Sarvajan Hitay Sarvajan Sukhay-For The Gain of The Many and For The Welfare of The Many
Two-in-one travel offer
Hong Kong combines a bustling city and a picturesque, verdant outback
Photo: S. Ganesan
EXPLORE THE BEYOND At Hong Kong
There is a much to explore in Hong Kong’s vibrant city centre, but much more to discover in places beyond — sprawling hills, verdant woodland and golden beaches in the outlying islands.
Pack in a day of outdoor fun at the island retreats where glistening waterfalls dive into steep, wooded ravines. Sandy bays are sheltered by rugged headlands lined with ancient trails. Wildlife sanctuaries are now complemented by the new Hong Kong Wetland Park. In this compact city, visitors can combine hiking and dining, and sightseeing and shopping, in one day.
Most visitors to Lantau, the biggest island in Hong Kong, catch a ferry from Central. During the first few minutes the ferry navigates the congested Victoria Harbour, but you get a view of Kowloon and Hong Kong Island’s famous skyline. Disembarking at the laid-back Mui Wo (also known as Silvermine Bay), you’ll find a hotel beside a sandy beach and in the valley behind, a picturesque waterfall. A 15-minute ride along this picturesque coastal road brings you to Cheung Sha, home to Hong Kong’s longest stretch of sand. Half of Lantau has been set aside as country park. Along the coast of Lantau at Penny’s Bay, is Hong Kong’s very own Disneyland.
In Tai O, a fishing village, with its many houses perched on stilts above the water, and the disused saltpans beyond the village point to one source of Tai O’s former wealth.
Just offshore, Sha Chau and Lung Kwu Chau Marine Park is home to some of Asia’s most exceptional wildlife. At Po Lin Monastery of Ngong Ping island is the 26-metre high, 202-tonne Buddha.
The Hong Kong Tourism Board (HKTB) has also introduced eco-oriented fun tours.
For details log onto www.discover
Cleartrip offers free fuel worth Rs. 1,000 when you book a weekend getaway to the nearest destination with Cleartrip for Deepavali.
Those interested can book their trips on cleartrip.com or by calling 1800225327 and pick up the gift voucher for the free petrol. These vouchers, say the organisers, can be redeemed against Xtra mile petrol or Xtra premium diesel at Indian Oil fuel stations across the country. This offer, add the makers, is valid only for the first 1,500 customers.
Monday, November 05, 2007
THIRU T.R. BAALU APPROVES ROAD REPAIR WORKS IN UTTAR PRADESH
The Union Minister of Shipping, Road Transport and Highways, Thiru T.R. Baalu has approved a sum of Rs. 3122.22 lakh for road improvement work in the State of Uttar Pradesh.
An amount of Rs. 1028.32 lakh has been approved for the work of widening and strengthening of existing single-lane carriageway to two-lane carriageway at Km 145.0 to km 158.040 of NH-76. An amount of Rs. 994.05 lakh has also been approved at km. 89.600 to km. 102.0 of the same highway. NH-76 is an important Highway which connects tourist places of international importance such as Khajuraho, Chitrakoot and Allahabad. The stretches have developed undulations due to heavy loaded traffic and inadequate crust thickness. Therefore, the proposal for improvement of these stretches has been approved.
Thiru Baalu has also approved an amount of Rs. 778.65 lakh for the work of improvement of Riding Quality from km 51.0 to 74.0 of NH-86. This highway starts from industrial town of Kanpur in UP and terminates at Sagar in Madhya Pradesh passing through Hamirpur, Mahoba and Chhatarpur.
Further, an amount of Rs. 321.20 lakh has been sanctioned for the work of strengthening the road at km 477.0 to 484.0 of NH-76E. This important highway connects holy place of Vindhyachal Sidhpeeth to the major cities of UP such as Lucknow, Kanpur, Varanasi and Allahabad. The present condition of the road is not satisfactory and causing inconvenience to the road users, Therefore, the proposal to improve the NH stretch has been approved.
Monday, November 05, 2007
Maya’s elephant to enter Gujarat, target Modi
The elephant is ready for the Gujarat election battle.
BSP chief Mayawati has announced that her party, like in Himachal Pradesh, will go it alone and contest all 182 Assembly seats.
In the 2002 Gujarat elections, Mayawati — who was the Uttar Pradesh chief minister then — had campaigned for Narendra Modi. But this time she has changed sides — the chief minister is her target. The BSP slogan says it all: Haathi nahi Gajraj hai, Modi ka Yamraj hai (It’s not an elephant… It is the messenger of Modi’s death).
Mayawati is hoping her party will change the usual bi-polar fight — between the BJP and the Congress — to a three-cornered one. But BJP leaders say the BSP’s campaign will harm the Congress more than their party even though Mayawati is targeting Modi. Party general secretary Arun Jaitley believes it would affect the Congress’ traditional voters.
The party’s maiden entry can only split the anti-BJP votes, more so because its state unit is led by former BJP dissident Nalin Bhatt.
With Bhatt at the helm of affairs in Gujarat, the BSP is hoping to replicate Uttar Pradesh’s “social engineering” experiment that helped it storm to power there.
Bhatt, who has been made party general secretary for Gujarat, told HT that the BSP is not bothered about cutting into any party’s bank. He said the party had polled 3 lakh votes in the 20 Lok Sabha seats it contested in 2004.
The BSP insists its main fight is with the Congress as Modi would finish “third” thanks to BJP’s internal quarrels, coupled with the effect of the Tehelka sting on post-Godhra riots.
Senior BSP leader Gandhi Azad claims the “message” from Uttar Pradesh — the unity of upper castes and Dalits — has reached all corners of the country and Gujarat could not be an exception. He said though there has been development under the BJP rule, it has only helped “Modi and Modi company”.
He was not apologetic about Mayawati’s campaign for Modi in 2002 and said at that time, the BJP leadership that was supporting her government in Uttar Pradesh had requested her to campaign. “In fact, Mayawati’s campaigning helped the BJP gain two-third majority,” he told PTI.
Online edition of India’s National Newspaper
Monday, Nov 05, 2007
BSP to contest all seats in Gujarat
Wants to try the Uttar Pradesh formula
NEW DELHI: The Bahujan Samaj Party will contest all 182 Assembly seats in Gujarat to offer a “third alternative” in the State.
Like in Uttar Pradesh, the BSP wants to woo Brahmins to add to its Dalit voter support base. A BSP leader here said the party wanted to try out this formula in Gujarat too — its slogan would be “universal brotherhood” transcending the caste barrier.
Speaking to The Hindu, Gandhi Azad, the leader in-charge of the party’s campaign in Gujarat, said the BSP was confident of being the front runner as the people of the State were tired of the “divide and rule” policy of the Bharatiya Janata Party and the Congress.
They were looking for an alternative that offered social harmony and development on all fronts and for every one.
The party, he said, would contest all the seats and adopt the same strategy in ticket distribution as done in Uttar Pradesh.
The candidates would be a mix of upper castes, dalits, backwards and minorities. Each community would get its share of ticket in accordance with the level of its preparedness in facing the election, he said.
Rejecting a suggestion that the presence of BSP in the fray could benefit the BJP, he said that on the contrary, it would benefit people. Both Congress and BJP were playing the politics of divide and rule for the past 60 years and only the rich had benefited. The poor remained where they were.
“Adivasis continue to suffer from suppression and oppression. Conservancy workers continue to carry night soil on their hand. We want to change all that. We want to take power to the doorsteps of people”.
The message of Uttar Pradesh, he said, had reached every nook and corner of the country and Gujarat was no exception.
Last Gujarat polls
Asked about the last Assembly elections in Gujarat, when BSP leader and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Mayawati had campaigned for the BJP, Mr. Azad said the situation was different.
News as and when it happens, right away.
Caste, not communal, card will dominate Gujarat
Ahmedabad, Nov 4 (IANS) Caste, and not communal issues, will dominate the coming assembly elections in Gujarat in contrast to what happened five years ago, says social scientist and social activist Achyut Yagnik.
And this is bound to pose a major challenge to the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) that has ruled the state for more than a decade, said Yagnik, a veteran observer of Gujarati society.
'Caste has acquired a new meaning as compared to the earlier times. This has led to identity politics acquiring a different form,' Yagnik told IANS in an interview.
To substantiate his view, he gave examples of several caste specific events that have been organised in the last few months in the state in which more political representation was sought on the basis of caste.
He said that it was perhaps for the first time in Gujarat that more than 100,000 Brahmins came together in Rajkot in September.
'Political leaders across the party lines shared the platform. Attending the meeting were Suresh Mehta, the dissident BJP leader from Kutch, and also Nalin Bhatt, now the face of the BSP (Bahujan Samaj Party) in the state. The Brahmins aired the demand for 30 seats for their community in the assembly,' said Yagnik.
Yagnik's latest book is 'The Shaping of Modern Gujarat: Plurality, Hindutva and Beyond'. He authored it along with Suchitra Sheth, an alumni of the Ahmedabad-based National Institute of Design. Gujarat will see elections Dec 11 and 16.
Yagnik said that a couple of months ago the Prajapatis, a caste mainly into the vocation of pottery, had also organised a meet on similar lines in Surat and had turned up in strength to seek more political representation.
'There was a Patel meet in Rajkot. Earlier, only Patels were known to have organised such meets. Now even the tribal events are being organised on similar lines. For example, the Gamits and Choudharies have held events on caste or group lines.'
This, Yagnik said, had led to a contradiction when seen from the viewpoint of the votaries of Hindutva.
'Earlier there were talks in terms of one Hindu society. Now it is on the basis of caste. Hence, Hindutva is becoming meaningless.
'Earlier people used to raise issues through various Sangh Parivar outfits like Kisan Sangh,' he said, referring to groups linked to the Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS). 'Now the channels have changed, the demands are being aired on the platform of caste. This is a real challenge for the BJP.'
This, Yagnik reasoned, is why Chief Minister Narendra Modi was adopting a multi-pronged approach in his campaign speeches.
'He now talks not only of Hindutva but also of good governance, development and criticises the central government for its failure to check inflation and raises the issues of internal security. Incidentally, he attacks only the Congress and not the other allies of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA).'
Just five years ago, it had seemed in Gujarat that only Hindu religious consciousness would matter. And it did play a key role in helping Modi to lead the BJP to a thumping win in the December 2002 assembly elections.
The social scientist is of the opinion that the politics of caste has seen a considerable change from the formulation of the KHAM (Kshatriya-Harijan-Adivasi-Muslim) strategy by the Congress in the 1980s.
With the Congress playing according to the rules of the KHAM strategy, the Patels - forming a socially, politically and economically dominant caste in the state - moved away from the Congress.
Yagnik asserts that the Patels see themselves as the backbone of the BJP in the state. This was also the case with the Koli community that had been weaned away from the Congress by Shankarsinh Vaghela when he was state BJP president.
He says that today the equations were again undergoing a change. The Kolis are divided in their support to the BJP since Vaghela is now a face of the Congress in Gujarat.
Similarly, With Keshubhai Patel leading a dissident movement against Modi, a majority of Leuva Patels (sect of Patels to which Keshubhai belongs) are now ranged against Modi and the BJP.
'However, the Kadwa Patels are still with Modi along with some of the Aanjna Patels. So it will be a very interesting situation once the poll process gets under way,' said Yagnik.
Naxal Terror Watch
This Blog monitors all terror activities of Indian Naxals ie., PWG (Peoples War Group) and Government policies to tackle naxal menace . PWG’s current goal is to destablize India and Sub-Continent by a well coordinated strategy with the help of international revolutionaries and covert support from Pakistan and China .
Left With an Alternative
M.J. Akbar, email@example.com
The Indian left is much larger than its most visible face, the Communist Party of India (Marxist). It is split three ways, each currently pointing in three directions. The CPM, CPI and their smaller partners represent the institutional-democratic element. The Naxalites, or Maoists, are the unstructured, undemocratic but increasingly potent dimension.
The recognized parties are restricted to one large, one medium and one small state. There is reasonable dispute over the true strength of the Naxalites. Some argue that many state governments are too eager to declare some of their districts Naxalite-infested because this translates into nonbudgetary assistance from the center to curb the “Naxalite menace” in the name of that variable virtue called “law and order”. But even if the Naxalites are not as powerful in the claimed 170 districts, there is no doubt about their influence in over 80 districts — sufficient to direct the course of the vote if they choose to do so. The Naxalites do not have a coordinated view on important issues, but it may be relevant to note that they were the first political force in the broad opposition spectrum to take an unambiguous view of the Indo-US nuclear deal. They rejected it comprehensively. We do not know if this will be reflected in the elections within those 80-odd constituencies, but it might if, as seems likely, the nuclear deal becomes a central focus of the next general elections.
A third aspect of the left base goes largely unrecognized because it is not obvious. This is the vote that would have gone to the left, if the left had existed on the electoral map of that region. This is the “poor” or “ garibi” vote that once automatically went to the Nehru-Indira Gandhi Congress, but which no longer recognizes the party. Congress sensitivity is so heavily magnetized by the Sensex that it has no space for any parallel reality. This vote has switched twice, in the north, to regional parties. The first time it did so was in 1967; the second time was after 1989. The patterns in the south followed a different course, but there too the vote has shifted or swung between the Congress and regional parties.
The latest beneficiary of this phenomenon has been Mayawati’s Bahujan Samaj Party. There are two reasons why the BSP could break out from the limits of provincial success. Its core base, the Dalit, is spread across the country. The Dalits and Muslims constitute the only powerful nationwide vote blocs. Other vote blocs may be national in their sentiment, but they are not nationwide in their presence. There is also great overlap between the Dalit, Muslim and “poverty” identities. If Mayawati can harmonize and then mobilize these identities, she can extend her UP numbers into a much larger calculus.
Mayawati is essentially occupying the space left vacant by an absent left. This is why she cannot make much headway in the states where the left is entrenched. Alternatively, she succeeds handsomely where the Congress has ebbed.
What are the chances of a left crumble, if not collapse, in the next general elections?
Kerala is a seesaw, so the Marxists cannot hope to repeat their success of 2004. They will succeed, however, in tiny Tripura, because they have delivered on the two basics of good governance: Distributive economic growth and social harmony.
Uncharacteristically, the CPM has fumbled on both counts in the critical state of Bengal. While Nandigram may continue to dominate the headlines, Bengal’s Marxists should be equally worried by the riots against ration shops in their heartland constituencies, like Birbhum. Food riots destroyed the Congress before 1967, and they will eat into Marxist margins in 2008.
One of the curious myths, sponsored by the current mania within the upwardly mobile middle class, is that the underprivileged are either unreasonable in their demand for exclusive attention, or, worse, simply unworthy of too much attention since they are a drag factor on economic growth. It is obvious that such self-comforting panaceas have infected Bengal’s Marxists. The truth is that the poor are far more realistic than they are given credit for. They do not believe that there is some magic wand. They have more patience than the better off; not because they are more saintly, but because they have fewer options. What the poor do possess, however, and have every right to retain, is a powerful sense of justice. They can read a signal, or detect a nuance quickly, for they do not have the luxury of complacence. The Bengal government has increasingly indicated that it prefers middle-class coziness to street sensitivity. The manner in which, for instance, it has repeatedly snubbed Muslim sentiment is spectacular in its amateurishness.
How big a price will the party pay? The Marxists may still be rescued by the stand that the national leadership has taken against the proposed strategic alliance with the United States that constitutes the core of the so-called nuclear deal. In real terms, this strategic alliance means involvement in American conflicts in the Middle East. The Muslims have a rather unique distinction: They are possibly the one Indian community with a foreign policy. They have no sympathy for George Bush, and there could be electoral rewards for the Marxists in Bengal and Kerala, if they retain the clarity to find it. This will compensate for some of the malfunctioning in governance.
But the true opportunity for the Indian left lies in the phase or politics after the next general elections, between 2008 and 2012. And this opportunity will open up in the Hindi heartland. One can see the impetus that created the groundswell for regional parties (most of them splinters of the old Socialist movement) beginning to fade. We might not see the explosive self-destruction of 1971, but it will be difficult for the regional parties to hold their own against the resurgent claimants of this space. The Hindi heartland will probably return to one of the two mainline parties by 2012, either the Congress or the BJP, depending on which of them has managed to preserve its credibility. The outside option in this game is the BSP, but its rise will only be a consequence of Congress implosion, since their vote base is similar if not the same.
The only alternative to either the BJP or the Congress will be a Left Front on the lines of the Bengal or Kerala model. The Kerala model, in fact, may be more relevant, but with a northern manifestation of the Muslim League thrown in.
The ground for such a collision will have many seeds, from the old Socialist movement of Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia to the spadework being done by the Naxalites in Chhattisgarh and Jharkhand. The Naxalite tactic of violence cannot be an end in itself; it must be the means toward a more sustainable political objective.
The future of the left does not lie in the continuation of poverty. That is negative bias disguised with clever semantics. No one has a vested interest in poverty, least of all the left. The future of the left lies in justice, not poverty; in an economic program that can create wealth without handing it over to a narrow apex.
That apex, however, is crowded by an orchestra of sirens. Can the left leadership, as it negotiates its way through troubled waters in the next five years, resist the lure of those sirens?
Aid for BPL families in U.P.
Rs. 1 lakh to be given to students in professional courses
Rs. 2 crore earmarked for admission fees scheme and Rs.50 lakh for the marriage scheme
Daughters of the physically challenged and widows to be given preference
Lucknow: In an apparent bid to woo minorities, Uttar Pradesh government recently issued two government orders (GOs) for providing financial help to those Below Poverty Line (BPL).
The Minorities Welfare Department of the State has issued GOs for paying admission fees of up to Rs. 1 lakh for students from the minority community subsisting below poverty line in professional courses like engineering, medical, MBA and specialised courses in universities as also for meeting marriage expenses up to Rs.10,000 for girls of the minority community, a senior government said.
A budget of Rs. 2 crorehas been earmarked for the admission fees scheme and Rs.50 lakhfor the marriage scheme for the current financial year. The expenses of registration, tuition, sports, library fees and other expenses incurred at the time of admission would be compensated through the scheme which would also be extended to paid seats, he said.
The students claiming financial assistance under this scheme must be from recognised Arabic, Persian madarsas and schools and should belong to recognised courses, he said, adding applications for the purpose would be routed through their respective educational institutions. The other scheme provides for a financial help of Rs.10,000 for the marriage of girls of 18 years and above, the official said. Daughters of the physically challenged and widows would be given preference under this scheme and the applications would have to be attached with an affidavit for wedding date as evidence, the official said.
Under the scheme, a maximum of two daughters of a family can avail this facility, he said.
The respective district magistrates and district minority officers (DMOs) have been assigned the task of apprising the members of the minority communities in their respective areas and all precautions would be taken to ensure transparency and as well as avoiding duplicates. Similar schemes are being run by the social welfare and backward departments and all precautions would be taken to avoid duplicates as all applications would be thoroughly examined before sanction, he said.
Various schools and madarsas would also be apprised of the scheme to help the deserving candidates avail the benefits, he said, adding it would be ensured that help under both the schemes is sanctioned within time.
For granting help for meeting marriage expenses a district level committee comprising of district magistrates, chief development officers, MPs, MLAs and other people’s representatives of area besides the respective district minority officers would be constituted, he added. — PTI
The Blessed,Noble,Awakened One-The Tathagata
2: The Beauty Queen
I have heard that on one occasion the Blessed One was living among the Sumbhas. Now there is a Sumbhan town named Sedaka. There the Blessed One addressed the monks, “Monks!”
“Yes, lord,” the monks responded.
The Blessed One said, “Suppose, monks, that a large crowd of people comes thronging together, saying, ‘The beauty queen! The beauty queen!’ And suppose that the beauty queen is highly accomplished at singing & dancing, so that an even greater crowd comes thronging, saying, ‘The beauty queen is singing! The beauty queen is dancing!’ Then a man comes along, desiring life & shrinking from death, desiring pleasure & abhorring pain. They say to him, ‘Now look here, mister. You must take this bowl filled to the brim with oil and carry it on your head in between the great crowd & the beauty queen. A man with a raised sword will follow right behind you, and wherever you spill even a drop of oil, right there will he cut off your head.’ Now what do you think, monks: Will that man, not paying attention to the bowl of oil, let himself get distracted outside?”
“I have given you this parable to convey a meaning. The meaning is this: The bowl filled to the brim with oil stands for mindfulness immersed in the body. Thus you should train yourselves: ‘We will develop mindfulness immersed in the body. We will pursue it, hand it the reins and take it as a basis, give it a grounding, steady it, consolidate it, and undertake it well.’ That is how you should train yourselves.”
Setting at Savatthi. Then, in the morning, the bhikkhuni Cala dressed… she sat down at the foot of a tree for the day’s abiding.
Then Mara the Evil One approached the bhikkhuni Cala and said to her: “What don’t you approve of, bhikkhuni?”
“I don’t approve of birth, friend.”
Why don’t you approve of birth?
Once born, one enjoys sensual pleasures.
Who now has persuaded you of this:
‘Bhikkhuni, don’t approve of birth’?
For one who is born there is death;
Once born, one encounters sufferings —
Bondage, murder, affliction —
Hence one shouldn’t approve of birth.
The Buddha has taught the Dhamma,
The transcendence of birth;
For the abandoning of all suffering
He has settled me in the truth.
As to those beings who fare amidst form,
And those who abide in the formless —
Not having understood cessation,
They come again to re-becoming.
Then Mara the Evil One, realizing, “The bhikkhuni Cala knows me,” sad and disappointed, disappeared right there.
Doctrine-True Practice of The Path Shown by The Blessed,Noble,Awakened One-The Tathagata
Insight Meditation (Vipassana)
If you have faith it doesn’t matter whether you have studied theory or not. If our believing mind leads us to develop practice, if it leads us to constantly develop energy and patience, then study doesn’t matter. We have mindfulness as a foundation for our practice. We are mindful in all bodily postures, whether sitting, standing, walking or lying. And if there is mindfulness there will be clear comprehension to accompany it. Mindfulness and clear comprehension will arise together. They may arise so rapidly, however, that we can’t tell them apart. But, when there is mindfulness, there will also be clear comprehension.
When our mind is firm and stable, mindfulness will arise quickly and easily and this is also where we have wisdom. Sometimes, though, wisdom is insufficient or doesn’t arise at the right time. There may be mindfulness and clear comprehension, but these alone are not enough to control the situation. Generally, if mindfulness and clear comprehension are a foundation of mind, then wisdom will be there to assist. However, we must constantly develop this wisdom through the practice of Insight Meditation. This means that whatever arises in the mind can be the object of mindfulness and clear comprehension. But we must see according to Anicca, Dukkha, Anatta. Impermanence (Anicca) is the basis. Dukkha refers to the quality of unsatisfactoriness, and Anatta says that it is without individual entity. We see that it’s simply a sensation that has arisen, that it has no self, no entity and that it disappears of its own accord. Just that! Someone who is deluded, someone who doesn’t have wisdom, will miss this occasion, he won’t be able to use these things to advantage.
If wisdom is present then mindfulness and clear comprehension will be right there with it. However, at this initial stage the wisdom may not be perfectly clear. Thus mindfulness and clear comprehension aren’t able to catch every object, but wisdom comes to help. It can see what quality of mindfulness there is and what kind of sensation has arisen. Or, in its most general aspect, whatever mindfulness there is or whatever sensation there is, it’s all Dhamma.
The Buddha took the practice of Insight Meditation as His foundation. He saw that this mindfulness and clear comprehension were both uncertain and unstable. Anything that’s unstable, and which we want to have stable, causes us to suffer. We want things to be according to our own desires, but we must suffer because things just aren’t that way. This is the influence of an unclean mind, the influence of a mind which is lacking wisdom.
When we practice we tend to become caught up in wanting it easy, wanting it to be the way we like it. We don’t have to go very far to understand such an attitude. Merely look at this body! Is it ever really the way we want it? One minute we like it to be one way and the next minute we like it to be another way. Have we ever really had it the way we liked? The nature of our bodies and minds is exactly the same in this regard. It simply is the way it is.
This point in our practice can be easily missed. Usually, whatever we feel doesn’t agree with us, we throw out; whatever doesn’t please us, we throw out. We don’t stop to think whether the way we like and dislike things is really the correct way or not. We merely think that the things we find disagreeable must be wrong, and those which we find agreeable must be right.
This is where craving comes from. When we receive stimuli by way of eye, ear, nose, tongue, body or mind, a feeling of liking or disliking arises. This shows that the mind is full of attachment. So the Buddha gave us this Teaching of Impermanence. He gave us a way to contemplate things. If we cling to something which isn’t permanent, then we’ll experience suffering. There’s no reason why we should want to have these things in accordance with our likes and dislikes. It isn’t possible for us to make things be that way. We don’t have that kind of authority or power. Regardless of however we may like things to be, everything is already the way it is. Wanting like this is not the way out of suffering.
Here we can see how the mind which is deluded understands in one way, and the mind which is not deluded understands in another way. When the mind with wisdom receives some sensation for example, it sees it as something not to be clung to or identified with. This is what indicates wisdom. If there isn’t any wisdom then we merely follow our stupidity. This stupidity is not seeing impermanence, unsatisfactoriness and not-self. That which we like we see as good and right. That which we don’t like we see as not good. We can’t arrive at Dhamma this way — wisdom cannot arise. If we can see this, then wisdom arises.
The Buddha firmly established the practice of Insight Meditation in His mind and used it to investigate all the various mental impressions. Whatever arose in His mind He investigated like this: even though we like it, it’s uncertain. It’s suffering, because these things which are constantly rising and falling don’t follow the influence of our minds. All these things are not a being or a self, they don’t belong to us. The Buddha taught us to see them just as they are. It is this principle on which we stand in practice.
We understand then, that we aren’t able to just bring about various moods as we wish. Both good moods and bad moods are going to come up. Some of them are helpful and some of them are not. If we don’t understand rightly regarding these things, then we won’t be able to judge correctly. Rather we will go running after craving — running off following our desire.
Sometimes we feel happy and sometimes we feel sad, but this is natural. Sometimes we’ll feel pleased and at other times disappointed. What we like we hold as good, and what we don’t like we hold as bad. In this way we separate ourselves further and further and further from Dhamma. When this happens, we aren’t able to understand or recognize Dhamma, and thus we are confused. Desires increase because our minds have nothing but delusion.
This is how we talk about the mind. It isn’t necessary to go far away from ourselves to find understanding. We simply see that these states of mind aren’t permanent. We see that they are unsatisfactory and that they aren’t a permanent self. If we continue to develop our practice in this way, we call it the practice of Vipassana or Insight Meditation. We say that it is recognizing the contents of our mind and in this way we develop wisdom.
Spiritual Community of The Followers of The Path Shown by The Blessed,Noble,Awakened One-The Tathagata
This first awakenment experience, known as stream-entry (sotapatti), is the first of four progressive stages of Awakening, each of which entails the irreversible shedding or weakening of several fetters (samyojana), the manifestations of ignorance that bind a person to the cycle of birth and death. Stream-entry marks an unprecedented and radical turning point both in the practitioner’s current life and in the entirety of his or her long journey in samsara. For it is at this point that any lingering doubts about the truth of the Buddha’s teachings disappear; it is at this point that any belief in the purifying efficacy of rites and rituals evaporates; and it is at this point that the long-cherished notion of an abiding personal “self” falls away. The stream-enterer is said to be assured of no more than seven future rebirths (all of them favorable) before eventually attaining full Awakening. But full Awakening is still a long way off. As the practitioner presses on with renewed diligence, he or she passes through two more significant landmarks: once-returning (sakadagati), which is accompanied by the weakening of the fetters of sensual desire and ill-will, and non-returning (agati), in which these two fetters are uprooted altogether. The final stage of Awakening — arahatta — occurs when even the most refined and subtle levels of craving and conceit are irrevocably extinguished. At this point the practitioner — now an arahant, or “worthy one” — arrives at the end-point of the Buddha’s teaching. With ignorance, suffering, stress, and rebirth having all come to their end, the arahant at last can utter the victory cry first proclaimed by the Buddha upon his Awakening: “Birth is ended, the holy life fulfilled, the task done! There is nothing further for the sake of this world.” [MN 36] The arahant lives out the remainder of his or her life inwardly enjoying the bliss of Nibbana, secure at last from the possibility of any future rebirth. When the arahant’s aeons-long trail of past kamma eventually unwinds to its end, the arahant dies and he or she enters into parinibbana — total Unbinding. Although language utterly fails at describing this extraordinary event, the Buddha likened it to what happens when a fire finally burns up all its fuel.