வளப்படுத்தி, எல்லா
உயிர்களுக்கும் துக்கமில்லா வாழ்க்கையை கற்பித்த அந்த பகவான் புத்தர்,
இறுதியாக குஷினாரா எனும் ஊருக்கு வந்தார்.இங்கு, தன் வாழ் நாளையெல்லாம்
மக்களின் துயர் போக்க அர்ப்பணித்த புத்தர் தனது 85 ஆம் வயதில் (கி.மு.483
இல் என்கிறார் அண்ணல்), தனது மறைவு நாளென்று, முன்னரே புத்தரால்
அறிவிக்கப்பட்ட அந்த பௌர்ணமி இரவின் மூன்றாம் சாமத்தில் பரிநிர்வணம்
அடைந்தார். அந்த நாள்தான் மார்கழி மாதத்தின் கடைசி நாள். செய்தியறிந்த
மக்கள் கண்ணீர்விட்டு கதறினார்கள், மண்ணில் விழுந்து அழுது புரண்டனர்.
அது
முதல் ஒவ்வொரு மார்கழி கடைசி தேதியன்றும் புத்தரின் இறப்பு நாளை
கொண்டாடினார்கள் மக்கள். பௌத்த அரசுகள் அரசு பண்டிகையாகவும், இனி ஒவ்வொரு
மார்கழி மாதத்திலும் குடிமக்கள் மாதத்தின் ஒவ்வொரு நாளும்
குளித்து,வீடுவாசல் பெருக்கி தூய்மை படுத்தி தோரணம் கட்டி, வீட்டு வாசலில்
கோலமிட்டும்,இறுதி நாளில் தீபமேற்றி,கும்மியடித்து,மண்ணி
ல் விளைவிக்கப்பட்ட
வாழை, மஞ்சள், தானியங்களை படைத்து புத்தனை வணங்கவேண்டுமென்றும் அறிவித்தன.
மக்களும் அவ்வாறே நடந்து வணங்கிவந்தனர். இவ்விழாவே,தீப
சாந்தி,இந்திரவிழா,போதிப்பண்டிகை போன்ற பெயர்களில் கொண்டாடப்பட்டது.இன்று
இந்த அர்த்தத்தில் இப்பண்டிகை கொண்டாடப்படவில்லை.ஏனெனில் இடையில் ஆதிக்கம்
பெற்ற இந்து மதம் பௌத்தர்களை ஒடுக்கியது.பௌத்த பண்டிகைகளை தமது பண்டிகைகளாக
மாற்றி பித்தலாட்டம் செய்தது.இருந்தும் பூர்வகுடி மக்களான தலித்துகளிடையே
இன்னமும் பூர்வ பண்பாடு இருப்பதற்கான அடையாளங்களாக சில பண்டிகைகள்
உள்ளன.அதில் ஒன்றுதான் இந்த போகிப்பண்டிகை.
நேரடியான புத்த
வழிபாட்டை நம் மக்கள் மேற்கொள்ளாவிட்டலும் அதன் மரபிலிருந்து விலகாமலும்
இருக்கிறார்கள் என்பதே உண்மை.அதன் தொடர்ச்சிதான் மார்கழி மாத வழிபாடும்
போகி பண்டிகையும். நம் முன்னோர்களான பௌத்தர்கள் கொண்டாடியதை போல் மார்கழி
மாதத்தில் நம் மக்கள் வீடுவாசல்களை சுத்தம் செய்கிறார்கள். நம் பெண்கள்
வாசலில் கோலமிடுகிறார்கள்.புத்தருக்காக அழுத நம் பெண் முன்னோர்களைபோல்
இப்போதும் நம் வீட்டுப்பெண்கள் மார்கழி இறுதி நாளில் தங்கள் குடும்பத்தில்
இறந்தவர்களுக்காக ஒப்பாரியிட்டு அழுகிறார்கள்.புத்தரின் புகழைப்பாடி
கும்மியடித்த நம் ஆதிகாலப் பெண்களை போல்,இன்றும் நம் பெண்கள் போகியன்றைக்கு
கும்மிப்பாட்டு பாடுகிறார்கள். போகியன்று பழைய துணிகளை கொளுத்தும்
பழக்கமும் இருக்கிறது. ஒரு வீட்டில் ஓர் இறப்பு நிகழ்ந்தால் அவ்வீட்டில்
இருந்த பழைய துணிகள், பொருட்கள் தூக்கியெறியப்படும் அல்லது எரிக்கப்படும்.
அப்படித்தான் தம் குடும்பத்தில் ஒருவரான புத்தர் இறந்ததையொட்டி பழையப்
துணிகள்,பொருட்கள் எறியப்படுகின்றன,எரிக்கப்படுகி
ன்றன.
மேலும்,
சேரிமக்கள் போகியன்றைக்கு புத்தரை நேரடியாக வழிபடுவது
மறைந்திருந்தாலும்,அவர்கள் அன்றைக்கு வணங்கும் தெய்வம் மாரியம்மனாகும்.
மாரியம்மன் என்பவர் நம் சாக்கிய குல அரசனுக்கு பிறந்து, பகவான் புத்தரின்
வழியில் துறவுபூண்டு, அறத்தைப் போதித்த ‘அம்பிகா தேவி’யே ஆவார். இவரே
அவ்வையென்றும், வேளாங்கண்ணியென்றும்,அம்மனென்று
ம் போற்றப்பட்டார். மாரி
எனும் கொடிய அம்மை நோயை தனது மருத்துவத்தால் போக்கியதால் மாரியாற்றாள்
(மாரியை ஆற்றியவள்) என்று அழைக்கப்பட்டார்.இதுவே பிறகு மக்கள் பேச்சு
வழக்கில் ‘மாரியாத்தாள்’எனப்பட்டது. எனவேதான் புத்தரின் பரி நிர்வாண நாளில்
மக்கள் பௌத்த நாயகி மாரியம்மனை போற்றி வணங்குகிறார்கள். ஆக, போகிப்பண்டிகை
என்பது பௌத்த பண்டிகைதான் என்பதே நிருபனமாகிறது.
போகி
என்பது இந்திரனை குறிக்கும் என்பார்கள். இந்திரன் என்பது புத்தரின் ஆயிரம்
பேர்களில் ஒன்று. இந்துக்கள் இந்திரனை பெண் சுகம் தேடி அலைபவனாக
சித்தரிப்பார்கள். ஆனால் புத்தரே இந்திரன்.அதை மூடி மறைக்கவே இந்துக்கள்
இப்படி கதைக்கட்டினார்கள். இந்திரர் என்பது ஐந்திரர் என்பதிலிருந்து
திரிந்த சொல்லாகும். ஐந்திரர் என்றால் ஐம்புலன்களை அடக்கி வென்றவர்
(ஐந்திரியம்=ஐம்புலன்கள்;தீரம்=
வெல்வது).எனவே ஐம்புலனடகம் கொண்ட புத்தர்
ஐந்திரர் எனப்பட்டார். புத்தரை வழிகொண்டு புலனடக்கம் கொண்டு வாழ்ந்த பூர்வ
பௌத்தர்களே (தலித்துகளே) இந்திரர்கள் எனப்பட்டனர்.இந்திரர்(தலித்)கள்
வாழ்ந்த தேசமே இந்திர தேசமென்றும் பின்னாளில் இந்திய தேசமென்றும்
கூறப்பட்டது. துவக்க காலத்தில் போகிப்பொங்கல் விழா ‘இந்திர விழா’ என்றே
அழைக்கப்பட்டது இதன் காரணமாகத்தான். எனவே புத்தரின் பரி நிர்வாண நாளை
போகிப் பண்டிகை என்று சொல்வதில் பிழை இல்லை.
போதிப் பண்டிகை:
போதியென்றால்
ஞானம் என்று அர்த்தம். அரசமரத்தின் கீழ் அமர்ந்து தூய்மையான மனதுடன்
தியானித்த புத்தர் போதியை (ஞானத்தை) அடைந்தார். எனவே அம்மரம் போதி
மரமென்று அழைக்கப்பட்டது. இதன் மூலம் புத்தரின் அடையாளமாக போதி எனும் சொல்
ஆனது. போதியர், போதி மாதவன், போதி தருமன், போதி ராஜன் என்றெல்லாம் புத்தர்
அழைக்கப்பட்டார். அதன் அடிப்படையில் புத்தரின் பரி நிர்வாண நாளான மார்கழி
கடைசி நாள் போதிநாளாக, போதிப் பண்டிகையாக குறிப்பிடப்படுகிறது. எனவே,
போதிப்பண்டிகை என்றழைப்பதிலும் குற்றமில்லை.
சங்கறாந்தி திரு நாள்:
போகிப்பண்டிகை
சங்கறாந்தி நாள் என்றும் கொண்டாடப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. பௌத்த மும்மணிகளாக
இருப்பவைகள், ‘புத்தம், தம்மம், சங்கம்’. புத்தம் என்றால் ஞானம்; தம்மம்
என்றால் ஞானத்தினால் கண்டுணர்ந்த உண்மைகள்; சங்கம் என்றால் ஞானத்தினால்
கண்டுணர்ந்த உண்மைகளை மக்களுக்கு போதித்து, வழிநடத்தும் இயக்கம்.
அச்சங்கத்தின் முதல் தலமை முனிவர் புத்தர். எனவே புத்தர்
“அறவர்,அறர்,அறவோர்,அறவாழி” என்றெல்லாம் அழைக்கப்பட்டார். மேலும்,
சங்கத்தின் அறர், சங்கத்தின் அறவோர் போன்ற பெயர்களாலும்
அழைக்கப்பட்டார்.இது பிறகு, சங்கறர் என்றாகி(‘ற’கரம் ‘ர’கரமாகி,
சங்கரர்)யது.சங்கறர் எனும் புத்தர் மறைந்த(அந்தி=மறைவு) நாளை சங்கறாந்தி
நாள் என்றும் அழைப்பதில் குற்றமில்லை. மேலும், தீபமேற்றி வணங்குவதால் தீப சாந்தி என்றும் போகி அழைக்கப்படுகிறது.
சங்கறாந்தி
போதிப்பண்டிகையை தொடர்ந்து கொண்டாடப்படும் பொங்கல் பண்டிகை வெறும் அறுவடை
பண்டிகைதானா? அப்படி இருப்பின் புத்தரின் இறப்பு நாளைத்தொடர்ந்து வர
வேண்டிய காரணமென்ன? பொங்கல் அறுவடையை கொண்டாடுகிறது என்பதும் உண்மைதான்.
ஆனால் அதுவும் பௌத்த பண்டிகைதான் என்பதுவும் உண்மை.
சூரியப் பொங்கல்:
சங்கறாந்தி
போகிப்பண்டிகையின் மறு நாள் (தை முதல் நாள்) கொண்டாடப்படும் பண்டிகை
சூரியப் பொங்கல்.உழவுத்தொழிலுக்கு பெருந்துணையாக இருப்பது சூரியன். எனவே
அதனை வணங்கும் விதமாக சூரியப்பொங்கள் கொண்டாடப்படுவதாக சொல்லப்படுகிறது.
சூரியன் அனைத்து உயிர்களுக்கும் மையமான சக்தியாக இருக்கிறது. கிரகங்களின்
இயல்புகளை ஆராய்ந்து சொன்னது நம் சாக்கிய சமூகம்தான். எனவே அதனை
வணங்குவதில் தவறில்லை. ஆனால் சூரியப்பொங்கல் அதற்காக மட்டும்தான்
கொண்டாடப்படுகிறதா? குறிப்பாக புத்தர் மறைந்த நாளுக்கும் அடுத்த நாளில்
கொண்டாடுவது ஏன்? புத்தரை பகவான் என்றும் அழைப்பார்கள் மக்கள். வள்ளுவர்
ஆதி பகவான் என்று குறிப்பிடுவது புத்தரைத்தான். சூரியனை பகலவன் என்றும்
மக்கள் அழைப்பதுண்டு. பகல் என்றால் ஒளி/வெளிச்சம் என்று பொருள். வெளிச்சம்
இருளை அகற்றுகிறது. இருட்டென்னும் இருளை நீக்கும் ஒளியை கொடுப்பதால்
சூரியன் பகலவன் என்றழைக்கப்படுகிறது. அறியாமை எனும் இருளை ஞானமெனும்
ஒளியால் நீக்கியதால் புத்தர் பகவான்/பகவன் என்றெல்லாம் அழைக்கப்பட்டார்.
மார்கழி
கடைசி நாளில் பகவான் எனும் புத்தர் மறைந்தார். எனவே அதன் காரணமாக மறு (தை
முதல்) நாள் பேரொளியின் அடையாளமான பகலவன் எனும் சூரியனை புத்தரின் நினைவாக,
அதாவது அவரது ஞான வழி எனும் ஒளியினை வணங்கி, பொங்கல்,பழங்கள்,மஞ்சள்
உள்ளிட்ட பண்டங்களை படையிலிட்டு வணங்கும் வழக்கமே சூரியப்பொங்கல் நாளாக
ஆகியது.
மாட்டுபொங்கல்:
பார்ப்பனியம் விலங்குகளை யாகத்தில்
பொசுக்கி தின்றழித்தது. பௌத்தமோ விலங்குகளை நேசித்தது.உலகின் முதல் கால்நடை
மருத்துவ மனையைக் கட்டியவர் பௌத்த பேரரசர் அசோகரேயாவார். பௌத்தர்களில்
உழவர்களாக இருந்தவர்கள் ஏர்கலப்பை,மண்வெட்டி, களைக்கொத்தி உள்ளிட்ட உழவு
கருவிகளையும், உழவுத் தொழிலில் மனிதரின் துணை ஜீவியாகவும், உழவுக்கான எருவை
கொடுக்கும் ஊக்கியாகவும் இருக்கும் மாடுகளையும் வணங்கி வந்தனர். இதுவே
மாட்டுபொங்கல் ஆனது.
காணும் பொங்கல்:
விழாவின் முடிவாக,
எல்லோரும் புத்த பகவனை வணங்கி, ஒருவரை ஒருவர் கண்டு, மூத்தவர்களிடம் ஆசி
பெற்று,விருந்துண்டு, மற்றவர்க்கும் கொடுத்து, அவர்களிடமும் பெற்று
மகிழ்வான நாளைக்காணும் பொங்கல் நாளே காணும் பொங்கல் நாள்.
ஆக,
சங்கறாந்தி திருநாளென்றும், போதிப்பண்டிகையென்றும், போகிப்பண்டிகையென்றும்,
பொங்கல் திருநாளென்றும், உழவர் பெரு நாளென்றும் கொண்டாடப்படும் “போகிப்
பொங்கல்” பூர்வ பௌத்தர்களின் அதாவது இன்றைய தலித்துகளின் திருவிழா என்பதே
உண்மை. இந்த வரலாற்றுண்மையை போதித்து, எல்லோருக்கும் வாழ்த்துக்களைக் கூறி,
பண்டங்களை பகிர்ந்து, சாக்கிய முனியாம் பகவன் புத்தரை வணங்கியும்
போற்றியும் கொண்டாடி, பண்டிதர் அயோத்திதாஸர், அண்ணல் அம்பேத்கர் போன்ற
சாக்கிய பௌத்த ஞானிகளின் வழியில் புத்தம் சரணடைவோம்! தம்மம் சரணடைவோம்!!
சங்கம் சரணமடைவோம்!!!
காணக் கிடைக்காத அரிய பொக்கிஷம்…
புரட்சியாளர் அம்பேத்கர் இலண்டன் ஸ்கூல் ஆப் எகனாமிக்ஸில் பயின்ற மாற்றுச் சான்றிதழ் (TC).
[12:25
PM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: https://www.google.com/amp/s/m.mid-day.com/amp/articles/pm-modi-sabotaging-nations-interest-to-favour-crony-capitalist-friends-congress/19976180 For those who are “More loyal than thy king & Master of diluting institutions (Modi)sabotaging
nation’s interest to favour crony capitalist friends who set a higher
benchmark price and waived the bank guarantee or French government’s
sovereign guarantee- the agreement to purchase the 36 French Rafale jets
from France was in violation of Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP).
He enhanced the benchmark price for Rafale by Euro 3 billion (Rs 22,743
crore). Why did he set a higher benchmark price of Euro 8.2 Billion (Rs
62,166 crore) from Euro 5.2 billion (Rs 39,422 )? Why did he waive the
sovereign guarantee requirement who has gone as far as to sabotage the
nation’s interests in favour of his crony capitalist friends-the acts of
“omission, commission and corruption” in the “biggest defence scam” of
India. The negotiating team had a serious dispute on the fixing of
benchmark price, which was referred to the then Defence Minister Manohar
Parrikar.
“Parrikar as the head of Defence Acquisition Council
(DAC) and the three armed forces chiefs also didn’t agree and decide on
the higher benchmark price of Euro 8.2 billion (Rs 62,166 crore). DAC
referred it to the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS) headed by Modi
and he in CCS accepted the higher benchmark price,” National Security
Advisor Ajit Doval was allowed to negotiate with the French, and not
the negotiations committee of IAF and the Defence Ministry.
Did Modi ask him to do so and for what reason? [12:30 PM, 1/14/2019] Jagadeesan Chandrashekar: https://youtu.be/LjmJ1vG0c8Y
https://www.google.com/amp/s/drambedkarbooks.com/2015/03/14/the-chamcha-age-by-saheb-kanshi-ram/amp/ “The
Chamcha Age (An Era of Stooges)” was written by Kanshi Ram, and
published by him on 24th Sept. 1982 on the occasion of 50th anniversary
of Poona Pact. It is dedicated to Mahatma Jyotirao Phule, “whose
initiation of cultural revolt in colonial India, later taken up by
Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy and many other
rebellious spirits brought us to this level where we are thinking,
planning and struggling to put an end to the ‘Chamcha Age’ and usher in
‘Bright Age’ for the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras.” In preface he says
Chamcha Age started from the Poona Pact giving Joint Electorates
instead of Separate Electorates. The purpose of book is to make Dalit
Soshit Samaj of the existence of Chamchas or stooges, and to awaken
masses how to differentiate between genuine and counterfeit leadership. The
book is divided into 4 parts and 17 chapters. The first two parts give
information about past struggles, part III depicts present situation and
part IV suggests ways and means of future struggle.
A Chamcha is
an indigenous word for a stooge, or a tool, or an agent, who is
operated by others for their own benefit. Gandhiji felt necessity of
Chamchas from 1939-32 onwards. A Chamcha is created to oppose the real
fighter, the genuine leader. While Dr. Ambedkar was taking the
untouchables of India from Dark Age to Bright Age, they slipped aside
into Chamcha Age. Gandhiji preferred two Chamchas through joint
electorate against one real representative through separate electorate.
Part
IV of the Book is titled “The Way Out”, has 6 Chapters: It mostly
outlines the struggle that is necessary to fight Brahmanism. It has not
only historical importance to understand Kanshiram’s struggle, but also
can enlighten us what is to be done in future. It describes Dr.
Ambedkar’s concept of Educate, Agitate, Organise. Separate Settlements,
Denunciation of Poona pact, and also his three attempts to make the
movement broad based, giving the excerpts from Baba Saheb’s famous
speech at S.C.Conference at Lucknow on 25.4.1948. Below reproduced is
the entire Part IV, which is the main Part, for future guidance. Hope it
serves some useful purpose for those who are rather nonconversant with
Kanshiram’s philosophy. AMBEDKAR’S EFFORTS
Ambedkar could anticipate “Things
will be much worse under the system of joint electorates and reserved
seats which will hereafter become operative under the terms of the Poona
Pact. This is no more speculation. The last election (1946) has
conclusively proved that the Scheduled Castes can be completely
disfranchised in a joint electorate.” [Dr.B.R. Ambedkar.]
The
joint electorate is from the point of the Hindus to use a familiar
phrase a “rotten borough” in which the Hindus get the right to nominate
an untouchable to set nominally as a representative of the untouchable
but really as a tool of the Hindu.” [Dr.B.R.Ambedkar.]
From the
above two quotations, it is abundantly clear that Baba Saheb Ambedkar
could clearly anticipate the outcome of the Poona Pact. Being a
constitutional expert and a democrat, he could well imagine the fact of
the disfranchised people in a democracy based on adult franchise. He
could also anticipate4e the fate of the people whose representatives
were not real representatives, but mere tools in the hand of their
age-old enemies. It was the helplessness of his people at that time that
forced him to sign the Poona-Pact under the coercive effects of
Gandhiji’s fast. At that time, he must have thought of the times when
the depressed classes would be less helpless to take up the challenge
and fight for their due. At any rate, he was there with us for 24 years
to fight the evil efforts of the Chamcha age.
Educate ! Agitate !! Organise !!!
To
meet the challenge of the chamcha age, he could develop various ways
and means. The best of all such ways and means way to prepare his people
through the well-planned concept of Educate, Agitate, Organise. He
thought that his people could kept slaves for long time because of their
ignorance. He, therefore, sought to eliminate ignorance through
education. The various types of efforts made by him to educate and
enlighten his people are there for all of us to see. The outcome of all
those efforts is also so glaringly visible. The various types of
struggles launched by him to meet the challenge of chamcha age have
become a legend by now. The organizations developed by him to meet the
challenge in an organized manner are also so familiar to all of us. Separate Settlements
Keeping
in mind the helplessness of his people that forced the Poona Pact on
them he developed another concept to remove their helplessness. It was
manifested in the idea of Separate Settlements for his people. He
thought of eliminating their minority status in the villages by way of
creating separate settlements for them, where they would be in majority.
Thus, being in majority in such separate settlements, they could have
elected their real representatives to the legislatures. Besides, these
separate settlements were designed to improve their economy. But
unfortunately when the British decided to quit India after the IInd
World War, this idea of separate settlements could not be taken up with
the new rulers.
Denunciation of the Poona-Pact
When the
idea of separate Settlement could not materialize Dr. Ambedkar again
thought of Separate Electorates to meet the challenge of the chamacha
age. For this, he not only denounced Poona Pact, but also launched a
massive agitation against it in 1946. During the year of 1946, the
submitted and elaborate memorandum to the Constituent Assembly pleading
for separate electorates.
Not only this, he kept up propaganda
against the chamcha age. He availed each and every opportunity to do
that. Even today we are guided by that propaganda, available to us,
especially through the following 3 books :-
(i) Mr. Gandhi and the Emancipation of the Untouchables. (ii) What congress & Gandhi have done to the Untouchables. (iii) States and Minorities.
Making of Movement broad based. After
the exit of the British in 1947, Baba Saheb Ambedkar forgot about
Separate Electorates and Separate Settlements, but on the other hand
tried to broad-base the movement. Many instances can be sighted but the
following 3 efforts will prove the point:
(1) At the Scheduled
Castes Conference at Lucknow on 25th April, 1948, Baba saheb Ambedkar
made the first serious effort in this direction. The following quote
from his Lucknow speech will prove the point.
“… I then turned to
the question of unity between the Scheduled Castes and the so-called
Backward Classes. This I did at the request of the leaders of the
backward Classes who were present at the conference. I said it was a
pity that the two classes whose needs were common did not join together.
The reason was that the Backward Classes did not like to associate
themselves with the Scheduled Caste because they were afraid that such
an association will bring themselves down to the level of the Scheduled
Castes.
“I said that I was not anxious to establish inter-dining
and inter-marriage between the Scheduled Castes and the Backward
Classes. They may well remain separate social entities. There is no
reason why they should not join hands to form a political party to
remove their backward condition. I pointed out how the Scheduled Castes
have improved their condition by playing their part in the politics of
the country and there is no reason why the Backward Classes should not
do the same.
“I said that I Scheduled Castes and the Backward
Classed form majority of the population of the country. There is no
reason why they should not rule this county. All that is necessary is to
organize for the purpose of capturing political power which is your own
because of adult suffrage. People do not seem to buck up courage
because they are overwhelmed by the belief that the Congress Government
is there for ever. I said this is a wrong impression. In a popular
democracy no Government is permanent and not even the Government
established by the two of the tallest Congressmen, Pandit Nehru and
Sardar Patel. If you organize you can even capture that Government.”
(2)
The second serious effort was made in 1951, when Baba Saheb Ambedkar
visited Patna on the invitation of the Backward Class leaders to form a
single party for S.C. & O.B.C. But the move was defeated by Pandit
Nehru by offering one chair to the O.B.C. leader and by using “Paper
Bullets” to attract the greedy amongst them.
(3) The third and
the last most serious effort was made by him to bring not only the S.C.
& O.B.C. under one banner but also all the oppressed and exploited
Indians whom we to-day call Dalit Soshit Samaj under the umbrella of a
single political party. But unfortunately, he left us on Dec. 6, 1956,
before translating the ideal into action.
POST-AMBEDKAR POSITION
During
the last days of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, while pushing ahead his plans and
programmes, he was very much worried about future without him. He was
not sure about the capacity, sincerity and devotion of his lieutenants
to carry the Caravan ahead, after him. We get a glimpse of such doubts
from his last message, ” … If my lieutenants are not able to take the
Caravan ahead they should leave it there, but under no circumstances
should they allow the Caravan to go back. This is the message to my
people.”
The inevitable happened. After the sad demise of Baba
Saheb Ambedkar on 6th Dec. 1956, his lieutenants made feeble efforts
almost on all the fronts. Their failures on all the fronts are there for
all of us to see.
The set-back to the Ambedkarite movements,
reduced many of his selfish, greedy and insincere lieutenants to the
worst variety of Chamchas, They divided themselves into two halves, Half
of them took to stooging directly by entering congress and other
parties. Another half thought it more profitable to stooge indirectly,
by forming small groups out of the organizations created by Baba Saheb
Ambedkar.
This, in nut-shell, is the story of the Post-Ambedkar period.
GENUINE & CAPABLE LEADERSHIP
To-day,
whether to meet the challenge of the chamcha age or to put an end to
the chamcha age and usher in bright age for the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj, the
most pressing need is of genuine and capable leadership.
All of
us know that Baba Saheb Ambedkar while himself leading us towards the
bright age, managed to create for us the opportunities for higher
education. His strong belief was that only highly educated leaders can
meet the challenge of the chamcha age. The following extract from the
Kaka Saheb Kalelkar report will prove the point :
“Q.1 :-What according to you, constitutes backwardness as it applies to the situation India ?
Dr.Ambedkar
:- Supposing I am left in the situation to do something for the
betterment and advancement of India, I would look at the social status
of the community. Here in India people have got different status – some
are in the highest position, some are in middle, some are still less and
some are at the bottom. Our problem is not so much to distribute wealth
in order to make everybody happy; our problem is that different status
should disappear. It can disappear only by advancement of education,
when all the communities are brought to the same level in the matter of
education, not everybody but the community as such. If there are 10
barristers, 20 doctors, 30 engineers etc. in a community, I regard that
community as rich, although every one of them is not educated. Take for
instance, chamars, you look upon this community with hatred, but if
there are some lawyers, doctors, engineers and educated persons among
them, you cannot put your hand upon them….
Q.5:- What remedy
would you suggest for the speedy removal of the backwardness of so many
communities in India that are suffering from age-old social backwardness
and educational apathy?
Dr.Ambedkar:- I have suggested that if
you produce big people from amongst them, the backwardness would go. The
backwardness is only a sort of inferiority complex”.
In a
lengthy reply to question 4, his answer was that for removing
backwardness it was essential to produce highly qualified and educated
persons amongst them and then put them in key posts. They could control
any wrong being done.
At late in his life as 1954, Baba Saheb had
been having such views. But within 2 years, our dear Doctor was to
detect the worst disease, then, instead of praise, he was to condemn
these highly educated men of status, occupying key posts. His
condemnation of these highly qualified men of status, occupying key post
was open and public, during a very well attended public meeting on 18th
March, 1965 at Agra. After this detection of the disease, during the
comming 8 months left for him, he could neither diagnose nor find
remedial measures.
In 1954, Dr.Ambedkar was thinking of 10
lawyers, 20 doctor and 30 engineers, But during the coming years the
number of such highly qualified persons swelled to lakhs. Because of the
opportunities created by Dr. Ambedkar, they got key posts and acquired
status. Very unfortunately, along with this increase, the disease spread
and became an epidemic. This epidemic killed the very thought of Baba
Saheb Ambedkar which he had been entertaining and nourishing over the
years, The product of his dream and efforts, the highly educated persons
of status, occupying key posts, instead of becoming a boon, became, a
curse for their oppressed and exploited communities, in fact, for the
entire Dalit Soshit Samaj. Instead of controlling the wrongs being done
to their communities, they became the cause for many additional wrongs.
In
the absence of Baba Saheb Ambedkar, his lieutenants were helpless. They
simply ignored the epidemic. Much worse, most of them became a part and
parcel of it. Around 1973, some highly educated employees could
themselves diagnose the diseases and later named it “Alienation of the
elite.” The disease and its evil effects had been dealt with in a
separate chapter. As a cure BAMCEF was developed. The basic objective of
BAMCEF is “Pay back to the oppressed and exploited society.”
BAMCEF
has partly cured the disease, by way of securing a partial check over
the alienation of the elite, In future, it is likely to become a perfect
and permanent cure by becoming a perennial source of Genuine &
Capable leadership.
SHORT-TERM SOLUTION (SOCIAL ACTION) D-S4
After
making arrangements for the genuine & capable leadership which
could take care of even the worst disease like the alienation of the
elite, we come to the problem. To solve the problem of the chamcha age
successfully, we should split it in 3 parts as under.:
(i) To meet the challenge of the chamcha age. (ii) To put an end to the chamcha age. (iii) To usher in bright age.
Now
after splitting the problem systematically and suitably, we can solve
the problems one by one. To my mind by tackling the problems one by one,
we can complete the task within 10 years. The solutions for these three
parts can be termed as (i) Short- term, (ii) Long-term, and (iii)
Durable. These solution are briefly discussed in 3 separate chapters.
Social Action
The
Dalit Shoshit Samaj is lying low and reconciled to its lowly status. It
is a huge section of our society. Thus, the lowly and backward status
of this huge section of our society is keeping the country low and
backward. This huge section must be awakened, aroused and put in action.
Such action this huge section of society, after its awakening and
arousal may be termed as Social Action.
Preparation for Social Action
(i) Creating Awakening to induce arousal
To
awaken this huge section of our society many thoughtful measures are
required to be taken. Such thoughtful measures may be of 2 type a)
general (b) specific, based on issues.
(a) General measures may
be on social, economic, political, religious and cultural aspects. Why
such wide ranging measures are required? It is because the Dalit Shoshit
Samaj is in the dark on all such fronts. To enlighten them, awakening
on all these front is a must. Until and unless, they are awakened, they
cannot be aroused, unless they are aroused, they can not be involved, So
to involve them such wide-range awakening is a must.
It is for
this large scale need of awakening on all the fronts that we are
attaching so much importance to our awakening squads. Our awakening
squads in almost all the major languages of India, cater to this need of
awakening. Our awakening squads are trained to enlighten the suppressed
society on all such fronts. Keeping in mind the long standing laziness
of the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj, the method used by our awakening squads is
enlightening and awakening while entertaining.
(b) Specific
measures to create awakening are based on issues. For example, to spread
Ambedkarite thought, Ambedkar Mela on Wheels was conducted; to throw
light on the chamcha age, Poona Pact was denounced; to form habit of
using our own little resources in a big way, the 4200 kms. long Bicycle
Prachar Yatra is to be undertaken. Specific measures are required to
throw light on the atrocities committed on the S.C./ S.T. the non
implementation of the rules, regulations, plans, projects, programmes
and laws meant for S.C./S.T. cannot be secured without resorting to
specific measures for awakening, enlightening and arousing the concerned
masses. The poor response for securing the implementation of the Mandal
Commission Report is for lack of specific measures being taken for
arousing the concerned masses.
(ii) Keeping the Dalit-Shoshit Samaj in Action
The
problems of the Dalit-Shosit Samaj are many and on all the fronts. To
tackle those problems with the help of the concerned masses, they must
be awakened, aroused and put into action. By putting them in action
occasionally will not solve all those problems. They, therefore, must
always be kept in action.
(iii) Mild to Wild Action By and large
social action should be mild, but continuous without any break. It may
be in one form or another, may be for one cause or another. To make it
meaningful and effective. occasionally it will have to be wild, but
non-violent. It will all depend upon the types of struggles.
Examples of the planned Social Action
To
understand Social Action fully and for the benefit of those activists
who will be required to make the social action effective and successful
in future, it is essential to give a few examples. The following 5
examples of the planned social action of the past, the present and the
future will be useful, both for making the general public understand
social action and preparing the activists to conduct social action
effectively and successfully.
The past
(i) Ambedkar Mela on Wheels After
shifting our H.Q. to Delhi, we notice that in the surrounding states of
Delhi our people were ignorant about the life and mission of Baba Saheb
Amedkar. Those who were not ignorant and interested in the mission,
were feeling demoralized because of alround failure of the Ambedkarite
mission. To remove this ignorance and demoralization a social action in
the form of Ambedkar Mela on Wheels was planned. It was conducted for 2
months. from 14-4-1980 to 14-6-1980, all around Delhi covering 9 states.
After the successful conduct of this social action, ignorance and
demoralization gave way to a new awakening and enthusiasm in all the 9
states surrounding Delhi. Our present success is deeply rooted in the
successful conduct of that social action named Ambedkar Mela on Wheels.
The Present
(ii) Denunciation of the Poona Pact The
Chamcha age is a product of the Poona-Pact. To focus attention on the
chamcha age, the Poona-pact was denounced on the occasion of its 50th
Anniversary. An elaborate programme of denunciation was planned and
conducted from 24th Sept. to 24th Oct. 1982 starting from Poona and
ending at Jullunder. As a result of this planned social action, to-day
almost entire Dalit Shoshit Samaj, all over India is a awakened and
aroused against the chamcha age. Such awakening and arousal will greatly
help us in meeting the challenge of the chamcha age.
(iii) People Parliament It
was thought that the Dalit Shoshit Samaj was not adequately represented
in the parliament and what ever representation is there, it is in the
form of Chamchas who cannot be expected to represent them fully and
faithfully. To make up this deficiency. on 25th Dec. 1982, People’s
Parliament will be launched in Delhi. From Delhi it will move to places
all over India, debating the of Dalit Shoshit Samaj Such a social action
is expected to focus attention on the burning issues which are not
debated is the National Parliament. Besides, it will be a constant
reminder for us to make the National Parliament, a really representative
parliament.
(iv) Miracle of two feet and two wheels In terms
of resources, Dalit-Shoshit Samaj cannot competes, with the ruling
Castes, But to get their due, it must not only compete, but also defeat
the ruling Castes successfully. For this purpose, resources will be
required. Dalit-Shoshit Samaj therefore must learn to use its small and
little resources in a big way. This way, it can match the opponents. To
conduct one such experiment the use of bicycle in a big way is planned.
As per the present plan, about 100 cyclists will start from Delhi on
15th March, 1983 and during 40 days period, they will propagate the
thought in 7 states around Delhi, while covering a distance of 4200 km.
Thus, by this type of social action, bicycle can be used in a big way
not only for propaganda, but also for electioneering and show of
strength.
The Future
(v) Efforts for equality On Dec.
6, 1983, D-S4, the organization for social action, will be 2 year young,
On that occasion the youthful D-S4 is planning to launch an extensive
and massive social action. This social action will be for equality.
While addressing the Constituent Assembly on 25th Nov.1949 Baba Saheb Ambedkar spoke thus:
“On
26th January 1950, we are going to enter into a life of contradictions.
In politics we will have equality and in social and economic life we
will have inequality….How long shall we continue to live this life of
contradictions ? How long shall we continue to deny equality in our
social and economic life ? …”
As all of us know that all along
over the last 32 years, we had been living this life of contradictions.
If anything, the gap of inequality has further widened. It has caused
almost irreparable loss to the Dalit Shoshit Samaj. To put an end to
this inequality, an extensive and a massive social action is a must.
This social action will unfold itself after the 6th Dec.1983 when it is
planned to be launched.
D-S4–An organization for Social Action
In
our mission, we believe in doing things in an organized manner. D-S4 is
our organization for social action. All future social actions will be
planned, designed and conducted by D-S4.
LONG-TERM SOLUTION (POLITICAL ACTION)
As
Social Action was found necessary to meet the challenge of the chamcha
age, Political Action is our solution for putting an end to the chamcha
age, But on the other hand, we understand that the chamcha age is the
product of present day political activity. The exit of the British on
15th August, 1947 resulted in the transfer of power to the High Caste
Hindus. But before the transfer of power, the seed for adult franchise
were already sown. The seed sprouted and by the time India became a
Republic, with a constitution of its own, it resulted in the build-up of
a huge Vote-Bank of the Dalit Shoshit Samaj.
All this created a
very peculiar situation. In a democratic set up, adopted by us, the High
Caste Hindus could not rule India without the consent of the Dalit
Shoshit Samaj. Thus, to have access to this Vote-Bank, the ruling Castes
required the help of the chamcha. All this has been elaborated in a
separate chapter. But our problem here is that we need a Political
Action to uproot the product of the present day political activity. Such
a political action, therefore, will have to be altogether different
from the present day political activity available to us.
Present political activity & outcome
To
build-up required political activity of our own, we must know and
understand the present day political activity and its outcome. After the
exit of the British, the high caste Hindus started sharing power
amongst them. The political and the bureaucratic power fell into the
hands of the Brahmins. The S.C. / S.T. got 22.5 % reservation; even
though their representatives remained chamchas in the hands of the
ruling Castes. In the bureaucratic machine, they got opening at various
levels. For the last 20 years, the are getting their full quota in the
top administrative services of the Center.
O.B.C.– The worst sufferers
But
the worst sufferers are the Other Backward Castes (O.B.C.) After the
exit of the British, they got alround setback. Their share, in both the
political and administrative power, had been almost entirely eaten by
the higher castes, especially the Brahmins. As per Mandal Commission
Report O.B.C. population is 52% of the total population of India. On the
other hand, the population of the Brahmins and Kshatriyas is about 8 to
9% of the total. But in present parliament, these 8 to 9% people are
represented by 52% of M.Ps., whereas 52% of people are represented by 8
to 9% of M.P.s. In a parliamentary democracy such representation makes
all the difference. As a result of this imbalance, the entire power
structure is grossly tilted against the O.B.C. To illustrate such a
gross tilt at all the important level 2 charts are presented in this
very chapter. The outcome of the entire present day political activity
can be well understood from these charts.
Tamil Nadu & U.P.- A study in contrast
Regarding
the position of O.B.C. to-day Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh present a
study of contrast. In Tamil Nadu the O.B.C. get its full quota in both
political and administrative spheres. It keeps increasing with the
passage of time. Whereas in U.P. the O.B.C. are worst-placed. As per the
latest election of May- June 1980, politically one Brahmin was
equivalent to 23 backward persons. As per U.P. Govt., the percentage of
gazetted officers of O.B.C. in 1946, 1955 and 1960 stood at 0.80, 0.47,
0.70 respectively. From this contrast, we can learn a lot for building
our own political activity.
Political Party of our own
To-day
in India we have 7 National level political parties, All these 7
parties are led by the High Caste Hindus. They control the affairs of
their parties on a manner to perpetuate high caste rule. Dalit-Shosht
Samaj is helpless in spite of 85% votes at their disposal. It is widely
felt that we must have our own political party. In the past some efforts
were made, but without success.
Recently we have conducted some
experiments towards building such a party. Such experimentations known
as Limited Political Action will be further conducted till we feel sure
of forming a political party of National level on our own. Through such a
political party of the Dalit Shoshit Samaj Political Action for putting
an end to the chamcha age will be launched.
[Two charts are
given here. One is about Political and Bureaucratic grip of Brahmins
over India, and Percentage of Brahmins in parliament. The figures being
old these charts are not reproduced.]
DURABLE SOLUTION (CULTURAL CHANGE & CONTROL)
In
the last 2 chapters we have concluded that (i) to meet the challenge of
the chamcha age, we need Social Action and (ii) to put an end to the
chamcha age, we need Political Action. But to usher in Bright Age, will
be the toughest task before us, before this generation or even before
the coming generations. It will need a complete cultural change and
altogether different control. Only such change can bring about durable
solution.
The real and basic problem
In India, our real
and basic problem is social, religious and cultural. Everything else is
outcome of this basic problem. The chamcha age is just a minor outcome
of this major basic problem.
In India, we have a religion of the
Shastras, having peculiar religious notions. The religious notions, not
only dominate, but also make the culture. The domination of these
religious notions has resulted in creating a peculiar culture which can
be termed as the Culture of the Castes, In other countries, they say
religion is personal but culture is common. Thus, they can be separate.
But in India, both are one and the same thing.
Caste-Crux of the problem
Dr. Ambedkar had written 2 major essays on the Caste, namely (i) “Castes in India, their origin and their mechanism.” (ii) “Annihilation of Caste.”
Leaving
aside his crusade against caste and his other writings on it, even on
the basis of these two essays, he can be considered the greatest
authority on caste. As per his thought Caste System is a Social System
which embodies the arrogance and selfishness of a perverse section of
the Hindus who were superior enough in social status to set it in
fashion and who had authority to force it on their inferiors. To enforce
such a degrading social system very harsh penal sanctions were required
which were provided by the Manu Smriti.
Caste system made the
Hindus sick men of India and their sickness affected the health and
happiness of other Indians. This became a major problem for all the
Indians. Much has been said against this evil system by many, much more
can be said, but here, we should conclude by saying that the caste had
been the problem of the Indians in the past, it still remains a crux of
the problem to-day.
In the past caste was paraded openly and
caste restrictions observed very strictly. For long time, the high
status of a caste was a paying proposition. During the middle of the
19th century, revolt against this evil system was initiated. It spread
in the 1st half of the 20th century, so much so that by 1950, it started
becoming a double edged sword cutting both ways, The High caste Hindus
sensed the danger, so much so they got the caste column removed from the
census records. So, today for any authentic and recorded information
regarding caste, we are required to look back to them 1931 census.
To-day
caste is very much there. But it is in the disguised form. The ruling
Castes, being in minority, do not speak much about it, but are in a
position to parctise it secretly and favorably to their own castes. Not
only that, it has become fashion with the ruling castes to speak against
it openly and practise it secretly, especially to retain the levers of
the power in their hand, Look at the performance of Nehru, he got 47%
Brahmins elected to the Lok Sabha during the height of his regime during
the 1957 Parliamentary polls. Along with the 22.5% reserved quota of
the S.C./ S.T. in Lok Sabha of the parliament, Nehruji kept ruling India
and Indians majestically. But by 1980 the caste equation changed,
especially when a Scheduled Caste candidate Babu Jagjivan Ram aspired to
be the Prime Minister of India, So in 1980 Indiraji was required to get
some 15% Kshatriyas elected to secure majority along with 36% Brahmin
M.Ps.
In the last chapter, 2 charts have been added to show the
grab of the political and administrative power by the Brahmins, Here, we
are interested only pointing to the fact how power is grabbed and
retained by the change of caste equations. Surely you can not have caste
equations without cast considerations. And at the same time these
experts in caste equations from Nehru to Indira keep on speaking against
caste and keep on dubbing others as castists.
Social System (A product of Brahmanism)
Beneficiaries of the system 10 to 15%
Brahmins Ksatriyas Vaishyas
Victims of the System 85 to 90%
Intermediate Castes (Shudras)
Other Backward Castes (O.B.C.)
Scheduled Castes (S.C.)
Scheduled Tribes (S.T.)
This
sketch of the Social System stands like a structure,. In this structure
the castes are the building bricks. A mere look at the structure will
convince us, that it is an epitome of inequality.
How the system stands
In
this very chapter a sketch has been added to indicate how the caste
system or the social system stands, In this structure, castes are the
building bricks, The sketch is self explanatory, The beneficiaries of
the system have cornered all the 5 major powers and sources of the
powers, namely: (1)Political (2)Bureaucratic (3)Feudal (4)Economic and
(5)Cultural. In the sketch, the castes shown as the intermediary castes
which are not a part of the O.B.C. have also benefited and advanced even
though they happen to be the Shudra Castes, religiously speaking.
Whereas the victims of the system are loser all around and on every
front.
Revolt in Past
In the recent past, many rebellious
spirits all over India revolted against this culture of the castes, The
revolt of Mahatma Jotiba Phule, Periyar E.V. Ramaswamy, Narayanaguru and
Baba Saheb Ambedkar is outstanding. A plethora of literature is
available about their revolt and the success they met. Here, we wish to
take note of the means adopted by them to change this culture of the
castes. Satya Shodhak Samaj by Mahatma Phule, Rationalism and Atheism by
Periyar E V R and Buddhism by Baba Saheb Ambedkar were the means
applied by them for affecting change. To-day while looking at the fate
of these means, we feel disappointed. It appears that this culture of
the castes has the strength and the strong backing to recover the lost
ground. But nevertheless the efforts of our crusaders, have resulted in
the emancipation of the mind. It will be greatly useful for further
expansion of our activity.
Task for the future
In the
light of the past experience it can be concluded that the task for the
future is tremendous, especially when we know the hidden and open
backing this culture of the castes is getting from the beneficiaries of
the system. But to change this culture of Perfect Inequality into the
one of Absolute Equality must remain our cherished goal. The present
culture is controlled by beneficiaries of the system. But the changed
culture of absolute equality must ever remain in the hands of the
victims of the present system. It is a must to avoid sabotage and
subversion. This the lesson to be learnt from the fall of the Maurya
Empire.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0NZcfP1nhiE Buddha’s first words after Awakenment REVERSE ENGINEERING Published on Sep 7, 2017 Buddha’s first words after enlightenment in Pali ( English Translation) Category People & Blogs
Buddha’s first words after enlightenment in Pali ( English Translation)
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ad4hN3FbwFo Nam Myoho Renge Kyo Chant : Nichiren Buddhism Lions Ground Published on Sep 14, 2010
Nam Myoho Renge Kyo Practiced in Nichiren Buddhism by Nichiren
Buddhists. Nam myoho renge kyo, Daimoku is the absolute reality. Nam
Myoho Renge Kyo meaning? The meaning of Nam Myoho Renge Kyo in short
description means literal Devotion to the mystic law of the Lotus Sutra.
Chanting nam myoho renge kyo is to connect with the eternal Buddha;
manifesting the desire to save all beings from suffering without
delusion or impediment. This nam myoho renge kyo youtube video helps you
to chant Daimoku. The Renge in Nam Myoho Renge Kyo is also suggested by
another feature of the lotus flower. Her pure flowers come from a muddy
puddle and yet they are not tainted by the mud. In other words, the
very essence of our life remains uncontaminated, despite the bad causes
that we might have made. Therefore ‘Renge’ to make the most fundamental
nature of reality to reveal of life.
The word NAM comes from the
Sanskrit Namah and stands for commitment or devotion. It is a common
term in Buddhist traditions and has many variations with the same
meaning. Myoho literally means the Mystic Law. “Myo” (mysticism) means
‘do not understand’ and ‘ho’ means ‘Law’. ‘Myoho’ is the law that
underlies the part of life that is beyond comprehension. This is only an
interpretation of Myoho. In another Myo indicates the constant truth
and Ho to all phenomena are triggered by Myo. Renge means lotus flower.
Kyo indicates the sutras, or the teachings of Buddha. In a broader
sense, the activities of all living beings and all phenomena in the
universe.
SHARE YOUR STORY
Sharing your story is not only fun. The core reason NMRKOB publish
stories of members is for educational purposes. Your thoughts,
experience(s) or even opinion(s) can help thousands other members with
unanswered questions, motivates them or get people back on the right
track. NMRKOB by the people for the people, true Buddhahood. Submit your story at http://namumyohorengekyo.org/contact/ (story submission form) Category Nonprofits & Activism
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and sanskritised prakrit); providing accurate and readable translations
of the same; and a scholarly study of the texts, especially in regard
to their compilation, grammar and prosody. the website also includes
other facilities such as audio readings and maps of ancient buddhist
india.
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भीमराव अम्बेडकर सामाजिक परिवर्तन प्रतीक स्थल ) The park honors the lives
and memories of Jyotirao Phule, Narayana Guru, Birsa Munda, Shahuji
Maharaj, Bhimrao Ambedkar, Kanshi Ram and all those who’ve devoted their
life for humanity, equality and SOCIAL justice. The memorial was
constructed by Mayawati, the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh, during her
administration when she led the Bahujan Samaj Party.
Excerpts from Historic address by the national President of BSP and
Great Leader of the Social Transformation Movement Hon. Behen Kumari
Maha Mayawaji JI on the auspicious occasion of 126 birth anniversary of
the Architect of the Indian Constitution, Bharat Ratna Bodhisatva most
revered Baba Saheb Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar on April 14 in a massive rally
at grand Dr. Ambedkar memorial in the background of rabidly casteist
mindset and policies of the BJP (Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths)
antagonistic particularly against the Scheduled Castes/ Scheduled Tribes
(SC/STs), backward communities, religious minorities and the poor,
worker and farmers etc., of the sarvasamaj (all section of the society).
The BSP has decided to oppose the installation of statues at memorials of
Dr BR Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram.
A delegation of BSP leaders, led by national general secretary SC
Mishra, met the CM on Wednesday to register protest over the
installation of statues of the backward caste icons at the memorials of
Dr BR Ambedkar and Kanshi Ram. “Instead of encroaching on Dalit
memorials, the BJP should construct separate memorials for backward
class icons whom they are promoting” .Senior BSP leader Lalji Verma said, even the
Supreme Court has, in its order, banned construction activities at
memorials.”
The so called landslide victory of the BJP (
Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths) in the assembly election is because the
fraud EVMs were tampered to win elections. Now the BJP is promoting new
Backward icons trying to make inroads to win the support of deprived
communities.Along with upper caste icons like Maharana Pratap and
Shivaji, the
saffron brigade has been promoting its ideologues. In changing political
equations where there is an upsurge in the marginalised community for
share in political power, the BJP is promoting their icons to strengthen
its hold over these communities.
Maha Mawati Ji after her
excellent governance of Uttar Pradesh by distributing the wealth of the
Uttar Pradesh state equally among the Sarvajan Samaj (all societies
including SC/STs/OBCs/ poor Brahmins and Banyas) as enshrined in the
Marvelous Modern Constitution became eligible to be the Prime Minister
of this nation. This is not tolerated by the just 1% intolerant,
cunning, crooked, number one most violent, militants of the world ever
shooting, lynching cannibal chitpavan brahmins of RSS (Rakshasa Swayam
Sevaks) mindset, hence tampered the frau EVMs in Centre and the states
and won elections for the Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP)’s
Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) and the bhogis, rohis, and
desh drohis.It suits their politics of dividing the SC/ST and backward
religious minorities, poor Brahmin, Baniya castes, farmers, workers
etc., communities
which were considered to be the support base of the BSP . The
new strategy of the saffron brigade has nothing to do with religion as
SC/STs/OBCs religious minorities, poor Brahmin, Baniya castes, farmers, workers etc.,communities are being united on the agenda of
nationalism.
BJP can never increase its influence among the
communities that were not its traditional support base of the stealth,
shadowy discriminatory hindutva cult based on Manusmriti that believes
chitpavan brahmins as 1st rate athmas (souls), kashatriyas as 2nd,
vysiyas as 3rd, shudhras as 4th rate souls and the athi shudras the
aboriginal inhabitants of Jmbudvipa the SC/STs as untouchables and
having no soul at all and hence prevent Maha Mayawati to become the
Prime Minister. Whereas, the Buddha never believed in any soul. He said
all are equal. Hence, Ambedkar along with lakhs of people returned back
to the own home Buddhism and the process continues with Manyawar Kanshi
Ram Ji and Mayawati JI.
BSP chief Mayawati today attacked the BJP claiming it should change its
mindset towards the Scheduled Castes, Tribals and backward classes or
else she would be forced to convert to Buddhism like Bhimrao Ambedkar.
“I throw an open challenge to the BJP to change its casteist and
communal mindset towards Dalits, Adivasis, Backwards and also those who
have changed their religion or else I will also have to take a decision
towards changing my religion to Buddhism,” she said at a party rally
here. ..
Recalling Ambedkar, she said that after witnessing
discrimination in the ‘varna vyawastha’ (caste system) in Hinduism, he
had called on the Shankaracharyas and seers to modify it. Since it was
not done, Ambedkar, a little before his death, converted to Buddhism in
Nagpur along with his followers, she said.
The BSP chief said
that she too is giving an opportunity to the Shankaracharyas, religious
leaders and people associated with the BJP to change their thinking or
else she too will convert to Buddhism at the right time along with
crores of supporters.
Accusing the BJP of taking the “casteist
agenda” of the RSS forward, she blamed it for the suicide of Rohith
Vemula in Hyderabad and the Una case of Gujarat where some Scheduled
Castes were assaulted resulting in outrage and protests.
The
BSP chief said that she too is giving an opportunity to the
Shankaracharyas, religious leaders and people associated with the BJP to
change their thinking.
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo Mayawati condemned the “injustice
and harassment” meted out to Scheduled Caste scholar Rohith Vemula,
terming his suicide another “painful example” of the Bharatiya Janata
Party’s “extreme” casteist attitude.
Calling the research scholar’s death a “painful and appalling”
incident, Ms. Mayawati said it “is becoming increasingly difficult for
the SC/ST society to get justice” in the country. She demanded that
immediate legal action be taken against the two — Smriti Irani and
Bandaru Dattatreya — and vice-chancellor of Hyderabad University, P.
Appa Rao.
“The attitude of two senior associates in Murderer of
democratic institutions (Modi) towards the SC scholar that ‘if you are
against the policies of the BJP/RSS (Brashtachar Jiydha
Psychopaths/Rakshas Swayam Sevaks), you are an enemy of ours and will be
harassed through terrorism,’ is blatantly undemocratic and
condemnable,” the former U.P. Chief Minister said.
The growing incidents of “excesses and atrocities” showcased the “RSS-mindset” she said.
“The attitude and thinking of the BJP and RSS towards SC/STs, backwards and Muslims is brutal, casteist and inhumane.”
Ms. Mayawati said the cases of atrocities and injustice against SC/STs,
backwards and religious minorities are on the increase. The BJP/RSS’s
attitude towards such criminals has not been as per law but kind and
generous giving such elements support.
BJP leaders, MPs and
Ministers regularly engage in casteist and disrespectful remarks, which
spoil the social, political and communal atmosphere in the country and
gives some elements the courage to commit crimes, she added. All
this is happening because the fraud EVMs were and are being tampered to
win elections negating the Universal Adult Franchise as enshrined in our
Marvelous, Modern Constitution. But to promote Manusmriti by the
BJP/RSS combine.
BAHUJAN SAMAJ PARTY
Karnataka, Tamilnadu, Kerala and Puducherry States
BSP WORKERS’ CONFERENCE OF SOUTH INDIA
On November 26, 2017 at 12.00 Noon
Venue: Central Cricket Pavilion Ground, Gandhinagar, BANGALORE
Chief Guest : Behen Kumari Mayawatiji
NationalPresident of BSP, FormerMP (Rajya Sabha) and Former Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
Guests:
Dr. Ashok Siddharthji
National Geneal Secretary, MP (Rajya Sabha) and in charge Karnataka
Sri. Ambeth Rajan
National Treasurer and Former MP (Rajya Sabha)
Sri. Marasandra Muniappa
co-ordinator & incharge of Karnataka
Sri. Gopinath
Co-ordinator of Tamilnadu, Kerala and Pucucherry States
ಡಾ.
ಭೀಮರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಸಮಾಜವಿಕ್ ಪರಿವರ್ತನ್ ಪ್ರತೇಕ್ಠಾಲ್ (ಹಿಂದಿ: डॉ. भीमराव
अम्बेडकर सामाजिक परिवर्तन प्रतीक स्थल) ಪಾರ್ಕ್ ಜ್ಯೋತಿರಾವ್ ಫುಲೆ, ನಾರಾಯಣ
ಗುರು, ಬಿರ್ಸಾ ಮುಂಡಾ, ಶಾಹುಜಿ ಮಹಾರಾಜ್, ಭೀಮರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್, ಕನ್ಶಿ ರಾಮ್ ಮತ್ತು
ಎಲ್ಲರ ನೆನಪುಗಳನ್ನು ಗೌರವಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಮಾನವೀಯತೆ, ಸಮಾನತೆ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ನ್ಯಾಯಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಅವರ ಜೀವನವನ್ನು ಮೀಸಲಿಟ್ಟಿದ್ದೇವೆ. ಉತ್ತರಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಅವರು ಬಹುಜನ ಸಮಾಜ ಪಕ್ಷವನ್ನು ನೇಮಿಸಿದಾಗ ಅವರ ಆಡಳಿತದಲ್ಲಿ ಈ ಸ್ಮಾರಕವನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಿಸಲಾಯಿತು.
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರಿಂದ ಮತ್ತು ಸಮಾಜ ಪರಿವರ್ತನೆಯ ಚಳವಳಿಯ ಗ್ರೇಟ್ ಲೀಡರ್ನ ಐತಿಹಾಸಿಕ ಭಾಷಣದಿಂದ ಆಯ್ದ ಭಾಗಗಳು. ಭಾರತೀಯ
ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ವಾಸ್ತುಶಿಲ್ಪಿ 126 ಜನ್ಮ ವಾರ್ಷಿಕೋತ್ಸವದ ಮಂಗಳಕರ ಸಮಾರಂಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಬೆಹೆನ್
ಕುಮಾರಿ ಮಹಾ ಮಾಯಾವಾಜಿ ಜೆಐ ಅವರು ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ 14 ರಂದು ಬಾಬಾ ಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಡಾ. ಭೀಮರಾವ್
ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರನ್ನು ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಡಾ.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಸ್ಮಾರಕದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾರೀ ರಾಲಿಯಲ್ಲಿ
ಪೂಜಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು. ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ
ಜಾತಿಗಳು / ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಪಂಗಡಗಳು (ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳು), ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು,
ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರು ಮತ್ತು ಕಳಪೆ, ಕೆಲಸಗಾರ ಮತ್ತು ರೈತರ ಮುಂತಾದವರ ವಿರುದ್ಧ
ಸರ್ವಸಮಾಜ (ಸರ್ವಸಮಾಜದ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ವಿಭಾಗಗಳು) ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ (ಬ್ರಶ್ಟಚಾರ್
ಜಿಯಾಧಾ ಸೈಕೋಪಾಥ್ಸ್) ಸಮಾಜ). ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಪಾರ್ಕ್ ಲಕ್ನೋ ಇತ್ತೀಚಿನ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಮೆಮೋರಿಯಲ್ ಪಾರ್ಕ್ ಭಾರತದ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಲಕ್ನೋ, ಗೋಮಿಗರದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಸಾರ್ವಜನಿಕ ಉದ್ಯಾನ ಮತ್ತು ಸ್ಮಾರಕವಾಗಿದೆ. ಇದು ಅಧಿಕೃತವಾಗಿ ಪ್ರಸಿದ್ಧವಾಗಿದೆ … youtube.com ಇನ್ಲೈನ್ ಇಮೇಜ್ 4 ಇನ್ಲೈನ್ ಇಮೇಜ್ 9 ಮಾಯಾವತಿ - ಸರ್ವಸಮಾಜ್ (ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಾಜಗಳು) ‘ರಾಣಿ’
ಡಾ. ಬಿ.ಆರ್.ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾನ್ಶಿರಾಮ್ ಅವರ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳ ಸ್ಥಾಪನೆಯನ್ನು ವಿರೋಧಿಸಲು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ನಿರ್ಧರಿಸಿದೆ.
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ
ನಾಯಕರ ನೇತೃತ್ವವನ್ನು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಪ್ರಧಾನ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ ಎಸ್.ಸಿ.ಮಿಶ್ರಾ
ನೇತೃತ್ವದಲ್ಲಿ ಡಾ. ಬಿ.ಆರ್. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾನ್ಶಿ ರಾಮ್ ಅವರ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳಲ್ಲಿ
ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ಜಾತಿ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳನ್ನು ಪ್ರತಿಭಟಿಸಿ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆ ನಡೆಸಲು ಬುಧವಾರ
ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿಯನ್ನು ಭೇಟಿಯಾದರು. “ದಲಿತ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ಆಕ್ರಮಣ ಮಾಡುವ ಬದಲು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗದ
ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳಿಗೆ ಪ್ರತ್ಯೇಕ ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮಿಸಬೇಕು” ಎಂದು ಅವರು ಹೇಳಿದರು
.ಸೆನಿಯರ್ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ನಾಯಕ ಲಾಲ್ಜಿ ವರ್ಮಾ ಅವರು, ಸುಪ್ರೀಂ ಕೋರ್ಟ್ ಕೂಡಾ
ಸ್ಮಾರಕಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ಮಾಣ ಚಟುವಟಿಕೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಿಷೇಧಿಸಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿದರು.
ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ
ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ (ಬ್ರಶ್ಟಚಾರ್ ಜಿಯಾಧಾ ಸೈಕೋಪಾಥ್ಸ್) ಭೂಕುಸಿತ ವಿಜಯ ಎಂದು
ಕರೆಯಲ್ಪಡುವ ಕಾರಣದಿಂದಾಗಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಗೆಲ್ಲಲು ವಂಚನೆ EVM ಗಳು ತಗ್ಗಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟವು. ಈಗ
ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಕಳೆದುಹೋದ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಬೆಂಬಲವನ್ನು ಗೆಲ್ಲಲು ಪ್ರಯತ್ನಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವ ಹೊಸ
ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳನ್ನು ಪ್ರೋತ್ಸಾಹಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಮಹಾರಾಣಾ ಪ್ರತಾಪ್ ಮತ್ತು ಶಿವಾಜಿ
ಮುಂತಾದ ಉನ್ನತ ಜಾತಿ ಚಿಹ್ನೆಗಳ ಜೊತೆಗೆ, ಕೇಸರಿ ಬ್ರಿಗೇಡ್ ತನ್ನ ಸಿದ್ಧಾಂತಗಳನ್ನು
ಉತ್ತೇಜಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಶಕ್ತಿಯನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಸಮೀಕರಣಗಳನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸುವಲ್ಲಿ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ
ಶಕ್ತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಪಾಲುಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ಸಮುದಾಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ತಮ್ಮ ಪ್ರತಿಮೆಗಳನ್ನು
ಉತ್ತೇಜಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.
ಮಹಾ
ಮಾವತಿ ಜಿ ಅವರು ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಸಂಪತ್ತನ್ನು ಸರ್ವಜನ್ ಸಮಾಜದಲ್ಲಿ (SC /
STs / OBCs / ಬಡ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣರು ಮತ್ತು ಬನ್ಯಾಸ್ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ಎಲ್ಲ ಸಮಾಜಗಳೂ)
ವಿತರಿಸುವುದರ ಮೂಲಕ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಅತ್ಯುತ್ತಮ ಆಡಳಿತದ ನಂತರ ಅದ್ಭುತ ಆಧುನಿಕ
ಸಂವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಿತರು. ಈ ದೇಶದ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ. ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್
(ರಾಕ್ಷಸ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಸೇವಾಕ್ಸ್) ಮನೋಭಾವದ ನರಭಕ್ಷಕ ಚಿತ್ಪಾವನ್ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣರನ್ನು ಹತ್ಯೆ
ಮಾಡುತ್ತಿರುವ ಕೇವಲ 1% ಅಸಹಜ, ಕುತಂತ್ರ, ಬಾಗಿದ, ವಿಶ್ವದ ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಹಿಂಸಾತ್ಮಕ,
ಉಗ್ರಗಾಮಿಗಳ ಪೈಕಿ 1% ನಷ್ಟು ಜನರು ಇದನ್ನು ತಡೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದಿಲ್ಲ, ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ ಕೇಂದ್ರ
ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಫ್ರಾವಿ ಇವಿಎಮ್ಗಳನ್ನು ಮುಷ್ಕರಗೊಳಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ (ಬಿಜೆಪಿ)
ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರ (ಮೋದಿ) ಮತ್ತು ಭೋಗಿಗಳು, ರೋಹಿಗಳು, ಮತ್ತು
ದೇಶ್ ದೋಹಿಸ್ ಗೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯನ್ನು ಗೆದ್ದಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಎಸ್ಸಿ / ಎಸ್ಟಿ ಮತ್ತು ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ
ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರ, ಬಡ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣ, ಬನಿಯಾ ಜಾತಿಗಳನ್ನು ವಿಭಜಿಸುವ ಅವರ
ರಾಜಕೀಯಕ್ಕೆ ಇದು ಕಾರಣವಾಗಿದೆ. , ರೈತರು, ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕರು ಇತ್ಯಾದಿ. ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಬೆಂಬಲದ ಮೂಲವೆಂದು ಪರಿಗಣಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು. ಕೇಸರಿ ಬ್ರಿಗೇಡ್ನ ಹೊಸ ಕಾರ್ಯತಂತ್ರವೆಂದರೆ SC / STs / OBCs ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ
ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರು, ಬಡ ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣರು, ಬನಿಯ ಜಾತಿಗಳು, ರೈತರು, ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕರು ಮುಂತಾದವರು
ಧರ್ಮದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಯಾವುದೇ ಸಂಬಂಧವನ್ನು ಹೊಂದಿಲ್ಲ, ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳು ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯತೆಯ
ಕಾರ್ಯಸೂಚಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಒಗ್ಗೂಡಿಸುತ್ತಿವೆ.
ಚಿದಪ್ಪನ್
ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣರು 1 ರೇಟ್ ದರಗಳು (ಆತ್ಮಗಳು), ಕಶ್ಯತ್ರಿಯರು 2 ನೇ, ವೈಶ್ಯಗಳು 3 ನೇ
ಸ್ಥಾನದಲ್ಲಿ, 4 ನೇ ಸ್ಥಾನದಲ್ಲಿರುವ ಶೂಧ್ರರು ಎಂದು ನಂಬುವ ಮಸ್ಸುಮೃತಿ ಆಧಾರಿತ
ರಹಸ್ಯ, ನೆರಳಿನ ತಾರತಮ್ಯದ ಹಿಂದುತ್ವ ಸಿದ್ಧಾಂತದ ಸಾಂಪ್ರದಾಯಿಕ ಬೆಂಬಲ ಆಧಾರವಾಗಿಲ್ಲದ
ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ತನ್ನ ಪ್ರಭಾವವನ್ನು ಹೆಚ್ಚಿಸುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಜೆಂಬುಡ್ವಿಪಾ
ಮೂಲದ ನಿವಾಸಿಗಳು ಎಸ್ಸಿ / ಎಸ್ಟಿಗಳನ್ನು ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯರಂತೆ ಮತ್ತು ಯಾವುದೇ ಆತ್ಮವನ್ನು
ಹೊಂದಿಲ್ಲ ಮತ್ತು ಮಹಾ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಪ್ರಧಾನಮಂತ್ರಿಯಾಗುವಂತೆ ತಡೆಗಟ್ಟುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆದರೆ, ಬುದ್ಧನು ಯಾವುದೇ ಆತ್ಮದಲ್ಲಿ ನಂಬಿಕೆ ಇಡಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಅವರು ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಾನ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿದರು. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಲಕ್ಷಾಂತರ ಜನರನ್ನು ಸ್ವಂತ ಮನೆ ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ
ಹಿಂದಿರುಗಿಸಿದರು ಮತ್ತು ಈ ಪ್ರಕ್ರಿಯೆಯು ಮನಾವಾರ್ ನಶಿ ರಾಮ್ ಜಿ ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಜೆಐ
ಅವರೊಂದಿಗೆ ಮುಂದುವರೆದಿದೆ.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article../61203593.cms ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮನಸ್ಥಿತಿ ಬದಲಾಗದಿದ್ದರೆ ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ಬದಲಾಗಲಿದೆ: ಮಾಯಾವತಿ
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ
ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಇಂದು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮೇಲೆ ದಾಳಿ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿಗಳು,
ಬುಡಕಟ್ಟು ಜನಾಂಗದವರು ಮತ್ತು ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳ ಕಡೆಗೆ ತನ್ನ ಮನಸ್ಸನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸಬೇಕು
ಅಥವಾ ಭೀಮರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ರಂತೆ ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ಪರಿವರ್ತನೆಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕು ಎಂದು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ
ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿದೆ.
“ದಲಿತರು,
ಆದಿವಾಸಿಗಳು, ಹಿಂದುಳಿದವರು ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ ಧರ್ಮವನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸಿದವರು ಅಥವಾ ಅದರ ಬಗ್ಗೆ
ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ನನ್ನ ಧರ್ಮವನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸುವ ಕಡೆಗೆ ನಾನು ನಿರ್ಧಾರ
ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕು” ಎಂದು ಬಿಜೆಪಿಗೆ ಜಾತಿವಾದಿ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮುದಾಯಿಕ ಮನೋಭಾವವನ್ನು
ಬದಲಿಸಲು ನಾನು ಮುಕ್ತ ಸವಾಲನ್ನು ಎಸೆದಿದ್ದೇನೆ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಪಕ್ಷದ ರ್ಯಾಲಿಯಲ್ಲಿ. ..
ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್
ಅವರನ್ನು ನೆನಪಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುತ್ತಾ, ಅವರು ಹಿಂದೂ ಧರ್ಮದಲ್ಲಿ ವರ್ಣ ವರ್ಣಶಾಸ್ತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ
(ಜಾತಿ ಪದ್ಧತಿ) ತಾರತಮ್ಯವನ್ನು ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಿದ ನಂತರ, ಅವರು ಇದನ್ನು ಶಂಕರಾಚಾರ್ಯರು
ಮತ್ತು ಋಷಿಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾರ್ಪಡಿಸಲು ಕರೆದರು. ಇದನ್ನು ಮಾಡದ ಕಾರಣ, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರ ಮರಣದ ಸ್ವಲ್ಪ ಮುಂಚೆ, ನಾಗ್ಪುರದ ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ತನ್ನ ಅನುಯಾಯಿಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಬದಲಾಯಿತು.
ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಮುಖಂಡರು ಮತ್ತು ಬಿಜೆಪಿಗೆ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿರುವ ಜನರು ಶಂಕರಚಾರ್ಯರಿಗೆ ತಮ್ಮ
ಚಿಂತನೆಯನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸಲು ಸಹ ಅವಕಾಶ ನೀಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥರು
ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ಇಲ್ಲದಿದ್ದರೆ ಅವರು ಸಹ ಬೌದ್ಧಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ಸರಿಯಾದ ಸಮಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೋಟಿ
ಬೆಂಬಲದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಬದಲಾಗುತ್ತಾರೆ.
ಆರೆಸ್ಸೆಸ್ನ “ಜಾತಿ ಅಜೆಂಡಾ” ವನ್ನು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಂಡಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ ಅವರು
ಹೈದರಾಬಾದ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ರೋಹಿತ್ ವೆಮುಲಾ ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆಗೆ ಗುರಿಯಾದರು ಮತ್ತು ಗುಜರಾತಿನ ಉನಾ
ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೆಲವು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿಗಳ ಮೇಲೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಗಳು
ನಡೆದವು. ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮನಸ್ಥಿತಿ ಬದಲಾಗದಿದ್ದರೆ ಬೌದ್ಧ ಧರ್ಮಕ್ಕೆ ಬದಲಾಗಲಿದೆ: ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಸ್ಥ ಅವರು ತಮ್ಮ ಶಂಕರ್ಚಾರ್ಯರಿಗೆ ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಮುಖಂಡರಿಗೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ
ಚಿಂತನೆಯನ್ನು ಬದಲಿಸಲು ಬಿಜೆಪಿಯ ಜನರಿಗೆ ಅವಕಾಶ ನೀಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿದರು. ಆರ್ಥಿಕತೆಗಳು.ಡಿಟಿಟೈಮ್ಸ್.ಕಾಂ http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-death…/article14010089.ece#!
Vemula ಸಾವಿನ: ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ‘ಜಾತಿ’ ಧೋರಣೆ ಸ್ಲ್ಯಾಮ್ಸ್
ಬಹುಜನ ಸಮಾಜ ಪಕ್ಷ (ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ) ಮುಖಂಡ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿ ವಿದ್ವಾಂಸ ರೋಹಿತ್
ವೆಮುಲಾಗೆ ಮೀಸಲಾದ “ಅನ್ಯಾಯ ಮತ್ತು ಕಿರುಕುಳ” ವನ್ನು ಖಂಡಿಸಿದರು. ಅವರು ಭಾರತೀಯ ಜನತಾ
ಪಕ್ಷದ “ತೀವ್ರ” ಜಾತಿ ಪಂಥದ ಧೋರಣೆಯನ್ನು ಮತ್ತೊಂದು “ನೋವಿನ ಉದಾಹರಣೆ” ಎಂದು
ಆತ್ಮಹತ್ಯೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಸಂಶೋಧನಾ
ವಿದ್ವಾಂಸರ ಮರಣದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ “ನೋವುಂಟುಮಾಡುವ ಮತ್ತು ಅತಿದೊಡ್ಡ” ಘಟನೆ ಎಂದು ಕರೆಸಿಕೊಂಡ
ಶ್ರೀಮತಿ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ, “ದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ SC / ST ಸಮುದಾಯಕ್ಕೆ ನ್ಯಾಯ ದೊರೆಯುವುದಕ್ಕೆ ಹೆಚ್ಚು
ಕಷ್ಟಕರವಾಗಿದೆ” ಎಂದು ಹೇಳಿದರು. ಸ್ಮೃತಿ ಇರಾನಿ ಮತ್ತು ಬಂದರು ದತ್ತಾತ್ರೇಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಹೈದರಾಬಾದ್ ವಿಶ್ವವಿದ್ಯಾನಿಲಯದ
ಉಪಕುಲಪತಿ ಪಿ. ಅಪಾ ರಾವ್ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ತಕ್ಷಣ ಕಾನೂನು ಕ್ರಮ ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕು ಎಂದು ಅವರು
ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿದರು.
‘ನೀವು
ಬಿಜೆಪಿ / ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ (ಬ್ರಶ್ಟಚಾರ್ ಜಿಧಾ ಸೈಕೋಪಾಥ್ಸ್ / ರಕ್ಷಾ ಸ್ವಯಂ ಸೇವಕರು)
ನೀತಿಗಳಿಗೆ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿದ್ದರೆ, ನೀವು ನಮ್ಮ ಮತ್ತು ನಮ್ಮ ಶತ್ರುಗಳಾಗಿದ್ದೇವೆ ಎಂದು
ಎಸ್ಸಿ ಪಂಡಿತರಿಗೆ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ (ಮೋದಿ) ಕೊಲೆಗಾರನ ಎರಡು ಹಿರಿಯ
ಸಹಯೋಗಿಗಳ ವರ್ತನೆ ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದನೆಯ ಮೂಲಕ ಕಿರುಕುಳಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾಗಬೇಕು, ‘ಯುಪಿ ಮಾಜಿ ಯುಪಿಎಗೆ ತೀವ್ರವಾದ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಮತ್ತು ಖಂಡನೀಯವಾಗಿದೆ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಹೇಳಿದರು.
“ಮಿತಿಮೀರಿದ ಮತ್ತು ದುಷ್ಕೃತ್ಯಗಳ” ಹೆಚ್ಚುತ್ತಿರುವ ಘಟನೆಗಳು “ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್-ಮನಸ್ಸು” ಯನ್ನು ಅವರು ಪ್ರದರ್ಶಿಸಿವೆ.
“ಎಸ್ಸಿ / ಎಸ್ಟಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ನ ಧೋರಣೆ ಮತ್ತು ಚಿಂತನೆ, ಹಿಂದುಳಿದವರು ಮತ್ತು ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರು ಕ್ರೂರ, ಜಾತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಅಮಾನವೀಯತೆ.”
ಎಸ್ಸಿ
/ ಎಸ್ಟಿಗಳ ವಿರುದ್ಧ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ಮತ್ತು ಅನ್ಯಾಯದ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳು, ಹಿಂದಕ್ಕೆ ಮತ್ತು
ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರ ಹೆಚ್ಚಳವಾಗಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಹೇಳಿದರು. ಅಂತಹ ಅಪರಾಧಿಗಳಿಗೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ / ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ ವರ್ತನೆ ಕಾನೂನಿನ ಪ್ರಕಾರವಲ್ಲ ಆದರೆ ದಯೆ ಮತ್ತು ಉದಾರವಾಗಿ ಅಂತಹ ಅಂಶಗಳನ್ನು ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತದೆ.
ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ನಾಯಕರು, ಸಂಸದರು ಮತ್ತು ಸಚಿವರು ನಿಯಮಿತವಾಗಿ ಜಾತಿ ಮತ್ತು ಅಗೌರವದ
ಟೀಕೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ತೊಡಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ. ದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ, ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಮತ್ತು ಸಾಮುದಾಯಿಕ
ವಾತಾವರಣವನ್ನು ಹಾಳುಮಾಡುತ್ತದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಕೆಲವು ಅಂಶಗಳು ಅಪರಾಧಗಳಿಗೆ ಧೈರ್ಯವನ್ನು
ನೀಡುತ್ತದೆ. ಈ
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ನಡೆಯುತ್ತಿದೆ ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ವಂಚನೆ ಇವಿಎಂಗಳು ನಮ್ಮ ಅದ್ಭುತ, ಆಧುನಿಕ
ಸಂವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠಿತವಾದ ಯುನಿವರ್ಸಲ್ ಅಡಲ್ಟ್ ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಅನ್ನು
ನಿರಾಕರಿಸುವ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಜಯಗಳಿಸಲು ಮುಂದಾಗಿವೆ. ಆದರೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ / ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ ಸಂಯೋಜನೆಯಿಂದ ಮನುಸ್ಮೃತಿಯನ್ನು ಉತ್ತೇಜಿಸಲು.
ಬಾಹುಜನ್ ಸ್ಯಾಮಾಜ್ ಪಾರ್ಟಿ
ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ, ತಮಿಳುನಾಡು, ಕೇರಳ ಮತ್ತು ಪುದುಚೇರಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳು
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ವರ್ಕರ್ಸ್ ಕಾನ್ಫರೆನ್ಸ್ ಆಫ್ ಸೌತ್ ಇಂಡಿಯಾ
ನವೆಂಬರ್ 26, 2017 ರಂದು 12.00 ಮಧ್ಯಾಹ್ನ
ಸ್ಥಳ: ಸೆಂಟ್ರಲ್ ಕ್ರಿಕೆಟ್ ಪೆವಿಲಿಯನ್ ಗ್ರೌಂಡ್, ಗಾಂಧಿನಗರ, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರು
ಮುಖ್ಯ ಅತಿಥಿ: ಬೆಹೆನ್ ಕುಮಾರಿ ಮಾಯಾವತಿಜಿ
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿಯ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಪ್ರಜೆ, ಮಾಜಿ ಎಂಪಿ (ರಾಜ್ಯಸಭಾ) ಮತ್ತು ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಮಾಜಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ
ಅತಿಥಿಗಳು:
ಡಾ. ಅಶೋಕ್ ಸಿದ್ಧಾರ್ಥ್ಜಿ
ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಜೀನಿಯಲ್ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ, ಎಂಪಿ (ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಭೆ) ಮತ್ತು ಉಸ್ತುವಾರಿ ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ
ಶ್ರೀ. ಅಂಬೇತ್ ರಾಜನ್
ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಖಜಾಂಚಿ ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಜಿ ಸಂಸದ (ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸಭೆ)
ಶ್ರೀ. ಮರಾಸಂದ್ರ ಮುನಿಯಪ್ಪ
ಸಹ-ಆರ್ಡಿನೇಟರ್ & ಕರ್ನಾಟಕದ ಇಂಚರ್ಜ್
ಶ್ರೀ. ಗೋಪಿನಾಥ್
ತಮಿಳುನಾಡು, ಕೇರಳ ಮತ್ತು ಪುಚಚೇರಿ ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳ ಸಂಯೋಜಕ
ಶ್ರೀ. ರಾಮ್ಜಿ ಗೌತಮ್
ಕೋ-ಆರ್ಡಿನೇಟರ್, ಕೇರಳ ಮತ್ತು ಪುಧಚೆರಿ ಸ್ಟೇಟ್ಸ್
ಶ್ರೀ. ಎನ್. ಮಹೇಶ್, ರಾಜ್ಯ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ, ಕರ್ನಾಟಕ
ಶ್ರೀ. ಕೆ. ಆರ್ಮ್ಸ್ಟ್ರಾಂಗ್, ತಮಿಳುನಾಡು ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು
ಶ್ರೀ. ಮೂರ್ತಿ, ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷ, ಪುದುಚೆರಿ ಯೂನಿಯನ್ ಟೆರಿಟರಿ
ಶ್ರೀ. ಜೆ.ಸುಧಕರನ್, ರಾಜ್ಯ ಪ್ರೆಸಿಡೆಂಟ್ ಕೇರಳ
ಸರ್ವಾಜನ್ ಹಿಹಾಯ ಸರ್ವಜನ್ ಶಖಾಯ
Tamil
தமிழ்
2449 தி 23 நவம்பர் 2017 லெஸ்சன்
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xig0PRHN2yY
டாக்டர்
பீம்ராவ் அம்பேத்கர் சமாஜிக் பரிவார்தன் பிரடெக் ஸ்ஹால் (இந்தி: டாக்டர்
भीमराव अम्बेक्ती परिवर्तन प्रतीक स्थल) இந்த பூங்கா ஜியோதிராவ் புலே,
நாராயண குரு, பிர்ஸா முண்டா, ஷாஜூஜி மகாராஜ், பீமிரோ அம்பேத்கர், கன்ஷி
ராம் ஆகியோரின் வாழ்க்கை மற்றும் நினைவுகள், மனிதகுலத்திற்கும், சமத்துவத்திற்கும், சமூக நீதிக்கும் தங்கள் வாழ்வை அர்ப்பணித்திருக்கிறேன். உத்தரப் பிரதேசத்தின் முதலமைச்சரான மாயாவதி, அவரது நிர்வாகத்தின் போது, பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சியை வழிநடத்தினார்.
BSP தேசிய தலைவர் மற்றும் சமூக மாற்றம் இயக்கத்தின் பெரும் தலைவரின் வரலாற்று உரையாடல்களின் பகுதிகள் Hon. இந்திய
அரசியலமைப்பின் கட்டிடக்கலைஞரின் 126 பிறந்த நாள் விழாவில் பெனி குமாரி
மகா மஹாவம்ச ஜி.ஐ., பாரத ரத்னா போதிசத்வா ஏப்ரல் 14 ம் தேதி பாரதீய ஜனதா
பிரதமர் டாக்டர் பீம்ராவ் அம்பேத்கர் மிகவும் புகழ்பெற்ற டாக்டர்
அம்பேத்கர் நினைவுச்சின்னத்தில் பெரும் பேரணியில் கலந்து கொண்டார். ஜாதி,
மத, சிறுபான்மையினர், ஏழை, தொழிலாளி, விவசாயிகள் ஆகியவற்றிற்கு எதிராக,
ஜாதிகளுடைய மனோநிலை மற்றும் பி.ஜே.பி (பிரஷ்தாசார் ஜியாதா உளவியல்
நிபுணர்கள்) கொள்கைகளை குறிப்பாக விசேடமாக, சமூகத்தின்). அம்பேத்கர் பார்க் லக்னோ சமீபத்திய அம்பேத்கர்
மெமோரியல் பார்க் இந்தியாவின் உத்திரப்பிரதேச மாநிலத்தின் லக்னோவில் உள்ள
கோமிநாகர் நகரில் ஒரு பொது பூங்கா மற்றும் நினைவுச்சின்னமாகும். இது மிகவும் முறையாக அறியப்படுகிறது … youtube.com இன்லைன் படத்தை 4 இன்லைன் படம் 9 மாயாவதி - சர்வசமாஜ் (அனைத்து சமுதாயங்களும்) ‘ராணி’
இன்லைன் படம் 6 இன்லைன் படம் 2 இன்லைன் படம் 10 இன்லைன் படம் 7 இன்லைன் படம் 3 இன்லைன் படம் 11
இன்லைன் படம் 5 இன்லைன் படம் 1
டாக்டர் BR அம்பேத்கர் மற்றும் கன்ஷி ராம் நினைவுச் சின்னங்களில் சிலைகளை நிறுவுவதற்கு BSP முடிவு செய்துள்ளது.
தேசிய
பொதுச் செயலாளர் எஸ்.சி. மிஸ்ரா தலைமையிலான பி.எஸ்.எஸ் தலைவர்களின்
குழுவின் தலைவர் புதன்கிழமை முதல்வர் சந்தித்தார் டாக்டர் பி.ஆர்.
அம்பேத்கர் மற்றும் கன்ஷி ராம் நினைவுச்சின்னங்களில் பின்தங்கிய சாதி
சின்னங்களின் சிலைகளை நிறுவுவதற்கு எதிர்ப்பு தெரிவிப்பதற்காக. “தலித் நினைவுச் சாவடிகள் மீது ஆக்கிரமிப்புக்கு பதிலாக, பி.ஜே.பி,
அவர்கள் ஊக்குவிக்கும் பின்தங்கிய வகுப்பு சின்னங்களுக்கு தனி நினைவுகளை
கட்டியெழுப்ப வேண்டும்” என்று கூறினார் .சென்னைர் பி.எஸ்.பி தலைவர் லால்ஜி
வர்மா, உச்சநீதி மன்றம் கூட அதன் ஒழுங்கமைப்பில் நினைவுச்சின்னங்களில்
கட்டுமான நடவடிக்கைகளை தடைசெய்தது “என்றார்.
சட்டமன்றத்
தேர்தலில் பா.ஜ.க. (பிரஷ்தாசார் ஜியாதா மனநிலை பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்கள்) என்று
அழைக்கப்படும் நிலச்சரிவு வெற்றி, ஏனெனில் மோசடி EVM கள் தேர்தலில்
வெற்றிபெறத் திட்டமிட்டன. இப்போது
பி.ஜே.பி புதிய பின்தங்கிய சின்னங்கள் பின்தங்கிய சமூகங்களின் ஆதரவை வெல்ல
முற்படுவதற்கு முயற்சி செய்கின்றது. மஹாராணா பிரதாப் மற்றும் சிவாஜி போன்ற
உயர் சாதி அடையாளங்களுடன், குங்குமப்பூ படை அதன் சித்தாந்தங்களை
ஊக்குவிக்கிறது. அரசியல் சமன்பாடுகளில் அரசியல் அதிகாரத்தில் பங்கெடுத்துக் கொள்வதற்காக
ஓரங்கட்டப்பட்ட சமுதாயத்தில் எழுச்சியைக் கொண்டிருக்கும் பி.ஜே.பி இந்த
சமுதாயங்களின் மீது தனது பிடியை வலுப்படுத்துவதற்காக அவர்களின் சின்னங்களை
வளர்த்து வருகிறது.
உத்திரப்பிரதேச
மாநிலம் உத்தரபிரதேச மாநிலத்தின் செல்வத்தை பரப்புவதன் மூலம் மகாராஷ்டிரா
மாநிலத்தின் சிறந்த நிர்வாகத்திற்குப் பிறகு மகா மவாஜி ஜி (மாபெரும் நவீன
அரசியலமைப்பில் பொறிக்கப்பட்டபடி, SC / STs / OBCs / ஏழை / பிராமணர்கள்
மற்றும் Banyas உள்ளிட்ட அனைத்து சமுதாயங்களும்) இந்த நாட்டின் பிரதமர். ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்
(ரக்ஷச ஸ்வயம் சேவாக்கின்) மனநிலையை சிதைக்கும் சித்திரவதை சித்தப்பன்
பிராமணர்களைச் சிதைக்கும் 1% சகிப்புத்தன்மையற்ற, தந்திரமான, வக்கிரமான,
உலகின் மிகக் கொடூரமான போராளிகளால் இது ஒரு சகிப்புத்தன்மையற்றதல்ல, எனவே
மையம் மற்றும் மாநிலங்களில் (மோடி)
மற்றும் போஹிஸ், ராஹிஸ் மற்றும் டெஹ்ஷ் டிரோஸ் ஆகியோரின் பிரஷ்தாசார்
ஜியாத உளவியல் நிபுணர்கள் (பி.ஜே.பி) கொலைகாரர்கள் தேர்தலில் வெற்றி
பெற்றார்கள். SC / ST வகுப்பு மற்றும் பின்தங்கிய மத சிறுபான்மையினர், ஏழை
பிராமணர், பானியா சாதிகள் விவசாயிகள், தொழிலாளர்கள் முதலியவர்கள், பிஎஸ்பியின் ஆதரவுத் தளமாகக் கருதப்பட்ட சமூகங்கள். குங்குமப்பூ படைப்பிரிவின் புதிய மூலோபாயம், SC / STs / OBCs மத
சிறுபான்மையினர், ஏழை பிராமணர்கள், பானியா சாதிகள், விவசாயிகள்,
தொழிலாளர்கள் போன்ற மதங்களுடன் ஒன்றும் செய்யவில்லை, தேசியவாத நிகழ்ச்சி
நிரலில் சமூகங்கள் ஒன்றுபட்டுள்ளன.
சிதம்பவான்
பிராமணர்களை 1st விகிதம் ஆத்மாக்கள் (ஆத்மாக்கள்), கஸ்த்ரீரியாஸ் 2 வது,
வைசியாஸ் 3 வது, ஷுட்ராஸ் 4 வது இடமாக நம்புகிற மசுஸ்மிருட்டிக்கு
அடிப்படையாகக் கொண்ட திருட்டுத்தனமான, எஸ்.டி. / எஸ்டிஸ் தீண்டத்தகாதவர்களாகவும், ஆன்மா இல்லாதவர்களாகவும், மகா மாயாவதியை பிரதமராக ஆக்குவதற்குத் தடை விதிக்கிறார். ஆனாலும், புத்தர் எந்த ஆத்மாவையும் நம்பவில்லை. அவர் எல்லாவற்றையும் சமமானவர் என்று கூறினார். எனவே, அம்பேத்கர் லட்சக்கணக்கானோருடன் சேர்ந்து சொந்தமாக புத்தமதத்திற்கு
திரும்பினார், இந்த செயல்முறை மயவார் ந்சி ராம் ஜி மற்றும் மாயாவதி ஜே.ஐ.
உடன் தொடர்கிறது.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article…/61203593.cms பி.ஜே.பி மனப்போக்கு மாறவில்லையா?
பி.எஸ்.எஸ்
தலைவர் மாயாவதி இன்று பி.ஜே.பி மீது தாக்கத்தை ஏற்படுத்தியுள்ளார்.
தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர், பழங்குடியினர் மற்றும் பின்தங்கிய வகுப்பினர் ஆகியோரின்
மனோபாவத்தை மாற்ற வேண்டும் என்று பி.எஸ்.எப். தலைவர் பீமிரோ அம்பேத்கர் “தலித்துகள்,
ஆதிவாசிகள், பின்னோக்கு மற்றும் அவர்களின் மதத்தை மாற்றி மாற்றியவர்கள்
ஆகியோரை நோக்கி சாதி, வகுப்புவாத மனோபாவத்தை மாற்றுவதற்கு பி.ஜே.பிக்கு
வெளிப்படையாக சவால் விடுகிறேன் அல்லது மதத்தை மாற்றியமைப்பதில் பௌத்த
மதத்தை மாற்றுவதற்கு நான் ஒரு முடிவை எடுக்க வேண்டும்,” என்று அவர்
கூறினார். இங்கே ஒரு கட்சி கூட்டத்தில். ..
அம்பேத்கரை
நினைவு கூர்கிறார், இந்து மதத்தில் ‘வர்ண வணவஸ்தா’ (சாதி அமைப்பு)
பாகுபாடு காண்பதைப் பார்த்த அவர், ஷங்கராச்சாரியர்களைக் காப்பாற்றினார்,
அதைச் சுற்றிக் காட்டினார். அதை செய்யாததால், அம்பேத்கர் இறப்பதற்கு முன்பு சிறிது காலம், நாக்பூரில் பௌத்த மதத்தை மாற்றினார்.
பா.ஜ.க தலைவர், ஷங்கராச்சாரிய, மதத் தலைவர்கள் மற்றும் பா.ஜ.க.வுடன்
இணைந்த மக்கள் தங்கள் சிந்தனையை மாற்றிக்கொள்ளும் வாய்ப்பை அளித்துள்ளனர்,
அல்லது கோடிக்கணக்கான ஆதரவாளர்களுடன் சரியான நேரத்திலும்கூட பெளத்த
மதத்துக்கு மாறிவிடுவார் என்று பி.எஸ்.எஸ் தலைவர் தெரிவித்தார்.
ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். முன்னணியின் “சாதிகார நிகழ்ச்சிநிரலை” பி.ஜே.பி எடுத்துக்
கொண்டதாக குற்றம்சாட்டிய அவர் ஹைதராபாத்தில் உள்ள ரோஹித் வெமுலாவின்
தற்கொலை மற்றும் குஜராத்தின் Una வழக்கில் குற்றம் சாட்டப்பட்டார். பி.ஜே.பி மனப்போக்கு மாறவில்லையா? பி.எஸ்.எஸ் தலைவர், ஷங்கராச்சாரியார், மதத் தலைவர்கள் மற்றும் பிஜேபி
உடன் தொடர்புடையவர்கள் ஆகியோருக்கு தங்கள் எண்ணங்களை மாற்றிக்கொள்ளும்
வாய்ப்பை அளித்து வருவதாகவும் கூறினார். economictimes.indiatimes.com http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-death…/article14010089.ece#!
வெமாலா மரணம்: மாயாவதி பா.ஜ.க.
பாரதீய ஜனதா கட்சியின் “தீவிர” ஜாதி மனப்பான்மையின் மற்றொரு “வலிமையான
உதாரணம்” தற்கொலை செய்துகொள்வதாக தலித் மக்களவைத் தலைவர் ரோஹித்த்
வெமுலாவிடம் கூறப்பட்ட “அநீதிக்கும் தொந்தரவுக்கும்” மாயாவதி கண்டனம்
செய்தார்.
ஆராய்ச்சி
அறிஞரின் மரணத்தை ஒரு “வலிமையான மற்றும் பயங்கரமான சம்பவம்” என்று
அழைக்கும் Ms. மாயாவதி நாட்டில் “எஸ்.சி. / எஸ்.டி சமுதாயத்திற்கு நீதி
கிடைக்குமா என்பது மிகவும் கடினம்” என்றார். Smriti Irani மற்றும் Bandaru Dattatreya ஆகியோருக்கு எதிராக உடனடி சட்ட
நடவடிக்கை எடுக்கப்பட வேண்டும் என்றும் ஹைதராபாத் பல்கலைக் கழக துணைவேந்தர்
பி.அப்பா ராவ் துணைத் தலைவர் ஆவார்.
“பி.சி.
/ ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் (பிரஷ்தாச்சார் ஜீதா சைகோபாத்ஸ் / ரக்ஷஸ் ஸ்வாகம்
சேவாக்கின் கொள்கைகளுக்கு எதிராக நீங்கள் இருந்தால்), நீங்கள் எங்கள்
எதிரியாக இருக்க வேண்டும், எங்களது எதிரிகளாக இருப்பீர்கள் என்று எஸ்.சி.
அறிஞருக்கு எதிரான ஜனநாயக அமைப்புக்களின் கொலைகாரன் இரண்டு மூத்த
கூட்டாளிகளின் அணுகுமுறை பயங்கரவாதத்தின் மூலம் துன்புறுத்தப்பட வேண்டும், ‘என்பது வெளிப்படையான ஜனநாயகமற்ற மற்றும் கண்டிக்கத்தக்கது ஆகும் முதல்வர் கூறினார்.
“அதிகப்படியான மற்றும் அட்டூழியங்கள்” அதிகரித்துவரும் சம்பவங்கள் “ஆர்எஸ்எஸ் மனப்போக்கு” என்று அவர் கூறினார்.
“பி.ஜே.பி மற்றும் ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் மற்றும் எஸ்.டி.எஸ், பின்தங்கியவர்கள்
மற்றும் முஸ்லிம்களின் மனோபாவமும் சிந்தனையும் மிருகத்தனமான, ஜாதி,
மனிதாபிமானமற்றது.”
மாயாவதி,
எஸ்.சி., எஸ்.டி., க்களுக்கு எதிரான அட்டூழியங்கள் மற்றும் அநீதி
வழக்குகள், பின்னடைவு மற்றும் மத சிறுபான்மையினர் ஆகியவை அதிகரித்து
வருகின்றன. இத்தகைய குற்றவாளிகளுக்கு எதிராக பா.ஜ.க. / ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ். அமைப்பின்
அணுகுமுறை சட்டப்படி அல்ல, ஆனால் அத்தகைய உறுப்புகளை ஆதரிக்கும்
விதமாகவும், தாராளமாகவும் ஆதரவு அளிக்கிறது.
பிஜேபி தலைவர்கள், பாராளுமன்ற உறுப்பினர்கள் மற்றும் அமைச்சர்கள், ஜாதி
மற்றும் அப்பட்டமான கருத்துக்களை தொடர்ந்து நடத்தி வருகின்றனர். இது
நாட்டில் சமூக, அரசியல், வகுப்புவாத சூழலைக் கெடுக்கிறது. சில உறுப்புகளை
குற்றங்கள் செய்ய தைரியம் தருகிறது. மோசடி
EVM க்கள் இருந்ததால், இது நடக்கிறது, யுனிவர்சல் அடல்ட் ஃபிரஞ்ச்ஸை
எதிர்க்கும் தேர்தல்களில் வெற்றிபெறுவதற்கு, நமது அற்புதம், நவீன
அரசியலமைப்பில் பொறிக்கப்பட்டிருக்கிறது. ஆனால் பி.எஸ்.எஸ் / ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் இணைந்தால் மன்சுரிமியை ஊக்குவிக்க.
பாஹுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சி
கர்நாடகா, தமிழ்நாடு, கேரளா மற்றும் புதுச்சேரி மாநிலங்கள்
தென் இந்தியாவின் பி.எஸ்.எல். ஊழியர்கள் ‘மாநாடு
நவம்பர் 26, 2017 மணிக்கு 12.00 மணிக்கு
இடம்: மத்திய கிரிக்கெட் பெவிலியன் மைதானம், காந்திநகர், பெங்களூர்
தலைமை விருந்தினர்: பெனு குமாரி மாயாவதி
பி.எஸ்.எஸ்., முன்னாள் எம்.பி. (ராஜ்ய சபா) மற்றும் உத்தரபிரதேச முன்னாள் முதலமைச்சர்
விருந்தினர்கள்:
டாக்டர் அசோக் சித்தார்த்ஜி
தேசிய ஜெனரல் செயலாளர், எம்.பி. (ராஜ்ய சபா) மற்றும் கர்நாடகா பொறுப்பேற்றார்
ஸ்ரீ. அம்பத் ராஜன்
தேசிய பொருளாளர் மற்றும் முன்னாள் எம்.பி. (ராஜ்ய சபா)
ஸ்ரீ. மராசந்திர முனப்ப்பா
கர்நாடகாவின் ஒருங்கிணைப்பாளர்
ஸ்ரீ. கோபிநாத்
தமிழ்நாடு, கேரளா மற்றும் புதுச்சேரி மாநிலங்களின் ஒருங்கிணைப்பாளர்
ஸ்ரீ. ராம்ஜி கௌதம்
கூட்டுறவு, கேரளா மற்றும் புதுச்சேரி மாநிலங்கள்
ஸ்ரீ. N மகேஷ், மாநிலத் தலைவர், கர்நாடகா
ஸ்ரீ. கே.ஆர்மிரோங், மாநிலத் தலைவர், தமிழ்நாடு
ஸ்ரீ. மூர்த்தி, புதுச்சேரி யூனியன் பிரதேசம்
ஸ்ரீ. ஜெ. சுதாகரன், மாநில முன்னுரிமை கேரளா
சர்வஜா ஜெயா சரவணன் சுகஹாயா
Telugu
తెలుగు
2449 థు 23 నవంబర్ 2017 లెసన్
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xig0PRHN2yY
జ్యోతిరావు
ఫూలే, నారాయణ గురు, బిర్సా ముండా, షాహిజి మహరాజ్, భీమరావు అంబేద్కర్,
కంషీరామ్ మరియు అన్ని వారిలో ఉన్నవారికి జీవితాలు మరియు జ్ఞాపకాలను
గౌరవపరుస్తుంది. భీమరావు అంబేద్కర్ సమాజ్క్ పరివర్తన్ ప్రటేక్ స్థల్
(హిందీ: డాక్టర్ ी ी ी ी ी ी </s> </s> </s> </s>
</s> </s> </s> </s>) మానవత్వం, సమానత్వం మరియు సామాజిక న్యాయం కోసం వారి జీవితాన్ని అంకితం చేశారు. ఈ స్మారకాన్ని ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ ముఖ్యమంత్రి మాయావతి నిర్మించారు, ఆమె పరిపాలనా సమయంలో ఆమె బహుజన సమాజ్ పార్టీకి నాయకత్వం వహించినది.
BSP యొక్క నేషనల్ ప్రెసిడెంట్ మరియు సోషల్ ట్రాన్స్ఫార్మేషన్ మూవ్మెంట్ యొక్క గొప్ప నాయకుడు హాజరయ్యారు. భారతీయ
రాజ్యాంగం యొక్క ఆర్కిటెక్ట్ 126 భారత్ వార్షికోత్సవం సందర్భంగా బీన్
కుమారి మహా మాయావజీ JI, ఏప్రిల్ 14 న మహాత్మా గాంధీ డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్
స్మారకం లో భారీ ర్యాలీలో భారతీయ రాజ్యాంగ భరత్ రత్న బోధిసత్వా అత్యంత
గౌరవించే బాబా సాహెబ్ డాక్టర్ భీమరావు అంబేద్కర్. శ్రీవాసమజ్
(అన్ని విభాగాలన్నీ) షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాలు / షెడ్యూల్డ్ తెగలు (ఎస్సీ /
ఎటిఎస్), వెనుకబడిన వర్గాలు, మత మైనార్టీలు, పేదలు, కార్మికులు, రైతులు
మొదలైన వాటికి వ్యతిరేకతగా బిజెపి (బ్రష్చాచార్ జీయధ మానసిక రోగాలు) సమాజం). అంబేద్కర్ పార్క్ లక్నో తాజా అంబేద్కర్ స్మారక ఉద్యానవనం భారతదేశంలోని ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్లోని లక్నోలోని గోమతి నగర్లో ఉన్న ఒక బహిరంగ ఉద్యానవనం మరియు స్మారకం. ఇది అధికారికంగా తెలిసినది … youtube.com ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 4 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 9 మాయావతి - సర్వస్వామజ్ (అన్ని సంఘాలు) ‘రాణి’
ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 6 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 2 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 10 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 7 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 3 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 11
ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 5 ఇన్లైన్ చిత్రం 1
డాక్టర్ బిఆర్ అంబేద్కర్, కంషీరామ్ స్మారకచిహ్నాల వద్ద విగ్రహాల ఏర్పాటును వ్యతిరేకించాలని బిఎస్పి నిర్ణయించింది.
జాతీయ
ప్రధాన కార్యదర్శి ఎస్.సి. మిశ్రా నేతృత్వంలోని బిఎస్పి నాయకుల బృందం
బుధవారం సాయంత్రం ముఖ్యమంత్రిని కలుసుకున్నారు. డాక్టర్ బిఆర్ అంబేద్కర్,
కంషీరామ్ స్మారక చిహ్నాల వద్ద వెనుకబడిన కుల చిహ్నాల విగ్రహాల సంస్థాపనపై
నిరసన తెలియజేయాలని బుధవారం సాయంత్రం సమావేశమైంది. “దళిత స్మారక చిహ్నాలపై ఆక్రమణకు బదులుగా, బిజెపి వారు ప్రచారం చేస్తున్న
వెనుకబడిన తరగతి చిహ్నాల కోసం ప్రత్యేక స్మారకాలను నిర్మిస్తారు.” సుప్రీం
కోర్టు తన క్రమంలో స్మారక కట్టడాల్లో నిర్మాణాత్మక కార్యకలాపాలను
నిషేధించింది “అని సుప్రీం బిఎస్పి నాయకుడు లాల్జీ వర్మ పేర్కొన్నారు.
అసెంబ్లీ ఎన్నికలలో బిజెపి (బ్రష్చాచార్ జీహాదా మనోభాథాలు) యొక్క మెజారిటీ విజయం, ఎందుకంటే మోసం EVM లు ఎన్నికలలో విజయం సాధించాయి. ఇప్పుడు
వెనుకబడిన వర్గాల మద్దతును గెలుచుకోడానికి బిజెపి నూతన వెనుకబడిన
చిహ్నాలను ప్రోత్సహిస్తుంది. మహారాణా ప్రతాప్ మరియు శివాజీ వంటి ఎగువ కుల
చిహ్నాలతో పాటు, కుంకుమ బ్రిగేడ్ తన సిద్ధాంతకర్తలను ప్రోత్సహిస్తోంది. రాజకీయ అధికారంలో పాలుపంచుకొనే రాజకీయ సమీకరణాలు మారిపోతున్నప్పుడు,
సమాజంలో అధికారంలోకి రావడం, ఈ సమాజాలపై పట్టు సాధించడానికి బిజెపి వారి
చిహ్నాలను ప్రోత్సహిస్తుంది.
మావ
మవతి జీ ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ రాష్ట్రంలోని సంపద పంపిణీ ద్వారా ఉత్తరాది
రాష్ట్రంలోని అద్భుతమైన పరిపాలన తర్వాత (సర్వోన్నత సమాజంలో రాజ్యాంగబద్ధంగా
ఉన్న ఎస్.ఎస్.ఎస్.టి., ఎస్టీలు / ఒబిసిలు, పేద బ్రాహ్మణులు, బన్యాస్లతో
సహా అన్ని సమాజాలు) ఈ దేశం యొక్క ప్రధాన మంత్రి. ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్
(రాస్సాస్ స్వయంసేవ్ సెవాక్స్) మాంద్యానికి చెందిన నరమాంస భ్రమణ
బ్రాహ్మణులను హతమార్చే కేవలం 1 శాతం అసహనంతో, మోసపూరిత, వంకరగా,
ప్రపంచంలోని అత్యంత హింసాత్మక, మిలిటెంట్ల కాల్పులు, కేంద్రంలో మరియు
రాష్ట్రాలలో ప్రజాస్వామ్య
సంస్థల (మోడీ) మరియు భొగీస్, రాహీలు, మరియు డెష్ డ్రాయిస్ యొక్క
బ్రష్చాచార్ జీహాదా మనోరోగాల (బిజెపి) హంతకుల కోసం ఎన్నికలను
గెలుచుకున్నారు. SC / ST మరియు వెనుకబడిన మత మైనారిటీలు, పేద బ్రాహ్మణులు,
బనియా కులాలు , రైతులు, కార్మికులు మొదలైనవారు, బిఎస్పి యొక్క మద్దతు బేస్గా భావించిన కమ్యూనిటీలు. కుంకుమ పెంపకం యొక్క కొత్త వ్యూహం SC / STs / OBC ల మత మైనార్టీలు, పేద
బ్రాహ్మణులు, బనియా కులాలు, రైతులు, కార్మికులు మొదలైనవాటిలో మతంతో ఏమీ
లేదు, జాతీయవాదం యొక్క అజెండాలో సమాజాలు ఐక్యమై ఉన్నాయి.
బిస్త్
దాని ప్రభావం సాంప్రదాయిక మద్దతు ఆధారమైన మనుస్ర్మితికి చెందిన సాంప్రదాయక
మద్దతు ఆధారమైన బిజెపికి ఎప్పటికీ ఉండదు, ఇది 1 వ తరగతి అథామస్ (ఆత్మలు),
కషట్రియాస్ 2 వ, వైజియాలు 3 వ, రేట్
ఆత్మలు మరియు అట్టిచీలుగా Jbudvipa Jbudvipa ఆదివారము నివాసితులు అతి
shudras మరియు అన్ని వద్ద ఏ ఆత్మ కలిగి మరియు అందుకే మహా మాయావతి ప్రధాన
మంత్రి కావడానికి నిరోధించడానికి. అయితే, బుద్ధుడు ఎవ్వరూ నమ్మలేదు. అతను అన్నీ సమానం అని అన్నారు. అందువల్ల, అంబేద్కర్ లక్షలాదిమంది ప్రజలు తమ సొంత బౌద్ధ మతానికి తిరిగి
వచ్చారు, ఈ ప్రక్రియ మణివార్ నషి రామ్ జి మరియు మాయావతి JI లతో
కొనసాగుతుంది.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article…/61203593.cms బిజెపి అభిప్రాయాన్ని మార్చకపోతే బౌద్ధ మతాన్ని మార్చుకుంటాం: మాయావతి
షెడ్యూల్డ్
కులాలు, గిరిజనులు, వెనుకబడిన తరగతులకు తమ అభిప్రాయాన్ని మార్చుకోవాలని
బిఎస్పీ అధ్యక్షుడు మాయావతి బిజెపిపై దాడి చేసారు. లేకపోతే భీమరావ్
అంబేద్కర్“దళితులు,
ఆదివాసీలు, వెనుకకు, వారి మతాన్ని మార్చుకున్న వారి కుల, మతపరమైన
అభిప్రాయాన్ని మార్చడానికి బిజెపికి బహిరంగ సవాలుగా నేను విసిరేవాడిని,
మౌలిక మార్పును నా మతాన్ని బౌద్ధ మతానికి మార్చాలని నేను నిర్ణయం
తీసుకోవాల్సి ఉంటుంది” ఇక్కడ పార్టీ ర్యాలీలో. ..
అంబేద్కర్ను
గుర్తుచేసుకుంటూ, హిందూమతంలో ‘వర్ణా వ్యావస్తా’ (కుల వ్యవస్థ) లో వివక్షను
చూసిన తరువాత, శంకరాచార్యుల మీద మరియు సూర్యులను మార్చమని అడిగారు. ఇది పూర్తి కానందున, అంబేద్కర్ చనిపోయే ముందు కొంచం, నాగపూర్లో తన అనుచరులతో పాటు బౌద్ధమతంలోకి మార్చారు.
బి.ఎస్.పి. చీఫ్ మాట్లాడుతూ, శంకరాచార్యులు, మత నాయకులు, బిజెపికి చెందిన
వారి ఆలోచనలను మార్చుకోవడం లేదా ఆమె కోట్లాదిమంది మద్దతుదారులతో కలిసి
సరైన సమయంలో బుద్ధిజం వైపుకు మారడం కూడా ఆమెకు అవకాశం కల్పిస్తుందని
చెప్పారు.
బిజెపి ఆరోపణలను ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ ముందుకు తీసుకెళ్తున్నట్లు ఆరోపించింది.
హైదరాబాదులో రోహిత్ వేముల ఆత్మహత్యకు గుజరాత్ను నిందించింది. గుజరాత్లోని
యునా కేసులో కొంత షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాలు దౌర్జన్యం, నిరసనల ఫలితంగా దాడులకు
గురయ్యాయి. బిజెపి అభిప్రాయాన్ని మార్చకపోతే బౌద్ధ మతాన్ని మార్చుకుంటాం: మాయావతి బి.ఎస్.పి. చీఫ్ మాట్లాడుతూ శంకరాచార్యులు, మత నాయకులు, బిజెపికి చెందిన
వారి ఆలోచనా విధానాన్ని మార్చేందుకు ఆమెకు అవకాశం ఇస్తుందని అన్నారు. economictimes.indiatimes.com http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-death…/article14010089.ece#!
వెములా మరణం: మాయావతి బిజెపికి ‘కులత’ వైఖరిని నిందించింది
బహుజన సమాజ్ పార్టీ (బిఎస్పి) అధినేత్రి మాయావతి, షెడ్యూల్డ్ కుల
పండితుడు రోహిత్ వేములాకు “అన్యాయం, వేధింపు” ఖండించారు, తన ఆత్మహత్య
భారతీయ జనతా పార్టీ యొక్క “తీవ్ర” కులతత్వ దృక్పధం మరో “బాధాకరమైన ఉదాహరణ”
అని పేర్కొన్నారు.
రీసెర్చ్
పండితుడు మరణం “బాధాకరమైన మరియు భీతిగొల్పే” సంఘటనను పిలిచే Ms. మాయావతి
దేశంలో SC / ST సమాజంలో న్యాయం పొందడం కష్టంగా మారింది. స్మృతి ఇరానీ మరియు బండారు దత్తాత్రేయ - మరియు హైదరాబాదు విశ్వవిద్యాలయ
వైస్ ఛాన్సలర్, పి.అప్పా రావులకు వ్యతిరేకంగా తక్షణ చట్టపరమైన చర్య
తీసుకోవాలని ఆమె డిమాండ్ చేశారు.
“మీరు బిజెపి, ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ (బ్రహ్మాచాచార్ జైధ్ సైకోపాథస్ / రాక్షస్ స్వయంసేవక్స్) విధానాలకు వ్యతిరేకమైతే, మీరు మా శత్రువులని ఉగ్రవాదం ద్వారా వేధింపులకు గురవుతుందని, ‘నిస్సందేహంగా అమానుషమైనది, ఖండించదగినది’ అని మాజీ యుపి ముఖ్యమంత్రి చెప్పారు.
“మితిమీరిన మరియు దురాగతాల” పెరుగుతున్న సంఘటనలు “RSS- అభిప్రాయాన్ని” ప్రదర్శించాయి.
“ఎస్సీ, ఎస్టీలకు, వెనుకకు, ముస్లింలకు బిజెపి, ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ వైఖరి, ఆలోచించడం, క్రూరమైన, కులత, అమానుషమైనది.”
ఎస్సీ, ఎస్టీలకు, వెనుకకు, మతపరమైన మైనారిటీలకు వ్యతిరేకంగా జరిగిన దాడుల, అన్యాయాల కేసులు పెరుగుతున్నాయి. అటువంటి నేరస్థుల పట్ల బిజెపి / ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ వైఖరి చట్టం ప్రకారం కానీ రకమైన, ఉదారంగా ఇచ్చే అంశాలకు మద్దతు ఇస్తుంది.
బిజెపి నాయకులు, ఎంపీలు, మంత్రులు క్రమం తప్పకుండా కుల, అగౌరవప్రదమైన
వ్యాఖ్యలు చేస్తున్నారు. ఇవి దేశంలో సాంఘిక, రాజకీయ, మతోన్మాద వాతావరణాన్ని
పాడు చేస్తున్నాయి. కొన్ని అంశాల్లో నేరాలకు పాల్పడుతున్నాయి. మా
మావెల్యుస్, మోడరన్ కాన్స్టిట్యూషన్ లో పొందుపరచిన విధంగా యూనివర్సల్
అడల్ట్ ఫ్రాంచైస్ ను వ్యతిరేకించే ఎన్నికలను గెలవడానికి మోసం చేస్తున్నందున
మోసం EVM లు అన్నింటికీ జరిగేవి. బిజెపి / ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ మిళితం ద్వారా మనుస్మృతిని ప్రోత్సహించేందుకు.
బహజన్ శమ్జా పార్టీ
కర్ణాటక, తమిళనాడు, కేరళ, పుదుచ్చేరి రాష్ట్రాలు
దక్షిణాఫ్రికా బిఎస్పి వర్కర్స్ కాన్ఫరెన్స్
నవంబర్ 26, 2017 న 12.00 మధ్యాహ్నం
వేదిక: సెంట్రల్ క్రికెట్ పెవీలియన్ గ్రౌండ్, గాంధీనగర్, బెంగళూరు
ముఖ్య అతిథి: బెనన్ కుమారి మాయావతిజీ
బిఎస్పి, మాజీ ఎంపి (రాజ్యసభ), ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ మాజీ ముఖ్యమంత్రి
గెస్ట్స్:
డాక్టర్ అశోక్ సిద్ధార్థ్
నేషనల్ జెనియల్ సెక్రటరీ, ఎంపీ (రాజ్యసభ), కర్నాటకలో బాధ్యతలు చేపట్టారు
శ్రీ. అంబత్ రాజన్
జాతీయ కోశాధికారి మరియు మాజీ ఎంపీ (రాజ్యసభ)
శ్రీ. మరాసంద్ర మునిప్ప
కర్ణాటక యొక్క సమన్వయకర్త & ఇన్ఛార్జ్
శ్రీ. గోపీనాథ్
తమిళనాడు, కేరళ, పుదుచ్చేరి రాష్ట్రాల సమన్వయకర్త
శ్రీ. రాంజీ గౌతం
కో-ఆర్డినేటర్, కేరళ మరియు పుచ్చేరి రాష్ట్రాలు
శ్రీ. ఎన్ మహేష్, రాష్ట్ర అధ్యక్షుడు, కర్ణాటక
శ్రీ. K.ఆర్మ్స్టాంగ్, రాష్ట్రపతి, తమిళనాడు
శ్రీ. మూర్తి, పుదుచ్చేరి యునియన్ టెరిటరీ అధ్యక్షుడు
శ్రీ. J.Sudhakaran, రాష్ట్రం పూర్వ కేరళ
సర్వాజాన్ హిహాయా సార్జాజన్ సుఖాయా
Malayalam
മലയാളം
2449 ന് 23 നവംബർ 2017 പാഠം
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xig0PRHN2yY
ജ്യോതിറാവു
ഫൂലെ, നാരായണ ഗുരു, ബിർസ മുണ്ട, ഷാഹുജി മഹാരാജ്, ഭിംറാവു അംബേദ്കർ, കാൻഷി
റാം എന്നിവരുടെ ജീവിതത്തെയും ഓർമ്മകളെയും ഈ പാർക്ക് ആദരിക്കുന്നു. ഭീംറാവു
അംബേദ്കർ സമാജിക് പരിവാർത്ത പ്രീതിക് സ്റ്റാൾ (ഹിന്ദി: डॉय भीमराव अम्बेडकर
सामाजिक परिवर्तन प्रतीक स्थल) മനുഷ്യത്വത്തിനും സമത്വത്തിനും സാമൂഹ്യ നീതിക്കും വേണ്ടി ജീവൻ അർപ്പിച്ചു. ഉത്തർപ്രദേശിലെ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയായിരുന്ന മായാവതി തന്റെ ഭരണകാലത്ത് ബഹുജൻ
സമാജ് പാർട്ടിക്ക് നേതൃത്വം നൽകിയപ്പോൾ ഈ സ്മാരകം പണികഴിപ്പിച്ചു.
ബിഎസ്പി ദേശീയ പ്രസിഡന്റ് ഹിജഡയുടെ നേതൃത്വത്തിലുള്ള സാമൂഹ്യപരിവർത്തന പ്രസ്ഥാനത്തിന്റെ വലിയ നേതാവ് ഇന്ത്യൻ
ഭരണഘടനയിലെ ആർക്കിടെക്റ്റിലെ 126 ജന്മവാർഷിക ദിനത്തിൽ ഭീകര കുമാരി മഹാ
മായാജാജി ജിഐ, ഏപ്രിൽ 14 ന് ഡോ. അംബേദ്കർ സ്മാരകത്തിൽ നടത്തിയ ഭീമൻ റാലിയിൽ
ഭരത് രത്ന ബോധിസത്വാ ബഹുമതിക്ക് അർഹനായി. പ്രത്യേകിച്ചും
പട്ടികജാതി / പട്ടികവർഗ്ഗക്കാർ, പിന്നോക്ക സമുദായങ്ങൾ, മതന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങൾ,
പാവപ്പെട്ടവർ, തൊഴിലാളികൾ, കർഷകർ തുടങ്ങിയവയ്ക്കെതിരായ വിദ്വേഷ സ്വഭാവമുള്ള
ബി.ജെ.പി (ബ്രഹ്മചന്ദ്ര ജിയാധാ മനോരോഗങ്ങൾ) സമൂഹം). അംബേദ്കർ പാർക്ക് ലക്നൗ പുതിയത് അംബേദ്കർ മെമ്മോറിയൽ പാർക്ക് ഉത്തർപ്രദേശിലെ ലക്നൗവിലെ ഗോമതി നഗറിലെ ഒരു പൊതു ഉദ്യാനമാണ്. ഇത് ഔദ്യോഗികമായി അറിയപ്പെടുന്നത് … youtube.com ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 4 ഇൻലൈൻ ചിത്രം 9 മായാവതി-സർവസാമാജ് (എല്ലാ സൊസൈറ്റികളും) ക്വീൻ
ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 6 ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 2 ഇൻലൈൻ ചിത്രം 10 ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 7 ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 3 ഇൻലൈൻ ചിത്രം 11
ഇൻലൈൻ ഇമേജ് 5 ഇൻലൈൻ ചിത്രം 1
ബി.ആർ. അംബേദ്കർ, കൻഷി റാം സ്മാരകങ്ങളുടെ പ്രതിമ സ്ഥാപിക്കാൻ പ്രതിപക്ഷം തീരുമാനിച്ചു.
ദേശീയ
ജനറൽ സെക്രട്ടറി എസ്.സി മിശ്ര നേതൃത്വം നൽകുന്ന ബിഎസ്പി നേതാക്കളുടെ
ഉദ്ഘാടനം ബുധനാഴ്ച മുഖ്യമന്ത്രിയെ കണ്ടു. ഡോ. ബി ആർ അംബേദ്കർ, കാൻഷി
റാമിന്റെ സ്മരണകളിലെ പിന്നാക്ക ജാതി ഐക്കണകളുടെ പ്രതിമകളുടെ സ്ഥാപനം
സ്ഥാപിക്കാൻ പ്രതിഷേധം നടത്താൻ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി ഉമ്മൻചാണ്ടിയുമായി കൂടിക്കാഴ്ച
നടത്തി. “ദളിത് സ്മാരകങ്ങളെ ആക്രമിക്കുന്നതിനുപകരം ബി.ജെ.പി പിന്നോക്ക
വിഭാഗത്തിന്റെ ചിഹ്നങ്ങൾക്ക് പ്രത്യേകം സ്മാരകങ്ങൾ നിർമിക്കേണ്ടതാണ്.”
ബി.എസ്.പി നേതാവ് ലാൽജി വർമ പറഞ്ഞു. സ്മാരകങ്ങളിൽ നിർമ്മാണ പ്രവർത്തനങ്ങൾ
നിരോധിച്ച സുപ്രീംകോടതിക്ക് പോലും നിരോധനം ഏർപ്പെടുത്തി.
നിയമസഭാ
തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ബി.ജെ.പി (ബ്രഹ്മചാർ ജിയാധാ സൈക്കോപഥുകൾ) എന്ന
മണ്ണിടിച്ചിലിൽ വിജയം വന്നതോടെയാണ് തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് വിജയിക്കാൻ വഞ്ചകരായ EVM
കൾ പാക്ക് ചെയ്തത്. ഇപ്പോൾ,
ബി.ജെ.പി പുതിയ പിന്നോക്കത്തിലുള്ള ഐക്കണുകളെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുന്നതു
തടഞ്ഞ സമൂഹങ്ങളുടെ പിന്തുണ നേടാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നു. മഹാറാണ പ്രതാപെയും
ശിവാജിയെയും പോലെയുള്ള ഉയർന്ന ജാതി ചിഹ്നങ്ങൾക്കൊപ്പം, കുങ്കുമപ്പൂക്കൾ
അതിന്റെ പ്രത്യയശാസ്ത്രത്തെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുകയാണ്. രാഷ്ട്രീയ ശക്തിയിൽ പങ്കുചേരാനായി പാർശ്വവത്കൃത സമൂഹത്തിൽ ഉയർച്ചയുണ്ടായ
രാഷ്ട്രീയ സമവാക്യങ്ങൾ മാറിക്കൊണ്ട്, ബി.ജെ.പി അവരുടെ ചിഹ്നങ്ങൾ
ശക്തിപ്പെടുത്തുന്നതിന് അവരുടെ ഐക്കണുകളെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കുന്നു.
ഉത്തർപ്രദേശിന്റെ
സമ്പന്നമായ മഹാരാജാവിന് ഉത്തരാഖണ്ഡിന്റെ സമ്പത്ത് വിതരണം ചെയ്തുകൊണ്ട്
മഹാവീരന്റെ ഉത്തമഭരണത്തിനുശേഷം (മഹാത്മാ ഗാന്ധി, മഹാനായ സമാജം, ഒബിസി,
പാവപ്പെട്ട ബ്രാഹ്മൻ, ബന്യാസ് തുടങ്ങി എല്ലാ സമുദായങ്ങൾക്കും തുല്യമായി) ഈ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി. ആർഎസ്എസിന്റെ
(രാക്ഷസ സ്വയം സേവകരുടെ) മാനസിക വ്യവസ്ഥിതിയിലെ കാനിബൽ ചിതപാന
ബ്രാഹ്മണന്മാരെ വെടിവച്ചു കൊന്നുകൊണ്ടുള്ള വെറും 1% ബുദ്ധിശൂന്യമായ,
തന്ത്രപരവും വക്രബുദ്ധിയുമായ, ലോകത്തിലെ ഏറ്റവും തീവ്രവാദി, ജനാധിപത്യ
സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ (മോഡി), ഭോഗികൾ, റോഹിസ്, ഡെഹ്ഫ് ഡ്രോഹി എന്നിവരുടെ
തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിനെ മറികടന്ന് ബ്രാഹ്മണർ ജിയാധാ സൈക്കോപഥുകൾ (ബി.ജെ.)
നടത്തുന്ന കൊലപാതകം, ഭിന്നാഭിപ്രായം, കർഷകർ, തൊഴിലാളികൾ മുതലായവർ, ബിഎസ്പിയുടെ പിന്തുണാ അടിസ്ഥാനമായി കരുതപ്പെട്ടിരുന്ന കമ്മ്യൂണിറ്റികൾ. പട്ടികജാതി / പട്ടികവർഗ / ഒ.ബി.സി. മതപരമായ ന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങൾ, പാവപ്പെട്ട
ബ്രാഹ്മണർ, ബനിയ ജാതിക്കാർ, കർഷകർ, തൊഴിലാളികൾ തുടങ്ങിയ വിഭാഗങ്ങളിൽ
മതവിഭാഗങ്ങളുമായി ബന്ധമില്ല. ദേശീയതയുടെ അജണ്ടയിൽ കമ്യൂണിറ്റികൾ
ഏകീകരിക്കപ്പെടുന്നു.
ചിത്പാവൻ
ബ്രാഹ്മണരെ ഒന്നാം റഫറൻസിൽ (ആത്മാക്കൾ), കസ്തൂരികളെ രണ്ടാം സ്ഥാനത്തേക്ക്,
വൈശായാ 3 ആം, ഷുധ്രറസ് നാലാം സ്ഥാനത്ത് വിശ്വസിക്കുന്നു, മനുസ്മൃതിയെ
അടിസ്ഥാനമാക്കിയ നിഗൂഢമായ വിവേചന ഹന്ധുവത്വ ആരാധനയുടെ പാരമ്പര്യ
പിന്തുണയല്ല സമുദായങ്ങളിലെ സ്വാധീനം. എസ്.ടി
/ ടി.ടി.കളുടെ തൊട്ടുകൂടായ്മക്കാരായ ആതുരാലയങ്ങളും ആദിശുദ്രക്കാരും
ആദിവാസികളായിട്ടാണ് ജീവിക്കുന്നത്. ആരും സ്വയം ആത്മാവില്ലാത്തത് കൊണ്ട്
മഹാമതി പ്രധാനമന്ത്രിയാക്കാൻ പാടില്ല. അതേസമയം, ബുദ്ധൻ ഏതെങ്കിലും ആത്മാവിൽ വിശ്വസിച്ചിരുന്നില്ല. എല്ലാവരും തുല്യരാണ്. അതിനാൽ അംബേദ്കറും ലക്ഷക്കണക്കിന് ആളുകളും സ്വന്തം വീടും
ബുദ്ധമതത്തിലേക്ക് തിരിച്ചു വന്നു. ഈ പ്രക്രിയ തുടരുന്നതുമാത്രമല്ല മൈനാവർ
നിഷി റാംജി, മായാവതി ജെ.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/../article…/61203593.cms ബി.ജെ.പി മനോഭാവം മാറ്റിയാൽ ബുദ്ധമതത്തിലേക്ക് മാറും: മായാവതി
ബിഎസ്പി
മേധാവി മായാവതി ബി.ജെ.പിയെ ആക്രമിച്ചതായും ബി.ജെ.പി നേതാക്കൾ ആരോപിച്ചു.
പട്ടികജാതി, പട്ടികവർഗ, പിന്നാക്ക വിഭാഗങ്ങൾ എന്നിവയിൽ മാറ്റം
വരുത്തണമെന്നും അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ഭീംറാവു അംബേദ്കർദളിതുകൾ,
ആദിവാസികൾ, പിന്നാക്കം, അവരുടെ മതത്തെ മാറ്റിമറിച്ചവർ, ജാതി മതത്തിലേക്ക്
മാറ്റാൻ ബിജെപിക്ക് തുറന്ന വെല്ലുവിളി ഉയർത്താൻ ഞാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നു.
അല്ലെങ്കിൽ എന്റെ മതത്തെ ബുദ്ധമതം മാറ്റിയെടുക്കാൻ തീരുമാനിക്കേണ്ടതുണ്ട്. ഇവിടെ ഒരു പാർട്ടി റാലിയിൽ. ..
അംബേദ്കറെ
ഓർമ്മിപ്പിച്ചുകൊണ്ട്, ഹിന്ദുത്വത്തിൽ ‘വർണ വൈവിധ്യ’ (ജാതി
സമ്പ്രദായത്തിൽ) വിവേചനത്തിന് സാക്ഷ്യം വഹിച്ച അദ്ദേഹം ശങ്കരാചാര്യരെ
ശങ്കരാചാര്യർ ആഹ്വാനം ചെയ്തു. അത് പൂർത്തിയാകാതെ ആയതിനാൽ, അംബേദ്കർ മരിക്കുന്നതിനു കുറച്ചു കാലം നാഗ്പൂരിലെ ബുദ്ധമതം സ്വീകരിച്ചു.
ബിഎസ്പി മേധാവിയുടെ അഭിപ്രായത്തിൽ, ശങ്കരാചാര്യർ, മതനേതാക്കൾ,
ബി.ജെ.പി.യുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ട ജനങ്ങൾ അവരുടെ ചിന്തകൾ മാറ്റാൻ അവസരം
ഒരുക്കുകയാണ്, അല്ലെങ്കിൽ കോടിക്കണക്കിന് അനുയായികളോടൊപ്പം അവളും
ബുദ്ധമതവുമായി നേരിട്ട് പരിവർത്തനം ചെയ്യും.
ആർ.എസ്.എസ്. മുന്നണിയിലെ ‘ജാതീയ അജണ്ട’ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുന്നതിനെ ബി.ജെ.പി
ആരോപിച്ചു. ഇത് ഹൈദരാബാദിലെ രോഹിത് വെമുലയുടെ ആത്മഹത്യയും ഗുജറാത്തിലെ ഉന്ന
കേസിലെ കുറ്റാരോപിതനുമാണ്. ചില പട്ടികജാതിക്കാർ ആക്രമിക്കപ്പെടുകയും
പ്രതിഷേധിക്കുകയും ചെയ്തു. ബി.ജെ.പി മനോഭാവം മാറ്റിയാൽ ബുദ്ധമതത്തിലേക്ക് മാറും: മായാവതി ബി.ജെ.പി.യുടെ തലവൻ പറയുന്നത്, ശങ്കരാചാര്യർ, മതനേതാക്കൾ,
ബി.ജെ.പി.യുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടവർ എന്നിവർ അവരുടെ ചിന്തകൾ മാറ്റാൻ അവസരം
നൽകുന്നുണ്ട്. എസ് http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-theath…/article14010089.ece#!
വെമുലയുടെ മരണം: ബി.ജെ.പി.യുടെ ജാതീയ മനോഭാവം മായാവതിയെ അപലപിച്ചു
ബഹുജൻ സമാജ് പാർട്ടി (ബിഎസ്പി) നേതാവ് മായാവതി ബി.ജെ.പി.യുടെ “അനീതിയും
പീഡനതയും” അപലപിച്ചു, പട്ടികജാതി പണ്ഡിതനായ രോഹിത് വെമുലയെ അപലപിച്ചു,
ഭാരതീയ ജനതാ പാർട്ടിയുടെ “തീവ്രമായ” ജാതീയ മനോഭാവത്തിന്റെ മറ്റൊരു
“വേദനാജനകമായ മാതൃക”.
ഗവേഷണ
വിദ്യാർഥിയുടെ മരണത്തെ ഒരു “വേദനാജനകമായ, സങ്കടകരമായ” സംഭവത്തെ
വിളിക്കുന്നതിനായി രാജ്യത്ത് പട്ടികജാതി / പട്ടികവർഗ്ഗ സമൂഹത്തിന് നീതി
ലഭിക്കാൻ കൂടുതൽ ബുദ്ധിമുട്ട് അനുഭവപ്പെടുന്നുവെന്ന് മായാവതി പറഞ്ഞു. സ്മൃതി ഇറാനി, ബൻഡാരു ദത്താത്രേയ, ഹൈദ്രാബാദ് യൂനിവേഴ്സിറ്റി വൈസ് ചാൻസലർ
പി. അപരാ റാരോ എന്നിവരാണെതിരെ അടിയന്തിര നിയമ നടപടികൾ സ്വീകരിക്കണമെന്ന്
അവർ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടു.
“നിങ്ങൾ
ബി.ജെ.പി / ആർഎസ്എസ് (ബ്രഹ്മചന്ദ്ര ജിയെഹ് സൈക്കോപഥസ് / രക്ഷാക്ലാസ് സ്വയം
സേവകൾ) നയങ്ങൾക്കെതിരായിരുന്നെങ്കിൽ, നിങ്ങൾ ഞങ്ങളുടെ ശത്രുവല്ല, മറിച്ച്
എസ്.ടി. പണ്ഡിതനോടുള്ള ബന്ധത്തിൽ ജനാധിപത്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾക്കുള്ള കൊലയാളികളിൽ
രണ്ട് മുതിർന്ന അംഗങ്ങളുടെ മനോഭാവം ഭീകരതയെ നേരിടാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുക, “എന്നത് തികച്ചും ജനാധിപത്യവിരുദ്ധവും അപലപിക്കാവുന്നതുമാണ്,” മുൻ യുപി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി പറഞ്ഞു.
“അതിക്രമങ്ങളുടെയും അതിക്രമങ്ങളുടെയും” വർദ്ധിച്ചുവരുന്ന സംഭവങ്ങൾ “ആർഎസ്എസ്-മനോഭാവം” പ്രദർശിപ്പിച്ചു.
ബി.ജെ.പിയും എസ്.പിയും എസ്.ടി., പിന്നോക്കടക്കമുള്ള മുസ്ലീങ്ങളുടെ മനോഭാവവും ചിന്തയും ക്രൂരവും ജാതിയും മനുഷ്യത്വരഹിതവുമാണ്.
എസ്സി / എസ്ടി, പിന്നാക്കം, മതന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങൾക്കെതിരെയുള്ള അക്രമം, അനീതി എന്നിവയെക്കുറിച്ചറിയാൻ മായാവതി പറഞ്ഞു. അത്തരം കുറ്റവാളികളോട് ബി.ജെ.പി. / ആർഎസ്എസിന്റെ മനോഭാവം നിയമപ്രകാരം
ആയിരുന്നില്ല, പക്ഷേ അത്തരം ഘടകങ്ങളെ പിന്തുണയ്ക്കുന്ന ദയയും ഉദാരവും.
ബിജെപി നേതാക്കൾ, എം.പിമാർ, മന്ത്രിമാർ എന്നിവർ ജാതി, മത, വർഗീയ
അന്തരീക്ഷത്തെ കബളിപ്പിച്ച് നിന്ദാപ്രസംഗങ്ങളുമായി നിരന്തരം ഇടപെടുന്നു.
ചില ഘടകങ്ങൾ കുറ്റകൃത്യങ്ങൾ ചെയ്യാൻ ധൈര്യപ്പെടുത്തുമെന്നും അവർ
കൂട്ടിച്ചേർത്തു. നമ്മുടെ
വമ്പിച്ച, ആധുനിക ഭരണഘടനയിൽ പ്രതിഷ്ഠിച്ചുകൊണ്ട് യൂണിവേഴ്സൽ അഡ്വോൾട്ട്
ഫ്രാഞ്ചൈസിനെതിരെയുള്ള തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പുകളിൽ വിജയിക്കാൻ വഞ്ചകരായ ഇവിഎമുകൾ
കാരണം ഇത് സംഭവിക്കുന്നു. എന്നാൽ, ബി.ജെ.പിയും ആർ.എസ്.എസ് കൂട്ടുകെട്ടിയും മനുസ്മൃതിയെ പ്രോത്സാഹിപ്പിക്കാനായി.
BAHUJAN SAMAJ പാർടി
കർണാടക, തമിഴ്നാട്, കേരളം, പുതുച്ചേരി സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങൾ എന്നിവയാണ്
സൗത്ത് ഇന്ത്യയുടെ ബിഎസ്പി വർക്കർ കോൺഫറൻസ്
2017 നവംബർ 26-ന് ഉച്ചയ്ക്ക് 12 മണിക്ക്
സ്ഥലം: സെൻട്രൽ ക്രിക്കറ്റ് പവലിയൻ ഗ്രൗണ്ട്, ഗാന്ധിനഗർ, ബംഗളുരു
മുഖ്യാതിഥി: ബെൻ കുമാരി മായാവതി
ബിഎസ്പി നേതാവ്, മുൻ എം പി (രാജ്യസഭ), ഉത്തർപ്രദേശിലെ മുൻ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി
അതിഥികൾ:
ഡോ. അശോക് സിദ്ധാർഥ്ജി
ദേശീയ ജനറൽ സെക്രട്ടറി, എം.പി (രാജ്യസഭ), കർണാടകയിൽ ചുമതലയേറ്റു
ശ്രീ. അംബത്ത് രാജൻ
ദേശീയ ട്രഷറർ, മുൻ എംപി (രാജ്യസഭ)
ശ്രീ. മസാസാന്ദ്ര മുനിയപ്പ
കർണാടകയുടെ കോ-ഓർഡിനേറ്ററും ഇൻചാർജും
ശ്രീ. ഗോപിനാഥ്
തമിഴ്നാട്, കേരളം, പുതുച്ചേരി എന്നീ സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങളുടെ കോ-ഓർഡിനേറ്റർ
ശ്രീ. രാംജി ഗൗതം
കോ-ഓർഡിനേറ്റർ, കേരള, പുഡ്ച്ചർ എന്നീ സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങൾ
ശ്രീ. എൻ. മഹേഷ്, കർണാടക സംസ്ഥാന പ്രസിഡന്റ്
ശ്രീ. കെ. ആമ്മാസ്റാം, സംസ്ഥാന പ്രസിഡന്റ്, തമിഴ്നാട്
ശ്രീ. മൂർത്തി, പുതുച്ചേരി യൂണിയൻ ടെറിട്ടറി പ്രസിഡന്റ്
ശ്രീ. ജെ. സുധാകരൻ, സംസ്ഥാന പ്രീഡിറ്റൽ കേരള
സാര്വാജന് ഹായായ സാര്വ്വജന് സുഖയ
Hindi
हिंदी
2449 जुलाई 23 नवम्बर 2017 पाठ
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xig0PRHN2yY
डा।
भीमराव अम्बेडकर सामाजिक परिवर्तन प्रतीक स्थल (हिंदी: डॉ। भिमराव
अम्बेडकर सामाजिक परिवर्तन चिह्न स्थल) पार्क ज्योतिराव फुले, नारायण गुरू,
बिरसा मुंडा, शाहूजी महाराज, भीमराव अम्बेडकर, कांशी राम और उन सभी लोगों
के जीवन और यादों का सम्मान करते हैं, मैंने मानवता, समानता और सामाजिक न्याय के लिए अपना जीवन समर्पित किया है। यह स्मारक उत्तर प्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री मायावती ने अपने प्रशासन के दौरान
बनाया था जब उन्होंने बहुजन समाज पार्टी का नेतृत्व किया था।
बीएसपी के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष और सामाजिक परिवर्तन आंदोलन के महान नेता माननीय से ऐतिहासिक पते के अंश बीन
कुमारी महा मायाजी जी, भारतीय संविधान के आर्किटेक्ट की 126 जयंती के शुभ
अवसर पर, 14 अप्रैल को भारत रत्न बोधिसत्व सबसे सम्मानित बाबा साहब डॉ।
भीमराव अम्बेडकर भव्य डॉ। अम्बेडकर स्मारक की रैपिडली जातिवादी
मानसिकता और भाजपा (ब्राह्ठार जियाधा मनोचिप) विरोधी, विशेषकर अनुसूचित
जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति (अनुसूचित जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति), पिछड़े वर्गों,
धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों और गरीबों, मजदूरों और किसानों आदि के विरुद्ध
सर्वसमाज (सभी खंड) समाज)। अम्बेडकर पार्क लखनऊ नवीनतम अंबेडकर मेमोरियल पार्क एक सार्वजनिक पार्क और गोमती नगर, लखनऊ, उत्तर प्रदेश, भारत में स्मारक है। यह अधिक औपचारिक रूप से ज्ञात है … youtube.com इनलाइन छवि 4 इनलाइन छवि 9 मायावती - सर्वसमज (सभी समाज) ‘क्वीन’
इनलाइन छवि 6 इनलाइन छवि 2 इनलाइन छवि 10 इनलाइन छवि 7 इनलाइन छवि 3 इनलाइन छवि 11
इनलाइन छवि 5 इनलाइन छवि 1
बसपा ने डॉ। बीआर अम्बेडकर और कांशी राम के स्मारकों में मूर्तियों की स्थापना का विरोध करने का फैसला किया है।
राष्ट्रीय
महासचिव एस.सी. मिश्रा की अगुवाई में बीएसपी नेताओं के एक प्रतिनिधिमंडल
ने बुधवार को मुख्यमंत्री बीएस संवाददाता अम्बेडकर और कांशी राम के
स्मारकों में पिछड़ी जाति के प्रतीक के मूर्तियों की स्थापना के खिलाफ
विरोध दर्ज करने के लिए मुख्यमंत्री से मुलाकात की। “दलित स्मारकों पर अतिक्रमण करने के बजाय, भाजपा को पिछड़े वर्ग के
आइकनों के लिए अलग स्मारकों का निर्माण करना चाहिए जिन्हें वे प्रचार कर
रहे हैं।” वरिष्ठ बसपा नेता लालजी वर्मा ने कहा, यहां तक कि सुप्रीम
कोर्ट ने भी अपने आदेश में स्मारकों पर निर्माण गतिविधियों पर प्रतिबंध लगा
दिया है।
विधानसभा
चुनाव में भाजपा (ब्रशटार जियाधा मनोचैथ) की भूस्खलन की जीत इसलिए है
क्योंकि धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम को चुनाव जीतने में छेड़छाड़ किया गया था। अब
भाजपा वंचित समुदायों के समर्थन में जीत हासिल करने के लिए हस्तक्षेप करने
की कोशिश कर रहे नए पीछे वाले चिह्नों को बढ़ावा दे रही है। महाराणा
प्रताप और शिवाजी जैसे उच्च जाति के प्रतीक के साथ, भगवा ब्रिगेड अपने
विचारकों को बढ़ावा दे रहा है। राजनैतिक समीकरणों को बदलते हुए राजनीतिक सत्ता में हिस्सेदारी के लिए
हाशिए पर रहने वाले समुदाय में बढ़ोतरी हुई है, भाजपा इन सभी समुदायों पर
अपने कब्जे को मजबूत करने के लिए अपने प्रतीक को बढ़ावा दे रही है।
उत्तर
प्रदेश की संपत्ति को सर्वप्रथम समाज (एससी / एसटी / ओबीसी / गरीब
ब्राह्मणों और बांयाओं सहित सभी समाज) के समान रूप से अद्भुत आधुनिक
संविधान में निहित के रूप में उत्तर प्रदेश की उत्कृष्टता के बाद महा माती
जी उत्तर प्रदेश के उत्कृष्ट शासन के बाद इस देश के प्रधान मंत्री यह
सिर्फ 1% असहिष्णु, चालाक, कुटिल, नंबर एक सबसे हिंसक, दुनिया के आतंकवादी
कभी शूटिंग, आरएसएस (राक्षस स्वयं सेवक) की मानसिकता के नरभक्षी चिटपवन
ब्राह्मणों को दंडित करते हुए बर्दाश्त नहीं करता है, इसलिए केंद्र और
राज्यों में ईआरएम्स को छेड़छाड़ कर दिया गया है। और
ब्रशटार जियाधा मनोचिकित्सा (बीजेपी) के लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों (मोदी) और
भोगियों, रोहिस और देश के द्रोह के लिए चुनाव जीता। यह एससी / एसटी और
पिछड़े धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों, गरीब ब्राह्मण, बानिया जाति को विभाजित करने
की अपनी राजनीति के अनुरूप है। , किसानों, श्रमिकों आदि समुदायों को बसपा के समर्थन का आधार माना गया। भगवा ब्रिगेड की नई रणनीति में एससी / एसटीएस / ओबीसी धार्मिक
अल्पसंख्यक, गरीब ब्राह्मण, बानिया जाति, किसान, श्रमिक आदि के रूप में
धर्म के साथ कुछ भी नहीं है। समुदायों को राष्ट्रवाद के एजेंडे में एकजुट
किया जा रहा है।
बीजेपी
उन समुदायों के बीच अपने प्रभाव को कभी भी बढ़ा नहीं सकते हैं जो अपने
पारंपरिक समर्थन के आधार पर चुप्पी, अस्पष्ट भेदभावपूर्ण हिंदुत्व पंथ,
मनुस्मृति पर आधारित नहीं हैं, जिसका मानना है कि चित्पावन ब्राह्मणों को
पहली दर परमात्मा (आत्माओं), कश्त्र्याओं के रूप में द्वितीय, vysiyas के
रूप में तीसरा, शुधरा चौथा दर
आत्माओं और अही शुद्रों को जम्बुद्वीपा के आदिवासियों के निवासियों के रूप
में अछूतों के रूप में अनुसूचित जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति और कोई आत्मा नहीं
है और इसलिए महा मायावती को प्रधान मंत्री बनने से रोकना। जबकि, बुद्ध किसी भी आत्मा में कभी विश्वास नहीं करते थे उन्होंने कहा कि सभी समान हैं। अत: अम्बेडकर के साथ लाखों लोग अपने घर बौद्ध धर्म में लौट आए और प्रक्रिया कईरायण नं। राम जी और मायावती जी के साथ जारी रही।
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article…/61203593.cms यदि भाजपा की मानसिकता बदलती नहीं है तो बौद्ध धर्म में बदलाव होगा: मायावती
बीएसपी
प्रमुख मायावती ने आज भाजपा पर दावा किया कि वह अपनी मानसिकता अनुसूचित
जाति, आदिवासी और पिछड़े वर्गों में बदल दे, या फिर वह भीमराव अम्बेडकर
जैसे बौद्ध धर्म में बदलने के लिए मजबूर हो जाएंगे।उन्होंने
कहा, “मैं दलितों, आदिवासियों, पिछड़े और उन लोगों के प्रति अपनी जातिवाद
और सांप्रदायिक मानसिकता को बदलने के लिए भाजपा को एक खुली चुनौती देता
हूं, जिन्होंने अपना धर्म बदल लिया है या फिर मुझे अपने धर्म को बौद्ध धर्म
में बदलने का फैसला करना होगा।” यहां एक पार्टी रैली में ..
अम्बेडकर
को याद करते हुए उन्होंने कहा कि हिंदू धर्म में ‘वर्णवैद्य’ (जाति
व्यवस्था) में भेदभाव देखने के बाद, उन्होंने शंकराचार्यों से कहा था और
इसे संशोधित करने के लिए संतों ने कहा था। चूंकि यह नहीं किया गया था, अंबेडकर, उनकी मृत्यु से पहले, उनके
अनुयायियों के साथ नागपुर में बौद्ध धर्म में परिवर्तित हो गया, उन्होंने
कहा।
बसपा प्रमुख ने कहा कि वह शंकराचार्य, धार्मिक नेताओं और बीजेपी से जुड़े
लोगों को अपनी सोच बदलने के लिए भी अवसर दे रहे हैं या फिर वह भी समर्थकों
के साथ सही समय पर बौद्ध धर्म को बदल देगी।
आरएसएस के “जातिवाद के एजेंडे” को लेने के आरोप में भाजपा ने आरोप लगाया
कि वह हैदराबाद में रोहिथ वेमुला की आत्महत्या के लिए दोषी ठहराते हैं और
गुजरात के ऊना मामले में जहां कुछ अनुसूचित जातियों पर हमला किया गया था,
जिसके परिणामस्वरूप आक्रोश और विरोध प्रदर्शन हुए। यदि भाजपा की मानसिकता बदलती नहीं है तो बौद्ध धर्म में बदलाव होगा: मायावती बसपा प्रमुख ने कहा कि वह भी शंकराचार्य, धार्मिक नेताओं और भाजपा से जुड़े लोगों को अपनी सोच बदलने के लिए अवसर दे रही है। economictimes.indiatimes.com http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-death…/article14010089.ece#!
वमूला की मौत: मायावती ने भाजपा की ‘जातिवाद’ की रवैया को झुठलाया
बहुजन समाज पार्टी (बसपा) के सुप्रीमो मायावती ने भारतीय जनता पार्टी की
“चरम” जातिवादवादी रवैये के एक और “दर्दनाक उदाहरण” को आत्महत्या करते हुए
अनुसूचित जाति के विद्वान रोहिथ वेमूला को “अन्याय और उत्पीड़न” की निंदा
की।
शोध
विद्वान की मौत को “दर्दनाक और भयावह” घटना को बुलाते हुये, सुश्री
मायावती ने कहा कि देश में “एससी / एसटी समाज के लिए न्याय प्राप्त करना
मुश्किल हो रहा है”। उन्होंने मांग की कि तत्काल कानूनी कार्रवाई दो - स्मृति ईरानी और
बांद्रा दत्तात्रेय और हैदराबाद विश्वविद्यालय के उप-कुलपति पी। अप्पा राव
के खिलाफ की जाएगी।
“लोकतांत्रिक
संस्थानों के हत्यारे (मोदी) के एससी विद्वान के प्रति दो वरिष्ठ
सहयोगियों का रवैया है कि यदि आप भाजपा / आरएसएस (ब्राह्चर जिंदा मनोचैथ /
रक्षा स्वयं सेवक) की नीतियों के खिलाफ हैं, तो आप हमारी दुश्मन हैं और आतंकवाद के माध्यम से परेशान किया जा रहा है, ‘निर्दयतापूर्वक और निंदाजनक है,’ पूर्व यूपी मुख्यमंत्री ने कहा।
“अतिसंवेदन और अत्याचार” की बढ़ती घटनाओं ने “आरएसएस-मानसिकता” का प्रदर्शन किया, उसने कहा।
“बीजेपी और आरएसएस की रवैया और सोच एससी / एसटीएस, पीछे और मुसलमानों के प्रति क्रूर, जातिवादी और अमानवीय है।”
सुश्री मायावती ने कहा कि एससी / एसटी, पीछे और धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों के खिलाफ अत्याचार और अन्याय के मामलों में वृद्धि हुई है। ऐसे अपराधियों के प्रति भाजपा / आरएसएस का दृष्टिकोण कानून के अनुसार
नहीं है, बल्कि दयालु और उदारता से ऐसे तत्वों का समर्थन करते हैं।
भाजपा के नेताओं, सांसदों और मंत्रियों ने नियमित रूप से जातिवादी और
अपमानजनक टिप्पणियों में हिस्सा लिया है, जो देश में सामाजिक, राजनीतिक और
सांप्रदायिक माहौल को खराब करता है और कुछ तत्वों को अपराध करने के लिए
साहस देता है। यह
सब हो रहा है क्योंकि धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम हमारे अविश्वसनीय, आधुनिक संविधान
में निहित सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार का उल्लंघन करने वाले चुनाव जीतने के
लिए छेड़छाड़ की जा रही हैं। लेकिन मनुस्मृति को भाजपा / आरएसएस गठबंधन द्वारा बढ़ावा देने के लिए।
BAUJAN SAMAJ पार्टी
कर्नाटक, तमिलनाडु, केरल और पुडुचेरी राज्य
बीएसपी कार्यकर्ताओं के कोंफ्रेंस ऑफ साउथ इंडिया
26 नवंबर, 2017 को 12.00 बजे
स्थान: केंद्रीय क्रिकेट मंडप ग्राउंड, गांधीनगर, बैंगलोर
मुख्य अतिथि: बीन कुमारी मायावती जी
बसपा के राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष, पूर्व एमपी (राज्यसभा) और उत्तर प्रदेश के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री
मेहमान:
डॉ अशोक सिद्धार्थजी
राष्ट्रीय जनवादी सचिव, एमपी (राज्य सभा) और कर्नाटक प्रभारी
श्री। अंबेते राजन
राष्ट्रीय कोषाध्यक्ष और पूर्व सांसद (राज्य सभा)
श्री। मारसंद्रा मुनिप्पा
कर्नाटक के समन्वयक और प्रभारी
श्री। गोपीनाथ
तमिलनाडु, केरल और पुक्यूचेरी राज्यों के समन्वयक
श्री। रामजी गौथम
समन्वयक, केरल और पुधीचेरी राज्य
श्री। एन महेश, राज्य अध्यक्ष, कर्नाटक
श्री। के.आर्मस्ट्रांग, राज्य अध्यक्ष, तमिलनाडु
श्री। मूर्ति, राष्ट्रपति, पुडुचेरी यूनियन टेरीटरी
श्री। जे। सुधाकरण, राज्य प्रेयडेंट केरल
सरजान हिहाया सरवजन सूखा
Urdu
ہند
2449 ٹائم 23 نومبر 2017 سبق
https://www.youtube.com/watch؟v=xig0PRHN2yY
ڈاکٹر
بہیمرو امبیرکر سماجی پریتیارتن پریتیکھتھال (ہندی: ڈاکٹر بھامراو امبیرکر
سماجی تبدیلی کی علامت جگہ) پارک نے جیوروراو Phule، نریانا گرو، برسا
منڈا، شاجوی مہاراج، بھرمرو امبیرکر، کنشی رام اور ان سبھی کی تعریف کی. ان کی زندگی انسانیت، مساوات اور سماجی انصاف کے لئے وقف ہے. اس یادگار کا تعمیر اتردی پردیش کے وزیر اعلی مایوتا، اس کی انتظامیہ کے
دوران تعمیر کیا گیا جب وہ بھجن سماج پارٹی کی قیادت کرتے تھے.
بی ایس پی کے قومی صدر اور سماجی تبدیلی تحریک کے عظیم رہنما کی طرف سے تاریخی خطاب سے متعلق اعزاز. بھارتی
آئین کی آرکیٹیکچرک کے 126 ویں سالگرہ کے شاندار موقع پر بہن کماری مہا
میواجیجی جے، مہنگی پس منظر میں گرینڈ ڈاکٹر امبیرکر یادگار میں 14 اپریل
کو سب سے زیادہ قابل قدر بابا سائب ڈاکٹر بھرمرو امبیرکر نے، باریرا
اممکنکر ذات
کے تمام طبقے کے ذہنیت اور بی جے پی (برہائشچار جیاہاشا نفسیپات) کی
پالیسیوں، خاص طور پر تخسوچت شدہ ذات / شیڈول شدہ قبائلیوں (ایس سی / ایس
ٹیز)، پسماندہ کمیونٹیوں، مذہبی اقلیتوں اور غریبوں، کارکنوں اور کسانوں
وغیرہ کے خلاف. سماج). امبیرکر پارک لکھنؤ تازہ ترین امبیرکر میموریل پارک بھارت کے گوٹھ نگر، لکھنؤ، اتر پردیش، میں ایک عوامی پارک اور یادگار ہے. یہ زیادہ رسمی طور پر جانا جاتا ہے … youtube.com ان لائن تصویر 4 ان لائن تصویر 9 مایوتی - سرسوامج (تمام معاشرے) ‘ملکہ’
ان لائن تصویر 6 ان لائن تصویر 2 ان لائن تصویر 10 ان لائن تصویر 7 ان لائن تصویر 3 ان لائن تصویر 11
ان لائن تصویر 5 ان لائن تصویر 1
بی ایس پی نے ڈاکٹر بی ام امجد اور کنشی رام کے یادگاروں پر مجسموں کی تنصیب کا مقابلہ کرنے کا فیصلہ کیا ہے.
قومی
جنرل سیکرٹری ایس ایس مشیر کی قیادت میں بی ایس پی کے رہنماؤں کے ایک وفد
نے بدھ کو وزیراعلی سے ملاقات کی. ڈاکٹر بی بی امبیرکر اور کنشی رام کے
یادگاروں پر پسماندہ ذات کے شبیہیں کی مجسموں کی تنصیب کے دوران احتجاجی
رجسٹر کرنے کے لئے. “دلائل یادگاروں کو روکنے کے بجائے، بی جے پی کو پسماندہ طبقے کے شبیہیں
کے لئے علیحدہ یادگار بنانا چاہئے جسے وہ فروغ دے رہے
ہیں.”………………………………………………………………..
اسمبلی
کے انتخابات میں بی جے پی (برہشتھار جیاہا نفسیپات) کی نام نہاد زمین پر
چلنے والے فتح کی وجہ سے ہے کیونکہ دھوکہ دہی EVMs انتخابات جیتنے کے لئے
چھیڑ گئے تھے. اب
بی جے پی نئے بیکڈ شبیہیں کو محروم کمیونٹی کی حمایت جیتنے کی کوشش کرنے
کی کوشش کر رہی ہے. مہاراانا پراتپ اور شیواجی جیسے اوپری ذات کے شبیہیں کے
ساتھ جب زعفران بریگیڈ اپنے نظریات کو فروغ دے رہی ہے. سیاسی مساوات کو تبدیل کرنے میں سیاسی طاقت میں حصہ لینے کے لئے محروم
کمیونٹی میں اضافہ ہوا ہے، بی جے پی ان کمیونٹیوں پر اپنی گرفت کو مضبوط
بنانے کے لئے اپنے شبیہیں کو فروغ دیتا ہے.
مہا
موتی جی اترپردیش کے بہترین انتظامیہ کے بعد اترپردیش ریاست کی دولت کی
تقسیم کے ذریعے سرجن سماج (ایس سی / ایس ٹی / ایس بی او / بی بی سی سمیت
تمام معاشرے) کے طور پر شاندار جدید آئین میں شامل ہونے کے قابل بن گئے اس ملک کے وزیر اعظم. یہ
صرف 1٪ ناقابل یقین، ہوشیار، زنا، نمبر ایک سب سے زیادہ تشدد مند، کبھی
بھی دنیا کی شوٹنگ کے عسکریت پسندوں کی طرف سے برداشت نہیں کر رہا ہے، آر
ایس ایس (راشاسا سواام ساککس) کے ممنوع چپٹمن برہمین lynching، لہذا سینٹر
اور ریاستوں میں باگو EVMs کو چھیڑ دیا برصغیر
جیا پاشا نفسیاتی (بی جے پی) کے جمہوری اداروں (مودی) اور بھگس، روشیوں
اور دھاگھیوں کے قتل کے لئے انتخابات جیت لیئے .یہ ایس سی / ایس ٹی اور ایس
ایس پی اور پچھلے مذہبی اقلیتوں، غریب برہمن، بانیا کی ذاتوں کو تقسیم
کرنے کی اپنی سیاست کو جوڑتا ہے. ، کسانوں، مزدوروں وغیرہ، جو کمیونٹی بی ایس ایس کے معاونت کا بنیاد سمجھا جاتا تھا. زعفران بریگیڈ کی نئی حکمت عملی مذہبی اقلیتوں، غریب برہمن، بانیا کی
ذاتوں، کسانوں، کارکنوں وغیرہ وغیرہ کے طور پر مذہب کے ساتھ کوئی تعلق نہیں
ہے، قوموں قوم پرستی کے ایجنڈا پر متحد ہو رہے ہیں.
بی
جے پی ایسی کمیونٹیوں میں کبھی اثر انداز نہیں کرسکتے جو چپکے کے روایتی
معاونت کا مرکز نہیں تھے، منموتیری پر مبنی بے نظیر امتیاز طبقے کا گروہ،
جو یقین رکھتے ہیں کہ چتھن برہمنوں کو پہلی شرح آزمائشی (روح)، 2nd کے طور
پر کشمیریاس کے طور پر، تیسری وادیوں کے طور پر، چوہدری کے طور پر شرح
روح اور آشی شودس جوبودیوپ کے آبادی والے باشندوں نے ایس سی / ایس ٹی کو
غیر مقابلوں کے طور پر غیر جانبدار قرار دیا ہے اور اس میں کوئی روح نہیں
ہے اور اس وجہ سے مہا مایوتا کو وزیر اعظم بننے سے روکنے کی روک تھام ہے. جبکہ، بدھ کو کسی بھی روح میں کبھی بھی یقین نہیں تھا. انہوں نے کہا کہ سب برابر ہیں. لہذا، امبیڈکر کے ساتھ لاکھوں لوگ اپنے گھر بدھ مت کے پاس واپس آ گئے اور
یہ سلسلہ جاری ہے. اس سلسلے میں کئیورور گنشی رام جی اور مایوتاتی جے.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article…/61203593.cms اگر بی جے پی کے ذہن میں کوئی تبدیلی نہیں آئی تو بدھ مت بدل جائے گی: مایوتاتی
بی
پی ایس کے سربراہ مایوتاتی نے آج بی جے پی کو دعوی کیا تھا کہ وہ اس کے
ذہنیت کو تخسوچت ذات، قبائلیوں اور پچھلے طبقے میں تبدیل کرنا چاہتی ہے یا
پھر وہ بھوراو امبیرکر جیسے بدھ مت میں تبدیل کرنے پر مجبور ہو جائیں گے.
دو
2449 ٹائم 23 نومبر 2017 سبق
https://www.youtube.com/watch؟v=xig0PRHN2yY
ڈاکٹر
بہیمرو امبیرکر سماجی پریتیارتن پریتیکھتھال (ہندی: ڈاکٹر بھامراو امبیرکر
سماجی تبدیلی کی علامت جگہ) پارک نے جیوروراو Phule، نریانا گرو، برسا
منڈا، شاجوی مہاراج، بھرمرو امبیرکر، کنشی رام اور ان سبھی کی تعریف کی. ان کی زندگی انسانیت، مساوات اور سماجی انصاف کے لئے وقف ہے. اس یادگار کا تعمیر اتردی پردیش کے وزیر اعلی مایوتا، اس کی انتظامیہ کے
دوران تعمیر کیا گیا جب وہ بھجن سماج پارٹی کی قیادت کرتے تھے.
بی ایس پی کے قومی صدر اور سماجی تبدیلی تحریک کے عظیم رہنما کی طرف سے تاریخی خطاب سے متعلق اعزاز. بھارتی
آئین کی آرکیٹیکچرک کے 126 ویں سالگرہ کے شاندار موقع پر بہن کماری مہا
میواجیجی جے، مہنگی پس منظر میں گرینڈ ڈاکٹر امبیرکر یادگار میں 14 اپریل
کو سب سے زیادہ قابل قدر بابا سائب ڈاکٹر بھرمرو امبیرکر نے، باریرا
اممکنکر ذات
کے تمام طبقے کے ذہنیت اور بی جے پی (برہائشچار جیاہاشا نفسیپات) کی
پالیسیوں، خاص طور پر تخسوچت شدہ ذات / شیڈول شدہ قبائلیوں (ایس سی / ایس
ٹیز)، پسماندہ کمیونٹیوں، مذہبی اقلیتوں اور غریبوں، کارکنوں اور کسانوں
وغیرہ کے خلاف. سماج). امبیرکر پارک لکھنؤ تازہ ترین امبیرکر میموریل پارک بھارت کے گوٹھ نگر، لکھنؤ، اتر پردیش، میں ایک عوامی پارک اور یادگار ہے. یہ زیادہ رسمی طور پر جانا جاتا ہے … youtube.com ان لائن تصویر 4 ان لائن تصویر 9 مایوتی - سرسوامج (تمام معاشرے) ‘ملکہ’
ان لائن تصویر 6 ان لائن تصویر 2 ان لائن تصویر 10 ان لائن تصویر 7 ان لائن تصویر 3 ان لائن تصویر 11
ان لائن تصویر 5 ان لائن تصویر 1
بی ایس پی نے ڈاکٹر بی ام امجد اور کنشی رام کے یادگاروں پر مجسموں کی تنصیب کا مقابلہ کرنے کا فیصلہ کیا ہے.
قومی
جنرل سیکرٹری ایس ایس مشیر کی قیادت میں بی ایس پی کے رہنماؤں کے ایک وفد
نے بدھ کو وزیراعلی سے ملاقات کی. ڈاکٹر بی بی امبیرکر اور کنشی رام کے
یادگاروں پر پسماندہ ذات کے شبیہیں کی مجسموں کی تنصیب کے دوران احتجاجی
رجسٹر کرنے کے لئے. “دلائل یادگاروں کو روکنے کے بجائے، بی جے پی کو پسماندہ طبقے کے شبیہیں
کے لئے علیحدہ یادگار بنانا چاہئے جسے وہ فروغ دے رہے
ہیں.”………………………………………………………………..
اسمبلی
کے انتخابات میں بی جے پی (برہشتھار جیاہا نفسیپات) کی نام نہاد زمین پر
چلنے والے فتح کی وجہ سے ہے کیونکہ دھوکہ دہی EVMs انتخابات جیتنے کے لئے
چھیڑ گئے تھے. اب
بی جے پی نئے بیکڈ شبیہیں کو محروم کمیونٹی کی حمایت جیتنے کی کوشش کرنے
کی کوشش کر رہی ہے. مہاراانا پراتپ اور شیواجی جیسے اوپری ذات کے شبیہیں کے
ساتھ جب زعفران بریگیڈ اپنے نظریات کو فروغ دے رہی ہے. سیاسی مساوات کو تبدیل کرنے میں سیاسی طاقت میں حصہ لینے کے لئے محروم
کمیونٹی میں اضافہ ہوا ہے، بی جے پی ان کمیونٹیوں پر اپنی گرفت کو مضبوط
بنانے کے لئے اپنے شبیہیں کو فروغ دیتا ہے.
مہا
موتی جی اترپردیش کے بہترین انتظامیہ کے بعد اترپردیش ریاست کی دولت کی
تقسیم کے ذریعے سرجن سماج (ایس سی / ایس ٹی / ایس بی او / بی بی سی سمیت
تمام معاشرے) کے طور پر شاندار جدید آئین میں شامل ہونے کے قابل بن گئے اس ملک کے وزیر اعظم. یہ
صرف 1٪ ناقابل یقین، ہوشیار، زنا، نمبر ایک سب سے زیادہ تشدد مند، کبھی
بھی دنیا کی شوٹنگ کے عسکریت پسندوں کی طرف سے برداشت نہیں کر رہا ہے، آر
ایس ایس (راشاسا سواام ساککس) کے ممنوع چپٹمن برہمین lynching، لہذا سینٹر
اور ریاستوں میں باگو EVMs کو چھیڑ دیا برصغیر
جیا پاشا نفسیاتی (بی جے پی) کے جمہوری اداروں (مودی) اور بھگس، روشیوں
اور دھاگھیوں کے قتل کے لئے انتخابات جیت لیئے .یہ ایس سی / ایس ٹی اور ایس
ایس پی اور پچھلے مذہبی اقلیتوں، غریب برہمن، بانیا کی ذاتوں کو تقسیم
کرنے کی اپنی سیاست کو جوڑتا ہے. ، کسانوں، مزدوروں وغیرہ، جو کمیونٹی بی ایس ایس کے معاونت کا بنیاد سمجھا جاتا تھا. زعفران بریگیڈ کی نئی حکمت عملی مذہبی اقلیتوں، غریب برہمن، بانیا کی
ذاتوں، کسانوں، کارکنوں وغیرہ وغیرہ کے طور پر مذہب کے ساتھ کوئی تعلق نہیں
ہے، قوموں قوم پرستی کے ایجنڈا پر متحد ہو رہے ہیں.
بی
جے پی ایسی کمیونٹیوں میں کبھی اثر انداز نہیں کرسکتے جو چپکے کے روایتی
معاونت کا مرکز نہیں تھے، منموتیری پر مبنی بے نظیر امتیاز طبقے کا گروہ،
جو یقین رکھتے ہیں کہ چتھن برہمنوں کو پہلی شرح آزمائشی (روح)، 2nd کے طور
پر کشمیریاس کے طور پر، تیسری وادیوں کے طور پر، چوہدری کے طور پر شرح
روح اور آشی شودس جوبودیوپ کے آبادی والے باشندوں نے ایس سی / ایس ٹی کو
غیر مقابلوں کے طور پر غیر جانبدار قرار دیا ہے اور اس میں کوئی روح نہیں
ہے اور اس وجہ سے مہا مایوتا کو وزیر اعظم بننے سے روکنے کی روک تھام ہے. جبکہ، بدھ کو کسی بھی روح میں کبھی بھی یقین نہیں تھا. انہوں نے کہا کہ سب برابر ہیں. لہذا، امبیڈکر کے ساتھ لاکھوں لوگ اپنے گھر بدھ مت کے پاس واپس آ گئے اور
یہ سلسلہ جاری ہے. اس سلسلے میں کئیورور گنشی رام جی اور مایوتاتی جے.
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/…/article…/61203593.cms اگر بی جے پی کے ذہن میں کوئی تبدیلی نہیں آئی تو بدھ مت بدل جائے گی: مایوتاتی
بی
پی ایس کے سربراہ مایوتاتی نے آج بی جے پی کو دعوی کیا تھا کہ وہ اس کے
ذہنیت کو تخسوچت ذات، قبائلیوں اور پچھلے طبقے میں تبدیل کرنا چاہتی ہے یا
پھر وہ بھوراو امبیرکر جیسے بدھ مت میں تبدیل کرنے پر مجبور ہو جائیں گے.انہوں
نے کہا کہ میں دلیل، اڈییوسس، بیکورڈ اور اس کے بھی اپنے مذہب کو تبدیل کر
کے اپنے ذات پسندانہ اور سامراجی ذہنیت کو تبدیل کرنے کے لئے بی جے پی کو
ایک کھلی چیلنج پھینکتا ہوں. انہوں نے کہا کہ بدھ مت کے اپنے مذہب کو تبدیل
کرنے کے لۓ مجھے بھی فیصلہ کرنا ہوگا. یہاں ایک پارٹی ریلی میں. ..
امبیرکر
کو یاد کرتے ہوئے، انہوں نے کہا کہ ہندوؤں میں ‘وار ویوسا’ (ذات کے نظام)
میں تبعیض کا مشاہدہ کرنے کے بعد، انہوں نے شنکرچریوں اور اس کی نظر میں
ترمیم کرنے کے لئے کہا تھا. انہوں نے کہا کہ یہ نہیں کیا گیا تھا، ان کی موت سے پہلے امبیرکر، ناگپور میں اپنے پیروکاروں کے ساتھ بدھ مت میں تبدیل کیا.
بی پی پی کے چیف نے کہا کہ وہ بھی شنکرچاریوں، مذہبی رہنماؤں اور بی جے
پی سے منسلک افراد کو اپنے سوچ کو تبدیل کرنے کے لئے منسلک ہیں یا وہ بھی
صحیح وقت پر بدھ مت کے ساتھ ساتھ کروڑوں حامیوں کے ساتھ بدل جائیں گی.
آر ایس ایس کے آگے “ذات پسندانہ ایجنڈا” کے “ذات پرستی ایجنڈا” لینے کے
الزام میں الزام لگایا گیا، اس نے حیدرآباد میں روہت ویمولا کے خودکش حملے
اور گجرات کے اا کیس کے الزام میں الزام لگایا تھا جہاں کچھ شیڈول شدہ
کاسٹوں پر حملے اور احتجاج کا نتیجہ تھا. اگر بی جے پی کے ذہن میں کوئی تبدیلی نہیں آئی تو بدھ مت بدل جائے گی: مایوتاتی بی پی ایس کے چیف نے کہا کہ وہ بھی شنکرچاریوں، مذہبی رہنماؤں اور بی جے
پی سے منسلک افراد کو اپنی سوچ کو تبدیل کرنے کا موقع دے رہے ہیں. اقتصادیات http://www.thehindu.com/…/Vemulas-death…/article14010089.ece#!
ویمولا کی موت: منوتی نے بی جے پی کے ‘ذات پرستی’ کا رویہ سلیم کیا
بہجن سماج پارٹی (بی ایس پی) کے سپرمو میووتی نے “نا انصافی اور پریشان”
کی مذمت کی ہے جس میں شیعہ شدہ اسکالر روہت ولمولا نے بھارت کے جنتا پارٹی
کے “انتہائی” ذات پرستی کے رویے کی ایک اور “دردناک مثال” کو خودکش کر دیا.
تحقیقی
اسکالر کی موت کی وجہ سے “دردناک اور بے شک” واقعہ، محترمہ مایوتاتی نے
کہا کہ اس ملک میں “ایس سی / ایس ٹی سوسائٹی” انصاف حاصل کرنے کے لئے تیزی
سے مشکل ہوتا ہے. انہوں نے مطالبہ کیا کہ دو سمٹری ایرانی اور باروارو داتاتری - اور
حیدرآباد یونیورسٹی کے پی پی کے چیئرمین پی اے اے پی اے راؤ کے خلاف فوری
طور پر قانونی کارروائی کی جائے.
“چیف
جسٹس کی جانب سے جمہوری ادارے (مودی) کے قتل میں دو سینئر ساتھیوں کا رویہ
کہ ‘اگر آپ بی جے پی / آر ایس ایس (برشچار جھاہاہا نفسیاتیات / رکشک سوام
ساتک) کی پالیسیوں کے خلاف ہیں، تو آپ ہمارے دشمن ہیں. سابق یوپی. دہشت گردی کے ذریعے پریشان ہوسکتا ہے، ‘بے حد غیر جمہوریت اور مذمت ہے’ وزیر اعلی نے کہا.
انہوں نے کہا کہ “اضافی اور ظلم و ستم کی بڑھتی ہوئی واقعات” نے “آر ایس ایس ذہنیت” ظاہر کی.
“بی جے ایس اور ایس ایس ایس / ایس ٹیز کے پیچھے آر ایس ایس کے رویے اور
سوچ، پیچھے اور مسلمانوں کو ظالمانہ، ذات پسندانہ اور غیر انسانی ہے.”
محترمہ مایوتاتی نے کہا کہ ایس سی / ایس ٹی، بیک پیچھے اور مذہبی اقلیتوں کے خلاف ظلم و نا انصافی کے واقعات میں اضافہ ہوا ہے. بی جے پی / اس طرح کے مجرموں کے خلاف آر ایس ایس کا رویہ قانون کے مطابق نہیں ہے لیکن قسمت اور فیاض ایسی عناصر کی حمایت کرتی ہے.
انہوں نے مزید کہا کہ بی جے پی کے رہنماؤں، پارلیمنٹ اور وزراء نے
باقاعدگی سے ذات پرست اور غیر معقول بیانات میں مشغول کیا، جس میں ملک میں
سماجی، سیاسی اور سامراجی ماحول خراب ہو اور بعض عناصر کو جرائم کرنے کے
لئے جرات فراہم کی جاتی ہے. یہ
سب ہو رہا ہے کیونکہ ہمارے شاندار، جدید آئین میں شامل ہونے کے طور پر
یونیورسل بالغ فرانچیس کو منفی انتخابات جیتنے کے لئے دھوکہ دہی کے EVM
تھے. لیکن بی جے پی / آر ایس ایس کی یکجہتی کی طرف سے منموسیری کو فروغ دینا.
بھجنجم پارٹی
کرناٹک، تملناڈو، کیرل اور پوڈوچیری ریاستوں
بی ایس ایس کارکنوں نے جنوبی بھارت کے کنفروئن
26 نومبر، 2017 پر 12.00 بجے
مقام: سینٹرل کرکٹ پویلین گراؤنڈ، گاندھی نگر، بنگالور
اہم مہمان: بہن کماری میاتاوجیجی
بی پی ایس کے سابق صدر، سابق ایم پی (ریاست صوبہ) اور اتر پردیش کے سابق وزیر اعلی
مہمانوں:
ڈاکٹر اشوک سدھھرجیجی
نیشنل جینی سیکرٹری، ایم پی (ریاست صوبہ) اور انچارج کرنناکا میں
سری لنکا Ambeth Rajan
نیشنل خزانچی اور سابق MP (ریاست صوبہ)
سری لنکا ماراسینڈرا منیپپا
کوآرڈینیٹر اور کرناٹک کے انچارج
سری لنکا گوپناتھ
تاملناڈو، کیرل اور پکوچری ریاستوں کے منتظمین
سری لنکا رامجی گووتم
کوآرڈینیٹر، کیرل اور چوہدری ریاستوں
سری لنکا ن مہش، ریاستی صدر، کرناتھا
سری لنکا ریاستہائے متحدہ، تملناڈو کے. K.Armstrong
سری لنکا مرتی، صدر، پوڈوچیری یونین علاقہ
سری لنکا ریاستہائے متحدہ کی ریاست کیرول ج
سارواجن حیاہ سارواجن سوویہ
Gautama Buddha (c. 563 BCE/480 BCE – c. 483 BCE/400 BCE), also known as Siddhārtha Gautama , Shakyamuni Buddha ,[4] or simply the Buddha, after the title of Buddha, was an ascetic (śramaṇa) and sage,[4] on whose teachings Buddhism was founded.[5] He is believed to have lived and taught mostly in the eastern part of ancient India sometime between the sixth and fourth centuries BCE.[6] [note 3]
Gautama taught a Middle Way between sensual indulgence and the severe asceticism found in the śramaṇa movement[7] common in his region. He later taught throughout other regions of eastern India such as Magadha and Kosala.[6] [8]
Gautama is the primary figure in Buddhism. He is recognized by Buddhists as an enlightened teacher who attained full Buddhahood, and shared his insights to help sentient beings end rebirth and suffering. Accounts of his life, discourses, and monastic
rules are believed by Buddhists to have been summarized after his death
and memorized by his followers. Various collections of teachings
attributed to him were passed down by oral tradition and first committed to writing about 400 years later.
Historical Siddhārtha Gautama
Ancient kingdoms and cities of India during the time of the Buddha.
Scholars
are hesitant to make unqualified claims about the historical facts of
the Buddha’s life. Most accept that he lived, taught and founded a
monastic order during the Mahajanapada era during the reign of Bimbisara (c. 558 – c. 491 BCE, or c. 400 BCE),[9] [10] [11] the ruler of the Magadha empire, and died during the early years of the reign of Ajatasatru, who was the successor of Bimbisara, thus making him a younger contemporary of Mahavira, the Jain tirthankara.[12] [13] Apart from the VedicBrahmins, the Buddha’s lifetime coincided with the flourishing of influential Śramaṇa schools of thought like Ājīvika, Cārvāka, Jainism, and Ajñana.[14] Brahmajala Sutta records sixty-two such schools of thought. It was also the age of influential thinkers like Mahavira (referred to as ‘Nigantha Nataputta’ in Pali Canon),[15] Pūraṇa Kassapa, Makkhali Gosāla, Ajita Kesakambalī, Pakudha Kaccāyana, and Sañjaya Belaṭṭhaputta, as recorded in Samaññaphala Sutta, whose viewpoints the Buddha most certainly must have been acquainted with.[16] [17] [note 4] Indeed, Sariputta and Moggallāna, two of the foremost disciples of the Buddha, were formerly the foremost disciples of Sañjaya Belaṭṭhaputta, the skeptic;[19]
and the Pali canon frequently depicts Buddha engaging in debate with
the adherents of rival schools of thought. There is also philological
evidence to suggest that the two masters, Alara Kalama and Uddaka Ramaputta, were indeed historical figures and they most probably taught Buddha two different forms of meditative techniques.[20] Thus, Buddha was just one of the many śramaṇa philosophers of that time.[21] In an era where holiness of person was judged by their level of asceticism[22] , Buddha was a reformist within the śramaṇa movement, rather than a reactionary against Vedic Brahminism.[23]
While the general sequence of “birth, maturity, renunciation, search,
awakening and liberation, teaching, death” is widely accepted,[24] there is less consensus on the veracity of many details contained in traditional biographies.[25] [26]
The
times of Gautama’s birth and death are uncertain. Most historians in
the early 20th century dated his lifetime as circa 563 BCE to 483 BCE.[1] [27] More recently his death is dated later, between 411 and 400 BCE, while at a symposium on this question held in 1988,[28] [29] [30] the majority of those who presented definite opinions gave dates within 20 years either side of 400 BCE for the Buddha’s death.[1] [31] [note 3] These alternative chronologies, however, have not yet been accepted by all historians.[36] [37] [note 5]
The evidence of the early texts suggests that Siddhārtha Gautama was born into the Shakya
clan, a community that was on the periphery, both geographically and
culturally, of the eastern Indian subcontinent in the 5th century BCE.[42] It was either a small republic, or an oligarchy, and his father was an elected chieftain, or oligarch.[42] According to the Buddhist tradition, Gautama was born in Lumbini, now in modern-day Nepal, and raised in the Shakya capital of Kapilvastu, which may have been either in what is present day Tilaurakot, Nepal or Piprahwa, India.[note 1] He obtained his enlightenment in Bodh Gaya, gave his first sermon in Sarnath, and died in Kushinagar.
No written records about Gautama were found from his lifetime or some centuries thereafter. One Edict of Asoka, who reigned from circa 269 BCE to 232 BCE, commemorates the Emperor’s pilgrimage to the Buddha’s birthplace in Lumbini. Another one of his edicts mentions the titles of several Dhamma texts, establishing the existence of a written Buddhist tradition at least by the time of the Maurya era. These texts may be the precursor of the Pāli Canon.[59] [60] [note 7] The oldest surviving Buddhist manuscripts are the Gandhāran Buddhist texts, reported to have been found in or around Haḍḍa near Jalalabad in eastern Afghanistan and now preserved in the British Library. They are written in the Gāndhārī language using the Kharosthi script on twenty-seven birch bark manuscripts and date from the first century BCE to the third century CE.[61]
The sources for the life of Siddhārtha Gautama are a variety
of different, and sometimes conflicting, traditional biographies. These
include the Buddhacarita, Lalitavistara Sūtra, Mahāvastu, and the Nidānakathā.[62] Of these, the Buddhacarita[63] [64] [65] is the earliest full biography, an epic poem written by the poet Aśvaghoṣa in the first century CE.[66] The Lalitavistara Sūtra is the next oldest biography, a Mahāyāna/Sarvāstivāda biography dating to the 3rd century CE.[67] The Mahāvastu from the MahāsāṃghikaLokottaravāda tradition is another major biography, composed incrementally until perhaps the 4th century CE.[67] The Dharmaguptaka biography of the Buddha is the most exhaustive, and is entitled the Abhiniṣkramaṇa Sūtra,[68] and various Chinese translations of this date between the 3rd and 6th century CE. The Nidānakathā is from the Theravada tradition in Sri Lanka and was composed in the 5th century by Buddhaghoṣa.[69]
From canonical sources come the Jataka tales,
the Mahapadana Sutta (DN 14), and the Achariyabhuta Sutta (MN 123),
which include selective accounts that may be older, but are not full
biographies. The Jātakas retell previous lives of Gautama as a bodhisattva, and the first collection of these can be dated among the earliest Buddhist texts.[70]
The Mahāpadāna Sutta and Achariyabhuta Sutta both recount miraculous
events surrounding Gautama’s birth, such as the bodhisattva’s descent
from the Tuṣita Heaven into his mother’s womb.
In the earliest Buddhist texts, the nikāyas and āgamas, the Buddha is not depicted as possessing omniscience (sabbaññu)[71] nor is he depicted as being an eternal transcendent (lokottara) being. According to Bhikkhu Analayo,
ideas of the Buddha’s omniscience (along with an increasing tendency to
deify him and his biography) are found only later, in the Mahayana sutras and later Pali commentaries or texts such as the Mahāvastu.[71]
In the Sandaka Sutta, the Buddha’s disciple Ananda outlines an argument
against the claims of teachers who say they are all knowing [72]
while in the Tevijjavacchagotta Sutta the Buddha himself states that he
has never made a claim to being omniscient, instead he claimed to have
the “higher knowledges” (abhijñā).[73] The earliest biographical material from the Pali Nikayas focuses on the Buddha’s life as a śramaṇa, his search for enlightenment under various teachers such as Alara Kalama and his forty-five-year career as a teacher.[74]
Traditional
biographies of Gautama generally include numerous miracles, omens, and
supernatural events. The character of the Buddha in these traditional
biographies is often that of a fully transcendent (Skt. lokottara) and
perfected being who is unencumbered by the mundane world. In the
Mahāvastu, over the course of many lives, Gautama is said to have
developed supramundane abilities including: a painless birth conceived
without intercourse; no need for sleep, food, medicine, or bathing,
although engaging in such “in conformity with the world”; omniscience,
and the ability to “suppress karma”.[75]
Nevertheless, some of the more ordinary details of his life have been
gathered from these traditional sources. In modern times there has been
an attempt to form a secular understanding of Siddhārtha Gautama’s life by omitting the traditional supernatural elements of his early biographies.
Andrew Skilton writes that the Buddha was never historically regarded by Buddhist traditions as being merely human:
It
is important to stress that, despite modern Theravada teachings to the
contrary (often a sop to skeptical Western pupils), he was never seen as
being merely human. For instance, he is often described as having the
thirty-two major and eighty minor marks or signs of a mahāpuruṣa,
“superman”; the Buddha himself denied that he was either a man or a god; and in the Mahāparinibbāna Sutta he states that he could live for an aeon were he asked to do so.[76]
The
ancient Indians were generally unconcerned with chronologies, being
more focused on philosophy. Buddhist texts reflect this tendency,
providing a clearer picture of what Gautama may have taught than of the
dates of the events in his life. These texts contain descriptions of the
culture and daily life of ancient India which can be corroborated from
the Jain scriptures, and make the Buddha’s time the earliest period in Indian history for which significant accounts exist.[77] British author Karen Armstrong
writes that although there is very little information that can be
considered historically sound, we can be reasonably confident that
Siddhārtha Gautama did exist as a historical figure.[78]
Michael Carrithers goes a bit further by stating that the most general
outline of “birth, maturity, renunciation, search, awakening and
liberation, teaching, death” must be true.[24]
Biography
Conception and birth
Maya’s dream of the Birth of Gautama Siddharta
Birthplace of Gautama Buddha in Lumbini, Nepal,[note 1] [79] a holy shrine also for many non-Buddhists.[note 8]
The Buddhist tradition regards Lumbini, in present-day Nepal to be the birthplace of the Buddha.[80] [note 1] He grew up in Kapilavastu.[note 1] The exact site of ancient Kapilavastu is unknown.[81] It may have been either Piprahwa, Uttar Pradesh, in present-day India,[54] or Tilaurakot, in present-day Nepal.[82] Both places belonged to the Sakya territory, and are located only 15 miles apart.[82]
Gautama was born as a Kshatriya,[83] [note 9] the son of Śuddhodana, “an elected chief of the Shakya clan“,[6] whose capital was Kapilavastu, and who were later annexed by the growing Kingdom of Kosala during the Buddha’s lifetime. Gautama was the family name. His mother, Maya (Māyādevī), Suddhodana’s wife, was a Koliyan princess. Legend has it that, on the night Siddhartha was conceived, Queen Maya dreamt that a white elephant with six white tusks entered her right side,[85] [86] and ten months later[87]
Siddhartha was born. As was the Shakya tradition, when his mother Queen
Maya became pregnant, she left Kapilavastu for her father’s kingdom to
give birth. However, her son is said to have been born on the way, at
Lumbini, in a garden beneath a sal tree.
The day of the Buddha’s birth is widely celebrated in Theravada countries as Vesak.[88] Buddha’s Birthday is called Buddha Purnima
in Nepal, Bangladesh, and India as he is believed to have been born on a
full moon day. Various sources hold that the Buddha’s mother died at
his birth, a few days or seven days later. The infant was given the name
Siddhartha (Pāli: Siddhattha), meaning “he who achieves his aim”.
During the birth celebrations, the hermit seer Asita journeyed from his mountain abode and announced that the child would either become a great king (chakravartin) or a great sadhu.[89]
By traditional account, this occurred after Siddhartha placed his feet
in Asita’s hair and Asita examined the birthmarks. Suddhodana held a
naming ceremony on the fifth day, and invited eight Brahmin scholars to read the future. All gave a dual prediction that the baby would either become a great king or a great holy man.[89] Kondañña, the youngest, and later to be the first arhat other than the Buddha, was reputed to be the only one who unequivocally predicted that Siddhartha would become a Buddha.[90]
While later tradition and legend characterized Śuddhodana as a hereditary monarch, the descendant of the Suryavansha (Solar dynasty) of Ikṣvāku (Pāli: Okkāka), many scholars think that Śuddhodana was the elected chief of a tribal confederacy.
Early
texts suggest that Gautama was not familiar with the dominant religious
teachings of his time until he left on his religious quest, which is
said to have been motivated by existential concern for the human
condition.[91] The state of the Shakya clan was not a monarchy and seems to have been structured either as an oligarchy, or as a form of republic.[92]
The more egalitarian gana-sangha form of government, as a political
alternative to the strongly hierarchical kingdoms, may have influenced
the development of the śramanic Jain and Buddhist sanghas, where monarchies tended toward Vedic Brahmanism.[93]
Siddhartha was brought up by his mother’s younger sister, Maha Pajapati.[94]
By tradition, he is said to have been destined by birth to the life of a
prince and had three palaces (for seasonal occupation) built for him.
His father, said to be King Śuddhodana, wishing for his son to be a
great king, is said to have shielded him from religious teachings and
from knowledge of human suffering.
While Śuddhodana has traditionally been depicted as a king, and
Siddhartha as his prince, more recent scholarship suggests the Shakya were in-fact organized as a semi-republican oligarchy rather than a monarchy. [95]
When he reached the age of 16, his father reputedly arranged his marriage to a cousin of the same age named Yaśodharā (Pāli: Yasodharā). According to the traditional account, she gave birth to a son, named Rāhula. Siddhartha is said to have spent 29 years as a prince in Kapilavastu.
Although his father ensured that Siddhartha was provided with
everything he could want or need, Buddhist scriptures say that the
future Buddha felt that material wealth was not life’s ultimate goal.[94]
Renunciation and ascetic life
The Victory of Buddha
The “Great Departure” of Siddhartha Gautama, surrounded by a halo, he is accompanied by numerous guards, maithuna loving couples, and devata who have come to pay homage; Gandhara, Kushan period
Prince Siddhartha shaves his hair and becomes an ascetic. Borobudur, 8th century
At
the age of 29, Siddhartha left his palace to meet his subjects. Despite
his father’s efforts to hide from him the sick, aged and suffering,
Siddhartha was said to have seen an old man. When his charioteer Channa explained to him that all people grew old, the prince went on further trips beyond the palace. On these he encountered a diseased man, a decaying corpse, and an ascetic. These depressed him, and he initially strove to overcome ageing, sickness, and death by living the life of an ascetic.[96]
Accompanied by Channa and riding his horse Kanthaka, Gautama quit his palace for the life of a mendicant. It’s said that “the horse’s hooves were muffled by the gods”[97] to prevent guards from knowing of his departure.
Gautama initially went to Rajagaha
and began his ascetic life by begging for alms in the street. After
King Bimbisara’s men recognised Siddhartha and the king learned of his
quest, Bimbisara offered Siddhartha the throne. Siddhartha rejected the
offer but promised to visit his kingdom of Magadha first, upon attaining enlightenment.
He left Rajagaha and practised under two hermit teachers of yogic meditation.[98] [99] [100] After mastering the teachings of Alara Kalama
(Skr. Ārāḍa Kālāma), he was asked by Kalama to succeed him. However,
Gautama felt unsatisfied by the practice, and moved on to become a
student of yoga with Udaka Ramaputta (Skr. Udraka Rāmaputra).[101]
With him he achieved high levels of meditative consciousness and was
again asked to succeed his teacher. But, once more, he was not
satisfied, and again moved on.[102]
According to the early Buddhist texts,[103] after realizing that meditative dhyana was the right path to awakening, but that extreme asceticism didn’t work, Gautama discovered what Buddhists know as being, the Middle Way[103] —a path of moderation away from the extremes of self-indulgence and self-mortification, or the Noble Eightfold Path, as described in the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, which is regarded as the first discourse of the Buddha.[103] In a famous incident, after becoming starved and weakened, he is said to have accepted milk and rice pudding from a village girl named Sujata.[104] Such was his emaciated appearance that she wrongly believed him to be a spirit that had granted her a wish.[104]
Following this incident, Gautama was famously seated under a pipal tree—now known as the Bodhi tree—in Bodh Gaya, India, when he vowed never to arise until he had found the truth.[105] Kaundinya
and four other companions, believing that he had abandoned his search
and become undisciplined, ceased to stay with him, and went to somewhere
else. After a reputed 49 days of meditation, at the age of 35, he is
said to have attained Enlightenment,[105] [106] and became known as the Buddha or “Awakened One” (”Buddha” is also sometimes translated as “The Enlightened One”).
According to some sutras of the Pali canon, at the time of his awakening he realized complete insight into the Four Noble Truths, thereby attaining liberation from samsara, the endless cycle of rebirth, suffering and dying again.[107] [108] [109]
According to scholars, this story of the awakening and the stress on
“liberating insight” is a later development in the Buddhist tradition,
where the Buddha may have regarded the practice of dhyana as leading to Nirvana and moksha.[110] [111] [107] [note 10]
Nirvana
is the extinguishing of the “fires” of desire, hatred, and ignorance,
that keep the cycle of suffering and rebirth going.[112]
Nirvana is also regarded as the “end of the world”, in that no personal
identity or boundaries of the mind remain. In such a state, a being is
said to possess the Ten Characteristics, belonging to every Buddha.
According to a story in the Āyācana Sutta (Samyutta Nikaya VI.1) — a scripture found in the Pāli and other canons — immediately after his awakening, the Buddha debated whether or not he should teach the Dharma
to others. He was concerned that humans were so overpowered by
ignorance, greed and hatred that they could never recognise the path,
which is subtle, deep and hard to grasp. However, in the story, Brahmā Sahampati convinced him, arguing that at least some will understand it. The Buddha relented, and agreed to teach.
Mulagandhakuti, Remains of Buddha’s hut in Jetavana Monastery, Shravasti, India, Where the Buddha delivered majority of his discourses[113]
After his awakening, the Buddha met Taphussa and Bhallika — two merchant brothers from the city of Balkh
in what is currently Afghanistan — who became his first lay disciples.
It is said that each was given hairs from his head, which are now
claimed to be enshrined as relics in the Shwe Dagon Temple in Rangoon, Burma. The Buddha intended to visit Asita, and his former teachers, Alara Kalama and Udaka Ramaputta, to explain his findings, but they had already died.
He then travelled to the Deer Park near Varanasi (Benares) in northern India, where he set in motion what Buddhists call the Wheel of Dharma
by delivering his first sermon to the five companions with whom he had
sought enlightenment. Together with him, they formed the first saṅgha: the company of Buddhist monks.
All five become arahants, and within the first two months, with the conversion of Yasa
and fifty-four of his friends, the number of such arahants is said to
have grown to 60. The conversion of three brothers named Kassapa
followed, with their reputed 200, 300 and 500 disciples, respectively.
This swelled the sangha to more than 1,000.
Travels and teaching
Buddha with his protector Vajrapani, Gandhāra, 2nd century CE, Ostasiatische Kunst Museum
For the remaining 45 years of his life, the Buddha is said to have traveled in the Gangetic Plain, in what is now Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, and southern Nepal, teaching a diverse range of people: from nobles to servants, murderers such as Angulimala, and cannibals such as Alavaka.[114]
Although the Buddha’s language remains unknown, it’s likely that he
taught in one or more of a variety of closely related Middle Indo-Aryan
dialects, of which Pali may be a standardization.
The
sangha traveled through the subcontinent, expounding the dharma. This
continued throughout the year, except during the four months of the Vassa
rainy season when ascetics of all religions rarely traveled. One reason
was that it was more difficult to do so without causing harm to animal
life. At this time of year, the sangha would retreat to monasteries,
public parks or forests, where people would come to them.
The first vassana was spent at Varanasi when the sangha was formed. After this, the Buddha kept a promise to travel to Rajagaha, capital of Magadha, to visit King Bimbisara. During this visit, Sariputta and Maudgalyayana were converted by Assaji,
one of the first five disciples, after which they were to become the
Buddha’s two foremost followers. The Buddha spent the next three seasons
at Veluvana Bamboo Grove monastery in Rajagaha, the capital of Magadha.
Upon
hearing of his son’s awakening, Suddhodana sent, over a period, ten
delegations to ask him to return to Kapilavastu. On the first nine
occasions, the delegates failed to deliver the message and instead
joined the sangha to become arahants. The tenth delegation, led by
Kaludayi, a childhood friend of Gautama’s (who also became an arahant),
however, delivered the message.
Now two years after his
awakening, the Buddha agreed to return, and made a two-month journey by
foot to Kapilavastu, teaching the dharma as he went. At his return, the
royal palace prepared a midday meal, but the sangha was making an alms
round in Kapilavastu. Hearing this, Suddhodana approached his son, the
Buddha, saying:
“Ours is the warrior lineage of Mahamassata, and not a single warrior has gone seeking alms.”
The Buddha is said to have replied:
“That
is not the custom of your royal lineage. But it is the custom of my
Buddha lineage. Several thousands of Buddhas have gone by seeking alms.”
Buddhist
texts say that Suddhodana invited the sangha into the palace for the
meal, followed by a dharma talk. After this he is said to have become a sotapanna. During the visit, many members of the royal family joined the sangha. The Buddha’s cousins Ananda and Anuruddha became two of his five chief disciples. At the age of seven, his son Rahula also joined, and became one of his ten chief disciples. His half-brother Nanda also joined and became an arahant.
Of the Buddha’s disciples, Sariputta, Maudgalyayana, Mahakasyapa,
Ananda and Anuruddha are believed to have been the five closest to him.
His ten foremost disciples were reputedly completed by the quintet of Upali, Subhoti, Rahula, Mahakaccana and Punna.
In the fifth vassana, the Buddha was staying at Mahavana near Vesali
when he heard news of the impending death of his father. He is said to
have gone to Suddhodana and taught the dharma, after which his father
became an arahant.
The last days of buddha teachings
The
king’s death and cremation was to inspire the creation of an order of
nuns. Buddhist texts record that the Buddha was reluctant to ordain
women. His foster mother Maha Pajapati,
for example, approached him, asking to join the sangha, but he refused.
Maha Pajapati, however, was so intent on the path of awakening that she
led a group of royal Sakyan and Koliyan ladies, which followed the
sangha on a long journey to Rajagaha. In time, after Ananda championed
their cause, the Buddha is said to have reconsidered and, five years
after the formation of the sangha, agreed to the ordination of women as
nuns. He reasoned that males and females had an equal capacity for
awakening. But he gave women additional rules (Vinaya) to follow.
According to the Mahaparinibbana Sutta of the Pali canon, at the age of 80, the Buddha announced that he would soon reach Parinirvana,
or the final deathless state, and abandon his earthly body. After this,
the Buddha ate his last meal, which he had received as an offering from
a blacksmith named Cunda. Falling violently ill, Buddha instructed his attendant Ānanda
to convince Cunda that the meal eaten at his place had nothing to do
with his passing and that his meal would be a source of the greatest
merit as it provided the last meal for a Buddha.[115] Mettanando and von Hinüber argue that the Buddha died of mesentericinfarction, a symptom of old age, rather than food poisoning.[116] [117]
The
precise contents of the Buddha’s final meal are not clear, due to
variant scriptural traditions and ambiguity over the translation of
certain significant terms; the Theravada tradition generally believes that the Buddha was offered some kind of pork, while the Mahayana
tradition believes that the Buddha consumed some sort of truffle or
other mushroom. These may reflect the different traditional views on Buddhist vegetarianism and the precepts for monks and nuns.
Waley
suggests that Theravadins would take suukaramaddava (the contents of
the Buddha’s last meal), which can translate literally as pig-soft, to
mean “soft flesh of a pig” or “pig’s soft-food”, that is, after Neumann, a soft food favoured by pigs, assumed to be a truffle.
He argues (also after Neumann) that as “(p)lant names tend to be local
and dialectical”, as there are several plants known to have suukara-
(pig) as part of their names,[note 11]
and as Pali Buddhism developed in an area remote from the Buddha’s
death, suukaramaddava could easily have been a type of plant whose local
name was unknown to those in Pali regions. Specifically, local writers
writing soon after the Buddha’s death knew more about their flora than
Theravadin commentator Buddhaghosa
who lived hundreds of years and hundreds of kilometres remote in time
and space from the events described. Unaware that it may have been a
local plant name and with no Theravadin prohibition against eating
animal flesh, Theravadins would not have questioned the Buddha eating
meat and interpreted the term accordingly.[118]
According to Buddhist tradition, the Buddha died at Kuśināra (present-day Kushinagar, India), which became a pilgrimage center.[119] Ananda protested the Buddha’s decision to enter Parinirvana in the abandoned jungles of Kuśināra of the Malla
kingdom. The Buddha, however, is said to have reminded Ananda how
Kushinara was a land once ruled by a righteous wheel-turning king and
the appropriate place for him to die.[120]
The Buddha then asked all the attendant Bhikkhus
to clarify any doubts or questions they had and cleared them all in a
way which others could not do. They had none. According to Buddhist
scriptures, he then finally entered Parinirvana. The Buddha’s final
words are reported to have been: “All composite things (Saṅkhāra)
are perishable. Strive for your own liberation with diligence” (Pali:
‘vayadhammā saṅkhārā appamādena sampādethā’). His body was cremated and
the relics were placed in monuments or stupas, some of which are believed to have survived until the present. For example, the Temple of the Tooth or “Dalada Maligawa” in Sri Lanka is the place where what some believe to be the relic of the right tooth of Buddha is kept at present.
Life scenes of Buddha, sand stone: Birth, Enlightenment, Descent from Heaven, First Sermon, Passing Away, c. 2nd Century CE, Government Museum, Mathura.
According to the Pāli historical chronicles of Sri Lanka, the Dīpavaṃsa and Mahāvaṃsa, the coronation of Emperor Aśoka (Pāli: Asoka) is 218 years after the death of the Buddha. According to two textual records in Chinese (十八部論 and 部執異論),
the coronation of Emperor Aśoka is 116 years after the death of the
Buddha. Therefore, the time of Buddha’s passing is either 486 BCE
according to Theravāda record or 383 BCE according to Mahayana record.
However, the actual date traditionally accepted as the date of the
Buddha’s death in Theravāda countries is 544 or 545 BCE, because the
reign of Emperor Aśoka was traditionally reckoned to be about 60 years
earlier than current estimates. In Burmese Buddhist tradition, the date
of the Buddha’s death is 13 May 544 BCE.[121] whereas in Thai tradition it is 11 March 545 BCE.[122]
At his death, the Buddha is famously believed to have told his disciples to follow no leader. Mahakasyapa was chosen by the sangha to be the chairman of the First Buddhist Council, with the two chief disciples Maudgalyayana and Sariputta having died before the Buddha.
While
in the Buddha’s days he was addressed by the very respected titles
Buddha, Shākyamuni, Shākyasimha, Bhante and Bho, he was known after his
parinirvana nirvana as Arihant, Bhagavā/Bhagavat/Bhagwān, Mahāvira,[123] Jina/Jinendra, Sāstr, Sugata, and most popularly in scriptures as Tathāgata.
Relics
After his death, Buddha’s cremation relics were divided
amongst 8 royal families and his disciples; centuries later they would
be enshrined by King Ashoka into 84,000 stupas.[124] [125]
Many supernatural legends surround the history of alleged relics as
they accompanied the spread of Buddhism and gave legitimacy to rulers.
An extensive and colorful physical description of the Buddha has been laid down in scriptures. A kshatriya
by birth, he had military training in his upbringing, and by Shakyan
tradition was required to pass tests to demonstrate his worthiness as a
warrior in order to marry. He had a strong enough body to be noticed by
one of the kings and was asked to join his army as a general. He is also
believed by Buddhists to have “the 32 Signs of the Great Man”.
The
Brahmin Sonadanda described him as “handsome, good-looking, and
pleasing to the eye, with a most beautiful complexion. He has a godlike
form and countenance, he is by no means unattractive.” (D, I:115)
“It
is wonderful, truly marvellous, how serene is the good Gotama’s
appearance, how clear and radiant his complexion, just as the golden
jujube in autumn is clear and radiant, just as a palm-tree fruit just
loosened from the stalk is clear and radiant, just as an adornment of
red gold wrought in a crucible by a skilled goldsmith, deftly beaten and
laid on a yellow-cloth shines, blazes and glitters, even so, the good
Gotama’s senses are calmed, his complexion is clear and radiant.” (A,
I:181)
A disciple named Vakkali, who later became an arahant, was
so obsessed by the Buddha’s physical presence that the Buddha is said
to have felt impelled to tell him to desist, and to have reminded him
that he should know the Buddha through the Dhamma and not through
physical appearances.
Although there are no extant representations of the Buddha in human form until around the 1st century CE (see Buddhist art), descriptions of the physical characteristics of fully enlightened buddhas are attributed to the Buddha in the Digha Nikaya’s Lakkhaṇa Sutta (D, I:142).[127] In addition, the Buddha’s physical appearance is described by Yasodhara to their son Rahula
upon the Buddha’s first post-Enlightenment return to his former
princely palace in the non-canonical Pali devotional hymn, Narasīha
Gāthā (”The Lion of Men”).[128]
Among the 32 main characteristics it is mentioned that Buddha has blue eyes.[129]
Nine virtues
Recollection of nine virtues attributed to the Buddha is a common Buddhist meditation and devotional practice called Buddhānusmṛti. The nine virtues are also among the 40 Buddhist meditation subjects. The nine virtues of the Buddha appear throughout the Tipitaka,[130] and include:
Araham – Worthy of homage. An Arahant
is “one with taints destroyed, who has lived the holy life, done what
had to be done, laid down the burden, reached the true goal, destroyed
the fetters of being, and is completely liberated through final
knowledge.”
Sacrifices have the Agnihotra as foremost; of meter, the foremost is the Sāvitrī.[131]
Tracing the oldest teachings
Information of the oldest teachings may be obtained by
analysis of the oldest texts. One method to obtain information on the
oldest core of Buddhism is to compare the oldest extant versions of the
Theravadin Pali Canon and other texts.[note 12] The reliability of these sources, and the possibility of drawing out a core of oldest teachings, is a matter of dispute.[134] [135] [136] [137] According to Vetter, inconsistencies remain, and other methods must be applied to resolve those inconsistencies.[132] [note 13]
According to Schmithausen, three positions held by scholars of Buddhism can be distinguished:[140]
“Stress on the fundamental homogeneity and substantial authenticity of at least a considerable part of the Nikayic materials;”[note 14] [note 15] , from the oldest extant texts a common kernel can be drawn out.[141]
According to Warder, c.q. his publisher: “This kernel of doctrine is
presumably common Buddhism of the period before the great schisms of the
fourth and third centuries BC. It may be substantially the Buddhism of
the Buddha himself, although this cannot be proved: at any rate it is a
Buddhism presupposed by the schools as existing about a hundred years
after the parinirvana of the Buddha, and there is no evidence to suggest
that it was formulated by anyone else than the Buddha and his immediate
followers”.[141] and Richard Gombrich. [142]
Richard Gombrich: “I have the greatest difficulty in accepting that the
main edifice is not the work of a single genius. By “the main edifice” I
mean the collections of the main body of sermons, the four Nikāyas, and
of the main body of monastic rules.”[137]
“Scepticism with regard to the possibility of retrieving the doctrine of earliest Buddhism;”[note 16] [note 17]
A core problem in the study of early Buddhism is the relation between dhyana and insight.[135] [134] [137]
Schmithausen notes that the mention of the four noble truths as
constituting “liberating insight”, which is attained after mastering the
Rupa Jhanas, is a later addition to texts such as Majjhima Nikaya 36.[138] [134] [135]
Earliest Buddhism
According to Tilmann Vetter, the core of earliest Buddhism is the practice of dhyāna,[146] as a workable alternative to painful ascetic practices.[147] [note 19] Bronkhorst agrees that Dhyāna was a Buddhist invention,[134] whereas Norman notes that “the Buddha’s way to release […] was by means of meditative practices.”[149] Discriminating insight into transiency as a separate path to liberation was a later development.[150] [151]
According to the Mahāsaccakasutta,[note 20] from the fourth jhana the Buddha gained bodhi. Yet, it is not clear what he was awakened to.[149] [134]
According to Schmithausen and Bronkhorst, “liberating insight” is a
later addition to this text, and reflects a later development and
understanding in early Buddhism.[138] [134]
The mentioning of the four truths as constituting “liberating insight”
introduces a logical problem, since the four truths depict a linear path
of practice, the knowledge of which is in itself not depicted as being
liberating:[152]
[T]hey
do not teach that one is released by knowing the four noble truths, but
by practicing the fourth noble truth, the eightfold path, which
culminates in right samadhi.[152]
Although “Nibbāna”
(Sanskrit: Nirvāna) is the common term for the desired goal of this
practice, many other terms can be found throughout the Nikayas, which
are not specified.[153] [note 21]
According to Vetter, the description of the Buddhist path may initially have been as simple as the term “the middle way”.[154] In time, this short description was elaborated, resulting in the description of the eightfold path.[154]
According to both Bronkhorst and Anderson, the four truths became a substitution for prajna, or “liberating insight”, in the suttas[111] [107] in those texts where “liberating insight” was preceded by the four jhanas.[155]
According to Bronkhorst, the four truths may not have been formulated
in earliest Buddhism, and did not serve in earliest Buddhism as a
description of “liberating insight”.[156] Gotama’s teachings may have been personal, “adjusted to the need of each person.”[155]
The three marks of existence[note 22]
may reflect Upanishadic or other influences. K.R. Norman supposes that
these terms were already in use at the Buddha’s time, and were familiar
to his listeners.[157]
The Brahma-vihara was in origin probably a brahmanic term;[158] but its usage may have been common to the Sramana traditions.[134]
Later developments
In time, “liberating insight” became an essential feature of
the Buddhist tradition. The following teachings, which are commonly seen
as essential to Buddhism, are later formulations which form part of the
explanatory framework of this “liberating insight”:[135] [134]
The Four Noble Truths:
that suffering is an ingrained part of existence; that the origin of
suffering is craving for sensuality, acquisition of identity, and fear
of annihilation; that suffering can be ended; and that following the Noble Eightfold Path is the means to accomplish this;
The
Noble Eightfold Path: right view, right intention, right speech, right
action, right livelihood, right effort, right mindfulness, and right
concentration;
Dependent origination: the mind creates suffering as a natural product of a complex process.
Other religions
Buddha depicted as the 9th avatar of god Vishnu in a traditional Hindu representation
Some Hindus regard Gautama as the 9th avatar of Vishnu.[note 8] [159] However, Buddha’s teachings deny the authority of the Vedas and the concepts of Brahman-Atman.[160] [161] [162] Consequently Buddhism is generally classified as a nāstika school (heterodox, literally “It is not so”[note 23] ) in contrast to the six orthodox schools of Hinduism.[165] [166] [167]
The Buddha is regarded as a prophet by the minority Ahmadiyya[168] sect of Muslims – a sect considered a deviant and rejected as apostate by mainstream Islam.[169] [170] Some early Chinese Taoist-Buddhists thought the Buddha to be a reincarnation of Laozi.[171]
Disciples of the Cao Đài religion worship the Buddha as a major religious teacher.[172]
His image can be found in both their Holy See and on the home altar. He
is revealed during communication with Divine Beings as son of their
Supreme Being (God the Father) together with other major religious
teachers and founders like Jesus, Laozi, and Confucius.[173]
The Christian Saint Josaphat is based on the Buddha. The name comes from the Sanskrit Bodhisattva via Arabic Būdhasaf and Georgian Iodasaph.[174] The only story in which St. Josaphat appears, Barlaam and Josaphat, is based on the life of the Buddha.[175]
Josaphat was included in earlier editions of the Roman Martyrology
(feast day 27 November) — though not in the Roman Missal — and in the
Eastern Orthodox Church liturgical calendar (26 August).
In the ancient Gnostic sect of Manichaeism, the Buddha is listed among the prophets who preached the word of God before Mani.[176]
According to the Buddhist tradition, following the Nidanakatha,[43] the introductory to the Jataka tales, the stories of the former lives of the Buddha, Gautama was born in Lumbini, present-day Nepal.[44] [45] In the mid-3rd century BCE the Emperor Ashoka
determined that Lumbini was Gautama’s birthplace and thus installed a
pillar there with the inscription: “…this is where the Buddha, sage of
the Śākyas (Śākyamuni), was born.”[46] Based on stone inscriptions, there is also speculation that Lumbei, Kapileswar village, Odisha, at the east coast of India, was the site of ancient Lumbini.[47] [48] [49] Hartmann discusses the hypothesis and states, “The inscription has generally been considered spurious (…)”[50]
He quotes Sircar: “There can hardly be any doubt that the people
responsible for the Kapilesvara inscription copied it from the said
facsimile not much earlier than 1928.” Kapilavastu was the place where
he grew up:[51] [note 6]
Warder:
“The Buddha […] was born in the Sakya Republic, which was the city
state of Kapilavastu, a very small state just inside the modern state
boundary of Nepal against the Northern Indian frontier.[6]
Walsh:
“He belonged to the Sakya clan dwelling on the edge of the Himalayas,
his actual birthplace being a few miles north of the present-day
Northern Indian border, in Nepal. His father was, in fact, an elected
chief of the clan rather than the king he was later made out to be,
though his title was raja – a term which only partly corresponds to our
word ‘king’. Some of the states of North India at that time were
kingdoms and others republics, and the Sakyan republic was subject to
the powerful king of neighbouring Kosala, which lay to the south”.[53]
The exact location of ancient Kapilavastu is unknown.[51] It may have been either Piprahwa in Uttar Pradesh, northern India,[54] [55] [56] or Tilaurakot,[57] present-day Nepal.[58] [51] The two cities are located only fifteen miles from each other.[58]
411–400: Dundas 2002,
p. 24: “…as is now almost universally accepted by informed
Indological scholarship, a re-examination of early Buddhist historical
material, […], necessitates a redating of the Buddha’s death to
between 411 and 400 BCE…”
405: Richard Gombrich[32] [33] [34] [35]
Around 400: See the consensus in the essays by leading scholars in Narain, Awadh Kishore, ed. (2003), The Date of the Historical Śākyamuni Buddha, New Delhi: BR Publishing, ISBN 81-7646-353-1.
According to Pali scholar K. R. Norman,
a life span for the Buddha of c. 480 to 400 BCE (and his teaching
period roughly from c. 445 to 400 BCE) “fits the archaeological evidence
better”.[2] See also Notes on the Dates of the Buddha Íåkyamuni.
According
to Alexander Berzin, “Buddhism developed as a shramana school that
accepted rebirth under the force of karma, while rejecting the existence
of the type of soul that other schools asserted. In addition, the
Buddha accepted as parts of the path to liberation the use of logic and
reasoning, as well as ethical behavior, but not to the degree of Jain
asceticism. In this way, Buddhism avoided the extremes of the previous
four shramana schools.”[18]
In 2013, archaeologist Robert Coningham found the remains of a Bodhigara, a tree shrine, dated to 550 BCE at the Maya Devi Temple, Lumbini, speculating that it may possible be a Buddhist shrine. If so, this may push back the Buddha’s birth date.[38] Archaeologists caution that the shrine may represent pre-Buddhist tree worship, and that further research is needed.[38]
Richard Gombrich has dismissed Coningham’s speculations as “a fantasy”,
noting that Coningham lacks the necessary expertise on the history of
early Buddhism.[39] Geoffrey Samuels notes that several locations of both early Buddhism and Jainism are closely related to Yaksha-worship, that several Yakshas were “converted” to Buddhism, a well-known example being Vajrapani,[40] and that several Yaksha-shrines, where trees were worshipped, were converted into Buddhist holy places.[41]
Some
sources mention Kapilavastu as the birthplace of the Buddha. Gethin
states: “The earliest Buddhist sources state that the future Buddha was
born Siddhārtha Gautama (Pali Siddhattha Gotama), the son of a local
chieftain — a rājan — in Kapilavastu (Pali Kapilavatthu) what is now the
Indian–Nepalese border.”[52] Gethin does not give references for this statement.
Minor
Rock Edict Nb3: “These Dhamma texts – Extracts from the Discipline, the
Noble Way of Life, the Fears to Come, the Poem on the Silent Sage, the
Discourse on the Pure Life, Upatisa’s Questions, and the Advice to
Rahula which was spoken by the Buddha concerning false speech – these
Dhamma texts, reverend sirs, I desire that all the monks and nuns may
constantly listen to and remember. Likewise the laymen and laywomen.”[59]
Dhammika:”There is disagreement amongst scholars concerning which Pali
suttas correspond to some of the text. Vinaya samukose: probably the
Atthavasa Vagga, Anguttara Nikaya, 1:98-100. Aliya vasani: either the
Ariyavasa Sutta, Anguttara Nikaya, V:29, or the Ariyavamsa Sutta,
Anguttara Nikaya, II: 27-28. Anagata bhayani: probably the Anagata
Sutta, Anguttara Nikaya, III:100. Muni gatha: Muni Sutta, Sutta Nipata
207-221. Upatisa pasine: Sariputta Sutta, Sutta Nipata 955-975.
Laghulavade: Rahulavada Sutta, Majjhima Nikaya, I:421.”[59]
Kumar Singh, Nagendra (1997). “Buddha as depicted in the Purāṇas”. Encyclopaedia of Hinduism. 7. Anmol Publications. pp. 260–75. ISBN 978-81-7488-168-7. Retrieved 16 April 2012.
According to Geoffrey Samuel, the Buddha was born as a Kshatriya,[83]
in a moderate Vedic culture at the central Ganges Plain area, where the
shramana-traditions developed. This area had a moderate Vedic culture,
where the Kshatriyas were the highest varna, in contrast to the Brahmanic ideology of Kuru-Panchala, where the Brahmins had become the highest varna.[83] Both the Vedic culture and the shramana tradition contributed to the emergence of the so-called “Hindu-synthesis” around the start of the Common Era.[84] [83]
Scholars
have noted inconsistencies in the presentations of the Buddha’s
enlightenment, and the Buddhist path to liberation, in the oldest
sutras. These inconsistencies show that the Buddhist teachings evolved,
either during the lifetime of the Buddha, or thereafter. See: * Andre
Bareau (1963), Recherches sur la biographie du Buddha dans les
Sutrapitaka et les Vinayapitaka anciens, Ecole Francaise
d’Extreme-Orient * Schmithausen, On some Aspects of Descriptions or
Theories of ‘Liberating Insight’ and ‘Enlightenment’ in Early Buddhism *
K. R. Norman, Four Noble Truths * Tilman Vetter, The Ideas and Meditative Practices of Early Buddhism * Richard F. Gombrich (2006). How Buddhism Began: The Conditioned Genesis of the Early Teachings. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-134-19639-5., chapter four * Bronkhorst, Johannes (1993), The Two Traditions Of Meditation In Ancient India, Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, chapter 7 * Anderson, Carol (1999), Pain and Its Ending: The Four Noble Truths in the Theravada Buddhist Canon, Routledge
Waley
notes: suukara-kanda, “pig-bulb”; suukara-paadika, “pig’s foot” and
sukaresh.ta “sought-out by pigs”. He cites Neumann’s suggestion that if a
plant called “sought-out by pigs” exists then suukaramaddava can mean
“pig’s delight”.
Exemplary studies are the study on descriptions of “liberating insight” by Lambert Schmithausen,[138] the overview of early Buddhism by Tilmann Vetter,[135] the philological work on the four truths by K.R. Norman,[139] the textual studies by Richard Gombrich,[137] and the research on early meditation methods by Johannes Bronkhorst.[134]
A well-known proponent of the first position is A.K. Warder
According to A.K. Warder, in his 1970 publication “Indian Buddhism”
A proponent of the second position is Ronald Davidson.
Ronald
Davidson: “While most scholars agree that there was a rough body of
sacred literature (disputed)(sic) that a relatively early community
(disputed)(sic) maintained and transmitted, we have little confidence
that much, if any, of surviving Buddhist scripture is actually the word
of the historic Buddha.”[143]
Well-known
proponents of the third position are: * J.W. de Jong: “It would be
hypocritical to assert that nothing can be said about the doctrine of
earliest Buddhism […] the basic ideas of Buddhism found in the
canonical writings could very well have been proclaimed by him [the
Buddha], transmitted and developed by his disciples and, finally,
codified in fixed formulas.”[144]
* Johannes Bronkhorst: “This position is to be preferred to (ii) for
purely methodological reasons: only those who seek may find, even if no
success is guaranteed.”[140]
* Donald Lopez: “The original teachings of the historical Buddha are
extremely difficult, if not impossible, to recover or reconstruct.”[145]
Vetter:
“However, if we look at the last, and in my opinion the most important,
component of this list [the noble eightfold path], we are still dealing
with what according to me is the real content of the middle way,
dhyana-meditation, at least the stages two to four, which are said to be
free of contemplation and reflection. Everything preceding the eighth
part, i.e. right samadhi, apparently has the function of preparing for
the right samadhi.”[148]
Majjhima Nikaya 36
Vetter:
“I am especially thinking here of MN 26 (I p.163,32; 165,15;166,35)
kimkusalagavesi anuttaram santivarapadam pariyesamano (searching for
that which is beneficial, seeking the unsurpassable, best place of
peace) and again MN 26 (passim), anuttaramyagakkhemam nibbiinam
pariyesati (he seeks the unsurpassable safe place, the nirvana).
Anuppatta-sadattho (one who has reached the right goal) is also a vague
positive expression in the Arhatformula in MN 35 (I p, 235), see chapter
2, footnote 3, Furthermore, satthi (welfare) is important in e.g. SN
2.12 or 2.17 or Sn 269; and sukha and rati (happiness), in contrast to
other places, as used in Sn 439 and 956. The oldest term was perhaps
amata (immortal, immortality) […] but one could say here that it is a
negative term.”[153]
Understanding of these marks helps in the development of detachment:
Anicca (Sanskrit: anitya): That all things that come to have an end;
Dukkha (Sanskrit: duḥkha): That nothing which comes to be is ultimately satisfying;
Anattā (Sanskrit: anātman): That nothing in the realm of experience can really be said to be “I” or “mine”.
“in
Sanskrit philosophical literature, ‘āstika’ means ‘one who believes in
the authority of the Vedas’, ’soul’, ‘Brahman’. (’nāstika’ means the
opposite of these).[163] [164]
Rawlinson, Hugh George. (1950) A Concise History of the Indian People, Oxford University Press. p. 46.
Muller, F. Max. (2001) The Dhammapada And Sutta-nipata, Routledge (UK). p. xlvii. ISBN 0-7007-1548-7.
India: A History. Revised and Updated,
by John Keay: “The date [of Buddha’s meeting with Bimbisara] (given the
Buddhist ’short chronology’) must have been around 400 BCE.”
Типитака (Пали ти, “три”, питака, “корпе”), или Пали канон, је колекција примарних текстова Пали језика који су формирају доктринарну основу Тхеравадског будизма. Типитака и паракононски пали текстови (коментари, хронике, итд.) заједно чине комплетно тело класичних текстова Тхеравада.
Тхе Пали канон је огромно тело књижевности: у преводу на енглески језик текстови додају хиљаде штампаних страница. Већина (али не и све) Цанон је већ објављен на енглеском преко година. Иако само мали део ових текстова је доступан на овој веб страници, ово колекција може бити добро место за почетак.
Три одјела Типитаке су:
Винаиа Питака Збирка текстова који се тичу правила понашања која се односе на
дневне послове унутар Сангхе - заједница бхиккхуса (ордаинед монкс) и
бхиккхунис (ордаинед монахиње). Далеко више од само правила, Винаиа Питака такође укључује приче иза извора сваког правила, а детаљан приказ Будиног рјешења за питање како одржавају заједничку хармонију унутар великог и разноликог духовног заједница. Сутта Питака Тхе збирка сутата или дискурса, приписаних Буди и неколико његових најближих ученика, који садрже сва централна учења Тхеравада будизам. (Више од хиљаду превода сутте су доступне на овој веб страници.) Сутате су подељене међу пет никаиас (колекције):
Абхидхамма Питака Тхе збирка текстова у којима су основни принципи доктрине представљени у Сутта Питаки су преобликовани и реорганизовани у а систематски оквир који се може применити на истрагу о природа ума и материје.
“Savitribai Phule (1831-97), struggled and suffered with her
revolutionary husband in an equal measure, but remains obscured due to
casteist and sexist negligence. Apart from her identity as Jotirao
Phule’s wife, she is little known even in academia. Modern India’s first
woman teacher, a radical exponent of mass and female education, a
champion of women’s liberation, a pioneer of engaged poetry, a
courageous mass leader who took on the forces of caste and patriarchy
certainly had her independent identity and contribution. It is indeed a
measure of the ruthlessness of elite-controlled knowledge-production
that a figure as important as Savitribai Phule fails to find any mention
in the history of modern India. Her life and struggle deserves to be
appreciated by a wider spectrum, and made known to non-Marathi people as
well,” writes Braj Ranjan Mani.
Here we present life-sketch of Savitribai Phule. In case we have
missed any important event from the life of Savitribai Phule or have
made any mistake while recording any event, let us know in the comments
section and we will try to update the timeline. Alternatively, you can
submit further information here. If you like this timeline, share it with your friends!
Savitribai
Jyotirao Phule was born on January 3, 1831 at Naigaon, about 50 km from
Pune. She was the eldest daughter of mother Lakshmi and father Khandoji
Neveshe Patil.
As
was the practice then, at the age of nine, she was married to
twelve-year-old Jyotirao Phule in 1840. Savitribai and Jyotirao had no
children of their own but they adopted Yashavantrao, a son born to a
widowed Brahmin.
Shortly
after the marriage to Jyotiba Phule, education of Savitribai Phule
started. Impressed by her thirst for learning, Savitribai’s husband,
Jyotirao Phule, taught her to read and write. Becoming fond of teaching,
Savitribai trained at Ms Farar’s Institution in Ahmednagar.
Savitribai
Phule along with Sagunabai started school in Maharwada on 1st may 1847,
initially 8-9 girls were enrolled but within year strength reached to
40-45.
Country’s
first school for girls was started at Bhide Wada in Pune. On 1st Jan.
1848, India’s first school for girls was started at Bhide Wada in Pune
by Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule. The present condition of
that first school for girls is miserable because of the lack of interest
from subsequent governments in preserving the Dalit-Bahujan heritage.
India’s
first school was started at Bhide Wada in Pune by Phule couple,
Savitribai Phule became not only the first woman teacher but Savitribai
was nominated as India’s first lady headmistress in 1st Jan 1848.
Life
of Savitribai Phule as a teacher in the school at the time when upper
caste orthodox people used to look down wasn’t easy and many times they
used to pelt stones and throw dung on her. The young couple faced severe
opposition from almost all sections. Savitribai was subject to intense
harassment every day as she walked to the school. Stones, mud and dirt
were flung at her as she passed but Savitribai Phule faced everything
courageously.
Savitribai
Phule and Jotiba Phule’s work of educating downtrodden and girls
infuriated many Brahmins of that time and because of the fears of
attacks from orthodox Brahmins, Jyotiba Phule’s father was afraid. In
1849, both Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule were thrown out of their
home.
After
being thrown out of their home, Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule
started school for adults at Usman Sheikh’s Wada in Pune for educating
Shudra and Ati-Shudra community. Savitribai taught at this school along
with the first Muslim woman teacher of India, Fatima Sheikh.
Savitribai
Phule is also said to have inspired a young student to ask for a
library for the school at an award ceremony instead of gifts for
herself. She inspired the young girls to take up painting, writing, and
other activities. An essay written by a young girl, Mukta Salve, at that
time became the face of Dalit literature and Dalit Feminism.
Parent-teacher meeting was conducted at regular intervals to aware the
parents about the importance of education and to encourage their
children to attend the schools regularly.
You
might wonder the Right to Education Act, midday meal schemes are a
modern-day concept but Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule set the stage
for it almost 170 years back by giving stipends to children to reduce
the dropout rate in schools. They took initiatives to reduce
malnutrition in children by taking care of the health of each and every
child in school.
By
1851, Savitribai Phule along with her husband was running three schools
with around 150 female students. For her, education was not simply
alphabetical learning, but rather, an evolution of the mind itself. Her
innovative methods of teaching slowly attracted the common people, as
the number of girls increased.
On
16th Nov. 1852, Phule family was honoured by the British government for
their works in the field of education and Savtribai was declared as the
best teacher.
Savitribai
Phule started Mahila Seva Mandal in 1852, which worked for raising
women’s consciousness about their human rights, the dignity of life and
other social issues. She went on to organise a successful barbers strike
in Mumbai and Pune against the prevailing practice of shaving of
widows’ heads.
On
28 January 1853, the first-ever infanticide prohibition home of India
was started by Savitribai Phule. Due to the Brahminical Social Order,
those were the days when women irrespective of their caste and class
were very much oppressed in all fields of life. There were many
patriarchal and Brahminical traditions, values and rituals which were
against women. There were a large number of widows in the Pune City and
the nearby villages during days. Adolescents and young girls happened
to more among in the widows. These widows were boycotted publicly and
with the meagre financial support, they were clandestine subjects to
sexual exploitation.
Savitribai
Phule wrote many poems against discrimination and advised people to get
educated. Savitribai Phule was the first Dalit women, in fact, the
first Indian woman whose poems got noticed in the British empire.
Savitribai Phule was the mother of modern poetry stressing the necessity
of English and education through her poems. “Kavya Phule”- the first
collection of poems was published in 1854. Read a few of her poems from
“Kavyaphule” from here.
In
1855, a night school for agriculturist and labourers was started by
Phule couple. There were many downtrodden people who had no option to go
to regular schools but could themselves available only at night so to
cater their needs Phule couple started the night school.
Phule
couple started orphanage home for the pregnant widows in 1863 so that
they can give birth to their children and live without the fear of
society.
At
a time when even the shadow of untouchables was considered impure when
the people were unwilling to offer water to thirsty untouchables,
Savitribai Phule and Mahatma Jotiba Phule opened the well in their house
for the use of untouchables. It was a challenge thrown at the Brahmins
to change their mindset towards untouchables (But unfortunately, the
sick mindset of so-called upper castes have not changed even after
almost 200 years, Dalit (untouchables) still strive for water rights).
When
Jotiba Phule established the Satya Shodhak Samaj, Savitribai became the
head of the women’s section which included ninety female members.
Moreover, she worked tirelessly as a school teacher for girls. After
Jotiba Phule’s death, she was the chairperson of Satya Shodhak Samaj and
carried his work ahead. Savitribai Phule acted as a Chairperson of
Satya Shodhak Samaj Conference at Saswad in 1893. Its purpose was to
liberate the Shudra and Untouchable castes from exploitation and
oppression.
In
1874, Phule couple adopted the son of Kashibai, a Brahmin widow. When
Infanticide Prohibition Home started by Savitribai Phule working as a
hospital, Savitribai did not remain as one who served to widows but she
went further in this regard. She adopted a child from a Brahmin widow
(Kashibai) and thereby gave a message to the progressive people of the
society. This adopted child was named Yashwant Rao, who later became a
doctor.
During
the 1876 to 1898 famines, Savitribai Phule worked courageously with her
husband and suggested many new ways to overcome the difficult time.
They started distributing free food at many locations. Phule couple
started 52 free food hostels in Maharashtra.
In
July 1889, when Jyotiba Phule suffered a stroke and right side of the
body was paralyzed, Savitribai nursed him night and day hence he managed
to recover and write again.
Savitribai
and her adopted son, Yashwant, opened a clinic to treat those affected
by the bubonic plague when it appeared in the area around Nallasopara in
1897. Savitribai Phule personally took patients to the clinic where her
son served them. While caring for the patients, she contracted the
disease herself. She died from it on 10 March 1897 while serving a
plague patient.
“Savitribai Phule (1831-97), struggled and suffered with her
revolutionary husband in an equal measure, but remains obscured due to
casteist and sexist negligence. Apart from her identity as Jotirao
Phule’s wife, she is little known even in academia. Modern India’s first
woman teacher, a radical exponent of mass and female education, a
champion of women’s liberation, a pioneer of engaged poetry, a
courageous mass leader who took on the forces of caste and patriarchy
certainly had her independent identity and contribution. It is indeed a
measure of the ruthlessness of elite-controlled knowledge-production
that a figure as important as Savitribai Phule fails to find any mention
in the history of modern India. Her life and struggle deserves to be
appreciated by a wider spectrum, and made known to non-Marathi people as
well,” writes Braj Ranjan Mani.
Here we present life-sketch of Savitribai Phule. In case we have
missed any important event from the life of Savitribai Phule or have
made any mistake while recording any event, let us know in the comments
section and we will try to update the timeline. Alternatively, you can
submit further information here. If you like this timeline, share it with your friends!
Savitribai
Jyotirao Phule was born on January 3, 1831 at Naigaon, about 50 km from
Pune. She was the eldest daughter of mother Lakshmi and father Khandoji
Neveshe Patil.
As
was the practice then, at the age of nine, she was married to
twelve-year-old Jyotirao Phule in 1840. Savitribai and Jyotirao had no
children of their own but they adopted Yashavantrao, a son born to a
widowed Brahmin.
Shortly
after the marriage to Jyotiba Phule, education of Savitribai Phule
started. Impressed by her thirst for learning, Savitribai’s husband,
Jyotirao Phule, taught her to read and write. Becoming fond of teaching,
Savitribai trained at Ms Farar’s Institution in Ahmednagar.
Savitribai
Phule along with Sagunabai started school in Maharwada on 1st may 1847,
initially 8-9 girls were enrolled but within year strength reached to
40-45.
Country’s
first school for girls was started at Bhide Wada in Pune. On 1st Jan.
1848, India’s first school for girls was started at Bhide Wada in Pune
by Mahatma Jotiba Phule and Savitribai Phule. The present condition of
that first school for girls is miserable because of the lack of interest
from subsequent governments in preserving the Dalit-Bahujan heritage.
India’s
first school was started at Bhide Wada in Pune by Phule couple,
Savitribai Phule became not only the first woman teacher but Savitribai
was nominated as India’s first lady headmistress in 1st Jan 1848.
Life
of Savitribai Phule as a teacher in the school at the time when upper
caste orthodox people used to look down wasn’t easy and many times they
used to pelt stones and throw dung on her. The young couple faced severe
opposition from almost all sections. Savitribai was subject to intense
harassment every day as she walked to the school. Stones, mud and dirt
were flung at her as she passed but Savitribai Phule faced everything
courageously.
Savitribai
Phule and Jotiba Phule’s work of educating downtrodden and girls
infuriated many Brahmins of that time and because of the fears of
attacks from orthodox Brahmins, Jyotiba Phule’s father was afraid. In
1849, both Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule were thrown out of their
home.
After
being thrown out of their home, Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule
started school for adults at Usman Sheikh’s Wada in Pune for educating
Shudra and Ati-Shudra community. Savitribai taught at this school along
with the first Muslim woman teacher of India, Fatima Sheikh.
Savitribai
Phule is also said to have inspired a young student to ask for a
library for the school at an award ceremony instead of gifts for
herself. She inspired the young girls to take up painting, writing, and
other activities. An essay written by a young girl, Mukta Salve, at that
time became the face of Dalit literature and Dalit Feminism.
Parent-teacher meeting was conducted at regular intervals to aware the
parents about the importance of education and to encourage their
children to attend the schools regularly.
You
might wonder the Right to Education Act, midday meal schemes are a
modern-day concept but Savitribai Phule and Jotiba Phule set the stage
for it almost 170 years back by giving stipends to children to reduce
the dropout rate in schools. They took initiatives to reduce
malnutrition in children by taking care of the health of each and every
child in school.
By
1851, Savitribai Phule along with her husband was running three schools
with around 150 female students. For her, education was not simply
alphabetical learning, but rather, an evolution of the mind itself. Her
innovative methods of teaching slowly attracted the common people, as
the number of girls increased.
On
16th Nov. 1852, Phule family was honoured by the British government for
their works in the field of education and Savtribai was declared as the
best teacher.
Savitribai
Phule started Mahila Seva Mandal in 1852, which worked for raising
women’s consciousness about their human rights, the dignity of life and
other social issues. She went on to organise a successful barbers strike
in Mumbai and Pune against the prevailing practice of shaving of
widows’ heads.
On
28 January 1853, the first-ever infanticide prohibition home of India
was started by Savitribai Phule. Due to the Brahminical Social Order,
those were the days when women irrespective of their caste and class
were very much oppressed in all fields of life. There were many
patriarchal and Brahminical traditions, values and rituals which were
against women. There were a large number of widows in the Pune City and
the nearby villages during days. Adolescents and young girls happened
to more among in the widows. These widows were boycotted publicly and
with the meagre financial support, they were clandestine subjects to
sexual exploitation.
Savitribai
Phule wrote many poems against discrimination and advised people to get
educated. Savitribai Phule was the first Dalit women, in fact, the
first Indian woman whose poems got noticed in the British empire.
Savitribai Phule was the mother of modern poetry stressing the necessity
of English and education through her poems. “Kavya Phule”- the first
collection of poems was published in 1854. Read a few of her poems from
“Kavyaphule” from here.
In
1855, a night school for agriculturist and labourers was started by
Phule couple. There were many downtrodden people who had no option to go
to regular schools but could themselves available only at night so to
cater their needs Phule couple started the night school.
Phule
couple started orphanage home for the pregnant widows in 1863 so that
they can give birth to their children and live without the fear of
society.
At
a time when even the shadow of untouchables was considered impure when
the people were unwilling to offer water to thirsty untouchables,
Savitribai Phule and Mahatma Jotiba Phule opened the well in their house
for the use of untouchables. It was a challenge thrown at the Brahmins
to change their mindset towards untouchables (But unfortunately, the
sick mindset of so-called upper castes have not changed even after
almost 200 years, Dalit (untouchables) still strive for water rights).
When
Jotiba Phule established the Satya Shodhak Samaj, Savitribai became the
head of the women’s section which included ninety female members.
Moreover, she worked tirelessly as a school teacher for girls. After
Jotiba Phule’s death, she was the chairperson of Satya Shodhak Samaj and
carried his work ahead. Savitribai Phule acted as a Chairperson of
Satya Shodhak Samaj Conference at Saswad in 1893. Its purpose was to
liberate the Shudra and Untouchable castes from exploitation and
oppression.
In
1874, Phule couple adopted the son of Kashibai, a Brahmin widow. When
Infanticide Prohibition Home started by Savitribai Phule working as a
hospital, Savitribai did not remain as one who served to widows but she
went further in this regard. She adopted a child from a Brahmin widow
(Kashibai) and thereby gave a message to the progressive people of the
society. This adopted child was named Yashwant Rao, who later became a
doctor.
During
the 1876 to 1898 famines, Savitribai Phule worked courageously with her
husband and suggested many new ways to overcome the difficult time.
They started distributing free food at many locations. Phule couple
started 52 free food hostels in Maharashtra.
In
July 1889, when Jyotiba Phule suffered a stroke and right side of the
body was paralyzed, Savitribai nursed him night and day hence he managed
to recover and write again.
Savitribai
and her adopted son, Yashwant, opened a clinic to treat those affected
by the bubonic plague when it appeared in the area around Nallasopara in
1897. Savitribai Phule personally took patients to the clinic where her
son served them. While caring for the patients, she contracted the
disease herself. She died from it on 10 March 1897 while serving a
plague patient.
JaiBheem.11th
Tuesday at 11:00 AM at Ananda Rao Circle, Bangalore an important
protest meet against EVMs used to loot Bahujans votes in UP. elections.
This will continue in future elections. Let’s educate our Bahujan
Brothers and sisters. Hope to see you.
Today in Bahujan History, in honor of Mahatma Phule Jayanthi,
or birthday, we dedicate our post to Jyotirao Phule – an activist, a
thinker, and a social revolutionary of the nineteenth century.
While he was not of a SC but a Shudra
background, his ideals, works and actions have had an invaluable
liberatory impact on SC/STs.
Born April 11th 1827 before the
widespread Adi-movements, Phule was the first to propound caste as a
subjugation and oppression on an indigenous peoples by invaders. He
stressed that caste was equivalent to slavery, as vicious and brutal as
the enslavement of Africans in the Americas and unique in its deception
and religious sanction.
In his revolutionary book, Gulamgiri
(Slavery) published in 1873, Jyotirao included a manifesto which amongst
other things declared that he was willing to dine with all regardless
of their caste, creed or country of origin and that social salvation was
to be found only in the education of women and SC/STs. This content was
deemed extremely controversial at the time and several newspapers
blatantly refused to publicize it.
He believed that SC/STs were a group of
people who had suffered added repression and persecution because they
had at one time been actively engaged in fighting invading Brahmanism on
the ground. His salvation describes the unity of the Shudras and
Adi-Shudras (SC/STs) into one exploited mass of people rising up in
powerful political unity.
He and his wife, Savitribai Phule,
became pioneers of women’s education in India, and together started the
first school for girls on January 1st 1848 at Bhide’s wada in Pune.
They also started schools in which they educated both girls and SC/STs.
Like most SC/ST and anti-caste
revolutionaries, he felt a strong need to establish an alternative
religion to the one that was oppressing his people. What he began then,
lead him to form the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Society of Seekers of Truth)
whose main objectives were to liberate the Shudras and Ati Shudras and
prevent exploitation by Brahmins within a strong context of gender
equality.
His life-long work for equality has
recognized when Phule was publicly conferred the title of Mahatma on 11
May 1888 and later termed the “Martin Luther King of India” by his
biographer Dhananjay Keer. Dr.Ambedkar proudly declared that Phule was
one his three spiritual mentors. His birthday continues to be a
celebration all around the world where SC/STs honor him for Mahatma
Phule Jayanthi.
To ‘avenge’ election defeat in Uttar Pradesh, BSP supports Congress in MP bypoll
JaiBheem.11th
Tuesday at 11:00 AM at Ananda Rao Circle, Bangalore an important
protest meet against EVMs used to loot Bahujans votes in UP. elections.
This will continue in future elections. Let’s educate our Bahujan
Brothers and sisters. Hope to see you.
To ‘avenge’ election defeat in Uttar Pradesh, BSP supports Congress in MP bypoll
In order to “take revenge”
on the BJP in the wake of the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls, the BSP has
extended support to Congress for the crucial bypoll to Ater assembly
seat, to be held on Sunday.
“BSP has extended support to the
Congress ahead of the Ater bypoll,” Congress general secretary in-charge
of Madhya Pradesh Mohan Prakash told reporters.
Confirming the
development, BSP district chief Gambhir Singh said, “We have extended
support to Congress for Ater bypoll to take revenge on the Uttar Pradesh
assembly polls.”
BSP enjoys good support in Bhind district, bordering Uttar Pradesh.
The
Ater bypoll has become a prestige issue for senior Congress leader
Jyotiraditya Scindia and MP chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.
While
Congress wants to retain Ater seat as it belongs to former leader of
opposition, Satyadev Katare, whose death necessitated the bypoll, BJP
also wants to wrest it from Congress to continue with the party’s
winning streak.
Katare was close to Scindia and in order to cash
in on the sympathy votes, Congress has fielded his son Hemant Katare
from Ater to retain the seat.
Scindia addressed nearly 23
meetings in Ater constituency. During the rallies, he had alleged that
the state government was neck deep involved in corruption whose glaring
examples include the Vyapam, Simhastha and mid-day meal scams, among
others.
Apart
from Ater, byelection for Bandhavgarh assembly segment in Umaria
district will also be held tomorrow. It was necessitated as the seat had
fallen vacant after MLA Gyan Singh was elected to the Lok Sabha in
November last year. The main contest in Bandhavgarh (ST) seat is between
Shivnarayan Singh of BJP and Savitri Singh of Congress.
The counting of votes will take place on April 13.
Meanwhile,
state Joint Chief Electoral Officer SS Bansal said, “For the first time
in Madhya Pradesh, polling in both Bandhavgarh and Ater constituencies
will be held with the help of VVPAT-enabled EVM machines.”
Again
it is proved that rthe EVMs used in UP Lok Sabha and assembly polls
were fraud. Hence going for VVPAT. Here again the slips shows BJP Lotus
while other parties symbols were pressed. Only paper ballots can elect
real candidates. Till such days the Murderer of democratic institutions
((Modi) will have the hey days.
Ban EVM to stop the Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
Demand for dissolution of Central and state governments selected by these fraud EVMs.
go for fresh polls with Ballot papers.
Large number cases may be e-filed in Supreme Court on the above subject.
Requesting the Honourable CJI to have collegium system to decide the case along with juries including SC/STs/OBCs/ Minorities
Since
Ms Mayawati the ex CM of UP and Supremo of BSP who belongs to Scheduled
Caste became eligible to become the next PM, Murderer of democratic
institutions conspired to defeat her using the fraud EVMs, while she won
the UP panchayat elections with thumping majority with paper ballots.
Again in UP Assembly elections the same fraud EVMs were used to defeat
the BSP Movement depriving an Scheduled caste to come to power which is a
practice of untouchability. The Murderers of democratic institutes have
to be booked under atrocities act and punished with a fine of the
entire budget of this country and handed over to Ms Mayawati to enable
her to distribute the wealth of this country equally among all societies
as enshrined in our Modern Constitution to save democracy. The
PRESSTITUE media must also be fined for their bias reporting.
Honourable
CJI along with the Collegium and the Juries may also be requested to
kindly pass orders to not to de-recognise all the leaders selected by
these fraud EVMs till the country goes for fresh polls with Ballot
papers.
38) हिंदी
21 9 9 सोम 10 अप्रैल 2017 पाठ
Pl अन्य सभी भाषाओं में https://translate.google.com का उपयोग करके इस google अनुवाद को सही करें
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जयभैम
11 बजे 11 बजे, आनंद राव सर्किल, बेंगलुरु में ईवीएम के खिलाफ एक
महत्वपूर्ण विरोध प्रदर्शन यूपी में बहुजनों के वोटों को लूटने के लिए
इस्तेमाल किया जाता था। चुनाव यह भविष्य के चुनावों में जारी रहेगा चलो हमारे बहुजन भाइयों और बहनों को शिक्षित करते हैं। आप से मिलने की आशा है।
Http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
उत्तर प्रदेश में चुनाव हार का बदला लेने के लिए, बीएसपी सांसद द्वारा उपचुनाव में कांग्रेस का समर्थन करता है
जयभैम
11 बजे 11 बजे, आनंद राव सर्किल, बेंगलुरु में ईवीएम के खिलाफ एक
महत्वपूर्ण विरोध प्रदर्शन यूपी में बहुजनों के वोटों को लूटने के लिए
इस्तेमाल किया जाता था। चुनाव यह भविष्य के चुनावों में जारी रहेगा चलो हमारे बहुजन भाइयों और बहनों को शिक्षित करते हैं। आप से मिलने की आशा है
Http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
उत्तर प्रदेश में चुनाव हार का बदला लेने के लिए, बीएसपी सांसद द्वारा उपचुनाव में कांग्रेस का समर्थन करता है
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनावों के मद्देनजर बीजेपी पर “बदला लेने” के
लिए, बीएसपी ने रविवार को आयोजित होने वाली एटर विधानसभा सीट से महत्वपूर्ण
पद के लिए कांग्रेस को समर्थन दिया है।
मध्यप्रदेश के कांग्रेस महासचिव प्रभारी मोहन प्रकाश ने संवाददाताओं से
कहा, “बसपा ने एटर बायपोल से पहले कांग्रेस को समर्थन दिया है।”
विकास की पुष्टि करते हुए, बसपा जिला प्रमुख गंभीर सिंह ने कहा, “हमने
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनावों पर बदला लेने के लिए एटर द्विपक्षीय
कांग्रेस के लिए समर्थन बढ़ा दिया है।”
उत्तर प्रदेश की सीमा के साथ भिंड जिले में बीएसपी का अच्छा समर्थन मिलता है।
वरिष्ठ कांग्रेस नेता ज्योतिरादित्य सिंधिया और सांसद मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज
सिंह चौहान के लिए एटर बायपॉल प्रतिष्ठा का मुद्दा बन गया है।
जबकि कांग्रेस एटर सीट को बरकरार रखना चाहती है, क्योंकि यह विपक्ष के
पूर्व नेता सत्यदेव कटारे की है, जिसकी मौत ने उपचुनाव को जरूरी कर दिया
था, भाजपा भी कांग्रेस की जीत की लकीर को जारी रखने के लिए कांग्रेस से
जीतना चाहता है।
कटारे सिंधिया के करीबी थे और सहानुभूति के वोटों पर नकदी पाने के लिए
कांग्रेस ने अपने बेटे हेमंत कटारे को एटर से मैदान में उतारे हैं।
सिंधिया ने एटर निर्वाचन क्षेत्र में लगभग 23 बैठकें संबोधित कीं। रैलियों के दौरान, उन्होंने आरोप लगाया था कि राज्य सरकार भ्रष्टाचार में
गहरी गहरी जुड़ी हुई है, जिनके उदाहरण में व्यमम, सिंहस्थ और मिड डे मील
घोटाले शामिल हैं।
एटर के अलावा, उमरिया जिले में बांधावढ़ विधानसभा क्षेत्र के लिए उपचुनाव भी कल आयोजित किया जाएगा। विधायक सिंह सिंह ने पिछले साल नवंबर में लोकसभा के लिए चुने जाने के बाद सीट रिक्त हो गई थी। बांधागढ़ (एसटी) सीट में मुख्य चुनाव भाजपा के शिवनारायण सिंह और कांग्रेस के सावित्री सिंह के बीच है।
वोटों की गिनती 13 अप्रैल को होगी
इस बीच, राज्य के संयुक्त मुख्य निर्वाचन अधिकारी एसएस बंसल ने कहा,
“मध्य प्रदेश में पहली बार, बांधवगढ़ और एटर दोनों क्षेत्रों में मतदान
वीवीपीएटी-सक्षम ईवीएम मशीनों की मदद से किया जाएगा।”
फिर यह साबित हो जाता है कि यूपी लोकसभा और विधानसभा चुनावों में इस्तेमाल किए गए ईवीएम धोखाधड़ी थे। इसलिए वीवीएपीएटी के लिए जा रहा है यहां फिर से स्लिप्स भाजपा लोटस को दिखाता है जबकि अन्य पार्टियों के प्रतीकों को दबाया जाता है। केवल पेपर मतपत्र असली उम्मीदवारों को चुन सकते हैं। ऐसे दिनों तक लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खूनी (मोदी) के ही दिन होंगे।
ईवीएम को लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खून (मोदी) को रोकना इन धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम द्वारा चयनित केंद्रीय और राज्य सरकारों के विघटन की मांग मतपत्र पत्रों के साथ नए चुनाव के लिए जाना
ऊपर दिए गए विषय पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट में बड़ी संख्या में केस दर्ज किए जा सकते हैं। माननीय सीजीआई को अनुसूचित जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति / अन्य पिछड़ा वर्ग /
अल्पसंख्यकों सहित जिले के साथ मामला का फैसला करने के लिए कॉलेजिएम
प्रणाली के लिए अनुरोध करना
चूंकि
सुश्री मायावती उत्तर प्रदेश के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री और बसपा के सुप्रीमो जो
अनुसूचित जाति के हैं, वे अगले प्रधान मंत्री बनने के योग्य हो गए, चूंकि
लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खूनी ने धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम का इस्तेमाल करने के लिए
उन्हें पराजित करने की साजिश रची, जबकि उन्होंने उत्तर प्रदेश पंचायत चुनाव
में बहुमत हासिल कर लिया। मतपत्र फिर
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनाव में एक ही धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम का इस्तेमाल बीएसपी
आंदोलन को हराकर अनुसूचित जाति को सत्ता में आने के लिए किया जाता था जो
अस्पृश्यता का अभ्यास है। लोकतांत्रिक
संस्थानों के हत्यारों को अत्याचार अधिनियम के तहत दर्ज किया जाना चाहिए
और इस देश के पूरे बजट के जुर्माने के साथ दंडित किया गया और उन्हें
मायावती को सौंप दिया गया ताकि वह हमारे आधुनिक संविधान में निहित सभी
समाजों में समान रूप से इस देश की संपत्ति को वितरित कर सके। लोकतंत्र को बचाने के लिए PRESITITUE मीडिया को उनके पूर्वाग्रह रिपोर्टिंग के लिए भी जुर्माना होना चाहिए।
Collegium
और Juries के साथ माननीय सीजीआई को अनुरोध किया जा सकता है कि वे इन
धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम द्वारा चुने गए सभी नेताओं को न मानने के लिए आदेश दे दें
कि जब तक देश मतों के कागजात के साथ नए चुनाव के लिए नहीं जाता है। 48) ಕನ್ನಡ
2192 ಸೋಮ 10 ಎಪ್ರಿಲ್ 2017 ಪಾಠಗಳು
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https://duckduckgo.com/?q=funny+animated+gifs+of+fraud+EVMs+and+Modi&t=ha&atb=v36-4__&ia=videos&iax=1&iai=pCBAeVNT32Q
ನಲ್ಲಿ
ಎಎಮ್ 11:00 ಆನಂದ ರಾವ್ ಸರ್ಕಲ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ JaiBheem.11th ಮಂಗಳವಾರ ಗಳನ್ನು
ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಯ ಭೇಟಿ ಉತ್ತರಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ Bahujans ಮತಗಳನ್ನು
ಲೂಟಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಚುನಾವಣೆ. ಈ ಮುಂದಿನ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಬಹುಜನ ಬ್ರದರ್ಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಸಹೋದರಿಯರು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಲೆಟ್. ನೀವು ನೋಡಲು ಭಾವಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
‘ತೀರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು’ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೋತ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಸಂಸದ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತದೆ
ನಲ್ಲಿ
ಎಎಮ್ 11:00 ಆನಂದ ರಾವ್ ಸರ್ಕಲ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ JaiBheem.11th ಮಂಗಳವಾರ ಗಳನ್ನು
ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಯ ಭೇಟಿ ಉತ್ತರಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ Bahujans ಮತಗಳನ್ನು
ಲೂಟಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಚುನಾವಣೆ. ಈ ಮುಂದಿನ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಬಹುಜನ ಬ್ರದರ್ಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಸಹೋದರಿಯರು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಲೆಟ್. ನೀವು ನೋಡಲು ಭಾವಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
‘ತೀರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು’ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೋತ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಸಂಸದ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತದೆ
ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮೇಲೆ “ಪ್ರತಿಕಾರ
ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು” ಸಲುವಾಗಿ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಬೆಂಬಲ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಗೆ ಏಟರ್ ವಿಧಾನಸಭಾ
ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಅವಶ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಭಾನುವಾರ ನಡೆಯಲಿರುವ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಟ್ಟಿತ್ತು.
“ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಮುಂದೆ ಏಟರ್ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲ ವಿಸ್ತರಿಸಿದೆ,”
ಉಸ್ತುವಾರಿ ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶ ಮೋಹನ್ ಪ್ರಕಾಶ್ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪ್ರಧಾನ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ
ತಿಳಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ದೃಢೀಕರಿಸುತ್ತಾ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಗಂಭೀರ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಹೇಳಿದರು,
“ನಾವು ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಮೇಲೆ ಸೇಡು ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಏಟರ್
ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಗೆ ಬೆಂಬಲ ವಿಸ್ತರಿಸಿದೆ.”
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ಗಡಿ, ಉತ್ತಮ ಬೆಂಬಲವನ್ನು ಗಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದು ಭಿಂದ್ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ.
ಏಟರ್ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ನ ಹಿರಿಯ ನಾಯಕ ಜ್ಯೋತಿರಾದಿತ್ಯ ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ
ಮತ್ತು ಸಂಸದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಶಿವರಾಜ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಚೌಹಾಣ್ ಒಂದು ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠೆಯನ್ನು
ವಿಷಯವಾಯಿತು.
ಇದು ವಿರೋಧ ಮಾಜಿ ನಾಯಕ, ಅವರ ಸಾವಿನ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅನಿವಾರ್ಯವಾಯಿತು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ
ಪಕ್ಷದ ವಿಜಯದ ಮುಂದುವರಿಸಲು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಅದನ್ನು ಕಸಿದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾರೆ
Satyadev Katare, ಸೇರಿದೆ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಏಟರ್ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು
ಬಯಸಿದರೆ.
Katare ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ ಅಂಚಿನಲ್ಲಿದ್ದು ಸಹಾನುಭೂತಿಯ ಮತಗಳನ್ನು ಹಣ ಸಲುವಾಗಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್
ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಏಟರ್ ತನ್ನ ಮಗ ಹೇಮಂತ್ Katare ಕಣಕ್ಕಿಳಿಸಿದೆ.
ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ ಏಟರ್ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದ ಸುಮಾರು 23 ಸಭೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಉದ್ದೇಶಿಸಿ. ಮೆರವಣಿಗೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅವಧಿಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಆತ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಆಳವಾದ ಅವರ ಹೊಳೆಯುವ
ಉದಾಹರಣೆಗಳು Vyapam, Simhastha ಮತ್ತು ಮಧ್ಯಾಹ್ನದ ಬಿಸಿಯೂಟ ವಂಚನೆಗಳ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ
ಹಲವು ಭ್ರಷ್ಟಾಚಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆಂದು ಕುತ್ತಿಗೆ ಎಂದು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ್ದರು.
ಇದಲ್ಲದೆ ಏಟರ್ ಹೊರತಾಗಿ, Umaria ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಭಾಗಕ್ಕೂ byelection ನಾಳೆಯೂ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ. ಶಾಸಕ ಗ್ಯಾನ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಕಳೆದ ವರ್ಷ ನವೆಂಬರ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಲೋಕಸಭೆಗೆ ಆಯ್ಕೆಯಾದ ನಂತರ ಖಾಲೀ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಇಳಿದಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಅನಿವಾರ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆಯೆಂದು. ರಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ (ಎಸ್ಟಿ) ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಮುಖ್ಯ ಸ್ಪರ್ಧೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿಯ Shivnarayan ಸಿಂಗ್ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಸಾವಿತ್ರಿ ಸಿಂಗ್ ನಡುವೆ.
ಎಣಿಕೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ 13 ರಂದು ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.
ಏತನ್ಮಧ್ಯೆ, ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಜಂಟಿ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿ ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ ಬನ್ಸಾಲ್ ಹೇಳಿದರು,
“ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ, ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ ಮತ್ತು ಏಟರ್ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಎರಡೂ
ಮತದಾನ VVPAT ಸಶಕ್ತ ವಿ ಎಂ ಯಂತ್ರಗಳ ಸಹಾಯದಿಂದ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.”
ಮತ್ತೆ ಯುಪಿ ಲೋಕಸಭೆ ಮತ್ತು ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ rthe ಗಳನ್ನು ವಂಚನೆ ಎಂದು ಸಾಬೀತಾಯಿತು ಇದೆ. ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ VVPAT ಹೋಗುವ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತೆ ಇತರ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ಚಿಹ್ನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಒತ್ತಿದರೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಸ್ಲಿಪ್ಸ್ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಲೋಟಸ್ ತೋರಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಮಾತ್ರ ಕಾಗದದ ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು ನಿಜವಾದ ಅಭ್ಯರ್ಥಿಗಳ ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು. ಅಂತಹ ದಿನಗಳಂದು ಟಿಲ್ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳು ((ಮೋದಿ) ಕೊಲೆ- ಹೇ ದಿನಗಳ ಹೊಂದಿರುತ್ತದೆ.
ಪ್ರಜಾಸತ್ತಾತ್ಮಕ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರ ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಲು ವಿ ಎಂ ನಿಷೇಧಿಸುವ (ಮೋದಿ) ಈ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳ ವಿಸರ್ಜನೆಗೆ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಬ್ಯಾಲಟ್ ಪೇಪರ್ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ತಾಜಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಹೋಗಿ.
ದೊಡ್ಡ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳನ್ನು ಮೇಲಿನ ವಿಷಯದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಇ-ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಬಹುದು. ಎಸ್ಸಿ / ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ / ಒಬಿಸಿ / ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರು ಜೊತೆಗೆ
ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ಧರಿಸಲು ಸಂಘಸಂಸ್ಥೆ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಗೆ ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಸಿಜೆಐ ಮನವಿ
ಶ್ರೀಮತಿ
ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಜಾತಿ ಮುಂದಿನ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಆಗಲು ಅರ್ಹರಾಗಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ ಆಯಿತು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ
ಸೇರುತ್ತದೆ ಯಾರು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿಯ ಯುಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಮುಖಂಡ ಮಾಜಿ ಸಿಎಮ್ ರಿಂದ,
ಪ್ರಜಾಸತ್ತಾತ್ಮಕ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರ ಅವರು ಕಾಗದವನ್ನು ಸ್ಥಾನಗಳನ್ನು
ಪಡೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದರ ಮೂಲಕ ಯಶಸ್ಸು ಜೊತೆ ಯುಪಿ ಪಂಚಾಯತ್ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆದ್ದರು,
ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಬಳಸಿಕೊಂಡು ತನ್ನ ಸೋಲಿಸಲು ಸಂಚು ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು. ಮತ್ತೆ
ಯುಪಿ ಅಸೆಂಬ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅದೇ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಇದು ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆಯ
ಆಚರಣೆಯಾಗಿದೆ ಅಧಿಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬರಲು ಒಂದು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿ ವಂಚಿತವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ
ಚಳವಳಿ ಸೋಲಿಸಲು ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿತ್ತು. ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ
ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರರು ಬುಕ್ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ಕಾಯಿದೆಯಡಿ ಮತ್ತು ಈ ದೇಶದ ಇಡೀ
ಬಜೆಟ್ ದಂಡ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಮತ್ತು ಸಮಾನವಾಗಿ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಾಜಗಳ ನಡುವೆ ಈ ದೇಶದ ಸಂಪತ್ತಿನ
ವಿತರಿಸಲು ನಮ್ಮ ಆಧುನಿಕ ಸಂವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ನೀಡಲಾಗಿದೆ ತನ್ನ ಸಕ್ರಿಯಗೊಳಿಸಲು ಮಿಸ್
ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಹಸ್ತಾಂತರಿಸಿದರು ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಉಳಿಸಲು. PRESSTITUE ಮಾಧ್ಯಮಗಳು ತಮ್ಮ ಪಕ್ಷಪಾತ ವರದಿ ದಂಡ ಮಾಡಬೇಕು.
ವಿಶೇಷ
COLLEGE ಮತ್ತು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರು ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಸಿಜೆಐ ದೇಶದ ಬ್ಯಾಲಟ್
ಪ್ಯಾಪ್ ಜೊತೆ ತಾಜಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹೋಗಬಹುದು ತನಕ ದಯೆಯಿಂದ ಈ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ನಾಯಕರು ಡಿ-ಗುರುತಿಸಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ ಆದೇಶಗಳನ್ನು ರವಾನಿಸಲು ಮನವಿ ಮಾಡಬಹುದು
JaiBheem.11th
Tuesday at 11:00 AM at Ananda Rao Circle, Bangalore an important
protest meet against EVMs used to loot Bahujans votes in UP. elections.
This will continue in future elections. Let’s educate our Bahujan
Brothers and sisters. Hope to see you.
in Classical English, 38) हिंदी,48) ಕನ್ನಡ,62) മലയാളം,
To ‘avenge’ election defeat in Uttar Pradesh, BSP supports Congress in MP bypoll
JaiBheem.11th
Tuesday at 11:00 AM at Ananda Rao Circle, Bangalore an important
protest meet against EVMs used to loot Bahujans votes in UP. elections.
This will continue in future elections. Let’s educate our Bahujan
Brothers and sisters. Hope to see you.
To ‘avenge’ election defeat in Uttar Pradesh, BSP supports Congress in MP bypoll
In order to “take revenge”
on the BJP in the wake of the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls, the BSP has
extended support to Congress for the crucial bypoll to Ater assembly
seat, to be held on Sunday.
“BSP has extended support to the
Congress ahead of the Ater bypoll,” Congress general secretary in-charge
of Madhya Pradesh Mohan Prakash told reporters.
Confirming the
development, BSP district chief Gambhir Singh said, “We have extended
support to Congress for Ater bypoll to take revenge on the Uttar Pradesh
assembly polls.”
BSP enjoys good support in Bhind district, bordering Uttar Pradesh.
The
Ater bypoll has become a prestige issue for senior Congress leader
Jyotiraditya Scindia and MP chief minister Shivraj Singh Chouhan.
While
Congress wants to retain Ater seat as it belongs to former leader of
opposition, Satyadev Katare, whose death necessitated the bypoll, BJP
also wants to wrest it from Congress to continue with the party’s
winning streak.
Katare was close to Scindia and in order to cash
in on the sympathy votes, Congress has fielded his son Hemant Katare
from Ater to retain the seat.
Scindia addressed nearly 23
meetings in Ater constituency. During the rallies, he had alleged that
the state government was neck deep involved in corruption whose glaring
examples include the Vyapam, Simhastha and mid-day meal scams, among
others.
Apart
from Ater, byelection for Bandhavgarh assembly segment in Umaria
district will also be held tomorrow. It was necessitated as the seat had
fallen vacant after MLA Gyan Singh was elected to the Lok Sabha in
November last year. The main contest in Bandhavgarh (ST) seat is between
Shivnarayan Singh of BJP and Savitri Singh of Congress.
The counting of votes will take place on April 13.
Meanwhile,
state Joint Chief Electoral Officer SS Bansal said, “For the first time
in Madhya Pradesh, polling in both Bandhavgarh and Ater constituencies
will be held with the help of VVPAT-enabled EVM machines.”
Again
it is proved that rthe EVMs used in UP Lok Sabha and assembly polls
were fraud. Hence going for VVPAT. Here again the slips shows BJP Lotus
while other parties symbols were pressed. Only paper ballots can elect
real candidates. Till such days the Murderer of democratic institutions
((Modi) will have the hey days.
Ban EVM to stop the Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
Demand for dissolution of Central and state governments selected by these fraud EVMs.
go for fresh polls with Ballot papers.
Large number cases may be e-filed in Supreme Court on the above subject.
Requesting the Honourable CJI to have collegium system to decide the case along with juries including SC/STs/OBCs/ Minorities
Since
Ms Mayawati the ex CM of UP and Supremo of BSP who belongs to Scheduled
Caste became eligible to become the next PM, Murderer of democratic
institutions conspired to defeat her using the fraud EVMs, while she won
the UP panchayat elections with thumping majority with paper ballots.
Again in UP Assembly elections the same fraud EVMs were used to defeat
the BSP Movement depriving an Scheduled caste to come to power which is a
practice of untouchability. The Murderers of democratic institutes have
to be booked under atrocities act and punished with a fine of the
entire budget of this country and handed over to Ms Mayawati to enable
her to distribute the wealth of this country equally among all societies
as enshrined in our Modern Constitution to save democracy. The
PRESSTITUE media must also be fined for their bias reporting.
Honourable
CJI along with the Collegium and the Juries may also be requested to
kindly pass orders to not to de-recognise all the leaders selected by
these fraud EVMs till the country goes for fresh polls with Ballot
papers.
38) हिंदी
21 9 9 सोम 10 अप्रैल 2017 पाठ
Pl अन्य सभी भाषाओं में https://translate.google.com का उपयोग करके इस google अनुवाद को सही करें
Https://duckduckgo.com/?q=funny+animated+gifs+of+fraud+EVMs+and+Modi&t=ha&atb=v36-4__&ia=videos&iax=1&iai=pCBAeVNT32Q
जयभैम
11 बजे 11 बजे, आनंद राव सर्किल, बेंगलुरु में ईवीएम के खिलाफ एक
महत्वपूर्ण विरोध प्रदर्शन यूपी में बहुजनों के वोटों को लूटने के लिए
इस्तेमाल किया जाता था। चुनाव यह भविष्य के चुनावों में जारी रहेगा चलो हमारे बहुजन भाइयों और बहनों को शिक्षित करते हैं। आप से मिलने की आशा है।
Http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
उत्तर प्रदेश में चुनाव हार का बदला लेने के लिए, बीएसपी सांसद द्वारा उपचुनाव में कांग्रेस का समर्थन करता है
जयभैम
11 बजे 11 बजे, आनंद राव सर्किल, बेंगलुरु में ईवीएम के खिलाफ एक
महत्वपूर्ण विरोध प्रदर्शन यूपी में बहुजनों के वोटों को लूटने के लिए
इस्तेमाल किया जाता था। चुनाव यह भविष्य के चुनावों में जारी रहेगा चलो हमारे बहुजन भाइयों और बहनों को शिक्षित करते हैं। आप से मिलने की आशा है
Http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
उत्तर प्रदेश में चुनाव हार का बदला लेने के लिए, बीएसपी सांसद द्वारा उपचुनाव में कांग्रेस का समर्थन करता है
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनावों के मद्देनजर बीजेपी पर “बदला लेने” के
लिए, बीएसपी ने रविवार को आयोजित होने वाली एटर विधानसभा सीट से महत्वपूर्ण
पद के लिए कांग्रेस को समर्थन दिया है।
मध्यप्रदेश के कांग्रेस महासचिव प्रभारी मोहन प्रकाश ने संवाददाताओं से
कहा, “बसपा ने एटर बायपोल से पहले कांग्रेस को समर्थन दिया है।”
विकास की पुष्टि करते हुए, बसपा जिला प्रमुख गंभीर सिंह ने कहा, “हमने
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनावों पर बदला लेने के लिए एटर द्विपक्षीय
कांग्रेस के लिए समर्थन बढ़ा दिया है।”
उत्तर प्रदेश की सीमा के साथ भिंड जिले में बीएसपी का अच्छा समर्थन मिलता है।
वरिष्ठ कांग्रेस नेता ज्योतिरादित्य सिंधिया और सांसद मुख्यमंत्री शिवराज
सिंह चौहान के लिए एटर बायपॉल प्रतिष्ठा का मुद्दा बन गया है।
जबकि कांग्रेस एटर सीट को बरकरार रखना चाहती है, क्योंकि यह विपक्ष के
पूर्व नेता सत्यदेव कटारे की है, जिसकी मौत ने उपचुनाव को जरूरी कर दिया
था, भाजपा भी कांग्रेस की जीत की लकीर को जारी रखने के लिए कांग्रेस से
जीतना चाहता है।
कटारे सिंधिया के करीबी थे और सहानुभूति के वोटों पर नकदी पाने के लिए
कांग्रेस ने अपने बेटे हेमंत कटारे को एटर से मैदान में उतारे हैं।
सिंधिया ने एटर निर्वाचन क्षेत्र में लगभग 23 बैठकें संबोधित कीं। रैलियों के दौरान, उन्होंने आरोप लगाया था कि राज्य सरकार भ्रष्टाचार में
गहरी गहरी जुड़ी हुई है, जिनके उदाहरण में व्यमम, सिंहस्थ और मिड डे मील
घोटाले शामिल हैं।
एटर के अलावा, उमरिया जिले में बांधावढ़ विधानसभा क्षेत्र के लिए उपचुनाव भी कल आयोजित किया जाएगा। विधायक सिंह सिंह ने पिछले साल नवंबर में लोकसभा के लिए चुने जाने के बाद सीट रिक्त हो गई थी। बांधागढ़ (एसटी) सीट में मुख्य चुनाव भाजपा के शिवनारायण सिंह और कांग्रेस के सावित्री सिंह के बीच है।
वोटों की गिनती 13 अप्रैल को होगी
इस बीच, राज्य के संयुक्त मुख्य निर्वाचन अधिकारी एसएस बंसल ने कहा,
“मध्य प्रदेश में पहली बार, बांधवगढ़ और एटर दोनों क्षेत्रों में मतदान
वीवीपीएटी-सक्षम ईवीएम मशीनों की मदद से किया जाएगा।”
फिर यह साबित हो जाता है कि यूपी लोकसभा और विधानसभा चुनावों में इस्तेमाल किए गए ईवीएम धोखाधड़ी थे। इसलिए वीवीएपीएटी के लिए जा रहा है यहां फिर से स्लिप्स भाजपा लोटस को दिखाता है जबकि अन्य पार्टियों के प्रतीकों को दबाया जाता है। केवल पेपर मतपत्र असली उम्मीदवारों को चुन सकते हैं। ऐसे दिनों तक लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खूनी (मोदी) के ही दिन होंगे।
ईवीएम को लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खून (मोदी) को रोकना इन धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम द्वारा चयनित केंद्रीय और राज्य सरकारों के विघटन की मांग मतपत्र पत्रों के साथ नए चुनाव के लिए जाना
ऊपर दिए गए विषय पर सुप्रीम कोर्ट में बड़ी संख्या में केस दर्ज किए जा सकते हैं। माननीय सीजीआई को अनुसूचित जाति / अनुसूचित जनजाति / अन्य पिछड़ा वर्ग /
अल्पसंख्यकों सहित जिले के साथ मामला का फैसला करने के लिए कॉलेजिएम
प्रणाली के लिए अनुरोध करना
चूंकि
सुश्री मायावती उत्तर प्रदेश के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री और बसपा के सुप्रीमो जो
अनुसूचित जाति के हैं, वे अगले प्रधान मंत्री बनने के योग्य हो गए, चूंकि
लोकतांत्रिक संस्थानों के खूनी ने धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम का इस्तेमाल करने के लिए
उन्हें पराजित करने की साजिश रची, जबकि उन्होंने उत्तर प्रदेश पंचायत चुनाव
में बहुमत हासिल कर लिया। मतपत्र फिर
उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा चुनाव में एक ही धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम का इस्तेमाल बीएसपी
आंदोलन को हराकर अनुसूचित जाति को सत्ता में आने के लिए किया जाता था जो
अस्पृश्यता का अभ्यास है। लोकतांत्रिक
संस्थानों के हत्यारों को अत्याचार अधिनियम के तहत दर्ज किया जाना चाहिए
और इस देश के पूरे बजट के जुर्माने के साथ दंडित किया गया और उन्हें
मायावती को सौंप दिया गया ताकि वह हमारे आधुनिक संविधान में निहित सभी
समाजों में समान रूप से इस देश की संपत्ति को वितरित कर सके। लोकतंत्र को बचाने के लिए PRESITITUE मीडिया को उनके पूर्वाग्रह रिपोर्टिंग के लिए भी जुर्माना होना चाहिए।
Collegium
और Juries के साथ माननीय सीजीआई को अनुरोध किया जा सकता है कि वे इन
धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम द्वारा चुने गए सभी नेताओं को न मानने के लिए आदेश दे दें
कि जब तक देश मतों के कागजात के साथ नए चुनाव के लिए नहीं जाता है। 48) ಕನ್ನಡ
2192 ಸೋಮ 10 ಎಪ್ರಿಲ್ 2017 ಪಾಠಗಳು
ಪಿಎಲ್ ನಿಮಗೆ ಇತರೆ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಭಾಷೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ https://translate.google.com ಬಳಸಿಕೊಂಡು ಈ ಗೂಗಲ್ ಭಾಷಾಂತರ ಸರಿಪಡಿಸಲು
https://duckduckgo.com/?q=funny+animated+gifs+of+fraud+EVMs+and+Modi&t=ha&atb=v36-4__&ia=videos&iax=1&iai=pCBAeVNT32Q
ನಲ್ಲಿ
ಎಎಮ್ 11:00 ಆನಂದ ರಾವ್ ಸರ್ಕಲ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ JaiBheem.11th ಮಂಗಳವಾರ ಗಳನ್ನು
ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಯ ಭೇಟಿ ಉತ್ತರಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ Bahujans ಮತಗಳನ್ನು
ಲೂಟಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಚುನಾವಣೆ. ಈ ಮುಂದಿನ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಬಹುಜನ ಬ್ರದರ್ಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಸಹೋದರಿಯರು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಲೆಟ್. ನೀವು ನೋಡಲು ಭಾವಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ.
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
‘ತೀರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು’ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೋತ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಸಂಸದ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತದೆ
ನಲ್ಲಿ
ಎಎಮ್ 11:00 ಆನಂದ ರಾವ್ ಸರ್ಕಲ್, ಬೆಂಗಳೂರಿನಲ್ಲಿ JaiBheem.11th ಮಂಗಳವಾರ ಗಳನ್ನು
ವಿರುದ್ಧ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಯ ಭೇಟಿ ಉತ್ತರಪ್ರದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ Bahujans ಮತಗಳನ್ನು
ಲೂಟಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಚುನಾವಣೆ. ಈ ಮುಂದಿನ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಮುಂದುವರಿಯುತ್ತದೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಬಹುಜನ ಬ್ರದರ್ಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಸಹೋದರಿಯರು ಶಿಕ್ಷಣ ಲೆಟ್. ನೀವು ನೋಡಲು ಭಾವಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ
http://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/to-avenge-election-defeat-in-uttar-pradesh-bsp-supports-congress-in-mp-bypoll/story-QYanX1qUgcUpFE7plymGbJ.html
‘ತೀರಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು’ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸೋತ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಸಂಸದ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲಿಸುತ್ತದೆ
ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮೇಲೆ “ಪ್ರತಿಕಾರ
ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು” ಸಲುವಾಗಿ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಬೆಂಬಲ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಗೆ ಏಟರ್ ವಿಧಾನಸಭಾ
ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಅವಶ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಭಾನುವಾರ ನಡೆಯಲಿರುವ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಟ್ಟಿತ್ತು.
“ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಮುಂದೆ ಏಟರ್ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಬೆಂಬಲ ವಿಸ್ತರಿಸಿದೆ,”
ಉಸ್ತುವಾರಿ ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶ ಮೋಹನ್ ಪ್ರಕಾಶ್ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಪ್ರಧಾನ ಕಾರ್ಯದರ್ಶಿ
ತಿಳಿಸಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಅಭಿವೃದ್ಧಿ ದೃಢೀಕರಿಸುತ್ತಾ, ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಜಿಲ್ಲಾ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಗಂಭೀರ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಹೇಳಿದರು,
“ನಾವು ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಮೇಲೆ ಸೇಡು ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಏಟರ್
ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ಗೆ ಬೆಂಬಲ ವಿಸ್ತರಿಸಿದೆ.”
ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶ ಗಡಿ, ಉತ್ತಮ ಬೆಂಬಲವನ್ನು ಗಳಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದು ಭಿಂದ್ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ.
ಏಟರ್ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ನ ಹಿರಿಯ ನಾಯಕ ಜ್ಯೋತಿರಾದಿತ್ಯ ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ
ಮತ್ತು ಸಂಸದ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಶಿವರಾಜ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಚೌಹಾಣ್ ಒಂದು ಪ್ರತಿಷ್ಠೆಯನ್ನು
ವಿಷಯವಾಯಿತು.
ಇದು ವಿರೋಧ ಮಾಜಿ ನಾಯಕ, ಅವರ ಸಾವಿನ ಉಪಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅನಿವಾರ್ಯವಾಯಿತು ಬಿಜೆಪಿ
ಪಕ್ಷದ ವಿಜಯದ ಮುಂದುವರಿಸಲು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಅದನ್ನು ಕಸಿದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾರೆ
Satyadev Katare, ಸೇರಿದೆ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಏಟರ್ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು
ಬಯಸಿದರೆ.
Katare ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ ಅಂಚಿನಲ್ಲಿದ್ದು ಸಹಾನುಭೂತಿಯ ಮತಗಳನ್ನು ಹಣ ಸಲುವಾಗಿ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್
ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಉಳಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಏಟರ್ ತನ್ನ ಮಗ ಹೇಮಂತ್ Katare ಕಣಕ್ಕಿಳಿಸಿದೆ.
ಸಿಂಧಿಯಾ ಏಟರ್ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರದ ಸುಮಾರು 23 ಸಭೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಉದ್ದೇಶಿಸಿ. ಮೆರವಣಿಗೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅವಧಿಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಆತ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರ ಆಳವಾದ ಅವರ ಹೊಳೆಯುವ
ಉದಾಹರಣೆಗಳು Vyapam, Simhastha ಮತ್ತು ಮಧ್ಯಾಹ್ನದ ಬಿಸಿಯೂಟ ವಂಚನೆಗಳ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ
ಹಲವು ಭ್ರಷ್ಟಾಚಾರದಲ್ಲಿ ಭಾಗಿಯಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆಂದು ಕುತ್ತಿಗೆ ಎಂದು ಆರೋಪಿಸಿದ್ದರು.
ಇದಲ್ಲದೆ ಏಟರ್ ಹೊರತಾಗಿ, Umaria ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಭಾಗಕ್ಕೂ byelection ನಾಳೆಯೂ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ. ಶಾಸಕ ಗ್ಯಾನ್ ಸಿಂಗ್ ಕಳೆದ ವರ್ಷ ನವೆಂಬರ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಲೋಕಸಭೆಗೆ ಆಯ್ಕೆಯಾದ ನಂತರ ಖಾಲೀ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಇಳಿದಿದೆ ಎಂದು ಅನಿವಾರ್ಯವಾಗಿದೆಯೆಂದು. ರಲ್ಲಿ ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ (ಎಸ್ಟಿ) ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಮುಖ್ಯ ಸ್ಪರ್ಧೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿಯ Shivnarayan ಸಿಂಗ್ ಮತ್ತು ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್ ಸಾವಿತ್ರಿ ಸಿಂಗ್ ನಡುವೆ.
ಎಣಿಕೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ 13 ರಂದು ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.
ಏತನ್ಮಧ್ಯೆ, ರಾಜ್ಯದ ಜಂಟಿ ಮುಖ್ಯ ಚುನಾವಣಾ ಅಧಿಕಾರಿ ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ ಬನ್ಸಾಲ್ ಹೇಳಿದರು,
“ಮಧ್ಯಪ್ರದೇಶದ ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ, ಬಾಂಧವ್ಗಡ್ ಮತ್ತು ಏಟರ್ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಎರಡೂ
ಮತದಾನ VVPAT ಸಶಕ್ತ ವಿ ಎಂ ಯಂತ್ರಗಳ ಸಹಾಯದಿಂದ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ.”
ಮತ್ತೆ ಯುಪಿ ಲೋಕಸಭೆ ಮತ್ತು ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ rthe ಗಳನ್ನು ವಂಚನೆ ಎಂದು ಸಾಬೀತಾಯಿತು ಇದೆ. ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ VVPAT ಹೋಗುವ. ಇಲ್ಲಿ ಮತ್ತೆ ಇತರ ಪಕ್ಷಗಳು ಚಿಹ್ನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಒತ್ತಿದರೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಸ್ಲಿಪ್ಸ್ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಲೋಟಸ್ ತೋರಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಮಾತ್ರ ಕಾಗದದ ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು ನಿಜವಾದ ಅಭ್ಯರ್ಥಿಗಳ ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಮಾಡಿಕೊಳ್ಳಬಹುದು. ಅಂತಹ ದಿನಗಳಂದು ಟಿಲ್ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳು ((ಮೋದಿ) ಕೊಲೆ- ಹೇ ದಿನಗಳ ಹೊಂದಿರುತ್ತದೆ.
ಪ್ರಜಾಸತ್ತಾತ್ಮಕ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರ ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಲು ವಿ ಎಂ ನಿಷೇಧಿಸುವ (ಮೋದಿ) ಈ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳ ವಿಸರ್ಜನೆಗೆ ಬೇಡಿಕೆ. ಬ್ಯಾಲಟ್ ಪೇಪರ್ ಜೊತೆಗೆ ತಾಜಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗೆ ಹೋಗಿ.
ದೊಡ್ಡ ಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯ ಪ್ರಕರಣಗಳನ್ನು ಮೇಲಿನ ವಿಷಯದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಸರ್ವೋಚ್ಚ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದಲ್ಲಿ ಇ-ಸಲ್ಲಿಸಬಹುದು. ಎಸ್ಸಿ / ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ / ಒಬಿಸಿ / ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರ ಸೇರಿದಂತೆ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರು ಜೊತೆಗೆ
ಪ್ರಕರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ನಿರ್ಧರಿಸಲು ಸಂಘಸಂಸ್ಥೆ ವ್ಯವಸ್ಥೆ ಗೆ ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಸಿಜೆಐ ಮನವಿ
ಶ್ರೀಮತಿ
ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಜಾತಿ ಮುಂದಿನ ಪ್ರಧಾನಿ ಆಗಲು ಅರ್ಹರಾಗಿರುತ್ತಾರೆ ಆಯಿತು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ
ಸೇರುತ್ತದೆ ಯಾರು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿಯ ಯುಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಮುಖಂಡ ಮಾಜಿ ಸಿಎಮ್ ರಿಂದ,
ಪ್ರಜಾಸತ್ತಾತ್ಮಕ ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರ ಅವರು ಕಾಗದವನ್ನು ಸ್ಥಾನಗಳನ್ನು
ಪಡೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳುವುದರ ಮೂಲಕ ಯಶಸ್ಸು ಜೊತೆ ಯುಪಿ ಪಂಚಾಯತ್ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಗೆದ್ದರು,
ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಬಳಸಿಕೊಂಡು ತನ್ನ ಸೋಲಿಸಲು ಸಂಚು ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು. ಮತ್ತೆ
ಯುಪಿ ಅಸೆಂಬ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಅದೇ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಇದು ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯತೆಯ
ಆಚರಣೆಯಾಗಿದೆ ಅಧಿಕಾರಕ್ಕೆ ಬರಲು ಒಂದು ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿ ವಂಚಿತವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ
ಚಳವಳಿ ಸೋಲಿಸಲು ಬಳಸಲಾಗುತ್ತಿತ್ತು. ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ
ಸಂಸ್ಥೆಗಳ ಕೊಲೆಗಾರರು ಬುಕ್ ನಡೆಯಲಿದೆ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯ ಕಾಯಿದೆಯಡಿ ಮತ್ತು ಈ ದೇಶದ ಇಡೀ
ಬಜೆಟ್ ದಂಡ ಶಿಕ್ಷೆ ಮತ್ತು ಸಮಾನವಾಗಿ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಾಜಗಳ ನಡುವೆ ಈ ದೇಶದ ಸಂಪತ್ತಿನ
ವಿತರಿಸಲು ನಮ್ಮ ಆಧುನಿಕ ಸಂವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ನೀಡಲಾಗಿದೆ ತನ್ನ ಸಕ್ರಿಯಗೊಳಿಸಲು ಮಿಸ್
ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಹಸ್ತಾಂತರಿಸಿದರು ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ ಉಳಿಸಲು. PRESSTITUE ಮಾಧ್ಯಮಗಳು ತಮ್ಮ ಪಕ್ಷಪಾತ ವರದಿ ದಂಡ ಮಾಡಬೇಕು.
ವಿಶೇಷ
COLLEGE ಮತ್ತು ನ್ಯಾಯಾಧೀಶರು ಜೊತೆಗೆ ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಸಿಜೆಐ ದೇಶದ ಬ್ಯಾಲಟ್
ಪ್ಯಾಪ್ ಜೊತೆ ತಾಜಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹೋಗಬಹುದು ತನಕ ದಯೆಯಿಂದ ಈ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ನಾಯಕರು ಡಿ-ಗುರುತಿಸಲು ಸಾಧ್ಯವಿಲ್ಲ ಆದೇಶಗಳನ್ನು ರವಾನಿಸಲು ಮನವಿ ಮಾಡಬಹುದು
62) മലയാളം
2192 മോൺ 10 ഏപ്രിൽ 2017 പാഠങ്ങൾ
Pl നിങ്ങൾ അറിയുന്നു എല്ലാ മറ്റ് ഭാഷകളിൽ https://translate.google.com ഉപയോഗിച്ച് ഈ Google വിവർത്തനം ശരിയാക്കി
ചെയ്തത്
ആനന്ദ റാവു സർക്കിൾ, ബാംഗ്ലൂർ 11:00 AM ജൈഭെഎമ്.൧൧ഥ് ചൊവ്വാഴ്ച
വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ നേരെ ഒരു പ്രധാന പ്രതിഷേധ സമ്മേളനം യുപി ബഹുജംസ്
വോട്ട് .അതിശക്തരായ ഉപയോഗിച്ച്. തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്. ഭാവിയിൽ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ തുടരും. ഞങ്ങളുടെ ബഹുജൻ സഹോദരന്മാരേ പഠിപ്പിക്കാനാവും ചെയ്യട്ടെ. നിങ്ങളെ കാണുമെന്ന് പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നു.
‘പ്രതികാരം’ ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് ഇലക്ഷൻ തോൽവി, ബിഎസ്പി എംപി ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ കോൺഗ്രസ് പിന്തുണയ്ക്കുന്നു
ചെയ്തത്
ആനന്ദ റാവു സർക്കിൾ, ബാംഗ്ലൂർ 11:00 AM ജൈഭെഎമ്.൧൧ഥ് ചൊവ്വാഴ്ച
വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ നേരെ ഒരു പ്രധാന പ്രതിഷേധ സമ്മേളനം യുപി ബഹുജംസ്
വോട്ട് .അതിശക്തരായ ഉപയോഗിച്ച്. തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ്. ഭാവിയിൽ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ തുടരും. ഞങ്ങളുടെ ബഹുജൻ സഹോദരന്മാരേ പഠിപ്പിക്കാനാവും ചെയ്യട്ടെ. നിങ്ങളെ കാണുമെന്ന് പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നു
‘പ്രതികാരം’ ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് ഇലക്ഷൻ തോൽവി, ബിഎസ്പി എംപി ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ കോൺഗ്രസ് പിന്തുണയ്ക്കുന്നു
ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് നിയമസഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിൽ ജെ “പ്രതികാരം”
വേണ്ടി, ബിഎസ്പി പിന്തുണ കോൺഗ്രസിന് ആതേരിന്റെ നിയമസഭാ സീറ്റ് പ്രമുഖം
ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ വേണ്ടി, ഞായറാഴ്ച നടക്കുന്ന നീട്ടിയിട്ടുണ്ട്.
“ബിഎസ്പി മുന്നോട്ട് ആതേരിന്റെ ഉപതെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ കോൺഗ്രസ് പിന്തുണ
നീട്ടിയിട്ടുണ്ട്,” ചുമതലയുള്ള മധ്യപ്രദേശ് മോഹൻ പ്രകാശ് കോൺഗ്രസ് ജനറൽ
സെക്രട്ടറി പറഞ്ഞു.
വികസനം സ്ഥിരീകരിക്കുന്നത്, ബിഎസ്പി ജില്ലാ ചീഫ് ഗംഭീർ സിംഗ് “ഞങ്ങൾ
ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് നിയമസഭാ തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ പ്രതികാരം ചെയ്യാൻ ആതേരിന്റെ
ഉപതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ കോൺഗ്രസ് പിന്തുണ ചെയ്തിരിക്കുന്നു.” പറഞ്ഞു
ബിഎസ്പി ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് അതിർത്തി, ഭിംദ് ജില്ലയിലെ നല്ല പിന്തുണ ചെയുന്നത്.
ആതേരിന്റെ ഉപതെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പു മുതിർന്ന കോൺഗ്രസ് നേതാവ് ജ്യോതിരാദിത്യ
സിന്ധ്യ, എംപി മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി ശിവരാജ് സിംഗ് ചൗഹാൻ ഒരു പ്രശ്നം
മാറിയിരിക്കുന്നു.
കോൺഗ്രസ് പ്രതിപക്ഷ നേതാവ് ഉൾപ്പെടുന്നതിനാൽ പോലെ ആതേരിന്റെ സീറ്റ്
നിലനിർത്താൻ ആഗ്രഹിക്കുന്നു അതേസമയം, ആരുടെ മരണം ഉപതെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ആവശ്യകത
അൽപസമയം കതരെ,, ബിജെപി പാർട്ടി വിജയികളുടെ ലൈനിൽ തുടരുന്നതിന് കോൺഗ്രസ്
അത് പ്രചരണത്തിന്റെ ആഗ്രഹിക്കുന്നു.
കതരെ സിന്ധ്യ ഉറ്റവനായിരുന്നു, സഹതാപം വോട്ട് വേണ്ടി പണം വേണ്ടി,
കോൺഗ്രസ് സീറ്റ് നിലനിർത്താൻ ആതേരിന്റെ തന്റെ മകൻ ഹേമന്ത് കതരെ നിർത്തി.
സിന്ധ്യ ആതേരിന്റെ മണ്ഡലത്തിൽ ഏതാണ്ട് 23 യോഗത്തില് പങ്കെടുത്തു. റാലികൾ കാലങ്ങളിൽ സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാർ കഴുത്തറ്റം ആരുടെ വസ്തുതാപഠനത്തിൽ
ഉദാഹരണങ്ങൾ മറ്റുള്ളവരെ ഇടയിൽ, വ്യപമ്, സിമ്ഹസ്ഥ ആൻഡ് ഉച്ചഭക്ഷണം അഴിമതികളെ
ഉൾപ്പെടുന്നു അഴിമതിയിൽ ഉൾപ്പെട്ട ആരോപിച്ചിരുന്നു.
ഞങ്ങളുടെ ആതേരിന്റെ നിന്നും, ഉമരിഅ ജില്ലയിലെ ബന്ദ്വ്കര്ത് നിയമസഭാ വേണ്ടി ബ്യെലെച്തിഒന് പുറമേ നാളെ നടക്കും. എംഎൽഎയും
ജ്ഞാൻ സിംഗ് കഴിഞ്ഞ വർഷം നവംബറിൽ ലോക്സഭയിലേക്ക് തിരഞ്ഞെടുക്കപ്പെട്ടു
ശേഷം സീറ്റ് ഒഴിവുള്ള വീണിരുന്നു പോലെ ആവശ്യകത ചെയ്തു. ബന്ദ്വ്കര്ത് (എസ്.ടി) സീറ്റിൽ പ്രധാന മത്സരം ബിജെപിയുടെ ശിവ്നരയന് സിംഗും കോൺഗ്രസ് സാവിത്രി സിങ് ആണ്.
വോട്ടെണ്ണൽ ഏപ്രിൽ 13 ന് നടക്കും.
അതേസമയം, സംസ്ഥാന ജോയിന്റ് ചീഫ് ഇലക്ടറൽ ഓഫീസർ എസ്.എസ് ബൻസൽ
“മധ്യപ്രദേശ് ആദ്യമായി, ബന്ദ്വ്കർത് ആൻഡ് ആതേരിന്റെ മണ്ഡലങ്ങളിലെ രണ്ട്
വോട്ടെടുപ്പ് വ്വ്പത്-പ്രാപ്തമാക്കിയ എവ്മ് യന്ത്രങ്ങളുടെ സഹായത്തോടെ
നടക്കും.” പറഞ്ഞു
വീണ്ടും ലോക്സഭാ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ഉപയോഗിച്ച r സൈൻ വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ തട്ടിപ്പ് ആയിരുന്നു തെളിയിച്ചു ആണ്. അതുകൊണ്ട് വ്വ്പത് പോകുന്നു. മറ്റ് പാർട്ടികൾ ചിഹ്നങ്ങൾ അമർത്തി സമയത്ത് ഇവിടെ വീണ്ടും സ്ലിപ്പിൽ ബിജെപി ലോട്ടസ് കാണിക്കുന്നു. മാത്രം പേപ്പർ ബാലറ്റുകൾ യഥാർത്ഥ സ്ഥാനാർത്ഥികളെ തിരഞ്ഞെടുക്കാനാകും. ഇത്തരം ദിവസം വരെ ജനാധിപത്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ കൊലപാതകിയെ ((മോഡി) ഹേയ് ദിവസങ്ങൾ ലഭിക്കും.
ജനാധിപത്യ സ്ഥാപനങ്ങൾ (മോഡി) എന്ന കൊലപാതകിയെ തടയാൻ എവ്മ് നിരോധിക്കുക ഈ തട്ടിപ്പ് വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ തിരഞ്ഞെടുത്ത കേന്ദ്ര സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാരുകൾ ഇല്ലാതായതോടെ ആവശ്യം. ബാലറ്റ് പേപ്പറുകൾ ഉപയോഗിച്ച് പുതിയ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ പോയി.
വലിയ എണ്ണം കേസുകൾ മുകളിൽ വിഷയത്തിൽ സുപ്രീം കോടതി ഇ-ഫയൽ ചെയ്യാം. പട്ടികജാതി / എസ്ടി / ഒബിസി / ന്യൂനപക്ഷ ഉൾപ്പെടെ ഇതിലെല്ലാ എന്നിവരും
തീരുമാനിക്കാനുള്ള കൊളീജിയം സിസ്റ്റം ബഹുമാനപ്പെട്ട ജസ്റ്റിസ്
അഭ്യർത്ഥിക്കുന്നു
മിസ്
മായാവതി പട്ടികജാതി ഏതൊരു എക്സ് ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് ബി.എസ്.പി നേതാവ്
മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി അടുത്ത പ്രധാനമന്ത്രി യോഗ്യനാണ് ആയതിനു ശേഷം ജനാധിപത്യ
സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ കൊലപാതകിയെ അവൾ പേപ്പർ കൊണ്ട് വമ്പിച്ച ഭൂരിപക്ഷത്തോടെ
യു.പി പഞ്ചായത്ത് തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ നേടിയത്, വഞ്ചന വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ
ഉപയോഗിച്ച് അവളെ പരാജയപ്പെടുത്താൻ കൂട്ടുകെട്ടുണ്ടാക്കി ബാലറ്റുകൾ. വീണ്ടും
നിയമസഭാ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ ഒരേ തട്ടിപ്പ് വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ ഏത്
തൊട്ടുകൂടായ്മ ഒരു ശീലമാണ് അധികാരത്തിൽ വരാൻ ഒരു പട്ടികജാതി
നഷ്ടമാക്കുകയാണ് ബിഎസ്പി പ്രസ്ഥാനം പരാജയപ്പെടുത്താൻ ഉപയോഗിച്ചു. ജനാധിപത്യ
സ്ഥാപനങ്ങളുടെ കൊലപാതകികൾ പ്രവർത്തിക്കാൻ അതിക്രമങ്ങൾ കീഴിൽ ബുക്ക്
ചെയ്യാൻ ഈ രാജ്യത്തെ മുഴുവൻ ബജറ്റ് പിഴ ശിക്ഷയും നമ്മുടെ ആധുനിക ഭരണഘടന
നിഷ്ഠമായ പോലെ എല്ലാ സമൂഹങ്ങളിലും തുല്യമായി ഈ രാജ്യത്തിന്റെ സമ്പത്ത്
വിതരണം അവളെ പ്രാപ്തമാക്കാൻ മിസ് മായാവതിക്ക് കൈമാറി ഉണ്ട് ജനാധിപത്യത്തെ സംരക്ഷിക്കാൻ. പ്രെഷ്തിതുഎ മാധ്യമങ്ങൾ അവരുടെ ബയസ് റിപ്പോർട്ടിംഗ് പിഴ വേണം.
കൊളീജിയം
ആൻഡ് ഇതിലെല്ലാ സഹിതം ബഹുമാനപ്പെട്ട ബാലകൃഷ്ണൻ രാജ്യത്തെ ബാലറ്റ് പേ പുതിയ
തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ പോകുന്നു വരെ ആദരവായി നടത്തുവാൻ എനിക്കു ഡി-തിരിച്ചറിയാൻ
ഓർഡറുകൾ ഈ തട്ടിപ്പ് വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ തെരഞ്ഞെടുത്ത നേതാക്കൾ കടന്നു
അഭ്യർത്ഥിച്ചു ചെയ്യാം
65) मराठी
2192 सोम 10 एप्रिल 2017 धडे
पी.डी. तुम्हाला माहीत आहे इतर सर्व भाषांमध्ये https://translate.google.com वापरून हे google अनुवाद दुरुस्त
येथे
आनंद राव मंडळ, बंगलोर येथे 11:00 AM JaiBheem.11th मंगळवारी मतदान
यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान घेण्यात विरुद्ध एक महत्त्वाचा निषेध बैठक प्रदेशात
Bahujans मते लुंघविणे वापरले. निवडणूक. हे भविष्यात निवडणुकीत सुरू राहील. आमच्या बहुजन बंधूनो शिक्षण द्या. आपण पाहू अशी आशा.
‘सूड’ उत्तर प्रदेशात निवडणूक पराभव, बसपा खासदार निवडणुकीत काँग्रेस समर्थन
येथे
आनंद राव मंडळ, बंगलोर येथे 11:00 AM JaiBheem.11th मंगळवारी मतदान
यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान घेण्यात विरुद्ध एक महत्त्वाचा निषेध बैठक प्रदेशात
Bahujans मते लुंघविणे वापरले. निवडणूक. हे भविष्यात निवडणुकीत सुरू राहील. आमच्या बहुजन बंधूनो शिक्षण द्या. आपण पाहू अशी आशा
‘सूड’ उत्तर प्रदेशात निवडणूक पराभव, बसपा खासदार निवडणुकीत काँग्रेस समर्थन
ऑर्डर उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा निवडणुकीच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर “सूड घेणे” भाजप
मध्ये, बसपा समर्थन काँग्रेस Ater विधानसभा महत्त्वपूर्ण पोटनिवडणुकीत
साठी, विस्तारित रविवारी आयोजित करण्यात आली आहे.
“बहुजन समाज पुढे Ater पोटनिवडणुकीत काँग्रेस करण्यासाठी पाठिंबा आहे,”
प्रभारी मध्य प्रदेश प्रभारी मोहन प्रकाश काँग्रेस सरचिटणीस यांनी
सांगितले.
करण्यात येत, बसपा जिल्हा प्रमुख गंभीर सिंग “आम्ही Ater पोटनिवडणुकीत
काँग्रेस करण्यासाठी पाठिंबा आहे उत्तर प्रदेश विधानसभा निवडणुकीत सूड
घेणे. म्हणाला,”
बहुजन समाज पक्षाच्या उत्तर प्रदेश सीमा, भिंड जिल्ह्यातील चांगली साथ मिळेल.
Ater पोटनिवडणुकीत काँग्रेसचे ज्येष्ठ नेते ज्योतिरादित्य शिंदे आणि
खासदार मुख्यमंत्री शिवराजसिंग चौहान यांच्या प्रतिष्ठेची मुद्दा झाला आहे.
काँग्रेस Ater ठरणारे करू इच्छित आहे तर तो विरोधी माजी नेते, सत्यदेव
Katare, ज्या मृत्यू पोटनिवडणुकीत गरज, भाजप देखील पक्षाच्या विजयी घोडदौड
सुरू करण्यासाठी काँग्रेस पासून ते काबीज करण्याची इच्छा आहे मालकीचे
म्हणून.
Katare शिंदे बंद होते आणि मान्यता मते फायदा करण्यासाठी काँग्रेसला
टिकवून ठेवण्यासाठी Ater पासून त्यांचे पुत्र हेमंत Katare उमेदवारी दिली
आहे.
शिंदे Ater मतदारसंघात सुमारे 23 सभा संबोधित केले. सभा दरम्यान, तो राज्य सरकारने मान खोल ज्या लक्ष्य उदाहरणे Vyapam
सिंहस्थ आणि मिड-डे मील घोटाळे, इतर समावेश भ्रष्टाचार सहभागी होता असा
आरोप केला होता.
आमच्या Ater पासून, उमरिया जिल्ह्यातील बंधवगर्ह विधानसभा विभागातील byelection देखील उद्या होणार आहे. आमदार ज्ञान सिंग गेल्या वर्षी नोव्हेंबरमध्ये लोकसभेवर निवडून झाल्यानंतर आसन पद रिक्त झाले होते म्हणून तो आवश्यक होते. बंधवगर्ह (ST) आसन मुख्य स्पर्धा भाजपचे शिवनारायण सिंग आणि कॉंग्रेस च्या सावित्री सिंग यांच्या दरम्यान आहे.
मतमोजणी 13 एप्रिल रोजी होणार आहे.
दरम्यान, राज्य संयुक्त मुख्य निवडणूक अधिकारी एस बन्सल, म्हणाला, “मध्य
प्रदेश मध्ये प्रथमच, दोन्ही बंधवगर्ह आणि Ater मतदारसंघात मतदान
VVPAT-सक्षम मतदान यंत्र मशीन मदतीने होणार आहे.”
पुन्हा लोकसभा आणि विधानसभा निवडणुकीत वापरली rthe इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान फसवणूक होते की सिद्ध झाले आहे. त्यामुळे ती VVPAT जात. येथे पुन्हा स्लिप भाजप कमळ दाखवते इतर पक्ष चिन्ह दाबले होते. केवळ पेपर मतदान रिअल उमेदवार निवडू शकता. अशा दिवस पर्यंत लोकशाही संस्था ((मोदी) च्या खुनी अहो दिवस आहे.
लोकशाही संस्था खुनी थांबवू मतदान यंत्र बंदी (मोदी) केंद्र व राज्य सरकारे या फसवणूक इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान निवडले विसर्जनाच्या मागणी. मतपत्रिका पानं पुन्हा निवडणुका घ्याव्यात, जा.
मोठ्या संख्येने प्रकरणे वरील विषय सर्वोच्च न्यायालयात ई-दाखल केले जाऊ शकते. आदरणीय CJI अनुसूचित जाती / अनुसूचित जमाती / इतर मागासवर्गीय /
अल्पसंख्याक समावेश juries सोबत बाबतीत निर्णय पुट्टे प्रणाली असणे विनंती
करत आहे
मायावती
जाती अनुसूचीत पुढील पंतप्रधान होण्यासाठी पात्र झाले मालकीचे कोण बसपा
प्रदेश आणि सर्वेसर्वा माजी मुख्यमंत्री असल्याने, लोकशाही संस्था खुनी ती
कागद बहुमतानं प्रदेश पंचायत निवडणुकीत विजयी करताना, फसवणूक इलेक्ट्रॉनिक
मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान वापरून तिला पराभव कट मतदान. पुन्हा
विधानसभा निवडणुकीत त्याच फसवणूक इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान
अस्पृश्यता एक सराव आहे सत्तेवर येणे एक अनुसूचित जाती वंचित ठेवा, बहुजन
समाज पक्षाचे चळवळ पराभव करण्यासाठी वापरले होते. अंतर्गत
अत्याचार काम लोकशाही संस्था खून गुन्हा दाखल करणे व या देशाच्या संपूर्ण
बजेट एक दंडाची शिक्षा आणि आमच्या आधुनिक घटनेत नमूद केल्याप्रमाणे तितकेच
सर्व संस्था लोकांमध्ये या देशातील संपत्ती वाटप तिला सक्षम करण्यासाठी
मायावती ताब्यात देण्यात लोकशाही जतन करण्यासाठी. PRESSTITUE मीडिया त्यांच्या बायस अहवाल दंड करणे आवश्यक आहे.
देशातील
मतपत्रिका p ताज्या निवडणुकीत जातो पर्यंत माननीय CJI पुट्टे आणि juries
सोबत देखील प्रेमळ सर्व नेते फसवणूक इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे
मतदान निवडले मान्यता नाही आज्ञा पास करण्याची विनंती केली जाऊ शकते 75) ਪੰਜਾਬੀ
ஜைபீம்.11th
செவ்வாய்க்கிழமை காலை 11:00 மணிக்கு ஆனந்த ராவ் சர்க்கிள், பெங்களூர்
உ.பி. தேர்தலில் பஹுஜன்ஸ் வாக்குகள் கொள்ளை அடிக்க பயன்படுத்தப்பட்ட
EVMவாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் எதிராக ஒரு முக்கியமான எதிர்ப்பு. இது
எதிர்காலத்தில் தேர்தல்களில் தொடரும். நமது பகுஜன் பிரதர்ஸ் மற்றும்
சகோதரிகள் கவனத்திற்கு கொண்டு வருவோம்.. நீங்கள் அனைவரும் வருவீர் என்று
நம்புவோமாக.
‘பழிவாங்க’ to உத்தரப் பிரதேசத்தில் தேர்தல் தோல்வி பிஎஸ்பி எம்.பி இடைத்தேர்தலில் காங்கிரஸ் ஆதரிக்கிறது
உத்திரபிரதேச சட்டசபை தேர்தலில் அடுத்து பாஜக மீது “பழிவாங்க” பொருட்டு,
பிஎஸ்பி ஆதரவு காங்கிரஸ் அதேரின் சட்டமன்ற இடைத்தேர்தலில் முக்கியமான
இடைத்தேர்தலில், விரிவாக்கப்பட்ட ஞாயிறன்று நடைபெற்றது மேற்கொண்டு
வருகின்றன.
“பி.எஸ்.பிஓர் மேலே அதேரின் இடைத்தேர்தலில் காங்கிரஸ் ஆதரவு
நீட்டிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது,” பொறுப்பாளர் மத்தியப் பிரதேசம் மோகன் பிரகாஷ்
காங்கிரஸ் பொது செயலாளர் தெரிவித்தார்.
வளர்ச்சி உறுதிப்படுத்துவது, பகுஜன் சமாஜ் மாவட்ட தலைமை கம்பீர் சிங்
“நாங்கள் உத்திரபிரதேச சட்டசபை தேர்தலில் பழிவாங்க அதேரின் இடைத்தேர்தலில்
காங்கிரஸ் ஆதரவு விரிவுபடுத்தியிருக்கின்றன” என்றார்.
பிஎஸ்பி உத்தரப் பிரதேசம் எல்லைகளாகக் Bhind மாவட்டத்தில் நல்ல ஆதரவு பெறுகிறது.
அதேரின் இடைத்தேர்தலில் மூத்த காங்கிரஸ் தலைவர் ஜோதிராதித்ய சிந்தியா
மற்றும் பிரதேச முதல்வர் சிவராஜ் சிங் சவுகான் ஒரு கெளரவம் விவகாரமாக
எழுந்துள்ளது.
காங்கிரஸ் அதேரின் இடத்தைத் தக்க வைக்க முடியாமல் விரும்புகிறார் போது
அது எதிர்ப்பை முன்னாள் தலைவர் அவர்கள் சாவைப் இடைத்தேர்தலில்
அத்தியாவசியமாக்கியது பிஜேபி கட்சி வெற்றி வரிசையை தொடர காங்கிரஸ் இருந்து
குதர்க்கம் விரும்புகிறது சத்யதேவ் காத்ரே, சொந்தமானது என.
காத்ரே சிந்தியா நெருக்கமாக இருந்தது மற்றும் அனுதாபம் வாக்குகள் பணம்
பொருட்டு, காங்கிரஸ் இடத்தைத் தக்க வைக்க முடியாமல் அதேரின் இருந்து அவரது
மகன் ஹேமந்த் காத்ரே களம் இறக்கியுள்ளது.
சிந்தியா அதேரின் தொகுதியில் கிட்டத்தட்ட 23 கூட்டங்களில் உரையாற்றினார். பேரணிகள் போது, அவர் மாநில அரசு ஆழமான யாருடைய வெளிப்படையான உதாரணங்கள்
Vyapam, Simhastha மற்றும் மதிய உணவு மோசடி, கொள்பவை லஞ்ச ஊழலில் கழுத்து
இருந்தது என்று கூறியிருந்தார்.
தவிர அதேரின் இருந்து, Umaria மாவட்டத்தில் பாந்தவ்கார் சட்டசபை பகுதிக்கும் இடைத்தேர்தல் மேலும் நாளை நடைபெறவுள்ளது. சட்டமன்ற
உறுப்பினர் கியான் சிங் கடந்த ஆண்டு நவம்பர் இல் மக்களவைக்கு
தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்பட்டார் பிறகு இருக்கை காலியாக விழுந்த அது தேவையாயிற்று. பாந்தவ்கார் (எஸ்டி) இருக்கை முக்கிய போட்டியில் பிஜேபி Shivnarayan சிங் மற்றும் காங்கிரஸ் சாவித்ரி சிங் இடைப்பட்டதாக இருக்கும்.
வாக்குகள் எண்ணும் ஏப்ரல் 13 ம் தேதி நடக்கும்.
இதற்கிடையில், மாநில இணை தலைமை தேர்தல் அதிகாரி எஸ்.எஸ் பன்சால் கூறினார்
“மத்தியப் பிரதேச மாநிலத்தில் முதல் முறையாக, பாந்தவ்கார் மற்றும் அதேரின்
தொகுதிகளில் இரண்டிலும் வாக்குச் VVPAT செயல்படுத்தப்பட்ட மின்னணு
வாக்குப்பதிவு இயந்திர இயந்திரங்கள் உதவியுடன் நடைபெறும்.”
மீண்டும்
அது உ.பி. மக்களவை மற்றும் சட்டசபை தேர்தலில் பயன்படுத்தப்படும் rthe
வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் மோசடி இருந்தன இதன் மூலம் உறுதியாகிறது. எனவே VVPAT போகிறேன். மற்ற கட்சிகள் சின்னங்கள் அழுத்தும் போது இங்கே மீண்டும் துண்டுகளைக் பாஜக தாமரை காட்டுகிறது. ஆவணக் வாக்குகள் உண்மையான வேட்பாளர்கள் தேர்வுசெய்ய முடியும். அந்த நாட்களில் வரை ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்கள் ((மோடி) கொன்றவன் ஏய் நாட்கள் கொடுக்கப்படும்.
தடை மின்னணு வாக்குப்பதிவு இயந்திர ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்களின் கொலையாளி நிறுத்த (மோடி) இந்த மோசடி வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் தேர்வு மத்திய மற்றும் மாநில அரசுகள் கலைக்கப்பட வேண்டும் என்ற கோரிக்கை. வாக்குப்பெட்டி ஆவணங்களை கொண்டு தேர்தலை செல்ல.
பெரும் எண்ணிக்கையிலான வழக்குகள் மேலே விஷயத்தில் உச்ச நீதிமன்றம் E-தாக்கல் செய்யப்படுகிறது. மதிப்பிற்குரிய தலைமை எஸ்.சி / எஸ்.டி / ஓ.பி.சி.க்களுக்காக /
சிறுபான்மையினர் உட்பட விரைவுபடுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது இணைந்து வழக்கில் முடிவை
அறிவிக்க கல்லூரி அமைப்பு கோருகிறது
திருமதி
மாயாவதி தாழ்த்தப்பட்ட அடுத்த பிரதமர் தகுதிபெற்றுள்ளீர்கள் ஆனது
சொந்தமானது யார் பகுஜன் சமாஜ் கட்சியின் உ.பி. மற்றும் தலைவரான முன்னாள்
முதல்வர் என்பதால், ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்களின் கொலையாளி அவள் காகித அதிர
பெரும்பான்மையுடன் உ.பி. பஞ்சாயத்து தேர்தல்களில் வெற்றி போது, மோசடி
வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் பயன்படுத்தி அவளை தோற்கடிக்க சதி வாக்களித்துள்ளனர். மீண்டும்
பி சட்டசபை தேர்தலில் அதே மோசடி வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் எந்த
தீண்டாமை ஒரு பழக்கமாகும் ஆட்சிக்கு வர ஒரு திட்டமிடப்பட்ட சாதி மறுக்கிறது
பிஎஸ்பி இயக்கம் தோற்கடிக்க பயன்படுத்தப்பட்டன. அட்டூழியங்கள்
செயல்பட கீழ் ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்கள் கொலைகாரர்கள் பதிவு செய்ய வேண்டும்
மற்றும் இந்த நாட்டின் முழு பட்ஜெட் அபராதம் தண்டிக்கப்பட்டார் மற்றும்
எங்கள் நவீன அரசியல் சாசனத்தில் பொதிந்துள்ளது சமமாக அனைத்து சமூகங்கள்
இந்த நாட்டின் செல்வம் விநியோகிக்க தனது செயல்படுத்த திருமதி மாயாவதி
ஒப்படைக்க ஜனநாயகம் காப்பாற்ற. PRESSTITUE ஊடகங்கள் கூட தங்கள் சார்பு புகார் அளித்ததற்கு அபராதம் வேண்டும்.
கண்காணிப்புக்
குழு மற்றும் விரைவுபடுத்தப்பட்டுள்ளது இணைந்து கெளரவமான தலைமை நாட்டின்
வாக்குப்பெட்டி p ன் புதிய தேர்தல் செல்கிறது வரை தயவுசெய்து வேண்டாம் என
இந்த மோசடி வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் மூலம் தேர்ந்தெடுக்கப்படும்
அனைத்து தலைவர்கள் டி- அங்கீகரிக்க உத்தரவுகளை அனுப்ப கேட்டு இருக்கலாம் 94) తెలుగు
2192 Mon 10 Apr 2017 పాఠాలు
ప్లా మీకు తెలిసిన అన్ని ఇతర భాషలలో https://translate.google.com ఉపయోగించి ఈ గూగుల్ అనువాదం సరి
వద్ద
ఆనంద రావు సర్కిల్, బెంగుళూర్ వద్ద 11:00 AM JaiBheem.11th మంగళవారం
ఈవీఎంలు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఒక ముఖ్యమైన నిరసన కలిసే యుపిలో Bahujans ఓట్లు
దోపిడి ఉపయోగిస్తారు. ఎన్నికలు. ఈ భవిష్యత్ ఎన్నికల్లో కొనసాగుతుంది. యొక్క మా బహుజన్ బ్రదర్స్ మరియు సోదరీమణులు అవగాహన లెట్. మిమల్ని చూడాలని ఆశిస్తున్నాను.
‘ప్రతీకారాన్ని’ ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ ఎన్నికల ఓటమి, బిఎస్పి ఎంపి ఉప ఎన్నికల లో కాంగ్రెస్ మద్దతు
వద్ద
ఆనంద రావు సర్కిల్, బెంగుళూర్ వద్ద 11:00 AM JaiBheem.11th మంగళవారం
ఈవీఎంలు వ్యతిరేకంగా ఒక ముఖ్యమైన నిరసన కలిసే యుపిలో Bahujans ఓట్లు
దోపిడి ఉపయోగిస్తారు. ఎన్నికలు. ఈ భవిష్యత్ ఎన్నికల్లో కొనసాగుతుంది. యొక్క మా బహుజన్ బ్రదర్స్ మరియు సోదరీమణులు అవగాహన లెట్. మిమల్ని చూడాలని ఆశిస్తున్నాను
‘ప్రతీకారాన్ని’ ఉత్తరప్రదేశ్ ఎన్నికల ఓటమి, బిఎస్పి ఎంపి ఉప ఎన్నికల లో కాంగ్రెస్ మద్దతు
ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్ అసెంబ్లీ ఎన్నికల నేపధ్యంలో బిజెపిపై “పగ పడుతుంది”
చేయడానికి, బిఎస్పి మద్దతు కాంగ్రెస్కు బ్లాక్ అసెంబ్లీ సీటు కీలకం ఉప
ఎన్నికల కోసం, పొడిగించి ఆదివారం జరగనుంది.
“బిఎస్పి ముందుకు బ్లాక్ ఉప ఎన్నికల కాంగ్రెస్ మద్దతు పొడిగించి,”
ఇన్-చార్జ్ మధ్యప్రదేశ్ మోహన్ ప్రకాష్ కాంగ్రెస్ ప్రధాన కార్యదర్శి
విలేకరులతో చెప్పారు.
ధ్రువీకరిస్తూ, బిఎస్పి జిల్లా చీఫ్ గంభీర్ సింగ్ “మేము ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్
అసెంబ్లీ ఎన్నికల్లో ప్రతీకారాన్ని బ్లాక్ ఉప ఎన్నికల కోసం కాంగ్రెస్
మద్దతు విస్తరించారు.”, అన్నాడు
బిఎస్పి ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్ సరిహద్దులలో Bhind జిల్లాలో మంచి మద్దతు లభిస్తుంది.
బ్లాక్ ఉప ఎన్నికల కాంగ్రెస్ సీనియర్ నాయకుడు జ్యోతిరాదిత్య సింధియా,
ఎంపి ముఖ్యమంత్రి శివరాజ్ సింగ్ చౌహాన్ ప్రతిష్ఠాకరమైన సమస్యగా మారింది.
కాంగ్రెస్ బ్లాక్ సీటు కలిగి కోరుకుంటున్నారు, అది ప్రతిపక్ష మాజీ నేత,
దీని మరణం ఉప ఎన్నికల అవసరమైంది బిజెపి కూడా పార్టీ విజయాల పరంపరను
కొనసాగించాలని కాంగ్రెస్ నుంచి బలవంతం తీసుకోవడానికి కోరుకుంటున్నారు
Satyadev Katare, చెందుతుంది వంటి.
Katare కు సింధియా దగ్గరగా ఉంది మరియు సానుభూతి ఓట్లు డబ్బు క్రమంలో,
కాంగ్రెస్ సీటు పొందగలిగేలా బ్లాక్ నుండి తన కుమారుడు హేమంత్ Katare
నిలబెట్టింది.
సింధియా బ్లాక్ నియోజకవర్గంలో దాదాపు 23 సమావేశాలు ప్రసంగించారు. ర్యాలీలు సమయంలో, అతను రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వం దీని మెరుస్తున్న ఉదాహరణలు
Vyapam, Simhastha మరియు మధ్యాహ్న భోజన స్కామ్ల, ఇతరులలో ఉన్నాయి అవినీతి
లో లోతైన చేరి మెడ అని ఆరోపించారు.
బ్లాక్ కాకుండా, Umaria జిల్లాలో బంధవ్గార్హ అసెంబ్లీ సెగ్మెంట్ కోసం మధ్యంతర ఎన్నికల రేపు కూడా జరుగుతుంది. ఎమ్మెల్యే గ్యాన్ సింగ్ గత సంవత్సరం నవంబర్ లో లోక్ సభకు ఎన్నికయ్యారు తర్వాత సీటు ఖాళీగా పడిపోయింది వంటి ఇది అవసరమైంది. బంధవ్గార్హ (ST) సీటు లో ప్రధాన పోటీ బిజెపి Shivnarayan సింగ్, కాంగ్రెస్ సావిత్రి సింగ్ మధ్య ఉంటుంది.
ఓట్ల లెక్కింపు ఏప్రిల్ 13 న జరుగుతాయి.
ఇంతలో, రాష్ట్ర జాయింట్ చీఫ్ ఎన్నికల అధికారి ఎస్ఎస్ బన్సాల్ చెప్పారు
“మధ్యప్రదేశ్ లో మొదటి సారి, రెండు బంధవ్గార్హ మరియు బ్లాక్ నియోజకవర్గాలలో
పోలింగ్ వివిపిఎటి ప్రారంభించబడిన ఇవిఎం యంత్రాల సహాయంతో జరుగుతుంది.”
దాన్ని మళ్లీ లోక్ సభ, అసెంబ్లీ ఎన్నికల్లో ఉపయోగిస్తారు rthe ఈవీఎంలు మోసం అని నిరూపించబడింది. అందుకే వివిపిఎటి కోసం వెళ్ళి. ఇతర పార్టీలు చిహ్నాలు ఒత్తిడి చేశారు అయితే ఇక్కడ మళ్ళీ స్లిప్స్ బిజెపి లోటస్ చూపిస్తుంది. కాగితపు బ్యాలెట్లను నిజమైన అభ్యర్థులు ఎన్నుకోవడంలో చేయవచ్చు. ఇటువంటి రోజుల వరకు ప్రజాస్వామ్య సంస్థలు ((మోడీ) యొక్క హంతకుడు హే రోజుల ఉంటుంది.
ప్రజాస్వామ్య సంస్థలు హంతకుల ఆపడానికి ఇవిఎం నిషేధం (మోడీ) ఈ మోసం EVM ల ఎంపిక కేంద్ర, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాల రద్దు కోసం డిమాండ్. బ్యాలెట్ పత్రాలు తాజా ఎన్నికలు జరుగనున్నాయి.
పెద్ద సంఖ్యలో కేసులు పైన అంశంపై సుప్రీం కోర్ట్ లో ఇ-దాఖలు చేయవచ్చు. అభ్యర్థిస్తోంది హానరబుల్ సిజెఐ ఎస్సీ / ఎస్టీలకు / ఓబీసీలు /
మైనారిటీలు సహా న్యాయ నిర్ణేతల కలిసి కేసులో నిర్ణయించే కొలీజియం వ్యవస్థ
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2192 سوموار 10 اپریل 2017 سبق
PL آپ کو پتہ ہے دوسرے تمام زبانوں میں https://translate.google.com استعمال کرتے ہوئے اس کو گوگل ترجمہ کو درست
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راؤ سرکل، بنگلور میں 11:00 بجے JaiBheem.11th منگل مشینوں کے خلاف ایک
اہم احتجاجی ملو یوپی میں Bahujans ووٹ لوٹنے کے لئے استعمال کیا. انتخابات. یہ مستقبل کے انتخابات میں بھی جاری رہے گا. چلو ہمارے بہوجن بھائیوں اور بہنوں کو تعلیم دیں. آپ کو دیکھ کر امید ہے کہ.
‘بدلہ لینے’ پر اتر پردیش میں انتخابات میں شکست، بی ایس پی کے ایم پی اپچناو میں کانگریس کی حمایت
آنند
راؤ سرکل، بنگلور میں 11:00 بجے JaiBheem.11th منگل مشینوں کے خلاف ایک
اہم احتجاجی ملو یوپی میں Bahujans ووٹ لوٹنے کے لئے استعمال کیا. انتخابات. یہ مستقبل کے انتخابات میں بھی جاری رہے گا. چلو ہمارے بہوجن بھائیوں اور بہنوں کو تعلیم دیں. آپ کو دیکھ کر امید ہے کہ
‘بدلہ لینے’ پر اتر پردیش میں انتخابات میں شکست، بی ایس پی کے ایم پی اپچناو میں کانگریس کی حمایت
اتر پردیش اسمبلی انتخابات کے تناظر میں بی جے پی پر “انتقام لے” کے لئے
ہے، بی ایس پی کی حمایت کے کانگریس کو اطیر اسمبلی کی نشست کیلئے اہم
اپچناو کے لئے، بڑھا دیا ہے اتوار کو منعقد ہوگی.
“بسپا آگے اطیر اپچناو کانگریس کو حمایت دی ہے،” انچارج مدھیہ پردیش موہن پرکاش کی کانگریس جنرل سکریٹری نے نامہ نگاروں کو بتایا.
ترقی کی تصدیق، بی ایس پی ضلع سربراہ گمبھیر سنگھ نے کہا کہ “ہم نے اتر
پردیش کے اسمبلی انتخابات سے بدلہ لینے کا اطیر اپچناو کے لئے کانگریس کو
حمایت دی ہے.”
بسپا اتر پردیش کی سرحد سے ملحق، بنڈ ضلع میں اچھا حمایت حاصل ہے.
اطیر اپچناو سینئر کانگریس لیڈر جیوتی رادتیہ سندھیا اور ایم پی وزیر اعلی شیوراج سنگھ چوہان کے لئے ایک وقار کا مسئلہ بن گیا ہے.
یہ حزب اختلاف کے سابق رہنما، Satyadev Katare، جن کی موت اپچناو ضروری،
بی جے پی نے بھی پارٹی کی جیت اسٹریک کے ساتھ جاری رکھنے کے لئے کانگریس سے
اسے چھیننے کے لئے چاہتا ہے سے تعلق رکھتا ہے کے طور پر کانگریس اطیر نشست
برقرار رکھنے کے لئے چاہتا ہے.
Katare سندیا کے قریب تھا اور ہمدردی کے ووٹ پر میں کیش کرنے کے لئے،
کانگریس کی نشست برقرار رکھنے اطیر سے اپنے بیٹے ہیمنت Katare میدان میں
اتارا ہے.
سندھیا اطیر حلقے میں تقریبا 23 اجلاسوں سے خطاب کیا. ریلیوں کے دوران انہوں نے الزام لگایا کہ ریاستی حکومت گہری جن واضح
مثالیں Vyapam، Simhastha اور دوپہر کھانے گھوٹالے، دوسروں کے درمیان شامل
ہیں کرپشن میں ملوث گردن تھا کہ تھا.
علاوہ اطیر سے Umaria کی ضلع میں باندوگڑھ اسمبلی طبقہ کے لئے byelection بھی کل منعقد کی جائے گی. یہ
ضروری نشست خالی ہوئی تھی اس کو بعد رکن اسمبلی گیان سنگھ نے گزشتہ سال
نومبر میں لوک سبھا کے لئے منتخب کیا گیا تھا کیا گیا تھا. باندوگڑھ (ST) نشست میں اہم مقابلہ بی جے پی کے Shivnarayan سنگھ اور کانگریس کی ساویتری سنگھ کے درمیان ہے.
ووٹوں کی گنتی 13 اپریل کو منعقد ہو گی.
دریں اثنا، ریاستی جوائنٹ چیف الیکٹورل آفیسر ایس ایس بنسل نے کہا “مدھیہ
پردیش میں پہلی بار کے لئے، دونوں باندوگڑھ اور اطیر انتخابی حلقوں میں
پولنگ VVPAT فعال EVM مشینوں کی مدد سے منعقد کی جائے گی.”
ایک بار پھر یہ ثابت ہو گیا ہے کہ لوک سبھا اور اسمبلی انتخابات میں استعمال rthe مشینوں فراڈ تھے. لہذا VVPAT لئے جا رہے ہیں. یہاں پھر تخم بی جے پی لوٹس ظاہر کرتا ہے جبکہ دیگر جماعتوں علامتوں دبایا رہے تھے. صرف کاغذی بیلٹ اصلی امیدواروں کا انتخاب کر سکتے ہیں. ایسے دنوں تک جمہوری اداروں ((مودی) کے قاتل ارے دن ہوں گے.
جمہوری اداروں کے قاتل کو روکنے کے لئے EVM پابندی (مودی) ان فراڈ مشینوں کی طرف سے منتخب مرکزی اور ریاستی حکومت کی تحلیل کا مطالبہ. بیلٹ پیپرز کے تازہ انتخابات کے لئے جاؤ.
بڑی تعداد میں مقدمات مندرجہ بالا موضوع پر سپریم کورٹ میں ای دائر کی جاسکتی ہے. معزز چیف جسٹس سپریم کورٹ / تخسوچت جنجاتی / او بی سی / اقلیتوں سمیت
جیوری کے ساتھ ساتھ کیس کا فیصلہ کرنے کے کالج کے نظام ہے کرنے کی درخواست
کرنا
محترمہ
مایاوتی بسپا تخسوچت ذات اگلے وزیراعظم بننے کے اہل بن گئے سے تعلق رکھتا
ہے جو یوپی اور سربراہ کے سابق وزیر اعلی کے بعد سے، جمہوری اداروں کے قاتل
وہ کاغذ کے ساتھ بھاری اکثریت کے ساتھ پنچایت انتخابات جیتا، جبکہ فراڈ
مشینوں کا استعمال کرتے ہوئے اپنی شکست دینے کی سازش ووٹ. دوبارہ
اسمبلی انتخابات میں ایک ہی فراڈ مشینوں کی طاقت اسپرشیتا کا ایک عمل ہے
جس میں آنے کے لئے ایک تخسوچت ذات محروم بسپا تحریک کو شکست دینے کا
استعمال کیا گیا. زیر
مظالم عمل جمہوری اداروں کے قاتلوں بک کیا ہے ہو جائے اور اس ملک کے پورے
بجٹ کا جرمانہ کی سزا دی اور ہمارے جدید آئین کے مطابق یکساں طور پر تمام
معاشروں کے درمیان اس ملک کی دولت تقسیم کرنے کی اس کو چالو کرنے کے لئے
محترمہ مایاوتی کے حوالے کر دیا جمہوریت کو بچانے کے لئے. PRESSTITUE میڈیا بھی ان کے تعصب کی رپورٹنگ کے لئے جرمانہ عائد کیا جانا چاہیے.
جب
تک ملک کے بیلٹ پی کے تازہ انتخابات کے لئے چلا جاتا ہے کالج اور جیوری کے
ہمراہ معزز چیف جسٹس کو بھی حسن معاشرت نہیں کرنے کے لئے ان کی دھوکہ دہی
مشینوں کی طرف سے منتخب تمام رہنماؤں ڈی پہچانتے احکامات کو منتقل کرنے کی
درخواست کی جا سکتی ہے
“The Chamcha Age (An Era of Stooges)” was written by Kanshi Ram,
and published by him on 24th Sept. 1982 on the occasion of 50th
anniversary of Poona Pact. It is dedicated to Mahatma Jyotirao Phule,
“whose initiation of cultural revolt in colonial India, later taken up
by Babasaheb Dr. B. R. Ambedkar,
Periyar E.V.Ramaswamy and many other rebellious spirits brought us to
this level where we are thinking, planning and struggling to put an end
to the ‘Chamcha Age’ and usher in ‘Bright Age’ for the Shudras and the
Ati-Shudras.”
In preface he says Chamcha Age started
from the Poona Pact giving Joint Electorates instead of Separate
Electorates. The purpose of book is to make Dalit Soshit Samaj of the
existence of Chamchas or stooges, and to awaken masses how to
differentiate between genuine and counterfeit leadership.
The book is divided into 4 parts and 17
chapters. The first two parts give information about past struggles,
part III depicts present situation and part IV suggests ways and means
of future struggle.
A Chamcha is an indigenous word for a stooge, or a tool, or an agent, who is operated by others for their own benefit. Gandhiji felt
necessity of Chamchas from 1939-32 onwards. A Chamcha is created to
oppose the real fighter, the genuine leader. While Dr. Ambedkar was
taking the untouchables of India from Dark Age to Bright Age, they
slipped aside into Chamcha Age. Gandhiji preferred two Chamchas through
joint electorate against one real representative through separate
electorate.
Part IV of the Book is titled “The Way
Out”, has 6 Chapters: It mostly outlines the struggle that is necessary
to fight Brahmanism. It has not only historical importance to understand
Kanshiram’s struggle, but also can enlighten us what is to be done in
future. It describes Dr. Ambedkar’s concept of Educate, Agitate,
Organise. Separate Settlements, Denunciation of Poona pact, and also his
three attempts to make the movement broad based, giving the excerpts
from Baba Saheb’s famous speech at S.C.Conference at Lucknow on
25.4.1948. Below reproduced is the entire Part IV, which is the main
Part, for future guidance. Hope it serves some useful purpose for those
who are rather nonconversant with Kanshiram’s philosophy.
To
His Excellency Hon’ble Pronob Mukherji
The President of India
Rashtrapati Bhawan
New Delhi,
Your Excellency,
The Scheduled Caste population in India is estimated to be 16.6% of the total population, and the Scheduled Tribes 8.6%. Thus the total SC/ST population is over 25% the Indian population.
The Supreme Court has a sanctioned strength of 31, and so proportionately there should be 7 or 8 SC/ST judges in the Supreme Court, but in fact there are none. Recently 5 judges were appointed to the Supreme Court, but none from the SC/ST category
This is gross injustice to the SC/STs who are a historically disadvantaged category.
Your Excellency, being the custodian of the Constitution and Head of State should immediately take steps to correct this great injustice to the SCs/STs.
Yours respectfully
Justice Markandey Katju
Former Judge, Supreme Court of India
Fremont, California, USA
11.3.2017
The Chief architect of our modern constitution is Dr BR Ambedkar. Not only 8 judges must be appointed but the Chief Justice office must have collegiate system with representatives from SC/STs/OBCs & minorities.Then there will justice in the cases of Reservation in promotions proportionately for all societies.
Status quo will be maintained in religious disputes.
The grave error of judgment to replace EVMs in a phased manner could be reverted and dissolve central and state governments selected by the fraud EVMs and go for fresh polls with paper ballots.
Submission
of a brief note on March 15, 2017 by the office-bearers of Karnataka and
Tamilnadu to the Honorable National President of Bahujan Samaj Party against
the havocs of Electronic Voting Machines being caused in the past and its potential
dangers in future
Respected
Behanji, Jaibheem Pranaam
1. We are not
presenting anything new as you have already exposed all the dangers related to
the use of EVMs. We are submitting some facts which we have already brought to
your notice in the past, based on the findings of Mr.
JagatheesanChandrashekharan, Sr. Manager, ARDC-HAL (Retd), who is a State
Committee member of BSP Karnataka State Unit.
2. More than 80
Developed countries of the world have discarded the use of EVMs. There are
veritable negative reports against EVMs from all over the world. Even Americans
who are partial to technological solutions have resisted the use of EVMs. But
these EVMs are being used in India in the pretext of preventing
election-related problems like booth capturing, forcible voting, rigging, etc.
There is no country in which EVMs have been welcomed so enthusiastically as
they have been in India. Why?
3. The manuvadi
parties such as Congress and BJP had no way to prevent the Bahujan Samaj voting
in favor of BSP. All their tricks have been failed in the past to fool the masses
who are growing politically conscious, but technically illiterate. Hence, these
corporate-funded manuvadi parties have resorted to EVMs to capture the votes of
Bahujan Samaj. They fully succeeded in their mission in India under the
leadership of Mr. Narendra Modi, a hand-picked man of national and
multinational corporate-fraudsters. Now the same multinational corporate-fraudsters
are contemplating the use of EVMs in other developing countries.
4. In 2012, Mr.
SubramanyaSwamy, after observing the extensive tampering of EVMs in favor of
Congress, had appealed to the Supreme Court to direct the Election Commission
to incorporate the system of paper trails in EVMs. Mr. Sampath, the then CEC,
suggested the use of paper audit trail machine or Voter Verified Paper Audit
Trail (VVPAT) in the General Election of 2014 itself. But the then Chief
Justice of India Mr.Sadasivamgave a disastrous judgment that the EVMs could be
replaced in a phased manner as the cost of replacement was too high (Rs. 1600
crores). As the result, the EVMs were replaced by VVPAT only in 8 LokSabha
constituencies in 2014 and which ultimately benefitted the BJP to capture
power. Similarly, the VVPATs are used only in 20 assembly constituencies in
2017 and the results are in front of our eyes to see. We had lost all the seats
in the General Election of 2014. However, it must be noted that in the
Panchayat elections of Uttar Pradesh held during Nov. 2015, more than 80% of
the seats were won by the BSP-supported candidates, because the Panchayat
Elections were conducted with paper ballot.
It
must be noted that Ex CJI Sadasivam has been appointed as the Governor of
Kerala, soon after his retirement, by the BJP Government as a reward for his great
service to them.
5. In February
2016, Chief Election Commissioner NasimZaidi said that the whole country would
be covered by VVPAT in the General Election of 2019 and the required funds
(over Rs.2000 crores) would be allotted by the Government in this regard.
However, his statement was not supported by the law and finance ministries. In
August 2016, the officials have said, “the manufacturers would not be in a
position to supply the quantity (over 22.50 lakh EVMs) indicated for the
current financial year due to time constraints”. It means, the General Election
of 2019 would also be conducted with the EVMs, which are fully vulnerable to
tampering. It is on this basis that Mr. Narendra Modi is boasting of winning
the General Election of 2019 hands down. The “paid” news channels and
newspapers are anyway there to create a bogus “Modi Wave” throughout the
country. If we allow this trend to continue, we will have anti-people
government by the corporate fraudsters to ruin the country in the coming
decade.
6. In the
background of great threat which is waiting for the democracy of India, we pray
our Hon’ble Leader Behanji to initiate a nation-wide agitation to “Ban EVMs,
Resort to Ballot Paper and Save Democracy”. The anti-democracy tide under the
stewardship of Mr.Narendra Modi could be successfully halted only by Behanji
and none other. We, as the devoted soldiers, are with Behanji to shoulder all
the responsibilities in this noble battle.
BJP was, is and will continue to distort,rig,tamper the EVM to win elections to have their permanent Ache din.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Vjl3DrhoWa8&t=7s खबरदार चुनाव जीतने के लिए भाजपा EVM से छेड़छाड़ कर सकती है | BJP may distort EMV to win election now with just 20 constituencies out of 403 constituencies the EVMs have been replaced with VVPAT
Once the BJP had referred the media as PRESSTITUTES while Napolean said
“I can face two battalions but not two scribes. After taking heavy
bribes form Modi, they support him. Otherwise he would send his IT teams
for the ride.
Apart from that, what may put the BJP at
disadvantage now is that the RSSised party has not projected any chief
ministerial candidate for the elections and has built its campaign
around Modi though majority seats were distributed to RSS cadres.The
voters have switched their loyalties in the present political scenario.
Moreover, DEMONetisation puts the BJP’s prospects in dark as one cannot
deny the fact that the people indeed faced problems post the November 8
decision to DEMONetise high-value currency. In addition, the BJP’s loss
at the hands of Nitish Kumar-led grand alliance in Bihar may also not go
in favour of the RSSised party in Uttar Pradesh as a section of the
voters here claim that the fight here is about development and not
RSSisation. Moreover, Mulayam and Congress president Sonia Gandhi
missing from the political scene may also benefit the BSP as traditional
voters may not impose their trust on the newly-formed alliance. What’s
more interesting is that the Samajwadi-Congress alliance and the BJP
have traded charges at each other in most of the election rallies and
not kept their focus on the BSP. This latest war of words between the
two camps may also go in Mayawati’s favour.
खबरदार चुनाव जीतने के लिए भाजपा EVM से छेड़छाड़ कर सकती है | BJP may distort EMV to win election
youtube.com
She
is not just Bahenji Mayawati but for the Sarvajan Samaj i.e., for all
societies she is Mother Maha mayawati of Prabuddha Bharath
1.Mr Negative Modi and a SC/ST opponent
2.Blood
pressure of Jathi Familywadi Parties (JFP) BJP,SP,Cong leaders has
risen sharply. By the time the elections get over, they will be
hospitalised.
3. After showing Achhe Din to the people, Modi is acting like Gabbar Singh of Sholay and says he wants to fight corruption and turned your hard earned money into paper. Now people will take revenge.
4. At Lucknow take a ride with Akhilesh’s “Kaam Bolta Hai” (Work Speaks) on the metro. Let’s see if it runs. 5. Thrown out out trash, Modi took the tainted leaders into the BJP.
6.Modi Congress ke logon se kehta hai: jabaan sambhaal kar rakho, warna mere paas aapki poori janampatri padi hui hai(hold your tongue, I have your entire horoscope).
7.For over past two years…Modi did not take out the janmapatri of Congress and gone ahead with it. 8. Rahul is the most joked about person on Google.
9.Modi likes to search Google and he does so in his past time…but he has failed in his functions …he will get a jolt from the results of these elections.
10.Uttar Pradesh does not need an outsider as an adopted son.
11. Discrimination is the biggest problem of UP. Brothers and sisters, if a ‘Kabristaan’ is constructed in a village, then the ‘shamshan ghat‘should also be set up in the village. If one gets electricity during Ramzan, then one should get electricity in Diwali also. If one gets electricity during
Holi, then one should get it during Eid also. Ghats for Buddhists also.
Electricity on Buddha Jayanti, If Rssies Shiva gets a statue so also
for Buddha. At the cost of Rs 3000 crores if a anti-reservation get a
statue, one must also for DR BR Ambedkar the chief Architect of our
Constitution. If RSSised Shivaji gets a state at a cost of Rs 3000
crores, Rs 1600 crores for replacing the entire EVMs that selected
Congress, SP and BJP to gobble the Master Key. 12. stop advertising for the donkeys of JFP.
13.The three “Shehzaades” (Princes) – Modi, Akhilesh and Rahul – are not interested in development. They have only looted the Centre and states in which they have been in power.
It is unfortunate that Priyanka Gandhi with Congress-SP alliance was seeking votes for those accused of “rape and murder”.
Jalaun, (Uttar Pradesh) [India] Feb. 19: Dubbing the Samajwadi
Party-Congress alliance as ‘corrupt’, Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) supremo
Mayawati on Sunday said people were aware of the misdoings of the
Akhilesh Yadav-led government and hence, must strive to remove
‘Jangalraj’ from the state.
“Under
the Samajwadi Party Government, only corruption could be seen. People
have suffered a lot. The party will now face the consequences in these
elections. The ‘Jangalraj’ will be removed,” Mayawati said, while
addressing a rally in Jalaun. She further said that incumbent Chief
Minister Akhilesh Yadav was the face of corruption and crime in the
state and by joining hands with the Congress, he has reinforced the
‘Jangalraj’ in the state.
“We are definitely going to win all the
seats in the elections. The BSP will form the government in Uttar
Pradesh with majority,” she added. Mayawati further said that the
opposition parties, especially the Samajwadi Party and the Bharatiya
Janata Party (BJP), were aware of their reputation in the state and
hence, were scared to disclose the chief ministerial candidate.
A
total of 61.16 percent voter turnout was recorded as voting ended in
the third phase of the ongoing assembly polls in Uttar Pradesh on
Sunday. With over 826 candidates from 105 political parties contesting
for 69 seats, polling began on Sunday morning for the crucial third
phase of the Uttar Pradesh Assembly Elections.
Dubbing
the Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance as ‘corrupt’, Bahujan Samaj Party
(BSP) supremo Mayawati on Sunday said people were aware of the
misdoings of…
Reserved seats not a given, Mayawati tells core voters don’t be misled
The Bilhaur constituency on the outskirts of Kanpur is reserved — but
for whom was the question Mayawati helicoptered down to answer last
week.
Thousands of blue-hatted supporters of the Bahujan Samaj
Party (BSP) sat in orderly rows, and blue and white flags fluttered in
the breeze, as Mayawati stood on a podium and urged voters to support
Kamlesh Diwakar, the BSP’s candidate for Bilhaur — one of 85 seats
earmarked for candidates from the historically oppressed Scheduled
Caste, community in Uttar Pradesh.
Yet much of Mayawati’s speech
was directed at UP’s Muslim minority, whose fear of a Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP) government inspired by Hindutva, she hoped, would push them
to vote BSP.
Infighting in the Samajwadi Party had divided their
core Yadav vote, said Mayawati. “So the minority community must give
their one-sided vote… only to the Bahujan Samaj Party, which has a
united SC/ST base vote and is best placed to defeat the BJP.” She added,
“Votes for the Samajwadi Party will not only be completely useless but
will end up favouring the BJP.”
SC/STs comprise the BSP’s most
ardent supporters, suggesting the party should do well in reserved seats
such as Bilhaur, but BSP supporters say that such seats are often the
hardest to win.
UP’s reserved seats show no decisive swing in
favour of the BSP, as per Election Commission data from 1996 to 2012. On
the contrary, in 2012, the BSP had a higher win rate in the general
constituencies. It won 20%, or 65 of 318, of the general seats, but 17%,
15 of 85, of the reserved seats.
“The irony is that in reserved
seats, the SC/ST vote is divided between candidates, so general castes
become the king-makers,” said Desh Raj Katihar, a BSP supporter from
Bilhaur. “No one can win UP with the support of just one community.”
BSP founder Kanshi Ram perceived a flaw in this system intended to
increase SC/ST political representation, contrasting it with the
provisions under the Communal Award of 1932 which granted separate
electorates for all sections of society – including SC/STs.
In
his book ‘The Age of the Chamchas: An Era of Stooges’, Kanshi Ram wrote,
“When the real leadership of the depressed classes become powerful… The
High Caste Hindus felt the necessity of setting chamchas against the
real leaders of the depressed classes.” In 2007, Mayawati fought off
her supposed chamcha opposition by stitching together an unlikely
coalition of SC/STs and Brahmins to outfox the SP’s OBC vote base. But
in 2012, a 3% swing in the vote share brought the SP back to power. Now
the BJP has sought to make inroads into sections of the SC/ST base,
which pushed her to speak of the atrocities committed on SC/STs by the
BJP’s upper caste base.
“The BJP is oppressing people in the name
of love jihad, cow-protection and nationalism,” she said. “When I saw
the Una flogging, I felt as if the blows were falling on my back.”
At her rally, Mayawati spoke with the steady assurance of a school
mistress, often repeating the same sentence several times to ensure her
message got through.
Kali Devi, a young woman pressed up against
the barricades erected in front of the stage, said, “The BJP broke our
backs, the SPs criminals harassed our women. Behenji (Mayawati) will
bring order; she will save us from these goons.”
In the crowd,
far from the stage, Ram Chandra Bharati contemplated his personal
political journey from a mosque-demolishing kar sevak to a local BSP
organiser. “The Babri Masjid fell before my eyes. Now, I believe that
the Muslims who stayed back in India deserve our love.”
Also
present was Bal Krishna Yadav, a farmer who joined the BSP in 2010.
Didn’t he support the SP’s Akhilesh Yadav? “I felt we should be
represented in all political forces,” he said somewhat mysteriously.
“The BSP doesn’t have enough Yadavs, so I thought I should join.”
As the rally drew to a close, Mayawati turned her attention to her core
SC/ST base. She reiterated her commitment to Dr BR Ambedkar’s mission,
spoke of the schemes she would restart once she regained power, and then
she looked up from her script and said, “Don’t be misled.” The crowd
responded with a roar. They knew what she meant. Bilhaur goes to polls
on February 19 in the third phase of the seven-phased UP elections.
Dalits
comprise the BSP’s most ardent supporters, suggesting the party should
do well in reserved seats such as Bilhaur, but BSP supporters say that
such seats are…
UP polls: People will send back ‘outsider’ and reinstall ‘UP ki beti’, says Mayawati
Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Friday hit back at Prime
Minister Narendra Modi, saying people of Uttar Pradesh have made up
their mind to send back the “outsider” and “adopted son from Gujarat”,
and reinstall the “UP ki beti” as chief minister.
Addressing a public meeting at Mewa Lal Ayodhya Prasad Gupta Memorial
College ground at Soraon in Allahabad, Mayawati urged people not to be
misled by the BJP and Modi’s tall promises.
A total of 19
assembly constituencies in Allahabad and Pratapgarh will go to the polls
on February 23, in the fourth of the seven-phase Uttar Pradesh assembly
election.
“Modi is saying that when the BJP comes to power, it
will waive loans of farmers in 14 days. I want to ask the PM, why loans
haven’t been waived in BJP-ruled states, particularly in Maharashtra,
where farmer suicides are the highest?” she asked.
Hitting out at
the Akhilesh Yadav-led Samajwadi Party government, she said “jungle
raj” has prevailed during the SP rule in the state.
“Whatever
development works have been carried out were actually initiated by the
BSP. The SP just changed the names of BSP schemes. Take the example of
the Samajwadi Pension Yojna which was (earlier) Mahamaya Pension Yojna,”
she claimed.
Mayawati promised cakes, milk and fruits in primary
schools instead of poor quality pre-cooked food as part of the mid-day
meal scheme. She also promised strict quality control.
Announcing
a plan to set up a commission for redressing grievances of traders if
voted to power, Mayawati also promised an inquiry in all government
recruitments during SP rule.
She also promised land pattas (lease) for the poor and said land grabbers will be sent to jail.
She claimed that the SP government’s performance was contrary to the
ruling party’s slogan of “Kaam bolta hai” (work speaks). It’s actually
“kaam kam apradh bolta hain” (work speaks less, crimes reveal more), she
said.
Mayawati said innocent people, who were jailed over issues
related to caste and religion, will be released and farmers will get
their pending payments.
She said that under her government,
youths will be given financial assistance and jobs instead of laptops
and smartphones. She also promised to waive farmer loans of up to Rs 1
lakh when in power.
Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) chief Mayawati on Friday hit back at Prime Minister
Narendra Modi, saying people of Uttar Pradesh have made up their mind to
send…
The policemen accompanying Mayawati wielded Kalashikovs, but at her
rally on the outskirts of Kanpur, the Bahujan Samajwadi Party supremo
was surrounded by her own security cordon overseen by a private tutor
for mathematics, a teenaged college student in a pink overcoat, and a
phalanx of construction workers, rickshaw pullers, cleaning ladies, and
farm labourers.
The Bahujan Volunteer Force (BVF) comprises
thousands of BSP cadres across Uttar Pradesh who are tasked with
ensuring security at the party’s public programmes. They come from all
walks of life, and are ready – at a moment’s notice – to slip on a blue
and white uniform and report for duty. Their work, as the BVF’s name
suggests, is voluntary.
“When the BSP went from village to
village in the 1980s, party meetings were often attacked by upper
castes,” said Dr Ajay Kumar, who wrote his PhD on the BSP, “The BVF was
set up to protect party workers during campaigning.” BSP workers were
also wary of UP police, which is drawn predominantly from dominant
castes.
Since then, the BVF has gradually acquired the
bureaucratic trappings of any force: BVF district commanders wear three
stars on their shirt epaulettes, Vidhan Sabha commanders wear two stars,
while their juniors wear one.
At Shivarajpur, 750 BVF personnel
fanned out across the rally grounds to direct crowds, cordon off a
separate arena for woman, and ensure that the crowd of several thousand
dispersed in an orderly fashion.
“The police speak harshly to our
people. We are here to reassure our people while also providing
security, ” said Sobran Singh, CO Kanpur for the BVF, “Everyone in the
party wants to be close to Behenji, but we actually get to accompany
her.”
On days when he isn’t on duty, 48-year-old Singh works as a
private tutor for high school mathematics and accounts, while his
deputy, 20-year-old Saurabh Gautam, is still in college. “In our spare
time, we also canvas for the party,” Gautam said, “Our work never
stops.”
The organisation has also become a way for young Dalit
women to escape the confines of their homes and forge new lives and
friendships.
“As a child I was always scared of stepping out of
my door,” said Kumari Savitri, an 18-year-old college student who joined
the BVF last year, “But the BVF has given me confidence. If Behenji
could go from village to village like a young girl, then why can’t I?”
Personal safety, Savitri said, was the single most important issue for
UP’s women. “My dream is for a UP without fear,” she said.
BSP
campaigns have long been distinguished by their seemingly low-key
nature. The rallies are meant as a show of strength to convince
dithering voters of the party’s electability and broad-based support,
but most the work occurs through BSP affiliates like the BVF.
“We
assign 15 workers to each booth,” said a senior BSP functionary, “and
give each worker a target of bringing in 20 votes from friends and
family, which makes it 300 votes per booth.”
The average Vidhan
Sabha has 300 to 400 booths, which means a target of 90,000 to 1,20,000
votes per constituency from the cadre. “We tell the candidate – you get
10,000 votes, we’ll get you the rest,” the organizer said.
The BVF’s cadres are drawn from diverse backgrounds, making it ideally placed to influence followers.
BVF members, Virendra Kumar Gautam and Ram Chandra Gautam work as
construction worker in Kanpur, but devote a few hours of his week to
attend BVF meetings. They said their distinctive uniforms make their
fellow workers curious about the BSP.
“It is a matter of pride to
wear this uniform,” Virendra said, “People ask us about it, so we tell
about the work done by the party.”
“I wash dirty vessels for a
living,” said a BVF volunteer who declined to give her name, “But my
personal life doesn’t matter. What matters is that I wear this uniform,
and work for my community.”
Modi is ‘Mr Negative SC/ST Man’, Mayawati hits back
Perturbed at the rising popularity of the BSP, Modi is indulging in
cheap things and indulging in petty talk about its supreme leader
Mayawati is popularly known as ‘Behenji’.
Modi will get a tit-for-tat reply he will forget all about it and today I have been compelled to do the same for ..
Hitting back, Mayawati said, “He (Modi) does not know that BSP is a
movement first and then a political party….I have dedicated my entire
life for making members of SC/ST, deprived and weaker sections and
Muslims stand on their feet.”
Launching a personal attack on the
prime minister, Mayawati said, “Unlike him I have not got married…he
had got married and later left his wife, which is another thing….and I
have only worked for the deprived sections of society.”
“It is
because of this dedication that people among the weaker sections do not
consider me only as a leader but a big ’sampatti’ (asset) for the
movement,” Mayawati said.
“He is giving a wrong definition of
BSP…he does not know that deprived and weaker sections consider me as a
big wealth of bahujan samaj who has given up her entire life for their
progress,” she said.
“This SC ke beti does not lack in anything and if he defined the BSP wrongfully, she is two steps ahead of him,” she said.
Explaining the money deposited in her party’s bank account, the BSP
supremo said, “Three months ago, a membership drive was run in the
country when there was no ban on Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes. Party men
converted small donations into big notes for bringing it to Delhi for
depositing in banks. It was that money which was deposited in the bank.”
“BJP did not know that Rs 100 crore collected from all over the country
was deposited and suddenly their eyes popped out and they asked from
where it has come. Had it been black money, why would it have been
deposited in banks?” she asked.
“They (BJP) do not like that BSP
is fighting the elections with the help of small donations. They do not
like that SC ke beti campaigns in helicopter. Their intention was to
make BSP turn bankrupt,” Mayawati said.
“You consider me as your leader, devi, bhagwan, asset… there is no difference between devi and asset,” she said.
“In Orai, what Modi said was very sad. He said that there is Rs 100
crore in BSP account. But, before saying so, they should introspect as
to how much money was deposited in their accounts earlier, before
pointing fingers at others,” she said.
“But, Mr SC/ST Negative Man is not ready to do so,” she said.
“I have given the definition of Modi of my country taking into consideration his work, behaviour and policy,” Mayawati said.
She said that the polling of three phases have made Modi so nervous
that he was making all sorts of allegations against the political
opponents.
“It
is because of this dedication that people among the weaker sections do
not consider me only as a leader but a big ’sampatti’ (asset) for the
movement,”…
Several things come to my mind about fekuji slogans. BJP : Bahuth Jiyadha Paapis, Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths 1. Bharathiya JUTTA PARTY. 2. B Joker Party. 3. B JUMLA party. 4. B JUNGLEE PARTY ( Jungal Raj fame). 5 B. JAPPA PARTY.
BJP (Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths) remotely controlled by just 1%
intolerant, militant, shooting, lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded
chitpawan brahmin psychopaths of RSS (Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks ) for their
stealth, shadowy, discriminatory hindutva cult rashtra are themselves
the top terrorists of the world.
America enlisted RSS in one of the Biggest Terrorist Organisation in the World
A US-based risk management and consulting company has put the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its category of ‘Threat Group’ and called it
“a shadowy, discriminatory group that seeks to establish a hndutva cult
rashtra.”
Terrorism Watch & Warning provides intelligence,
research, analysis, watch and warning on international terrorism and
domestic terrorism related issues; and is operated by OODA Group LLC
that helps clients identify, manage, and respond to global risks and
uncertainties while exploring emerging opportunities and developing
robust and adaptive strategies for the future.
The RSS was
banned in 1948 following the assassination of Mahatma Gandhi by an
chitpawan brahmin as the owners of RSS member, Nathuram Godse.
Violence as ‘Group Activities’ for the RSS, “Violence has been a
strategy for the Sangh movement against minority groups. Stealth shadowy
discriminatory hindutva cult has been clear about the need for
violence, particularly communal riots. The Sangh has incited rioting to
cause further chasms between religions, and thus a further separation of
religions, and to rally the Hindu community around the philosophy of
hindutva cult.”
The Terrorism Watch & Warning database
contains over 1,00,000 Open source intelligence (OSINT) excerpts from
1999 to present on terrorism and security related issues, attack
database of over 10,000 attacks, original terrorism analysis, terrorism
document repository, Homeland Security Fact Sheets and profiles over 500
Terrorist/Threat Groups.
KOLKATA: Claiming that the activists of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh
(RSS) have been indicted in at least 13 terror cases across India,
former Maharashtra inspector general of police S M Mushrif on Thursday
described the BJP’s ideological mentor as India’s number one terrorist
organisation.
“RSS activists have been chargesheeted in at least
13 cases of terror acts in which RDX has been used. If organisations
like Bajrang Dal are taken into the account, then the number of such
cases goes up to 17,” Mushrif said at an event in Kolkata.
“The
RSS is India’s number one terrorist organisation, there is no doubt on
this,” said Mushrif, referring to the 2007 Mecca Masjid bombing in
Hyderabad, the 2006 and 2008 Malegaon blasts in Maharashtra and the 2007
Samjhauta Express bombings among others.
During elections they
attempt to provoke violence by raking up issues such as Triple Talaq,
Removal of reservation, RSSIse Ram Temple, RSSised anti-reservationist
Sardar patel statue and RSSised Shivaji statue costing Rs 3000 crores
each.But not for replacing the entire EVMs which costs Rs 1600 crores
according to ex CEC Sampath because of which the ex CJI had committed a
grave error of judgement by ordering that the EVMs should be replaced in
a phased manner. Only 8 out of 543 lok Sabha 2014 were replaced. This
helped Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) to gobble the Master
Key. Henve without any fear he is indulging in issues like the
DEMONItisation anti reservation etc., The present CEC says taht
only in 2019 the entire EVMs will be replaced. Till such time he never
ordered for Ballot Papers to be used which helped BSP of Ms Mayawati ti
win majority seats in UP Panchayat elections.
It is the duty of
all people for democracy, liberty, freedom, equality and fraternity as
enshrined in our Modern Constitution including the present CJI to
dissolve all Central and State governments selected by these fraud EVMs
and go for fresh elections with Ballot Papers till entire EVMs were
replaced.
And to initiate legal action on BJP and RSS for their terrorist activities.And also ban these outfits.
A
US-based risk management and consulting company has put the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) in its category of ‘Threat Group’ and called it
“a…
assam123.com
“Both JFP of them want to create an environment of fear in the state for
votes. Modi and Shah are terrorists. All are creating terror in
our democracy.
“The JFP knows they are losing the UP polls and they will perform worse
than even in Bihar.
Modi and the BJP national president have been attacking the BSP in their campaign rallies.
JFP governments were discriminating among people on the basis of religion and caste.
The SP leader today said Shah “used to terrorise voters” from the dais
and many times its own workers “get afraid of him due to his
behaviour”.
BJP has reacted sharply to the “intemperate language” of the leader.
“It is JFP’s frustration and people of UP will punish them for
such intemperate language.
R Muniappa Karnataka BSP Vice President on Mahathma Jotiba Phule on 19-2-2017 at Chamarajpet Bangalore
Jyotirao
Phule was a prominent social reformer and thinker of the nineteenth
century. He led the movement against the prevailing caste-restrictions.
He revolted against the domination of the Brahmins and struggled for the
rights of peasants and other downtrodden people. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule
was also a pioneer for women education and fought for education of girls
throughout his life. He is believed to be the first Hindu to start an
orphanage for the unfortunate children.
Childhood & Early Life
Jyotirao Govindrao Phule was born in Satara district of Maharastra in
1827. His father, Govindrao was a vegetable-vendor at Poona. Jyotirao’s
family belonged to ‘mali’ caste and their original title was ‘Gorhay’.
Malis were considered as an inferior caste by the Brahmins and were
shunned socially. Jyotirao’s father and uncles served as florists, so
the family came to be known as `Phule’. Jyotirao’s mother passed away
when he was just nine months old.
Jyotirao was an intelligent boy but due to the poor financial condition
at home, he had to stop his studies at an early age. He started helping
his father by working on the family’s farm. Recognising the talent of
the child prodigy, a neighbour persuaded his father to send him to
school. In 1841, Jyotirao got admission in the Scottish Mission’s High
School, Poona, and completed his education in 1847. There, he met
Sadashiv Ballal Govande, a Brahmin, who remained his close friend
throughout his life. At the age of just thirteen years, Jyotirao was
married to Savitribai.
Social Movements
In 1848, an incident sparked off Jyotiba’s quest against the social
injustice of caste discrimination and incited a social revolution in the
Indian society. Jyotirao was invited to attend the wedding of one of
his friends who belonged to an upper cast Brahmin family. But at the
wedding the relatives of the bridegroom insulted and abused Jyotiba when
they came to know about his origins. Jyotirao left the ceremony and
made up his mind to challenge the prevailing caste-system and social
restrictions. He made it his life’s work to hammer away tirelessly at
the helms of social majoritarian domination and aimed at emancipation of
all human beings that were subjected to this social deprivation.
After reading Thomas Paine’s famous book ‘The Rights of Man’, Jyotirao
was greatly influenced by his ideas. He believed that awakenment of the
women and lower caste people was the only solution to combat the social
evils.
Efforts Towards Women Education
Jyotiba’s quest for providing women and girls with right to education
was supported by his wife Savitribai Phule. One of the few literate
women of the time, Savitribai was taught to read and write by her
husband Jyotirao.
In 1851, Jyotiba established a girls’ school and asked his wife to teach
the girls in the school. Later, he opened two more schools for the
girls and an indigenous school for the lower castes, especially for the
Mahars and Mangs.
Jyotiba realised the pathetic conditions of widows and established an
ashram for young widows and eventually became advocate of the idea of
Widow Remarriage.
Around his time, society was a patriarchal and the position of women was
especially abysmal. Female infanticide was a common
He occurrence and so was child marriage, with children sometimes being
married to men much older. These women often became widows before they
even hit puberty and were left without any family support. Jyotiba was
pained by their plight and established an orphanage in 1854 to shelter
these unfortunate souls from perishing at the society’s cruel hands.
Efforts
Towards Elimination of Caste Discrimination
Jyotirao attacked the orthodox Brahmins and other upper castes and
termed them as “hypocrites”. He campaigned against the authoritarianism
of the upper caste people and urged the “peasants” and “proletariat” to
defy the restrictions imposed upon them.
He opened his home to people from all castes and backgrounds. He was a
believer in gender equality and he exemplified his beliefs by involving
his wife in all his social reform activities. He believed that religious
icons like Rama are implemented by the Brahmin as a means for
subjugating the lower caste.
The orthodox Brahmins of the society were furious at the activities of
Jyotirao. They blamed him for vitiating the norms and regulations of the
society. Many accused him of acting on behalf of the Christian
Missionaries. But Jyotirao was firm and decided to continue the
movement. Interestingly, Jyotirao was supported by some Brahmin friends
who extended their support to make the movement successful.
Satya Shodhak Samaj
In 1873, Jyotiba Phule formed the Satya Shodhak Samaj (Society of
Seekers of Truth). He undertook a systematic deconstruction of existing
beliefs and history, only to reconstruct an equality promoting version.
Jyotirao vehemently condemned the Vedas, the ancient holy scriptures of
the Hindus. He traced the history of Brahmanism through several other
ancient texts and held the Brahmins responsible for framing the
exploitative and inhuman laws in order to maintain their social
superiority by suppressing the “shudras” and “atishudras” in the
society. The purpose of the Satya Shodhak Samaj was to decontaminate the
society from caste discrimination and liberate the oppressed
lower-caste people from the stigmas inflicted by the Brahmins. Jyotirao
Phule was the first person to coin the term ‘SC/STs’ to apply to all
people considered lower caste and untouchables by the Brahmins.
Membership to the Samaj was open to all irrespective of caste and class.
Some written records suggest that they even welcomed participation of
Jews as members of the Samaj and by 1876 the ‘Satya Shodhak Samaj’
boasted of 316 members. In 1868, Jyotirao decided to construct a common
bathing tank outside his house to exhibit his embracing attitude towards
all human beings and wished to dine with everyone, regardless of their
caste.
Death
Jyotiba Phule devoted his entire life for the liberation of untouchables
from the exploitation of Brahmins. Apart from being a social activist
and reformer, he was also a businessman. He was also a cultivator and
contractor for the Municipal Corporation. He served as Commissioner of
the Poona Municipality between 1876 and 1883.
Jyotiba suffered a stroke in 1888 and was rendered paralyzed. On 28
November, 1890, the great social reformer, Mahatma Jyotirao Phule,
passed away.
Legacy
Perhaps the biggest legacy of Mahatma Jyotirao Phule is the thought
behind his perpetual fight against social stigma that are enormously
relevant still. In the nineteenth century, people were used to accepting
these discriminatory practices as social norm that needed to be
enforced without question but Jyotiba sought to change this
discrimination based on caste, class and colour. He was the harbinger of
unheard ideas for social reforms. He started awareness campaigns that
ultimately inspired the likes of Dr. B.R. Ambedkar and Mahatma Gandhi,
stalwarts who undertook major initiatives against caste discrimination
later.
Commemoration
A biography of Jyotiba was penned by Dhananjay Keer in 1974 titled,
‘Mahatma Jyotibha Phule: Father of Our Social Revolution’. The Mahatma
Phule Museum in Pune was set-up in honour of the great reformer. The
Government of Maharashtra introduced the Mahatma Jyotiba Phule
Jeevandayeeni Yojana which is a cashless treatment scheme for poor. A
number of statues of the Mahatma have been erected as well as several
street names and educational institutes have been rechristened with his
name – eg. Crawford Market in Mumbai is rechristened as Mahatma Jyotiba
Phule Mandai and the Maharashtra Krishi Vidyapeeth at Rahuri, Maharshtra
was renamed Mahatma Phule Krishi Vidyapeeth.
Lakshmi Gopinath Karnataka BSP Head Quarters In-Charge on
Who is Savitribai Phule?
What
did she do for women’s rights ?
Phule also worked to abolish discrimination and unfair treatment of
people based on caste and gender.
At a time when people hardly identified the grievances of women in
India, Savitribai Phule along with her husband stood up to fight the
injustice against women.
Savitribai Jyotirao Phule, born on 3 January 1831, was a social reformer
and poet. She played an important role in fighting for women’s rights
in India during British rule and is described as “one of the
first-generation modern Indian feminists”.
Phule along with her husband founded the first women’s school at Bhide
Wada in Pune in 1848.
The child bride who stood up against discrimination
Born into a family of farmers in Naigaon, Maharashtra, she was married
to 12-year-old Jyotirao Phule at the age of nine.
The practice of child marriage was prevalent in the 19th century and
since the mortality rate was high at the time, many young girls often
became widows even before attaining puberty.
Such widows used to shave their heads, wear a simple red sari and live a
life of austerity. It was Savitribai who decided to stand up against
this practice and organized a strike against the barbers in order to
persuade them to stop shaving the heads of the widow.
She noticed the plight of women who after falling prey to sexual
exploitation, and becoming pregnant, either committed suicide or killed
the newborn due to fear of banishment by the society. To cater to such
women she opened a care center for pregnant rape victims and helped
deliver their children.
The care center was called “Balhatya Pratibandhak Griha” (Infanticide
prohibition house).
Challenging the casteist patriarchy
Phule also worked to abolish discrimination and unfair treatment of
people based on caste and gender.
She found the treatment of the untouchables problematic and opened a
well in her house in 1868 so that, people who were refused drinking
water by the upper caste can use it.
She died while taking care of the patients suffering during the
worldwide Third Pandemic of the bubonic (bacterial infection) plague.
Online Positive Universal Prabuddha Intellectuals Convention.
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குடியிருப்பு
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