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2196 Fri 14 Apr 2017 LESSONS Wish you a very Happy Ambdkar Jayanti Please watch: Our National Leader Behenji Ms Mayawati address us and the nation todau tht 14th April 2017 on the occasion of Babasaheb Dr BR Ambedkar’s 126th birth anniversary at 10 am . Relay in all national channels. Forward this message to our party friends and dear ones. Jaibheem.Universal adult franchise by Dr Ambedkar- Dr. Ambedkar with the Simon Commission-in classical English, 38) हिंदी,48) ಕನ್ನಡ,62) മലയാളം,65) मराठी, 75) ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,93) தமிழ்,94) తెలుగు,
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 6:13 pm



2196 Fri 14 Apr 2017 LESSONS 

Election
Commission India ADMITS to ‘Doctor-ability’ of EVMs
April14,
2017 (C) Ravinder Singh
progressindia2015@gmail.com
 
Elections
in India are most UNFAIR in the World – a Qualified and Deserving Indian has no
chance of Winning an Election unless ‘He Spends Rs. Crores On Publicity, Hire
Thousands of Workers to Campaign for Him’ – Even AAP Low Cost Party supported
by Volunteers is on Decline due to Deliberate Malicious Campaigning by Opposition.
 
Honorable
Supreme Court of India has observed ‘Political Parties Must Honor Poll Promises
and its Policies ought to reflect Spirit of The Constitution.’
 
I
had since 2009 repeatedly asked ECI to Register ‘Party Manifestoes’ and also ‘Make
Available’ past Manifestoes. THERE IS NOT AN INCH OF PROGRESS IN 8 YEARS.
 
Since
January2009 I had through RTI wanted ECI to Provide FULL Information about
Political Parties Constitution, Office Bearers, Election Procedures etc.
 
THROUGH THIS RTI I
WANTED ECI TO EDUCATE VOTERS ABOUT THE
‘RESOURCES OF THE
PARTIES TO DELIVER ON POLL PROMISES.’
 
ECI
‘MANIPULATED’ and No Summons or Information of Proceedings Were Communicated to
me and CEC Proceeded Ex-Party. I found it through Google.
 
It
SCANDALOUS ECI HAS NO INFORMATION ABOUT PARTIES REGISTERED WITH IT – AND NO INFORMATION
WAS PUBLIC.
 
In the END, ECI is
left with no Responsibility but to Conduct Polls –
Here too ECI
ADMITS to Malfunctioning EVMs.
 
ü
Every
‘EVM is Programmed’ at Polling Stations just before Polling. THIS IS THE ‘GATEWAY’
OF EVM MANIPULATION & DOCTORING.
 
ü
For
even DHOLPUR Bye-Election where only 231 EVMs were deployed, all EVMs couldn’t
be in Perfect Working Order.
 
ü
ECI
Could Engage Even 40 Capable & Honest Officers – Where Shall ECI Find
Millions Required for Nationwide Polls?
 
ü
ECI
‘Mislead India’ – Has Not Enough Machines to Conduct Simultaneous Polls On Same
Day Even in States Like UP or Bihar.
 
ü
MONTHS
LONG ‘POLLS’ MULTIPLY COSTS & MALPRACTICES.
 
 
                                    
http://eci.nic.in/eci_main1/current/PN34_07042017.pdf

 
                                                http://eci.nic.in/eci_main1/current/PN35_11042017.pdf

Wish you a very Happy Ambdkar Jayanti

Happy Ambedkar Jayanti 2017 HD Images Wallpapers

Please watch:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k


Dr.Bhim Rao ambedkar 126th jaynti Animated wishes Greetings Video of Quotes on life in English

in classical English, 38) हिंदी,48) ಕನ್ನಡ,62) മലയാളം,65) मराठी, 75) ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,93) தமிழ்,94) తెలుగు,

Published on Apr 12, 2017
Dr.Bhim Rao ambedkar 126th jaynti Animated wishes Greetings Video of Quotes on life in English

Dr.Bhim Rao ambedkar 126th jaynti Animated wishes Greetings Video of Quotes on life in English
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Please
watch: Our National Leader Behenji Ms Mayawati address us and the
nation todau tht 14th April 2017 on the occasion of Babasaheb Dr BR
Ambedkar’s 126th birth anniversary at 10 am . Relay in all national
channels. Forward this message to our party friends and dear ones.
Jaibheem.


Puthandu
– The Tamil New Year

 

Puthandu
or Chitthirai Vishu is the Tamil New Year, celebrated on April 13th or
14th. It follows the Hindu solar calendar and is celebrated right after
the vernal equinox. In astrological terms, the sun enters the sign of
Aries on this day, marking the beginning of
Chitthirai, the first month of the Tamil calendar.

The
new year’s day is considered to be very sacred by the Tamilians. On the
eve of Puthandu, houses are cleaned thoroughly, pots and pans get a
deep scrub, damaged equipment is fixed or replaced and old/unused things
are discarded. This custom is very similar
to the concept of Spring cleaning in the western world.

Early
in the morning on the festival day, women adorn the entrance of their
house with colorful Kolam or Rangoli patterns. A lamp called
Kuthuvillakku is placed in the center of the Kolam. People begin the day
by looking at auspicious things like gold and silver
jewelry, betel leaves, nuts, fruits and vegetables, flowers, raw rice
and coconuts. It is believed that a good start to the New Year will
ensure prosperity and happiness in the coming year. This is followed by a
bath, visit to the temple and Panchangam (almanac)
reading.

Tamil
New year is celebrated with all kinds of festive food. Pachchadi is a
very traditional preparation on this day. It is a sweet, sour and bitter
dish made of raw mangoes, jaggery and neem flowers to signify different
aspects of life. Murukkas, vadais and different
types of rice are made for the festivities.

Payasam
or rice kheer is a typical sweet made in Tamilian homes for this day.
People visit friends and family to wish them a happy and prosperous New
Year. There is also a custom where children receive small gifts from the
elders to mark the occasion.

Many
other people in South Asia celebrate this day as the New Year’s day,
including people from Punjab, Assam, Bengal, Kerala, Manipur, Orissa,
Punjab, Nepal, Bangladesh, Burma, Cambodia, Laos, Sri Lanka and
Thailand. The festival is referred to by various names
such as Baisakhi, Vishu, Naba Barsha and Rongali Bihu.

 

Baisakhi
- The Harvest Festival


Baisakhi,
or Vaisakhi, is a harvest festival celebrated mainly in the Punjab
region and also in some northern states such as Haryana, Himachal
Pradesh
and Uttarakhand. It marks the first day of the month of Baisakh and
signifies a new harvest season. In many places the day is marked by
ritualistic bathing in sacred rivers like the Ganges. This day has
importance to both Hindus and Sikhs.

In
Sikhism, it commemorates the establishment of the Khalsa at Anandpur
Sahib in 1699 by the 10th Sikh Guru, Guru Gobind Singh. For Hindus, it
is the first day of the Hindu solar new year.

To
mark the celebrations, devotees, irrespective of religion, visit the
Gurudwara with flowers and offerings at dawn. Processions through towns
are also common. It is believed to be the day on which the Khalsa was
born and Sikhs were given a clear identity and
a code of conduct to live by. Kirtans and recital of passages from the
Granth Sahib are held and people line up to receive the delicious prasad
and perform kar sewa, offering help in the daily chores of the
Gurdwara.

Punjab
reminds me of the green farms, colorful dresses and the bhangra.
Singing and dancing are an intrinsic part of the joyful festival of
Baisakhi.  The people in punjab celebrate baisakhi with so much
exuberance. Everywhere you can hear the cries of  “Jatta aai
Baisakhi” and the whole atmosphere is so joyous.

To
top it all, panjab’s finger licking food. I am big fan of Makai ki
roti, sarson ka saag, and Punjabi lassi. It is a tradition to welcome
the guests with the tall glasses of lassi.

Lassi
is such a boon on any summer day. And summer is no fun without mangoes,
so enjoy the mangoes the punjabi way! Serve the Chilled Mango Lassi and
celebrate the baisakhi!!! Baisakhi celebrations include the Bhangra and
Gidda dances, both very lively dance forms
generating lot of excitement and energy. Joyful cries of “Jatta aai
Baisakhi” are heard everywhere as people greet each other. Fairs are
organized in various places for the community to gather and celebrate
the joyous occasion.



Dr.
Ambedkar with the Simon Commission

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece





Democracy meant universal adult suffrage
and direct elections not just at the village or district Panchayat, but
the highest levels of government. And the electorate had to include
everyone, irrespective of community, class or educational attainment. To
have projected that vision then — for a country of largely illiterate
villagers — was nothing short of revolutionary.




STRUGGLE ALL THE WAY




On 23 October, 1928, when even the most advanced Western nations were
still struggling with the idea, Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, appearing before the
Indian Statutory Commission (which came to be better known as Simon
Commission), said he would like universal adult franchise for elections
to be incorporated in the future Constitution of India.




The right to vote, at that time, was granted only to the rich, the
landed and the tax payers. Dr Ambedkar, however, envisioned that
elections were a weapon in the hands of the most oppressed sections of
society for demanding politico-legal equality for the oppressed. Thus,
while demanding reserved seats for Scheduled Castes — then referred to
as Untouchables — he insisted upon franchise for criminal and hills
tribes also.




What is more, he opposed the nomination of certain classes into
legislative assemblies, which included the Untouchables too, as was the
norm of that period.




In his strong defence of universal adult franchise, Dr Ambedkar laid to
rest the argument of illiteracy: “My feeling is that every man is
intelligent enough to understand exactly what he wants. Literacy has not
much bearing on this point; a man may be illiterate, none the less he
may be very intelligent.”




The deliberations later involved the Indian National Congress, which was
represented at the Round Table Conferences in the early 1930s by
Mahatma Gandhi. Dr Ambedkar, on his part, failed to convince the British
to delimit the franchise.




In the subsequent decade, while piloting the new Constitution in the
Constituent Assembly, Dr Ambedkar once again catapulted his vision of
universal adult franchise. But this time too, even without the British
being in the picture, there was no easy sailing for the idea. It was
found so radical that Sardar Vallabhai Patel, who headed the Assembly’s
Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, expressed apprehensions that
the States may not agree to it and would even view it encroaching upon
their rights.Today the just 1% intolerant, violent, militant, shooting,
lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded, number 1 terrorist cannibal
chitpawan brahmin RSS psychopaths have distorted, tampered and hacked
the fraud EVMs to win elections depriving the universal adult franchise
for the 99% sarvajan samaj i.e., for all societies. all the EVMs have to
be banned and stop the murder of democracy and the central and state
governments selected by these fraud EVMs have to be dissolved and go for
fresh polls with paper ballots as followed all democracies of the
world.



Dr. Ambedkar, however, steadfastly stuck to his position of the right to
vote being a fundamental right. In his words, “franchise is principal
thing of the Constitution” and, thereby, the essence of democracy. He
also warned that the Assembly members, in their anxiousness to somehow
bring States on board, should not compromise on basic principles such as
universal adult franchise.




It all culminated in the Indian voters — irrespective of their literacy,
caste and religious status, whether man or woman, landed or landless
labourer, and tax payer or pauper — queuing up to cast their paper
ballot (sometimes two or three ballots in multi-member constituencies)
in the long drawn elections in 1951-52 to the Parliament and State
Assemblies.




The country’s highest Panchayat or the House of People — later
rechristened the Lok Sabha on May 14, 1954 — met for the first time on
May 13, 1952. Over the next 60 years, the House has been constituted 15
times, with its members being directly elected by the people of India.
Over time, the composition of the members has also changed to more or
less reflect the proportions of their communities in the total
population. That includes those belonging to the erstwhile Untouchables
and most backward sections of society.




The credit for all this goes to the founding fathers of Indian
Democracy, foremost of them being Dr Ambedkar. Like Dr Ambedkar, was a true modernist who subscribed to the
broad principles of liberal Western democracy. But Nehru did not
participate in any of the Round Table Conferences, which went into every
detail of constitution making. Nor was he a part of the Poona Pact
negotiations in 1932 to consider special representation for the
Untouchables.




The fundamentals of democratic principles such as adult franchise and
reservation for the Scheduled Castes/Tribes in political representation
were fine tuned to the Indian social reality and conditions ultimately
only by Dr Ambedkar.




At the end of sixty years, what one needs is a re-commitment to the
principles of democracy, fair play and representation to the most
deprived sections of Indian society enshrined in our Constitution; this
is to be safeguarded by the highest body representing its people: The
Parliament.

Earlier
universal adult franchise was opposed by Hindumaha sabha now the RSS
which has found a shortcut to scuttle it through the fraud EVMs.


http://www.ambedkar.org/ambcd/14D.%20Dr.%20Ambedkar%20with%20the%20Simon%20Commission%20D.htm

Dr.
Ambedkar with the Simon Commission

________________________________________________________________________________

STATEMENT “D”

EVIDENCE OF Dr. AMBEDKAR BEFORE THE INDIAN
STATUTORY COMMISSION ON 23rd OCTOBER 1928

INDIAN
STATUTORY COMMISSION, POONA
[f1]

Dated
23rd October 1928

present

ALL
THE MEMBERS OF THE COMMISSION, OF THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE (EXCEPT RAJA NAWAB ALI KHAN) AND OF THE
BOMBAY PROVINCIAL COMMITTEE

______________________________________________________________________________________

 

Dr.
B. R. Ambedkar (a member of the Bombay Committee) and Dr. P. G. Solanki (representing the Depressed Classes), called and examined.

Chairman
:

Just to remind my colleagues, the documents we should have before us are : Dr. Ambedkar’s Statement on
behalf of the Depressed ClassesInstitute of Bombay and
the Joint Memorandum of the Depressed Indian Association, Bombay, and the Servants of Somavamshi Society. Dr. Ambedkar has
changed his seat, because he is acting for the moment as one of our witnesses. Dr. Ambedkar, of course, we know as a member of the Bombay
Committee. I think. Dr. Solanki, you or your Association is
responsible for the other document ?

Dr.
Solanki :

I concur in the document submitted by Dr. Ambedkar. 2. I
should like you to begin. Dr. Ambedkar,
by helping us as to the sort of number of depressed classes in this Presidency. Can you
help us about that?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I find that the depressed class population, as computed in the Memorandum submitted by the
Government of Bombay is estimated at 1,478,390 as may be seen from page 3 of their
Memorandum (Vol. VII).

3.
Let us see. They say, “The depressed classes, which include mostly the Dheds, Mangs, Mahars and Holiyas, number,
according to the Census of 1921, 1,478,390 approximately.” What do you say about that
figure ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

As you will see, the figure I have given on page 39 of my Memorandum is about 28 lakhs.

4.
You think the number should be about 2,800,000 ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

5.
How does the discrepancy arise ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

The first thing I should like to say is this, that the figures given by the Government of
Bombay are taken, I believe, from the Census of India, 1921, Vol. 8, Bombay Presidency,
Part II, the tables starting on page 176, while the figures which I give in my memorandum
are from Chapter II of Vol. I of the Census of India, 1921. These are the figures
estimated by the Director of Census, who has collected the figures of the different
Provinces, and his computations, which I have taken bodily, are given on page 39 of my
memorandum under the heading Population of the
Depressed Classes in India “, and show the figures for
the different Provinces, giving the population of the depressed classes in each. Now, as
we see, there is this discrepancy between the two sets of figures. These figures of
course, can never be exact, neither the Provincial nor the Central figures. In fact, if
the Conference will refer to the remarks of the Director of the Census of India, which I
commence quoting on page 39 of my memorandum, it will be seen that, after giving the total
estimated population of the depressed classes he goes on to
say (page 39 of memorandum, in italics)
[f2],
This, however, must be taken as a low and conservative estimate since it does not include
(1) the full strength of the castes and tribes concerned, and (2) the tribal aborigines
most recently absorbed in Hinduism, many of whom are considered impure. We may confidently
place the numbers of the depressed classes, all of whom are considered impure, at
something between 55 and 60 millions in India proper.” Then he gives the figures for
each province.

6.
Would you mind if I just try to clear my own mind, not by
reference to precise figures, but by contrasting two conceptions ? It is manifest that if some authorities, speaking with the
precision of Census returns, give a total like 1,478,000,
and other authorities, also speaking with precision, give a figure like 2,800,000, the
second authorities must be including people not included by the first ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

That is so, and I should, therefore, like to point out to the Conference that the
provincial figures do not include certain castes which are, as a matter of fact,
untouchable castes.

7.
May we put it like this ? See if I have it correct, and if
I have not please tell me. I have been studying it as well as I can, although I have been
looking forward to your help and that of Dr. Solanki. In
one sense of the term, by Depressed Classes you might mean untouchables in the sense of persons who
are Hindus, but who are denied access to the Hindu temples, might you not ?

Dr. Ambedkar :
Yes.

8.
In another sense you might include in the Depressed
Classes not only those people whom I have described,
but also the criminal tribes, the hill tribes and other people who no doubt are very low
in the scale, but who are not, perhaps, in the narrower sense untouchables from the point
of view of the Hindus hierarchy
?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Quite.

9.
Is not that a possible view ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

That is a possible view.

10.
Is not that the real explanation of why in some connections you get a certain figure for
the depressed classes, meaning untouchables, persons who are refused admission to the
Hindu temples, whereas on the other hand you sometimes get a bigger figure which would
include these criminal and hill tribes?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I do not think that is so in this case, because the figures I have given seem to have
reference to the depressed classes as distinct from the hill tribes and the criminal
tribes.

II.
Let me point this out to you. I have before me these three figures. I have got a figure of
1,478,000 odd for untouchables taken from the Census of 1921, and made up of these Mahars, Dheds and other people.
Then I have a long list of criminal tribes and so on, which adds up to 589,000—just over half a million. Then I have a third list of
aboriginals and hill tribes- Bhils, and people of that
sort—and they add up to another million. If you were to add the aboriginal and criminal tribes in with the first figure,
you would get a total approximately like the larger figure you give of 2,800,000 ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

The quotation I reproduce on page 39 of my memorandum from the remarks of the Directors of
the Census gives me the impression that his figures are strictly for the depressed
classes. My feeling is that the figures computed by the Director of the Census and
referred to by him in the paragraph which I quote on page 39 of my memorandum are figures
which apply only to the depressed classes.

12.
……… I see that the Director of the Census of India
for 1921 says this :
It has been usual in recent years to speak of a certain section of the community as the Depressed Classes —so
far as I am aware the term has no final definition, nor is
it certain exactly whom it covers.” Then he refers to some educational criticisms.
That is the passage you mean ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, and The total population classed according to
these lists as depressed amounted to 31 million persons or 19 per cent. of the Hindu and tribal population of British
India.” That remark would appear to exclude the tribal people from the depressed
classes.

13.
I do not know. Anyhow, that is one possible explanation, and I think you agree a possible
explanation is that the smaller figure is the figure of untouchables in the sense I have
tried to define. I think you agree that is a possible view. It is manifest that for many
purposes those interested in trying to promote the advancement and elevation of those who
are most depressed may very well include in their survey a wider number of persons,
including the criminal and hill tribes. That is a possibility
?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

It is a possibility.

14.
I should like to suggest to you another possible view. I do not know if it qualifies it.
On page 39 of your document you point out, quite accurately,
I think, that if you add the provincial figures together you get something like 55 to 60
millions in India proper ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

15.
“India proper there, I think, would include the
Indian States?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, I thought of that, but I would point out one thing. He seems to exclude the Indian
States, because he gives a separate figure for Baroda.

16.
Perhaps he mentions one or two of the larger ones ?
 

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Probably. Qualification of the figures.

17.
We do not, of course, want to spend too long on the statistical point, because, after all,
whether the right figure to take is 11/2 million or 2 millions or 21/2 millions, it is
obvious, it is a very large number of people, and they are people who deserve our very
special consideration ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

One point I wish to mention is this, that the figures from which the provincial figures
are computed are in the table which deals only with the principal Indian castes. It is not
an exhaustive table, and I find by going over the different castes which are mentioned in
this table that it does not give any figures whatsoever for ten castes, which are
undoubtedly castes. They are not included in the principal Indian castes.

18.
What I was going to suggest, if it was agreeable to you both, was this. You have called
attention to the main considerations with regard to the
figures and, without fixing absolutely the right figures, I think
it would be well to get rid of this figures point as quickly as possible and then we can
get to the question of considering the position and
treatment of these classes ; otherwise we may occupy a long
time on arithmetic. I have asked what I want to put about it, and I am quite prepared to
take it that if you apply a narrower test you may get a figure of 11/2 millions, but that
with a wider test you will get a figure of between 2 and 3
millions. I accept that from you, as I follow it ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, with this qualification, that the Bombay figures do not include ten of the castes.

Chairman :
We want to get to the real point, which is their representation. Is there anyone who wants
to occupy time on this statistical point ? Are you content,
Mr. Rajah, that we should take it the figures are something of
that sort?

Rao Bahadur
Rajah

: Which figures ?

Chairman
:

Do not you think we might proceed with the really important question, which is their
representation, leaving it like this that in the Bombay Presidency the Census of 1921
gives a figure of 11/2 millions, but it would appear that
those are the depressed classes in the narrower sense I have mentioned, the untouchables
from the point of view of religion, but that, as Dr. Ambedkar
has pointed out, the official figures really show, if you take a rather wider but perfectly legitimate view, that the true figure may be
between 2 and 3 millions. Is not that fair ?

Rao Bahadar Rajah: Yes, that is
right.

Chairman
:

Does anybody want to add anything about that ? 19.

Colonel Lane Fox :
On which figure are the two memoranda which we have received based ? In each memorandum you ask for special representation for
the depressed classes. You ask for adult suffrage in one
memorandum, and you ask for special recruitment for the army and navy and so on. It is
obvious it is a bigger thing if you ask for it for the aborigines and criminal tribes and
so on. Are these privileges asked for the bigger figure or
for the smaller ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I ask for them for the depressed classes.

20.
For the aborigines and criminal classes also ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No. I do not think it would be possible to allow them the
privilege of adult suffrage.

21.
But you quote the bigger figure ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I am not accepting altogether the fact that the figure
which I have given in my memorandum covers the aborigines and the hill tribes. I still
hold to the view that on a fair computation the figure I have given is largely the figure
for the depressed classes. I admit only the possibility of the other view.

Chairman
:

There is only one thing I might add. Sir Arthur Froom may
be able to confirm it. I notice the Muddiman Committee
(Reforms Enquiry Committee, 1925) in the table subjoined to para.
64 of their Report, give the figure at 2,800,000.

22.
Sir Hari Singh Gour : Dr. Ambedkar, would you regard depressed classes
and untouchables
as synonymous terms ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

23.
In asking for special representation for the depressed classes you confine yourselves to
the untouchables ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

24.
You say that some aborigines are not untouchables ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In some parts they may be. I do not propose to speak on their behalf.

25.
They are not untouchables. The criminal tribes are not untouchables ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Some of them are.

26.
Some, but as a tribe they are not ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

The criminal tribes have so little social intercourse with the rest of the Hindus that
there is no basis for any definite opinion on that point,
but if they did have such intercourse I think they would be retarded
as untouchables.

27.
There are certain classes which stand midway between touchability and untouchability
?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I would rather say they were lower down than (be untouchables.

28.
No, higher up in the social ladder there is a class which is
semi untouchable?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I cannot say. My point is this, that with respect to the criminal tribes we have no data
for forming an opinion as to whether they are untouchable or not, because there is very
little intercourse between the main body of Hindus and the criminal tribes.

29.
Leave out of account the criminal tribes and aborigines; I
am now dealing with the untouchables. Among the untouchables
themselves there are degrees;
there are certain among them who may be regarded as only
semi untouchable?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

(Both witnesses) No.

30.
I will give you an example. What is the position of the Chambhar
?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

He is entirely untouchable.

31.
As much as the Mahar ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

32.
Are you certain of that ?

Dr. Ambedkar : Yes, if you
apply this test of common water, or of entering a temple.

33.
No, by untouchability I mean whose touch will pollute a high caste Hindu ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Well, you can take entering a temple or taking water as a test.

Chairman:
After all, we are engaged here primarily in a constitutional and political inquiry. Social
customs and deep-rooted religious traditions are not things which are likely to be removed
between night and morning by any commission; that is
obvious enough. It really comes to this, that in one sense the depressed classes meaning
the untouchables, will be those classes who are denied all
access to Hindu temples, and who, it is suggested, are deprived very often of the use of
schools, of dharmashalas and things of that sort. In
addition to those, speaking politically and constitutionally, we shall all agree there are
others, not very advanced in the scale of civilisation, such as Sir Hari Singh Gour has referred to—criminal tribes, hill tribes and so
on—who are also inhabitants of India and as such demand our attention.

Sir
Hari Singh Gour:

The Hindus are divided into four castes. The Shudras cannot
get into the temples………….

Chairman:
I think we all appreciate that. However, we are not engaged in making laws for the Hindu
religion, but in considering the structure of the constitution of British India, which is
a very different thing.

34.
Taking that figure, what is it that you want to represent as the proper way in which the
constitution of India, and more particularly the constitution of the Bombay Presidency,
should deal with these people ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

The first thing I would like to submit is that we claim that we must be treated as a
distinct minority, separate from the Hindu community. Our minority character has been
hitherto concealed by our inclusion in the Hindu community, but as a matter of fact there is really no link
between the depressed classes and the Hindu community. The first point, therefore, I would
stress before the Conference is that we must be regarded as a distinct and independent minority. Secondly, I should like to submit that the
depressed classes minority needs far greater political protection than any other minority
in British India, for the simple reason that it is educationally very backward, that it is
economically poor, socially enslaved, and suffers from
certain grave political disabilities, from which no other community suffers. Then I would
submit that, as a matter of demand for our political protection, we claim representation
on the same basis as the Mohammedan minority. We claim reserved seats if accompanied by
adult franchise.

35.
And if there is no adult franchise ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Then we would ask for separate electorates. Further, we would like to have certain
safeguards either in the constitution, if it is possible, or else in the way of advice in
the instrument to the Governor regarding the education of the depressed classes and their
entry into the public services.

36.
May we just ask Dr. Solanki if he agrees in those points ?

Dr.
Solanki:

I agree with all the points.

37.
Then we may take it that that is the view of both you gentlemen ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

38.
Would it be convenient if I asked a question of two on these points as we go? You claim
that the depressed class, although included within Hinduism in a sense, should none the
less be regarded from the point of view of the constitution as a distinct and separate
community from others who are within Hinduism ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

39.
Is that on the ground that in your view the depressed classes cannot expect to have their
interests satisfactorily represented by the higher ranks of Hinduism ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That is one ground, but a matter of fact, really we cannot be deemed to be part of the
Hindu community.

40.
You come, I believe from an earlier set of inhabitants of this continent?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

That is one view, I think.

41.
It is supposed—-we will not go into details—that you are pre-Aryan ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Well, I do not know. That is a view.

*****

43.
I only ask you the question because there are some very distinguished Hindu public men
—1 do not mention any names — who have undoubtedly exhibited a good deal of
interest in the case of the depressed classes. There is no question about that ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, there is a great deal of public talk. 44. I know ;
but, at any rate, that is your view : You say you must be
regarded as a distinct and separate community from the constitutional point of view ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

45.
As regards representation, I notice that whether there is
adult franchise, or whether there is not adult franchise, you seem to be abandoning any
idea of nomination, you want election ?

Dr. Ambedkar : Yes.

46.
Is that the view of both of you ?

Dr.
Solanki:

Yes.

47.
That means, of course, that you have to make a list of voters ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

48.
And you have to make sure that the man who comes to vote is the man on the list, and nobody else?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.
 

49.
Could you give me an estimate at all, Dr. Ambedkar, of what
percentage of the population whom you call the depressed classes can read?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In a separate memorandum which I have submitted to the Commission on education in the
Bombay Presidency I gave the figures.

50.
I am afraid it is a very small proportion ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Quite.

51.
After all, one of the complaints that are made is that they have not had as free access to
schools as more fortunate people ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Quite so.

52.
So it would mean, would it not, if it was done by election, that it would almost entirely
have to be done by people voting who could not themselves understand the ballot paper ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes. That is true of the majority of voters even today.

53.
True. Now, would you tell me how many reserved seats in the Bombay Presidency you would
suggest classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

In the scheme that I have prepared I say out of 140 we claim 22
seats.

 54.
What you suggest is that if the total number of members of the

Bombay
Council, all elected, was 140, then you think that the body for which you wish to speak
should have 22 elective seats ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

55.
And supposing, to take your other alternative, there is no adult franchise, then you are
asking for separate electorates. Do you still want 22 seats ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

56.
The only other thing I will ask you is this. I think Mr. Rajah probably will be glad to
put a few questions himself to bring out the social condition. At present I think, in the
Bombay Legislative Council there are two members, are there not, who are nominated to
represent the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

That is so.

57.
You yourself being one of them ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

58.
And
Dr. Solanki
being the other ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

59.
Was that based on the Southborough Committee’s Report ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, I believe so.

60.
I believe you gave evidence before the Southborough Committee ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

61.
I have been reading your evidence before that Committee, and I was looking to see how many
members you said there were of the depressed classes. I think you point out in your
memorandum, in a note at the bottom of page 39, that the figure of the depressed classes
given by the Southborough Committee for the Bombay Presidency was 5,77,000 ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

62.
I think your view is that, that was an error ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, a very large error.

63.
Can you tell me, as a matter of fact, how they arrived at it ?
Do you know at all ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

They simply took, I think, a small table with regard to castes which cause pollution.

64.
It was taking a still narrower definition of what constituted the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

65.
Mr. Hartshorn: I notice in this note you say, after referring to the figure
of the Southborough Committee of 5,77,000. According
to the authority relied upon by the Southborough Committee,
the population of the depressed classes in the Bombay Presidency in 1911 was
2,145,000″.

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In the Census.

66.
That is the authority they relied upon ? That was what I
wanted to know.

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes. The authority gave two different
figures on two different pages, if I remember correctly. On one page they gave the smaller
figure, and they took that up, and as soon as the Report of the Southborough Committee was
published we protested against this estimate to the Government
of Bombay.

67.
Chairman: I think
it is quite clear what the 2,100,000 was. It was the result of adding together in the
Census of 1921 the figure given for the untouchables, which as I have said, was 1,478,000, and the figure given for the criminal tribes, which was
something like 623,000. Adding those two together, you would get the 2,100,000 ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

68.
And it was leaving out the aboriginal and hill tribes. It must have been?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

69.
Mr. Miller : I
should like to ask about the position in some of the Indian States. In Baroda and one other State, I think, where some special
facilities are shown, are those special facilities anything beyond education facilities ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, nothing beyond that.

70.
Could you obtain service with the State ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I should think it would be very difficult.

71.
You are particularly anxious to get appointments in the public service ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, decidedly.

72.
Why is that so ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

On that point I should like to say this, that our
  
experience so far as the administration of the law is concerned is very bitter. I
wish to say most emphatically that in many cases the law is administered to the
disadvantage of the depressed class man. I would like to give a concrete case of what
actually happened in one of the districts, without, of
course, mentioning names. The Bombay Government annually lets out its forest lands for
cultivation to the villages on certain stated terms. Now we discovered that in the
allotment of those forest lands the depressed class man, who was often a landless labourer
or with very little land, and who was clamouring for some sort of economic stability,
never came in for a share. The Mamlatdars, who were really
in charge of distributing the lands, showed absolute favouritism to the caste Hindu as
against the depressed class man. Last year in one district we organised and sent a
deputation to the Assistant Deputy Collector of that district, placing before him our
grievances with respect to these forest lands. He issued a circular to the Mamlatdars
saying that the applications from the depressed classes should be considered. Now, some of
the Mamlatdars, to show they were acting up to the circular, did give some lands to the
depressed classes. But we found that they rather fooled us, if I may say so. What they did
was, on paper they allotted a very large amount of land to the depressed classes and a
very small amount of land to the caste Hindus, but when we
came to see actually what was allotted to us we found that the land allotted to the
depressed classes was all rocky and unfit for cultivation and the depressed class people
would not take it for anything, and the land allotted to the caste Hindus though small,
was all rich and fertile. Now I think that is a most fragrant abuse of the administrative power which is entrusted to the officials, and I
personally attach far more importance to good administration of law than to more efficient
administration of law.

73.
Chairman: I
imagine that the application of what you have told us, which is interesting, to our
present inquiry is really this — because, of course, it is no part of the function of
this Commission to interfere in day-by-day administration?

Dr. Ambedkar : No.

74.
You are using it as an argument to support your view that the depressed classes should
have a full representation ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In the services.

75.
That is your point ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That is my point. I will give some instances of what happens in judicial courts actually
in this Presidency. I happened to defend a depressed class man in
one of the courts, and, to my great surprise, I found that
the man had to stand outside the court behind a little window, outside the wall, and he
would not come in simply because, he said, It is all
right so far as you are concerned, but after you have left there will. be terrible social
ostracism if I enter the court.”

76.
It was the client who did not want to come in ?

Dr. Ambedkar :
Who dare not come in.

77.
What sort of social ostracism had he in mind ?

Dr. Ambedkar :
The social ostracism would be that if he went back to the village there would be the
boycott of the shop-keepers; nobody would sell him grain.
The villagers would stop his dues as a village servant. He would not be allowed to come
into the village. The depressed class people always live on the border of the village, not
in the centre or in the midst.

78.
Your point would be that he was timid about coming into court on this occasion because he
thought that afterwards the other people of the village, not his own lot but the others,
the caste people, would regard him as having pushed himself in where he should not go ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Certainly—having exceeded the bounds of his social
status.

79.
That is a single case, is it ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I have had that experience but I think that the existence
  
of a circular of the Bombay High Court to the effect that the depressed classes
must be allowed entry in the courts indicates that that is often the case. There must be
some reason for that circular.

80.
Mr. Miller: The only other question, I want to
ask is this. If you got these 22 seats in the Council do you think you could bring forward
22 suitable men ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, I think so.

81.
Khan Sahib Abdul Latif : Would you please
enlighten the members of the Conference as to the fate of the minorities in the Bombay
Council, when the official bloc is withdrawn for certain reasons ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I quite see that the fate of the minorities would be precarious. It has been precarious.

82.
Did the honourable Minister belonging to the advanced class show any consideration to the
project, or the feelings of Mohammedans, non-Brahmins, or depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, not at all.

83.
Do the minor communities stand any chance of getting through any legislation in the Bombay
Legislative Council, or get any chance to move it?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Their chances would be almost nil.

*****

98.
Sardar Mujumdar: Is it not
a fact that different kinds of castes among the depressed classes are known as the
depressed classes; that is to say, there are different
kinds of castes even among the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, of course.

99.
Can you give me approximately the number of those castes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I think you will find them in the Census, the different castes enumerated as untouchables.

100.
Can you give me any idea of the number of different castes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

About a dozen or so. The Census gives it.

101.
How many castes are included in the depressed classes in
Bombay ?

Dr. Ambedkar :
Almost all the castes.

102.
Then the members of the different castes are members of
your organisation ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Quite ; it is a general body inclusive of all the depressed
classes.

103.
So that among the depressed classes are included all those ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

104.
Have you taken into consideration the claims of the Bhils
and Wadias and other persons ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No.

105.
What do you say about the protection of those minorities ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I think that they also should be allowed some protection by representation.

106.
Do you not think that even among the backward classes there are certain communities, who
are in a minority ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes.

106A.
Then has the present constitution any provision to protect
their interest?

Chairman:
Are these castes to which you refer refused admission to
the Hindu temples ?

Sardar
Mujumdar:

No, they are allowed to go into them. Chairman: This morning we are really considering the case of
untouchables, and persons who are quite outside the Hindu temple scheme. I do not think we
can go into the question of the backward classes, who would be admitted to the Hindu
temples.

Sardar
Mujumdar:

What I submit is that there are various minorities even
amongst the backward classes. We are not concerned with the question of suitability; we are here to safeguard the interests of all the
minorities.

Chairman:
Certainly.

Sardar
Mujumdar:

It was from that point of view that I asked the question.

Chairman:
Let me relieve you at once. India is full of minorities, and you have mentioned some of
them; but this morning we are considering the body of
people called the depressed classes.

Sardar
Mujumdar:

Very well. Sir.

107.
Syed Miran Muhammad Shah: You have just
said that you want representation in proportion to what the Mohammedans
get ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

108.
Do you want them because Mohammedans get them ? Do you see
any justice in that ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I see justice in that, I do not quite accept the principle of representation of minorities
according to population of the legislature
   as though it was a museum in which we have
only to keep so many specimens of so many communities. A Legislative Council is more than
a museum, it is a place where, for instance, social battles have to be fought, privileges
have to be destroyed, and rights have to be won. Now, if that is the conception of a
Legislative Council, I do not think it at all in the fitness of things to confine the
minority to proportional representation according to population, that means you are
condemning a minority to be perpetually a minority without
the power necessary to influence the actions in the majority.

109.
Would you be satisfied if the franchise was reduced to local
boards in the rural areas ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Well, I would really insist upon adult suffrage. The lower
the franchise the better, on that principle I would accept any lowering. but I certainly
would not say I would be content with that.

110.
Would you then extend adult suffrage to the aboriginal tribes and to the criminal and hill
tribes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, I think so.

111.
You would?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

112.
Or would you like to exclude them and give them nomination
and yourselves adult suffrage ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I will say one thing. With regard to the criminal tribes, it might not be a good thing to
give them adult suffrage, because by occupation they are a people who have more the
interest of their own particular community in their mind, and they are not very particular
as regards the means whereby they earn their living; but I do not think there is any harm in giving aborigines
the right to vote.

113.
They should be given the right to vole, or should their interests be protected by nomination ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

They should be protected somehow; I do not much mind how.
My feeling is that every man is intelligent enough to
understand exactly what he wants. Literacy has not much bearing on this point; a man may be illiterate, none the less he may be very intelligent.

114.
Do not you think that this separate representation will lead to communal tension ? It is stated that communal tension is due to separate
representation and separate electorates. Is that your belief ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Even assuming it does lead to tension I do not see how you can get rid of it. Whether it
does lead to tension is questionable, but I do not see in any case how you can get rid of
it, having regard to the fact that society is divided into classes and communities. 115.
Do not you think it is the root cause of dissension ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I do not think so, but I do say this; as a result of
communal representation, the leaders of the communities are less prone to compromise than
they would otherwise be. That is my feeling, but I do not! think it leads to communal riots, which are
due, I think, to something very different.

116.
Syed Miran Muhammad Shah: Would you
not suggest that by taking away the official bloc,
non-officials may be nominated in order ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I do not want nomination.

117.
Major Afflee: Are there members of the depressed
classes working in industry, in the cotton mills and so on ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

All of them. The depressed class men are all labourers.

118.
You have not got my point; I am talking of industry. You
have members of the depressed classes who work in villages, for the most part in certain
occupations. But are there large numbers of the depressed classes engaged in industry ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

A very large number.

119.
You would have a very large number in a place like Bombay City ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

120.
Do they cease in any degree to be untouchable ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No, I should like to point out this. The depressed class man is entirely kept out of the
weaving department, the most paying department. He can only enter departments like the
throstle department and others.

121.
Why?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

On account of untouchability.

122.
When he is working there he is working alongside people of all castes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Not quite. The departments are discriminated according to castes.
One department is entirely manned by the depressed classes;
another—say the weaving department—by Mohammedans
and caste Hindus.

123.
Do they take part in the trade unions
?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, they are beginning to do so.

124.
With members of the classes above the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

125.
I wanted to get this point from you. You put forward a claim for representation of the
depressed classes on the basis of numbers. Now, we have claims put forward on a different
basis altogether; on, say, the labour basis. You get a
cross-division in that way, because a man can be a depressed class man and he can also be
a labourer ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

He is usually, if not always, a labourer.

126.
That is rather a play on words, is not it? I am speaking of capital and labour, of labour
in big industries, not of the ordinary un-organised labour.
I am speaking of organised labour. How are you going to get
over the difficulty ? If you
are going to have representation by social status in one case and by industry in another,
you are going to get a cross division. How will you get over that ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There will be some provision for organised labour, and the
majority of the depressed classes are labourers.

127.
Mr. Hartshorn : I think. Dr. Ambedkar,
you have made it pretty clear that you are in favour of adult suffrage. You say on page 41
of your memorandum, however, The Sabha would, however, be content if the franchise for the
Legislative Council is fixed at the same level as that for the Taluka
Local Board in the rural parts and Rs. 3 rental per month
in the urban parts of the Presidency.” Have you formed any opinion, or are any
statistics available to enable us to know to what extent the franchise would be extended
on that qualification ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I may tell you that I am myself shaky about that statement. I do not mind admitting that.
Such information as I have been able to gather from the
depressed classes in the mofussils, however, leads me to
believe that the existing taluka local franchise does produce a certain number of voters
from the depressed classes.

128.
I was not quite thinking of that. Could you tell us the
increase in the number of persons who would become voters in the Bombay Presidency if this
qualification rather than the present one were adopted ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I do not think I can give you any very definite information
on this point.

129.
May I revert to a question put to you by Major Attlee ? I gather the depressed classes work in the factories in
isolation ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In isolation, yes.

130.
They have their own shed and their own department ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Their own department; there are no sheds.

131.
Whatever it is, they are separated from the other workers in the factory ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I would rather put it in this way, that certain departments are exclusively assigned to
the depressed classes and certain departments are departments into which they are not
allowed to enter.

132.
Certain kinds of occupations are forbidden to them ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

In the mills, yes.

133.
I think you said they are not allowed to go into the weaving department ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

134.
If they became members of the same trade union, would the workers in the weaving
department decline to allow them in ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

They would decline to allow them in. If I may mention one thing, in the recent Bombay
strike this matter was brought up prominently by me. I said to the members of the union
that if they did not recognise the right of the depressed classes to work all the
departments, I would rather dissuade the depressed classes from taking part in the strike.
They afterwards consented, most reluctantly, to include this as one of their demands, and
when they presented this to the millowners, the millowners very rightly snubbed them and said that if this was
an injustice, they certainly were not responsible for it.

135.
It is not altogether merely a case of the employers wanting
to get cheap labour and confining certain departments to the depressed classes for
economic reasons ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, it is untouchability.

136.
Would there be anything of this in the situation ? The
better-paid Indian, say, declines to allow the untouchable to come into his department for
fear that the effect of their lower wages would be to depress wages in his department ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No. There is no distinction on the basis of wages.

137.
That does not come into it at all ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, not at all.

138.
It is merely a question of untouchability ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Quite so.

139.
Mr. Cadogan: They
can be members of the trade union ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

140.
Mr. Premchand: Can you give me a strict definition of the classes
who will be on a special register of the electorate as the
depressed classes?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Castes which cause pollution. 141. Is the principle that the lower the standing of a
community the

greater
the electoral advantage it should command over others,
justifiable?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes. 142. If all minorities are granted additional seats, what then will constitute the
majority ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

If minorities put together make up a majority there is no majority and the question does
not arise. There may be class distinctions among the minorities. I can quite conceive the Mohammedans in the Bombay Presidency being divided into two
groups, one favouring the capitalists and one the labourers.

143.
Is not it true that people who are not politically minded or trained are frequently led
astray by professional leaders ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I do not know. I have never been a professional leader, so I cannot say.

144.
Would not the extension of the franchise to the large majority of the uneducated section
of society be fraught with danger and render it liable to abuse ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No, I do not think so.

145.
Can you tell me why it is not possible to admit members of the depressed classes to our
present schools and colleges without the necessity for a charge on the revenue of the
Province ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Because they are hopelessly neglected under the present system.
                                                             

146.
Why is not it possible to admit members of the depressed classes to our present schools
and colleges without the necessity for a charge on the revenues of the Province ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

You should ask those who refuse what their reason for resfusal
is.

147.
Refusal of what ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

To admit them.

148.
To the colleges and schools ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

149.
Do you know the Bombay Municipality has passed a rule now ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

And you know also of the protest meeting which was held in Bombay.

150.
There may have been a protest by one section, but the Municipality has removed all those
restrictions ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

It remains to be seen how far they will stick to it at the next
election.

151.
But they have done it, you know ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

152.
Chairman: Might we know what is the protest
meeting to which he refers?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

The position is this. Hitherto the Bombay Municipality has
had separate schools for the depressed classes in the City of Bombay. Now, under the
scheme of compulsory primary education, the Bombay Municipality is compelled to limit the
number of schools and bring together the scattered children of the depressed classes into
the schools of the caste Hindus as a measure of economy. Naturally, some provision has to
be made for water and other amenities for the children who attend. The question arose
whether there should be a distinction in the drinking arrangements, whether the
untouchables should have separate pots for drinking from the
caste Hindus. The Municipality passed a resolution saying
We cannot recognise untouchability in our own
schools,” and they issued a circular that there should be no distinction as to drinking pots in their schools. This protest meeting was a meeting held under the presidency
of an important Hindu leader of Bombay to protest against that kind of uniform arrangement
being made, as being against the Hindu religion.

153.
Mr. Premchand: Do you know the depressed classes are employed in
the weaving departments of the Ahmedabad mills ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I did not know that.

154.
I can tell you they are.

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There again I should like to say one thing, probably they are employed exclusively. I can quite conceive of a situation where, for
instance, so many looms are exclusively handed over to the depressed classes. Today there
is a proposal also in certain mills that the depressed classes should take charge of the
whole of the weaving department, that the mill owners should hand it over to them, but you
cannot have part depressed classes and part caste Hindus.

155.
Chairman: The
difficulty is the mixture ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

156.
Sir Hari Singh Gour: What is the
view of your Institute in regard to the general scheme of constitutional reform ? Have you formulated any views at all on the subject ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I may tell you this. The depressed classes as such, of course, are not very much
interested in constitutional questions; they are more
interested in obtaining the guarantees and protection they require, under whatever form of
Government that may come to be. Therefore, I do not think that the depressed classes as
such have any definite views as to the form of Provincial Government or the form of the
Central Government; but, of
course, I have my own individual views as a member of the depressed classes, without these
being the views of the depressed classes themselves. It is on that account that nothing is
said about the constitution in my memorandum.

157.
I am aware of that, and that is why I asked you that question. What are your personal
views ?

Dr.
Ambedkar : So

far as the Provincial Government is concerned, I am in favour of Provincial autonomy. 158.
Qualified or unqualified ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think there might be some safeguards with regard to the transfer of law and order. It is
not that I object to the transfer of law and order; I am in
favour of the transfer; but still I should like some
safeguard. I am not certain today what it should be, but there might be with advantage
some safeguard in that respect. Barring that, I am in favour (speaking personally) of full
Provincial autonomy.

159.
What about the Central Government ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think we might start with dyarchy there.

160.
As regards adult suffrage, I suppose you are in favour of adult male and female suffrage ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

161.
Do you think that is a practical proposition ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Very practical.

162.
Do you think the masses have attained any degree of
political consciousness, so as to be able to use that political suffrage with any
advantage to their own community ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Speaking only on behalf of the depressed classes. I emphatically maintain that the
depressed classes will exercise their vote in a most intelligent manner, speaking for the
Bombay Presidency. Having regard to the fact that the canker of untouchability
is before their minds every minute of their lives, and having regard to their being alive
to the fact that political power is the only solvent of this difficultly, I emphatically
maintain that the depressed class voter would be an intelligent voter.

163.
Do not you think that, following the example of other countries, those who pay no taxes,
having a political existence and possessing political power, will tax those who are
already oppressed with heavy taxes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think that should be so. I do not see anything wrong in
it.

164.
You see no wrong in the exploitation of the tax paying community ? Is this your own opinion or the opinion of the Institute
which you represent ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

My own opinion. The Institute has said nothing about

it
here.

165.
Do you think you reflect the general opinion of your Institute in conveying this view to
the Commission ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think that would be the view of all poor communities.

*****

167.
Sir Hari Singh Gour: In answer to
the Chairman, you said the depressed classes must be regarded as a distinct community, a
community distinct from the Hindu community. Do you apply that only for electoral
purposes, or for all purposes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

They are distinct for all purposes, as a matter of fact. 168. Would you class the
depressed classes as real Hindus ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I do not care about the nomenclature. It does not matter whether I call myself a Hindu or
a non-Hindu, as long as I am outside the pale of the Hindu community.

*****

170.
It makes all the difference in the world. If you were ……………… outside the pale
of Hinduism you would not be subject to Hindu law. You could not, for instance, contract a
marriage under the Act 30 of 1923, which has completely abolished all castes so far as the marriage law is concerned between a Hindu and a Mahar, touchable and
untouchable. Now, if you go out of that community, out of that social system, and call
yourself a non-Hindu, you will be outside the pale of Hindu law to that extent ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

It might be.

171.
Then by what law would you be governed?

Dr.
Ambedkar: We
are governed by the Hindu law, just as, for instance, the Khojas,
who are Mohammedans, prefer to be governed by Hindu law so
far as the devolution of property is concerned.

172.
And you are under the Act 30 of 1923 ; you are under Hindu
law ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I do not know what the depressed classes would think about marriage.

173.
Would you kindly turn to your memorandum ? You say at page
39, and you also repeated it today in answer to my friend Mr. Kikabhai,
the standing of the community must mean its power to
protect itself in the social struggle. That power would obviously depend upon the
educational and economic status of the community.”

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Quite.

174.
It follows from the recognition of the principle that the lower the standing of a
community, the greater electoral advantage it must get over the rest. Do you adduce this
last sentence as a logical deduction from the premises, from the previous two sentences ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

175.
You regard that as a logical deduction ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, quite.

176.
……… I wish to draw your attention to the fact that you say : “ In addition to the
demand for adequate representation, the Sabha feels that it
must also demand the inclusion of clauses in the constitution of the country.” Now,
amongst these clauses you find things like this mentioned:
the right of every depressed class to the appointment of a special inspector of
police from amongst themselves “‘ ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

177.
Do you expect that an Act of Parliament should contain a clause to this effect, that the
depressed classes in India shall have an inspector of police in every district from
amongst themselves ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I really do not see anything strange in that.

178.
Supposing there was a provision to that effect relating to all communities (because if you
have got certain constitutional guarantees it follows by necessary implication that other
communities have an equal right), then you parcel out all the official posts and you
parcel out all the other things amongst the various communities, and that is the
constitution that you foresee for India ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I do not know that. I am only speaking for the depressed classes. May I just make one
thing clear ?

179.
May I just complete my sentence ? That is a contingency
that does not arouse any apprehension in your mind ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Just let me explain before you go further. I think we must be very careful in using the word minority “‘. I do
not think simply because a community happens to be a community composed of small numbers
it is therefore necessarily a minority for political
purposes.

A
minority which is oppressed, or whose rights are denied or the majority, would be a
minority that would be fit for consideration for political purposes.

180.
Wherever you have these minorities in other countries, there is provision made, there is
sometimes a minister for the protection of minorities. Have you thought about that ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

181.
Supposing we gave you the protection—the protection might he given in any form, and
if I may say so ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I am sorry to interrupt you—1 do find that the new constitutions that have been
framed after the peace for the various European countries composing the bulk of the
Slavonic nations very largely embody this principle. I have devoted some special attention
to this subject, if you will permit me to say so.

182.
Lord Burnham: And
carried out ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

And made part of the Constitution.

183.
And carried out in practice too ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Carried out in practice; and the point is this, that if a
minority feels that the guarantee has not been fulfilled, it has the right of appeal to
the League of Nations.

*****

186.
I am not quarrelling with the principle ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

And I may say T am not very particular about the form.

187.
If the details of the scheme which you have adumbrated were to be introduced into the
constitution of this country, would it not lead to a
perpetual class war ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

It might, but that would depend upon the attitude of the majority.

188.
Therefore you would not, as a sagacious statesman ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

If you will permit me to say so, all these things, though T
insist upon them, I admit to be provisions of a transitory character. T do contemplate and
I do desire, the time when India shall be one; and T
believe that a time will come when, for instance, all these things will not be necessary; but all that would depend upon the attitude of the majority
towards the minority.

*****

198.
Now, you mentioned a case that you conducted on behalf of a member of the depressed class,
who, from fear of social ostracism, stood outside near the window. What district was it?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Khandesh district.

199.
Ordinary Magistrate’s Court ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

The stipendiary Magistrate’s Court.

200.
What caste was the Magistrate ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

A Hindu.

201. He did not object to the accused coming into the court ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No. I say the accused himself would not come in.

202.
The accused himself was terrorised by the past acts of the Hindus ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

203.
The fear had been engendered in the minds of the depressed classes on account of the
oppression of the caste Hindus that he would not get a square deal thereafter if he was to
trench upon the limited rights which he had been given by the caste Hindus ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

204.
Sir Hari Singh Gour: I think you
will admit. Dr. Ambedkar,
that during the last few years there has been a forward movement in the way of removing untouchability and removing all disqualifications from the
path of the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

205.
I admit that the reforms have not been commensurate with your desires and mind, but at the
same time, we have to recognise that there is a growing feeling that there must be a consolidation of the Hindu people by removing
all these barriers that stand between the caste and the non-caste Hindus. You recognise
that ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, there are speeches from the platform.

206.
There are positive actions ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Speaking for my part of the country, the Bombay Presidency, I would rather hesitate to
accept your proposition.

207.
Therefore, I will give you examples. Every year, for instance, wherever there is a caste
and no-caste society, Hindus hold annual dinners, and they all sit together for the
purpose of making one class of people accustomed to the other class of people ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I am not aware of it in this Presidency.

208.
I have attended several of them.

Dr.
Ambedkar :

In this Presidency ?

Sir
Hari Singh Gour :

No, in Nagpur.

209.
There is no such movement here ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

210.
But you admit that there is recognition of the fact that oppression and untouchability
must go, and that every effort to suggest anything in that way receives sympathetic
consideration from the caste Hindus, and particularly from the Reformers ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I would hesitate, again, to answer that.

Chairman:
Would you agree, in order to get this witness’s view of the facts, that I should ask two
or three questions on your line ?

Sir
Hari Singh Gour:

Yes Sir, certainly.

211.
Chairman: Mr. Rajah would be, in many ways, the
best person to do it, but I wish you would tell us your own view. Compare twenty years ago
with now in the Bombay Presidency. How many years, if I may
ask, have you been here?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Five or six years.

212.
You have, of course, taken an interest in your own community since long before that? Dr. Ambedkar: Yes.

213.
You can look back twenty years and give us some ideal ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

214.
Let me take two or three things. First of all I imagine that there is no change at all so
far as regards the admission of the depressed classes to the interior of a Hindu temple.
That, of course, is a matter of religious practice and teaching. I do not criticise it,
but there is no change at all ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, there is no change at all in that respect.

215.
What I want to know is this. Let us take two or three definite things in this Presidency.
In the country districts, you have told us that as a rule the depressed classes, the
untouchables, live in a place for themselves. Of course, we have seen it many times.
Sometimes they live in a corner of the village, if it happens to be a Hindu village, and
sometimes in a hamlet of their own. Now is there any change in the last twenty years as
regards their living among the general communities ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No change.

216.
We saw some of the villages the other day. We understand some of them can draw water from
the river, but I suppose there are other villages that rely on wells ?

Dr. Ambedkar:
Even in the case of rivers they can take water only from a portion of the river. A point
on the river is appointed for them.

217.
That is to say, the depressed classes will draw water at a point lower down than the caste
Hindus ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

218.
Now let us take the case of villages that rely on wells. It is
not uncommon?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No, not; uncommon.

219.
I am anxious to know and I hope you will tell me quite frankly, is there in that respect
any improvement in the last twenty years ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

220.
Your attention has been called to the fact that there have been resolutions passed on this subject ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, only resolutions.

221.
It is suggested that untouchability sometimes goes to such
a length that the actual contact with the man (or sometimes his shadow itself) is regarded
socially by those of the higher castes as a pollution ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

222.
Is there an improvement in that respect ?
 

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There is an improvement in that respect.

223.
I am glad to hear that. That is, whereas 20 years ago a caste Hindu who found himself in
close contact with an untouchable would possibly think it his religious duty to purify
himself, it is not viewed with so much strictness now ; is
that correct ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

224.
Then, of course, as compared with twenty years ago I imagine that there are some members
of the depressed classes who have in fact risen very much in the professional scale.
Twenty years ago were there depressed classes who were practising at the Bar in Bombay ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

225.
How many members of the depressed classes practise at the Bar now ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I am the only man.

226.
I think we were told yesterday that in the list of voters for the Sardars and Inamdars there were
two members of the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Only one. His position is different. His jagir was granted by the Peshwas for the
services rendered on the battlefield. His title was not
given by the British Government.

227.
What one notices is that in India there is gradually being introduced the motor bus
connecting the town with the village and I see them going along the road. Are those public
vehicles open to the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Not in villages. There are a great many villages where the depressed classes are not
allowed to travel in these buses.

228.
Who prevents them ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

The driver would not take them.

229.
One would expect the driver to take anybody who pays. Why does he not take them ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Because if he takes them the other people will not come into his car. For instance, the
barber here would not shave my head even though I offer him a rupee.

230.
Rao Saheb Patil: According to law the driver would be prosecuted if
he refuses to take any passenger ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That can be evaded by saying that all seats are booked. 231. Are matters improving in that
respect ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, they are improving; but still there are numerous cases
where the depressed classes would not be allowed to enter into these buses.

232.
Let us take the depressed classes who are employed in the mills in Bombay. Some of them go
in trams, I suppose. Do you suggest that they are not allowed to use the trams ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There was a case two years ago where a Bhungi was not
allowed to board a tram.

233.
When you speak of the case two years ago it suggests to me that it is rather exceptional
than a rule ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I have seen, for instance, when I was travelling by the B.B.
& C.I. Railway hundreds of cases where the passengers obstructed the depressed classes
coming into the compartments.

234.
Sir Hari Singh Gour: With regard to
the case of the Bhungi which you mentioned, are you sure if
he was not properly attired and therefore be was not allowed to get into the tram ? Dr. Ambedkar: I do not know about that.

235.
Before a man gets into the tram he is not asked to which caste he belongs ; they only ask him whether he has got the fare, is it not ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

But people can easily recognise him.

236.
That is on account of his dress ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

But he will be dealt with very badly when once he is recognised to belong to the depressed
classes.

237.
Apart from the question of caste there is also the question of
costume?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, but some of the members of the depressed class are very well dressed.

238.
In the Bombay Presidency you have no such thing as to consider it a pollution to walk in
the shadow of a depressed class member ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, it exists in some parts of the Konkan and in Kathiawad.

239.
It is on the wane ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

240.
With regard to the Ambalal Sarlal
School in Ahmedabad, has not his sister started the school
for depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That is the only honourable exception.

241.
Is not the school maintained for the depressed classes from
public funds?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I do not know that, but I know that that lady is taking interest in the elevation of the
depressed classes.

242.
Chairman: I
understand it is an exceptional case ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, it is quite an exceptional case.

243.
Dr. Suhrawardy:
In view of the instances of social ostracism and tyranny which you have just stated, do
you not think that in a general election members of your community will be frightened out
of the polling booths ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, it may happen.

244.
Also there is the further apprehension that the high caste-Hindus may refuse to come and
participate in the elections where the untouchables go to record their votes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

They might; it is very difficult to say what might happen.
We have cases, for instance, where the caste-Hindu members of district boards have left
the premises because the depressed class members have claimed to sit at the table.

245.
Do you not think that, in view of this state of affairs, it will be better for you to have
a separate electorate because in practice it will mean a
separate electorate even if you reserve your seats in a general electorates ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

246.
Rao Bahadur Rajah: With
reference to the question put by my friend, Sir Hari Singh Gour, regarding the costume of the depressed classes, did the
barber refuse to shave your head because you were not well dressed ?

Dr. Ambedkar:
No ; it is because I belong to the depressed class.

247.
Not on account of the dress you were wearing ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

248.
With regard to another question put by another member of the
Committee, may I ask you whether it is easy for a depressed class member in a village to
file a suit against the owner of a bus because he has refused to take him ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

It is not possible.

249.
I understand that you have been taking very much interest in the uplift of the depressed
classes. What has been your experience during your propaganda as to the help you receive
in this work from the higher classes ? Do they help you to
impress upon the depressed classes the need for greater sanitation, hygiene and such like
things ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

My experience, unfortunately, is rather very bitter in this matter. The depressed classes
have been dubbed to be unfit for association because of certain unclean habits. That is
the allegation of the upper classes. That is to say, they
eat the meat of the dead animals and they are not clean, and so on. In this Presidency
during the last two years I started a campaign to purify the depressed classes, so to say,
and to persuade them to give up some of their dirty habits. But, to my great misfortune, I
found the whole caste-Hindu population up against me when in a matter like this I expected
the utmost co-operation from them. But when I began to analyse the basis of their
opposition I found that they insisted upon the depressed
class people doing the unclean things because giving up doing these things meant that the
depressed classes were exceeding
their social status and rivalling the upper class. For instance, in the Colaba and Ratnagiri districts
the whole of the Mahar population have given up the eating
of the meat of dead animals, but the tyranny and social oppression that is going on
against them is simply unspeakable; there is a complete
economic and social boycott. The lands they had been cultivating for years past have been
taken away from them by their caste-Hindu landlords. Every sort of pressure, social and
economic, has been brought to bear upon the depressed classes in order to compel them to
resume their dirty habits. The officials, who are all caste-Hindus, give no protection to
the depressed classes, whose condition has really become pitiable, and all this because
they sought to give up their dirty habits. Instead of getting co-operation I find that the
members of the upper classes are up against me, and they say
these evil habits of the depressed classes are all insignia of their inferiority and they
must remain.”

250.
The other day we heard a witness say that there is not a single depressed class member on
the sanitary boards. If what you have said just now with regard to the higher castes is
true, is there any good in the depressed class members,
being on these boards so far as their sanitary improvement is concerned ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think the depressed class people ought to be represented on every local authority.

251.
You told us just now that in the courts in this Presidency witnesses belonging to the
depressed classes have no access. I want to be clear on that point. Do you mean to say
that the members of the depressed class are not admitted into some of the courts ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

252.
And I understand you to say that in a case the man did not dare go into the court, is that
so ?

Dr.
Ambedkar
:
The thing is the depressed class man is looked upon by the caste people as having a
particular station in life, he exceeds that station in life when he enters the court, and
if he exceeded that station in life they would begin to harass him. The man, if he
exceeded the social limits, would subsequently suffer at
the hands of the caste people. My protection in that particular case was only temporary
protection and he knew it would cease as soon as the case was over.

253.
If you had not been there and if he attempted to go into the court, what would have
happened to him ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I think the same thing would have happened to me when I tried to enter a temple in Bombay.

254.
Coming to medical relief, will you kindly enlighten us as to the kind of medical relief
the depressed class men are getting ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

They are not allowed entry into the dispensary, unless the
case is a very very serious one; such as, for instance, the
non-admission would bring the officers conduct to the
notice of the higher authorities. Ordinarily the medicine is dispensed out.

255.
Chairman: I
suppose you are talking of dispensaries in the mofussil ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, Government dispensaries.

256.
They are, of course, in the department of the Minister of Medical Administration ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

257.
I imagine that the regulations of the Minister provide that these dispensaries are open to
everybody who goes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

258.
But you say that in the mofussil in fact it does not work out like that?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

Dr.
Solanki:

The Hindu medical man who is orthodox always takes objection to examine a man belonging to
the depressed classes. There have been instances in Gujarat
where the men have actually died from the want of medical relief. I know of instances
where doctors have actually refused even to touch the patient when he was suffering from
pneumonia. The doctor would hand over the thermometer to a Mohammedan who does not know
how to hold the thermometer and the Mohammedan would hand over the thermometer to the
patient. This is a fact and it has happened.

259.
What is important, I think, as I said before and I may repeat it, is to get a true
picture. The thing may happen occasionally. I want to know whether what you are describing
is quite an exceptional thing due to some particular doctor’s objection or whether you
think it is an everyday happening ?

Dr.
Solanki:

Doctors who are orthodox do it.

260.
The difficulty about this thing is that the objection that is taken by the medical man is
an objection based on his own religious views ?

Dr.
Solanki:

Yes.

261.
Rao Bahadur Rajah: Have these facts been brought to the notice of the
authorities concerned ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

262.
What was the action they took ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

The reply the Minister gave was that we had better depend on persuasion; that was the word he used.

Chairman:
Would you do this for us, Rao Bahadur ? One hears of
different aspects of this and I want to know the facts. What is the position about the
depressed class children in the ordinary public schools in this province ? Would you ask the witness about that for me ?

263.
Rao Bahadur Rajah:
Will you kindly enlighten us as to the attitude of the schoolmasters or the Education
Department or the managers of schools towards the children of the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There is a circular issued by Dr. Paranjpye when he was
Minister of Education in this Presidency to the effect that children of depressed classes
should be admitted in all schools. But our experience is that circular has not been
carried out at all. It is true that in the report of the Director of Public Instruction it
is stated that that circular has been carried into effect;
but I beg to differ from that view. It is not a correct statement of facts as they exist
today. There is an incident here at Poona which took place
only a few days ago, at Deoo, where the children of the
depressed classes were refused admission and when they insisted on it the village
proclaimed social boycott against the depressed classes.

264.
Chairman : The
memorandum refers to that report ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, that is not a correct statement of facts as I said. I beg to differ from that.

265.
Rao Bahadur Rajah: I understood from Mr.
Griffith that in his view there are reasons why the depressed classes could not be taken
into the police department as the duties of the police involved house searches and
arrests. Supposing, for the sake of argument, that is true, would there be similar
objection to the recruitment of the depressed class members to other subordinate and
provincial services ?
   

Dr.
Ambedkar : Find that there are so many objections raised.

266.
You are a member of the Local Legislative Council ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

267.
What is your experience as regards the attitude of the higher caste members of the local
Council towards your community ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

One cannot say it is favourable to the depressed classes.

268.
What is the attitude of the Government towards the members of your community in your
Provinces ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Very apathetic.

269.
I suppose you have got honorary bench magistrates’ courts in this Presidency. Are there
any members of the depressed classes on these boards?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There are none and we are trying to get some on the bench of magistrates, but without
effect. Perhaps it might be interesting to the Conference if I read in this connection a
letter written by the Collector of the Khandesh district to a member of the depressed classes when he
applied for an appointment on the bench. This letter also gives the reasons why he should
not be appointed to the place, and it reads thus :

“The
Collector has every sympathy with the aspirations of the depressed classes and is glad to
recognise and appreciate Mr. Medhe’s good work in the
various fields of public activities ; but in his opinion
time has not yet come when a member of the depressed classes can be given a seat on the
bench of magistrates, and, until the Government makes some
pronouncement favourable to the aspiration of the depressed classes in this Presidency he
must regretfully express his inability to recommend such an appointment.” This letter
is dated 25th September 1928.

270.
I am sure you will agree with me that appointments to these bodies have nothing to do with
the progress of the communities ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Nothing.

271.
The sole consideration should be whether the individual candidate can discharge his duties
with a sense of responsibility ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

272.
Lord Burnham: I
understood you to say that of all the methods to
  
protect the interests of the depressed classes, you preferred the universal suffrage ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I would rather say adequate representation in the Legislative Council.

273.
I understand you to say you were in favour of universal suffrage ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

274.
If you have not got that you go in for separate electorates ? Supposing
you cannot get either, are you still in favour of the principle of nomination ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No. I would insist on our representative being elected.

275.
If you cannot get the election on the terms proposed, you would prefer adult franchise?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

276.
Chairman: You have spoken of your strong
preference for the representation of the depressed classes being secured by the method of
election. Are you satisfied, supposing the method was the method of election, that the
result would be that you will get elected those who were really the best spokesmen for the
depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

I believe so.

277.
You do not feel anxious that influences which were really against the interests of the
depressed classes will get to work ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

I admit that and that is why I want adult suffrage.

278.
You think that the influence will cease because of the adult suffrage ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

That will be counterbalanced.

279.
Supposing that a member of the depressed classes has the
necessary qualification, does he vote in a general constituency ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

He does.

280.
Taking your case you will have a qualification to vote in some general constituency ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes; I vote for the University constituency as also my friend.

281.
How does the position stand about the paying of taxes ? A
suggestion was made that depressed classes do not pay the taxes. Of course, it follows
that, as regards the Customs duties and other indirect taxes which may raise the price of
the articles, I suppose the depressed classes will have to pay the increased price like
anybody else ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes. Also the depressed class men, particularly the Mahar
community, is always in possession of some land of ordinary tenure or watan tenure at any rate, and they pay what is called the judi, that is the assessment, as anybody else.

282.
I suppose that a good many Mahars follow the occupation of
waiters in private service ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, very few. But they mainly work in industries in the
cities.

283.
Take, for instance, a European private house or a club, they employ Mahars ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes.

284.
Are those people qualified to vote in a general constituency or not?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That will depend on the pitch of franchise.

285.
As a rule the waiters would not have any qualification ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, under the existing circumstances.

286.
Sardar Majumdar: Are you
aware that saints from the depressed classes are revered by all classes, and high-class
persons bow down before them as much as before such saints from higher classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

There is only one case so far as I know.

287.
But do they do so ?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

Yes, as they do the Mohammedan Pir.

288.
Are you aware that untouchability is not observed in the Warkari Panth, i.e. the devotees of the God Vithoba at Pandharpur ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

That is entirely incorrect

289. Do you agree that there is a vast change during the last 25 years in the
treatment accorded to the depressed classes, that the educated higher classes are trying
to remove this evil of untouchability and mix with them quite freely and that there is a
gradual change in the condition of the depressed classes and in the treatment accorded to
them by the general educated public ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, it is so, though the sympathy is only in words and is seldom translated into action.

290.
Are you aware that in almost all villages the depressed class people are provided with
wells meant only for their own use ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

No.

291.
Are there not such wells ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Not in every village.

292.
Who are the depressed classes ? Will you please name the
castes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

There is the census.

293.
Do inter-marriages take place between the Mang and the Mahar castes?

Dr.
Ambedkar :

No, the caste Hindus have spread their poison to the rest. 294. Do they dine together ?

Dr.
Ambedkar:

Yes, now-a-days. The movement for consolidation is going on
and there is now a case of inter-marriage between a Mang
and a Mahar.

295.
Are there not two Inamdars in my constituency who belong to
the depressed classes ?

Dr.
Ambedkar: I

do not know.

 

Contents                                                                            
Statement
“E”






 [f1]*lndian Satutory Commission, Vol. XVI. Selections
from Memoranda and Oral Evidence, Part I, published by His Majesty’s Stationery Office,
London. 1930, p. 52-75. This Commission is popularly known after its Chairman Sir
John Simon.

 

 [f2]*Sec
para. 7, Quotation paragraph 193 at pages 436-37 of this
book.

 



-ooOoo-

38) हिंदी

2196 शुक्र 14 अप्रैल 2017 पाठ
आप एक बहुत ही खुश अनगढ़कर जयंती चाहते हैं

खुश अम्बेडकर जयंती 2017 एचडी छवियां वॉलपेपर

कृपया देखे:

Https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
डॉ। बिम राव अंबेडकर 126 वें जयंती एनिमेटेड शुभकामनाएं ग्रीटिंग्स विडियो का जीवन पर अंग्रेजी में जीवन
12 अप्रैल, 2017 को प्रकाशित
डॉ। बिम राव अंबेडकर 126 वें जयंती एनिमेटेड शुभकामनाएं ग्रीटिंग्स विडियो का जीवन पर अंग्रेजी में जीवन

डॉ। बिम राव अंबेडकर 126 वें जयंती एनिमेटेड शुभकामनाएं ग्रीटिंग्स विडियो का जीवन पर अंग्रेजी में जीवन
यह एक डॉ। बिहम राव अंबेडकर 126 वें जयंती है एनिमेटेड शुभकामनाएं ग्रीटिंग्स वीडियो के जीवन में अंग्रेजी में शुभकामनाएं। प्रेरणादायक! विशेष संदेश! दैनिक सशक्तिकरण! आपके जीवन में आपको सर्वश्रेष्ठ प्रेरणा देने के लिए सबसे अच्छे से मिलते
हैं। मुझे आशा है कि यह वीडियो आपको प्रेरणा दे सकता है और आपको प्रेरित
कर सकता है।

कृपया यह ग्रीटिंग्स साझा करें अपने सभी मित्रों और परिवार के साथ साझा करें

इस वीडियो से संबंधित है:
डॉ
अंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ अंबेडकर जयंती मुंबई, डॉ अंबेडकर जयंती सोलापुर, डॉ
अंबेडकर जयंती गीत, डॉ। बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर
जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ
बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ।
बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती नृत्य, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती वीडियो, डॉ। आरबी आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ। अंबेडकर जयंती उत्सव, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती सोलापुर, डॉ बाबासाहेब अंबेडकर जयंती सोलापुर,

कृपया
देखें: बाबासाहेब के डॉ। बीआर अम्बेडकर की 126 वीं जयंती के अवसर पर 10
बजे हमारे राष्ट्रीय नेता बीएनजी मायावती ने हमें संबोधित किया और देश को
14 अप्रैल 2017 को संबोधित किया।
सभी राष्ट्रीय चैनलों में रिले इस संदेश को हमारे पार्टी मित्रों और प्रियजनों को आगे बढ़ाएं जय भीम।

साइमन कमीशन के साथ डॉ अंबेडकर

Http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

लोकतंत्र का मतलब सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार और सीधी चुनाव न कि गांव या जिला पंचायत में बल्कि सरकार के उच्चतम स्तर। और मतदाताओं को हर किसी को शामिल करना पड़ा, चाहे समुदाय, वर्ग या शैक्षिक प्राप्ति के बावजूद। उस दृष्टि का अनुमान लगाने के लिए - बड़े पैमाने पर अनपढ़ ग्रामीणों के देश के लिए - क्रांतिकारी से कम नहीं था।
सभी तरह से संघर्ष

23 अक्टूबर 1 9 28 को, जब भी सबसे उन्नत पश्चिमी देशों को अभी भी इस विचार से संघर्ष कर रहे थे, डॉ। बी.आर. भारतीय सांविधिक आयोग (जो कि साइमन कमीशन के रूप में जाना जाता है) के
समक्ष पेश हुए अंबेडकर ने कहा कि वह भारत के भविष्य के संविधान में शामिल
किए जाने वाले चुनावों के लिए सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार चाहते हैं।

उस समय मतदान करने का अधिकार केवल अमीर, उतरा और कर दाताओं के लिए दिया गया था। हालांकि,
अंबेडकर ने यह सोचा था कि दलितों के लिए राजनीतिक-कानूनी समानता की मांग
के लिए समाज के सबसे दमनदार वर्गों के हाथों में चुनाव हथियार थे।
इस प्रकार, अनुसूचित जातियों के लिए आरक्षित सीटों की मांग करते समय - तो
अछूतों के रूप में संदर्भित किया गया - उन्होंने आपराधिक और पहाड़ी
जनजातियों के लिए फ्रैंचाइजी पर जोर दिया।

इसके अलावा, उन्होंने कुछ वर्गों के नामांकन का विधायी विधानसभाओं में
विरोध किया, जिसमें अछूतों का भी शामिल था, जैसा कि उस अवधि के आदर्श था।

सार्वभौमिक
वयस्क मताधिकार के अपने मजबूत बचाव में डॉ। अम्बेडकर ने निरक्षरता के तर्क
को ठुकरा दिया: “मेरी भावना यह है कि हर इंसान वह समझने में बुद्धिमान है
जो वह चाहता है।
साक्षरता इस बिंदु पर अधिक असर नहीं है; एक व्यक्ति निरक्षर हो सकता है, कोई भी वह बहुत बुद्धिमान नहीं हो सकता। “

बाद
में विचार-विमर्श में भारतीय राष्ट्रीय कांग्रेस शामिल थी, जिसे 1 9 30 के
प्रारंभ में महात्मा गांधी द्वारा गोलमेज सम्मेलन में प्रतिनिधित्व किया
गया था।
डॉ अंबेडकर, उनके भाग में, फ्रैंचाइज़ी को सीमा पार करने के लिए ब्रिटिश को समझने में असफल रहे।

बाद
के दशक में, संविधान सभा में नए संविधान का संचालन करते समय, डॉ। अम्बेडकर
ने एक बार फिर सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार के अपने दृष्टिकोण का विस्तार
किया।
लेकिन इस बार भी, चित्र में ब्रिटिश होने के बावजूद, इस विचार के लिए कोई आसान नौकायन नहीं था। यह
इतना कट्टरपंथी पाया गया था कि सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल, जो मौलिक अधिकारों पर
विधानसभा की सलाहकार समिति का नेतृत्व करते थे, ने यह आशंका व्यक्त की कि
राज्य इसके साथ सहमत नहीं हो सकते हैं और यहां तक ​​कि उनके अधिकारों पर
अतिक्रमण भी कर सकते हैं। आज सिर्फ 1% असहिष्णु, हिंसक, आतंकवादी
सभी
समाजों के लिए, 99% सर्वजन समाज के लिए सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार से
वंचित होने वाले चुनाव जीतने के लिए धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम को धोखाधड़ी, छेड़छाड़
और धोखाधड़ी के साथ, नंबर 1 आतंकवादी नरभक्षी चिटपवन ब्राह्मण आरएसएस
मनोचिकित्सक ने विकृत, छेड़छाड़ की और हत्या कर दी है।
सभी
ईवीएम पर प्रतिबंध लगा दिया जाना चाहिए और लोकतंत्र की हत्या को रोकना
होगा और इन धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम द्वारा चुनी गई केंद्रीय और राज्य सरकारों को
विघटित करना होगा और कागज के मतपत्रों के साथ नए चुनावों के लिए जाना होगा
क्योंकि दुनिया के सभी लोकतंत्रों का पालन किया गया है।

हालांकि, डॉ अंबेडकर लगातार मौलिक अधिकार के रूप में वोट देने के अधिकार के अपने पद पर स्थिर रहे। अपने शब्दों में, “मताधिकार संविधान की मुख्य बात है” और, इस प्रकार, लोकतंत्र का सार। उन्होंने यह भी चेतावनी दी कि विधानसभा सदस्यों, किसी भी तरह बोर्ड पर
राज्यों को लाने के लिए अपने उत्सुकता में, सार्वभौमिक वयस्क फ्रैंचाइजी
जैसे बुनियादी सिद्धांतों पर समझौता नहीं करना चाहिए।

यह
सब भारतीय मतदाताओं में खत्म हुआ - चाहे उनकी साक्षरता, जाति और धार्मिक
स्थिति के बावजूद, चाहे पुरुष या महिला, उतरा या भूमिहीन श्रमिक, और कर
दाता या गरीब - अपने पेपर के मतपत्र (कभी-कभी दो या तीन मतपत्रों को बहु-
1 9 51-52 में संसद और राज्य विधानसभाओं के लिए लंबे समय से तैयार चुनाव में सदस्य निर्वाचन क्षेत्रों)

देश
की सर्वोच्च पंचायत या लोक सभा - जिसे बाद में 14 मई, 1 9 54 को लोकसभा का
नाम बदला गया, पहली बार 13 मई, 1 9 52 को मिले। अगले 60 वर्षों में, सदन
को 15 बार गठित किया गया है, इसके सदस्यों के साथ
सीधे भारत के लोगों द्वारा चुने गए समय के साथ-साथ, सदस्यों की रचना भी कम या ज्यादा हो गई है, जो कि कुल जनसंख्या में अपने समुदायों के अनुपात को दर्शाती हैं। इसमें पूर्ववर्ती अस्पृश्य और समाज के सबसे पिछड़े वर्ग के लोग शामिल हैं।

इस सब का श्रेय इंडियन डेमोक्रेसी के संस्थापक पिता के पास जाता है, उनमें से प्रमुख डॉ। अंबेडकर हैं। डॉ अंबेडकर की तरह, एक सच्चे आधुनिकतावादी थे जिन्होंने उदारवादी पश्चिमी लोकतंत्र के व्यापक सिद्धांतों की सदस्यता ली थी। लेकिन नेहरू ने किसी भी गोलमेज सम्मेलन में भाग नहीं लिया, जो कि संविधान बनाने के प्रत्येक विवरण में चला गया। और न ही वह अस्पृश्यों के लिए विशेष प्रतिनिधित्व के लिए विचार करने के लिए 1 9 32 में पूना समझौते का हिस्सा था।

राजनीतिक प्रतिनिधित्व में अनुसूचित जातियों / जनजातियों के लिए वयस्क
मताधिकार और आरक्षण के रूप में लोकतांत्रिक सिद्धांतों के मूल सिद्धांतों
को अंततः केवल डॉ। अम्बेडकर द्वारा भारतीय सामाजिक वास्तविकता और शर्तों को
देखते हुए ठीक किया गया।

साठ
सालों के अंत में, एक लोकतंत्र के सिद्धांतों के लिए एक प्रतिबद्धता की
आवश्यकता है, हमारे संविधान में निहित भारतीय समाज के सबसे वंचित वर्गों को
उचित खेल और प्रतिनिधित्व;
यह अपने लोगों का प्रतिनिधित्व करने वाली सर्वोच्च संस्था द्वारा रक्षा की जानी है: संसद

इससे
पहले सार्वभौमिक वयस्क मताधिकार का विरोध हिंदुस्था सभा ने आरएसएस पर किया
था, जिसने धोखाधड़ी ईवीएम के माध्यम से इसे छीनने का शॉर्टकट पाया है।

48) ಕನ್ನಡ

2196 ಶುಕ್ರ 14 ಏಪ್ರಿ 2017 ಪಾಠಗಳು
ನೀವು ಬಹಳ ಹ್ಯಾಪಿ Ambdkar ಜಯಂತಿ ವಿಶ್

ಹ್ಯಾಪಿ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ 2017 ಎಚ್ಡಿ ಚಿತ್ರಗಳು ವಾಲ್ಪೇಪರ್ಗಳು

ದಯವಿಟ್ಟು ವೀಕ್ಷಿಸಲು:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
Dr.Bhim ರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ 126th jaynti ಅನಿಮೇಟೆಡ್ ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾನೆ ಗ್ರೀಟಿಂಗ್ಸ್ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್ ಜೀವನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖಗಳು ಆಫ್
ಎಪ್ರಿಲ್ 12, 2017 ರಂದು ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ
Dr.Bhim ರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ 126th jaynti ಅನಿಮೇಟೆಡ್ ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾನೆ ಗ್ರೀಟಿಂಗ್ಸ್ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್ ಜೀವನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖಗಳು ಆಫ್

Dr.Bhim ರಾವ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ 126th jaynti ಅನಿಮೇಟೆಡ್ ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾನೆ ಗ್ರೀಟಿಂಗ್ಸ್ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್ ಜೀವನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖಗಳು ಆಫ್
126th
jaynti ಅನಿಮೇಟೆಡ್ ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾನೆ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಗ್ರೀಟಿಂಗ್ಸ್ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಇಂಗ್ಲೀಷ್
ಜೀವನದ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಉಲ್ಲೇಖಗಳು ಇದು ಒಂದು Dr.Bhim ರಾವ್ ಇಲ್ಲಿದೆ.
ಸ್ಫೂರ್ತಿದಾಯಕ! ವಿಶೇಷ ಸಂದೇಶ! ಡೈಲಿ ಸಬಲೀಕರಣ! ನಿಮ್ಮ life.I ಈ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಸ್ಫೂರ್ತಿ & ಪ್ರೇರೇಪಿಸುವ ಎಂದು ಭಾವಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ ಉತ್ತಮ ಒಟ್ಟಾಗಿ ಅತ್ಯುತ್ತಮ ನೀವು ಪ್ರೇರಿಪಿಸುವ.

ದಯವಿಟ್ಟು ಈ ಗ್ರೀಟಿಂಗ್ಸ್ ಹಂಚಿಕೊಳ್ಳಿ. ಎಲ್ಲಾ ನಿಮ್ಮ ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರು ಮತ್ತು ಕುಟುಂಬದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಹಂಚಿಕೊಳ್ಳಿ.

ಈ ವೀಡಿಯೊ ಸಂಬಂಧಿಸಿರುತ್ತದೆ:
ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್
ಜಯಂತಿ, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ಮುಂಬೈ, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ಸೋಲಾಪುರ್, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್
ಜಯಂತಿ ಹಾಡು, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, ಡಾ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, ಡಾ
ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, ಡಾ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, ಡಾ
ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, ಡಾ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, DR
ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ನೃತ್ಯ, ಡಾ ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ವೀಡಿಯೊ, ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ, DR. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ಆಚರಣೆ, Dr. ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ಸೋಲಾಪುರ್, Dr. ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಜಯಂತಿ ಸೋಲಾಪುರ್,

ದಯವಿಟ್ಟು
ವೀಕ್ಷಿಸಲು: ನಮ್ಮ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ನಾಯಕ Behenji ಮಿಸ್ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ನಮಗೆ ಮತ್ತು
ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರದ ಪರಿಹರಿಸಲು todau tht 14 ಏಪ್ರಿಲ್ 2017 10 am ಬಾಬಾಸಾಹೇಬ್
ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅವರ 126th ಜನ್ಮ ವಾರ್ಷಿಕೋತ್ಸವದ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ.
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಚಾನಲ್ಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಪ್ರಸಾರ ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ನಮ್ಮ ಪಕ್ಷದ ಸ್ನೇಹಿತರು ಮತ್ತು ಆಪ್ತರು ಈ ಸಂದೇಶವನ್ನು ಫಾರ್ವರ್ಡ್ ಮಾಡಿ. Jaibheem.

ಸೈಮನ್ ಆಯೋಗ ಡಾ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

ಡೆಮಾಕ್ರಸಿ ಗ್ರಾಮ ಅಥವಾ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಪಂಚಾಯತ್, ಆದರೆ ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಉನ್ನತ ಮಟ್ಟದಲ್ಲಿ ಕೇವಲ ವಯಸ್ಕ ಮತದಾರರ ಮತ್ತು ನೇರ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅರ್ಥ. ಮತ್ತು ಮತದಾರರ ಲೆಕ್ಕಿಸದೆ ಸಮುದಾಯ, ವರ್ಗ ಅಥವಾ ಶೈಕ್ಷಣಿಕ ಸಾಧನೆಯ, ಎಲ್ಲರೂ ಸೇರಿವೆ ಬಂತು. ನಂತರ ದೃಷ್ಟಿ ಯೋಜಿತ ಎಂದು - ಹೆಚ್ಚಾಗಿ ಅನಕ್ಷರಸ್ಥ ಹಳ್ಳಿಗರು ದೇಶವು - ಕ್ರಾಂತಿಕಾರಿ ಕಡಿಮೆ ಏನೂ ಆಗಿತ್ತು.
ದಾರಿ ಹೋರಾಟದ

23 ಅಕ್ಟೋಬರ್ 1928 ರಲ್ಲಿ ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಮುಂದುವರಿದ ಪಾಶ್ಚಿಮಾತ್ಯ ದೇಶಗಳ ಇನ್ನೂ ಕಲ್ಪನೆ, ಡಾ ಹೋರಾಡುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್, ಭಾರತೀಯ ಶಾಸನಬದ್ಧ ಆಯೋಗ (ಉತ್ತಮ ಸೈಮನ್ ಆಯೋಗದ ಎಂದು
ಗುರುತಿಸುವ ಬಂದ) ಮೊದಲು ಕಾಣಿಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳುವ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯನ್ನು ಭಾರತದ ಭವಿಷ್ಯದ ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ
ಒಂದುಗೂಡಿಸಬೇಕು ಅವರು ರಚನೆಯಿಂದಾಗಿ ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಹೇಳಿಕೊಂಡಿತು.

ಮತದಾನದ ಹಕ್ಕನ್ನು, ಆ ಸಮಯದಲ್ಲಿ, ಕೇವಲ, ಶ್ರೀಮಂತ ಇಳಿದರು ಮತ್ತು ತೆರಿಗೆ ಪಾವತಿದಾರರ ಗೆ ಅನುಮತಿಸಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್,
ಆದಾಗ್ಯೂ, ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ತುಳಿತಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾದವರ ಫಾರ್ ರಾಜಕೀಯ-ಕಾನೂನು ಸಮಾನತೆಯನ್ನು
ಕೋರಿದರು ಸಮಾಜದ ಅತ್ಯಂತ ತುಳಿತಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾದವರೊಂದಿಗೆ ವಿಭಾಗಗಳು ಕೈಯಲ್ಲಿ ಆಯುಧ
ಎಂದು ಕಲ್ಪಿಸಿಕೊಂಡಿದ್ದರು.
ಹೀಗಾಗಿ, ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿಗೆ ಮೀಸಲಿಟ್ಟ ಸ್ಥಾನಗಳನ್ನು ಬೇಡಿಕೆ ಮಾಡುವಾಗ - ಅವರು
ಕ್ರಿಮಿನಲ್ ಮತ್ತು ಬೆಟ್ಟಗಳ ಬುಡಕಟ್ಟು ಮತದಾನದ ಮೇಲೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿದರು - ಅನ್ಟಚಬಲ್ಸ್
ಎಂದು ಕರೆಯಲಾಗುತ್ತದೆ.

ಏನು ಹೆಚ್ಚು, ಅವರು ಆ ಕಾಲದ ರೂಢಿಯಲ್ಲಿದ್ದ, ತುಂಬಾ ಅನ್ಟಚಬಲ್ಸ್ ಒಳಗೊಂಡಿತ್ತು ಶಾಸನ ಒಳಗೆ ಕೆಲವು ವರ್ಗಗಳ ನಾಮನಿರ್ದೇಶನವನ್ನು ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿದರು.

ರಚನೆಯಿಂದಾಗಿ
ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಅವನ ಪ್ರಬಲ ರಕ್ಷಣಾ, ಡಾ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಅನಕ್ಷರತೆಗೆ ವಾದವನ್ನು
ದಫನಗೊಳಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದಾಗ: “ನನ್ನ ಭಾವನೆ ಪ್ರತಿಯೊಬ್ಬನು ಅವರು ಬಯಸುತ್ತಾರೆ ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು
ಸರಿಯಾಗಿ ಅರ್ಥೈಸಿಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಸಾಕಷ್ಟು ಬುದ್ಧಿವಂತ ಎಂದು.
ಸಾಕ್ಷರತಾ ಈ ತಾಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಪ್ರಭಾವವನ್ನು ಹೊಂದಿದೆ; ಮನುಷ್ಯ ಅನಕ್ಷರಸ್ಥ, ಯಾವುದೂ ಕಡಿಮೆ ಅವರು ಬಹಳ ಬುದ್ಧಿವಂತ ಇರಬಹುದು ಇರಬಹುದು. “

ಚರ್ಚೆಗಳ
ನಂತರ ಮಹಾತ್ಮ ಗಾಂಧಿಯವರಿಂದ 1930 ರ ಆರಂಭದಲ್ಲಿ ದುಂಡು ಮೇಜಿನ ಸಭೆಯು
ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಸಲ್ಪಟ್ಟಿದೆ ಇಂಡಿಯನ್ ನ್ಯಾಷನಲ್ ಕಾಂಗ್ರೆಸ್, ಒಳಗೊಂಡಿತ್ತು.
ಡಾ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್, ತನ್ನ ಕಡೆಯಿಂದ, ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಎಲ್ಲೆ ಗುರುತಿಸಲು ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಮನವರಿಕೆ ವಿಫಲವಾಗಿದೆ.

ನಂತರದ
ದಶಕದಲ್ಲಿ, ಸಂವಿಧಾನ ಸಭೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ಹೊಸ ಸಂವಿಧಾನವು ಚಾಲನೆ ಮಾಡುವಾಗ, ಡಾ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್
ಮತ್ತೊಮ್ಮೆ ರಚನೆಯಿಂದಾಗಿ ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಅವನ ದೃಷ್ಟಿಯ ಗಳಿಸಿಕೊಟ್ಟಿತು.
ಆದರೆ ತುಂಬಾ ಈ ಬಾರಿ ಸಹ ಬ್ರಿಟಿಷ್ ಚಿತ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಇಲ್ಲದೆ ಅಲ್ಲಿ ಕಲ್ಪನೆಯನ್ನು ಸುಲಭ ತೇಲುವ ಆಗಿತ್ತು. ಇದು
ಆಮೂಲಾಗ್ರ ದೊರೆಯಲಿಲ್ಲ ಮೂಲಭೂತ ಹಕ್ಕುಗಳ ವಿಧಾನಸಭೆ ಸಲಹಾ ಸಮಿತಿ ನೇತೃತ್ವ
ವಹಿಸಿದ್ದ ಸರ್ದಾರ್ ವಲ್ಲಭಬಾಯ್ ಪಟೇಲ್,, ಸ್ಟೇಟ್ಸ್ ಒಪ್ಪಿಗೆ ಇಲ್ಲವೆಂಬ ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ
rights.Today ಕೇವಲ 1% ಅಸಹಿಷ್ಣುತೆ ಹಿಂಸಾತ್ಮಕ, ಉಗ್ರಗಾಮಿ ಮೇಲೆ ಅತಿಕ್ರಮಣ
ವೀಕ್ಷಕರು apprehensions ವ್ಯಕ್ತಪಡಿಸಿರುವ
,
ಶೂಟಿಂಗ್, ಗಲ್ಲಿಗೇರಿಸುತ್ತಿರುವುದಕ್ಕೆ, ಅತಿರೇಕ, ಮಾನಸಿಕ ಮರೆವಿನ, ಸಂಖ್ಯೆ 1
ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದಕರ ನರಭಕ್ಷಕ chitpawan ಬ್ರಾಹ್ಮಣರು ಆರ್ಎಸ್ಎಸ್ psychopaths,
ತಿದ್ದುಪಡಿ ವಿಕೃತ ಮತ್ತು ವಿದ್ಯುನ್ಮಾನ ಮತಯಂತ್ರಗಳ, sarvajan ಸಮಾಜ ಅಂದರೆ 99%
ವಯಸ್ಕ ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ವಂಚಿತವಾಗುತ್ತದೆ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಸಮಾಜಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗಳನ್ನು ಗೆಲ್ಲಲು
ವಂಚನೆ ಹ್ಯಾಕ್ ಮಾಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ.
ಎಲ್ಲಾ
ಗಳನ್ನು ಕರಗಿದ ಮತ್ತು ವಿಶ್ವದ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವಗಳು ನಂತರ ಕಾಗದದ
ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು ಜೊತೆ ತಾಜಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆ ಹೋಗುವುದನ್ನು ಮಾಡಬೇಕು ನಿಷೇಧಿಸಿತು ಮತ್ತು
ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ಕೊಲೆ ಮತ್ತು ಈ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಆಯ್ಕೆ ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ
ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಲು ಮಾಡಬೇಕು.

ಡಾ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್, ಆದಾಗ್ಯೂ, ದೃಢವಾಗಿ ಒಂದು ಮೂಲಭೂತ ಹಕ್ಕು ಎಂಬ ಮತದಾನದ ಹಕ್ಕನ್ನು ಅವನ ಸ್ಥಾನವನ್ನು ಅಂಟಿಕೊಂಡಿತ್ತು. ಅವರ ಪದಗಳಲ್ಲಿ, ಮತ್ತು ತನ್ಮೂಲಕ, ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ಸತ್ವ “ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ವಿಷಯ”. ಅಸೆಂಬ್ಲಿ ಸದಸ್ಯರು, ಹೇಗಾದರೂ ಮಂಡಳಿಯಲ್ಲಿ ಸ್ಟೇಟ್ಸ್ ತರಲು ತಮ್ಮ anxiousness
ರಲ್ಲಿ, ಬೇಕು ಮೂಲ ತತ್ವಗಳನ್ನು ಇಂತಹ ರಚನೆಯಿಂದಾಗಿ ಫ್ರಾಂಚೈಸಿಯಾಗಿತ್ತು ರಾಜಿ
ಎಂದು ಎಚ್ಚರಿಕೆ.

ಇದು
ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಭಾರತೀಯ ಮತದಾರರು ಅಂತ್ಯಗೊಂಡಿತು - ಒಳಪಡುವ ಸಾಕ್ಷರತೆ, ಜಾತಿ ಮತ್ತು
ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಸ್ಥಿತಿಯು, ವ್ಯಕ್ತಿ ಅಥವಾ ಮಹಿಳೆ, ಬಂದಿಳಿದ ಅಥವಾ ಭೂರಹಿತ ಕಾರ್ಮಿಕ, ಮತ್ತು
ತೆರಿಗೆ ಪಾವತಿಸುವ ಅಥವಾ ಬಡವ ಎಂಬುದನ್ನು - ತಮ್ಮ ಕಾಗದದ ಮತಪತ್ರದ ಎರಕ ಕ್ಯೂಯಿಂಗ್
(ಬಹು- ಕೆಲವೊಮ್ಮೆ ಎರಡು ಅಥವಾ ಮೂರು ಮತಪತ್ರಗಳನ್ನು
ಸದಸ್ಯ ಕ್ಷೇತ್ರಗಳಲ್ಲಿ) ಸಂಸತ್ತು ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಅಸೆಂಬ್ಲೀಸ್ ಗೆ 1951-52 ದೀರ್ಘ ಡ್ರಾ ಚುನಾವಣೆಯಲ್ಲಿ.

ದೇಶದ
ಅತ್ಯುನ್ನತ ಪಂಚಾಯತ್ ಅಥವಾ ಹೌಸ್ ಆಫ್ ಪೀಪಲ್ - ನಂತರ ಮೇ 14, 1954 ರಂದು
ಲೋಕಸಭೆಯ ಮರುನಾಮಕರಣವಾಯಿತು - ಮೇ 13 ಮುಂದಿನ 60 ವರ್ಷಗಳ 1952 ಮೊದಲ ಬಾರಿಗೆ
ಭೇಟಿಯಾದರು, ಹೌಸ್, ಇದ್ದಿತು ಮಾಡಲಾಗಿದೆ 15 ಬಾರಿ ಅದರ ಸದಸ್ಯರು ಜೊತೆಗೆ
ನೇರವಾಗಿ ಭಾರತದ ಜನರಿಂದ ಆಯ್ಕೆ. ಕಾಲಾನಂತರದಲ್ಲಿ, ಸದಸ್ಯರ ಸಂಯೋಜನೆ ಒಟ್ಟು ಜನಸಂಖ್ಯೆಯ ಹೆಚ್ಚೂಕಡಿಮೆ ತಮ್ಮ ಸಮುದಾಯಗಳ ಪ್ರಮಾಣದ ಪ್ರತಿಬಿಂಬಿಸಲು ಬದಲಾಗಿದೆ. ಸಮಾಜದ ಮುಂಚಿನ ಅನ್ಟಚಬಲ್ಸ್ ಮತ್ತು ಅತ್ಯಂತ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳಿಗೆ ಸೇರಿದ ಒಳಗೊಂಡಿದೆ.

ಈ ಕ್ರೆಡಿಟ್ ಅಗ್ರಗಣ್ಯ ಅವುಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಎಂಬ ಭಾರತೀಯ ಡೆಮಾಕ್ರಸಿ ಸಂಸ್ಥಾಪಕ ಜನಕ ಹೋಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಲೈಕ್ ಪ್ರಗತಿಪರ ಪಾಶ್ಚಿಮಾತ್ಯ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ ವಿಶಾಲ ತತ್ವಗಳನ್ನು ಚಂದಾದಾರರಾಗಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಒಬ್ಬ ನಿಜವಾದ ಆಧುನಿಕತಾವಾದಿ ಆಗಿತ್ತು. ಆದರೆ ನೆಹರು ಸಂವಿಧಾನದ ತಯಾರಿಕೆ ಪ್ರತಿ ವಿವರಗಳನ್ನು ನೀಡಿತ್ತು ಇದು ರೌಂಡ್ ಟೇಬಲ್ ಕಾನ್, ಯಾವುದೇ ಪಾಲ್ಗೊಂಡಿರಲಿಲ್ಲ. ಅಥವಾ ಅವರು ಅಸ್ಪೃಶ್ಯರಿಗಾಗಿ ವಿಶೇಷ ಪ್ರಾತಿನಿಧ್ಯ ಪರಿಗಣಿಸಲು 1932 ರಲ್ಲಿ ಪೂನಾ ಒಪ್ಪಂದದ ಮಾತುಕತೆಗಳ ಒಂದು ಭಾಗವಾಗಿತ್ತು.

ಇಂತಹ ಪರಿಶಿಷ್ಟ ಜಾತಿಗೆ ವಯಸ್ಕರಿಗೆ ಮತದಾನದ ಹಾಗೂ ಮೀಸಲಾತಿ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವದ
ತತ್ವಗಳ ಮೂಲಭೂತ ರಾಜಕೀಯ / ಪ್ರಾತಿನಿಧ್ಯ ಟ್ರೈಬ್ಸ್ ದಂಡ ಕೊನೆಯದಾಗಿದ್ದರೂ
ಅಂಬೇಡ್ಕರ್ ಮೂಲಕ ಭಾರತೀಯ ಸಾಮಾಜಿಕ ರಿಯಾಲಿಟಿ ಮತ್ತು ಷರತ್ತುಗಳಿಗೆ ಟ್ಯೂನ್
ಮಾಡಲಾಯಿತು.

ಅರವತ್ತು
ವರ್ಷಗಳ ಕೊನೆಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಏನು ಒಂದು ಅಗತ್ಯವಿದೆ ಪ್ರಜಾಪ್ರಭುತ್ವ, ಯುಕ್ತ ಆಟದ ಮತ್ತು
ನಮ್ಮ ಸಂವಿಧಾನದಲ್ಲಿ ನೀಡಲಾಗಿದೆ ಭಾರತೀಯ ಸಮಾಜದ ಅತಿ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳಿಗೆ
ಪ್ರಾತಿನಿಧ್ಯ ತತ್ವಗಳನ್ನು ಮರು ಬದ್ಧತೆ;
ಸಂಸತ್ತಿನ: ಈ ಅದರ ಜನರು ಪ್ರತಿನಿಧಿಸುವ ಅತ್ಯಧಿಕ ಶಕ್ತಿಯ ಮೂಲಕ ರಕ್ಷಿಸಬಹುದಾಗಿದೆ ಮಾಡುವುದು.

ಹಿಂದಿನ ರಚನೆಯಿಂದಾಗಿ ಫ್ರ್ಯಾಂಚೈಸ್ ಈಗ Hindumaha ಸಭ ವಂಚನೆ ಗಳನ್ನು ಮೂಲಕ ಪರಾರಿಯಾಯಿತು ಶಾರ್ಟ್ಕಟ್ ಕಂಡುಹಿಡಿದಿದೆ ಆರೆಸ್ಸೆಸ್ ವಿರೋಧಿಸಿದರು.

62) മലയാളം

2196 വെ 14 ഏപ്രിൽ 2017 പാഠങ്ങൾ
നിങ്ങൾ വളരെ ഹാപ്പി അംബ്ദ്കര് ജയന്തി Wish

ഹാപ്പി അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി 2017 എച്ച്ഡി ചിത്രങ്ങൾ വാൾപേപ്പറുകൾ

ദയവായി:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
ദ്ര്.ഭിമ് റാവു ൧൨൬ഥ് ജയ്ംതി അനിമേറ്റഡ് അംബേദ്കർ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നു ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ ജീവിതത്തെ ഉദ്ധരണികൾ എന്ന ആശംസകൾ വീഡിയോ
ഏപ്രിൽ 12, 2017 പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ചു
ദ്ര്.ഭിമ് റാവു ൧൨൬ഥ് ജയ്ംതി അനിമേറ്റഡ് അംബേദ്കർ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നു ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ ജീവിതത്തെ ഉദ്ധരണികൾ എന്ന ആശംസകൾ വീഡിയോ

ദ്ര്.ഭിമ് റാവു ൧൨൬ഥ് ജയ്ംതി അനിമേറ്റഡ് അംബേദ്കർ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നു ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ ജീവിതത്തെ ഉദ്ധരണികൾ എന്ന ആശംസകൾ വീഡിയോ
ഒരു ദ്ര്.ഭിമ് റാവു ൧൨൬ഥ് ജയ്ംതി അനിമേറ്റഡ് അംബേദ്കർ ഉദ്ദേശിക്കുന്നു ഇംഗ്ലീഷിൽ ജീവിതത്തെ ഉദ്ധരണികൾ എന്ന ആശംസകൾ വീഡിയോ ഇതാ. ആവേശകരമായ! പ്രത്യേക സന്ദേശം! പ്രതിദിന ശാക്തീകരണം! മികച്ച നിങ്ങളുടെ ലിഫെ.ഇ നിങ്ങളെ പ്രചോദനം ഒന്നിച്ചു ഇട്ടു ഏറ്റവും
മികച്ച ഈ വീഡിയോ പ്രചോദനം & പ്രചോദിപ്പിക്കും തക്കവണ്ണം ഞങ്ങൾ
പ്രതീക്ഷിക്കുന്നു.

ഈ ആശംസകൾ പങ്കിടുക ദയവായി. നിങ്ങളുടെ എല്ലാ സുഹൃത്തുക്കളുമായും കുടുംബവുമായും പങ്കിടുക.

ഈ വീഡിയോ ഉപയോഗിച്ച് ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു:
അംബേദ്കർ
ജയന്തി, അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി മുംബൈ, അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി സോലാപൂർ, അംബേദ്കർ
ജയന്തി ഗാനം, ഡോ അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ
ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ
ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ
ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി നൃത്തം, ഡോ ബാബാസാഹേബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി വീഡിയോ, ഡോ അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി, ഡോ. അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി ആഘോഷം, ദ്ര്.ബബസഹെബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി സോലാപൂർ, ദ്ര്.ബബസഹെബ് അംബേദ്കർ ജയന്തി സോലാപൂർ,

ദയവായി:
നമ്മുടെ ദേശീയ നേതാവ് ബെഹെന്ജി ശ്രീമതി മായാവതി രാവിലെ 10 സാഹേബ് ഡോ
അംബേദ്കർ ന്റെ ൧൨൬ഥ് ജന്മദിനം വേളയിൽ ഞങ്ങൾക്കും ജാതി തൊദൌ ഒണ്ടല്ലോഡാ 14
ഏപ്രിൽ 2017 അഭിസംബോധന.
എല്ലാ ദേശീയ ചാനലുകൾ റിലെ. നമ്മുടെ പാർട്ടി സുഹൃത്തുക്കൾക്കും പ്രിയസഹോദരങ്ങൾ ഈ സന്ദേശം കൈമാറും. ജൈഭെഎമ്.

സൈമൺ കമ്മീഷൻ ഡോ അംബേദ്കർ

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

ജനാധിപത്യം
വെറും ഗ്രാമം അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ജില്ലാ പഞ്ചായത്ത് ഇല്ല സാർവത്രിക ം നേരിട്ടുള്ള
തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ വിചാരിച്ചു; സർക്കാർ ഉയർന്ന അളവ്.
എന്നാൽ വോട്ടർമാർ ഭേദമന്യേ കമ്മ്യൂണിറ്റി, ക്ലാസ് അല്ലെങ്കിൽ നേട്ടങ്ങൾ എല്ലാവരെയും ഉൾപ്പെടുത്താൻ ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു. കുറഞ്ഞ സാഹചര്യത്തിൽ എന്നത് പിന്നീട് ദർശനം - വലിയതോതിൽ നിരക്ഷരരായ ഗ്രാമീണർ ഒരു രാജ്യത്തിന് - വിപ്ലവ ചെറിയ ഒന്നും ആയിരുന്നു.
എല്ലാ വഴിയും സമരത്തിൽ

23 ഒക്ടോബർ, 1928, പോലും ഏറ്റവും വിപുലമായ പാശ്ചാത്യ രാജ്യങ്ങൾ ഇപ്പോഴും ആശയം, ഡോ ബ്.ര്. നട്ടം ചെയ്തു ന് അംബേദ്കർ, ഇന്ത്യൻ നിയമപ്രകാരമുള്ള കമ്മീഷൻ (മെച്ചപ്പെട്ട സൈമൺ കമ്മീഷൻ
എന്നറിയപ്പെടാൻ വന്ന) മുമ്പ് ഹാജരായ അദ്ദേഹം തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് ഇന്ത്യയുടെ ഭാവി
ഭരണഘടനയിൽ ഭാഗമാകുകയും വേണ്ടി സാർവത്രിക പ്രായപൂർത്തി ആഗ്രഹിക്കുന്നു
പറഞ്ഞു.

വോട്ടവകാശം, ആ സമയത്ത്, മാത്രം സമ്പന്നമായ അനുവദിച്ചിരുന്ന ഇറങ്ങുകയും ആദായനികുതി ചെയ്തു. അംബേദ്കർ,
എന്നാൽ, തെരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പ് പീഡിതന്മാർക്കും രാഷ്ട്രീയ-നിയമ സമത്വം
ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ട് സമൂഹത്തിലെ ഏറ്റവും ഞെരുക്കി വിഭാഗങ്ങളുടെ കൈകളിൽ ആയുധം
ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു എന്ന് വിഭാവനം.
അങ്ങനെ, പട്ടികജാതി സംവരണം സീറ്റുകൾ ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ട് സമയത്ത് - അധഃകൃത
എന്ന് പിന്നീട് പരാമർശിക്കുന്നു - അവൻ ക്രിമിനൽ കുന്നുകൾ ഗോത്രങ്ങളിൽ
ഫ്രാഞ്ചൈസി നിർബന്ധിതമാക്കിയിരുന്നില്ല.

എന്തിനധികം, അദ്ദേഹം ആ കാലഘട്ടത്തിലെ ഗംഗാതടത്തിലാണ് പോലെ, വളരെ
ദലിതർക്ക് ഉൾപ്പെടെ നിയമസഭയിലേക്കും കടന്നു ചില ക്ലാസുകൾ നിയമനത്തിന്,
എതിർത്തു.

സാർവത്രിക
പ്രായപൂർത്തി തന്റെ ശക്തമായ പ്രതിരോധ ഡോ അംബേദ്കർ നിരക്ഷരത വാദം വിശ്രമം
വെച്ചു: “എന്റെ തോന്നൽ ഓരോ മനുഷ്യനും താൻ വേണ്ടതെന്ന് മനസിലാക്കാൻ
മതിയായ ബുദ്ധിമാന്മാരും എന്നതാണ്.
സാക്ഷരത വളരെ ഈ പോയിന്റിൽ ചുമന്നുകൊണ്ടു ചെയ്തിട്ടില്ല; ഒരു മനുഷ്യൻ, നിരക്ഷരനായ വരാം കുറച്ച് അവൻ വളരെ ബുദ്ധിമാന്മാരും ആയിരിക്കാം ആരും. “

പിന്നീട്, പേരുകേട്ട മഹാത്മാഗാന്ധി 1930 വട്ടമേശ സമ്മേളനങ്ങൾ പ്രതിനിധിയെ ചെയ്തു ഇന്ത്യൻ നാഷണൽ കോൺഗ്രസ്, ഉൾപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്. അംബേദ്കർ, തന്റെ ഭാഗത്ത്, ഫ്രാഞ്ചൈസി ദെലിമിത് ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് ബോധ്യപ്പെടുത്താൻ പരാജയപ്പെട്ടു.

തുടർന്നുള്ള
ദശകത്തിൽ ഭരണഘടനാ പുതിയ ഭരണഘടന പിലൊതിന്ഗ് സമയത്ത്, അംബേദ്കർ വീണ്ടും
സാർവത്രിക പ്രായപൂർത്തി തന്റെ കാഴ്ചപ്പാട് തുടങ്ങിയത്.
എന്നാൽ ഇത്തവണ വളരെ പോലും ചിത്രത്തിൽ ബ്രിട്ടീഷ് നൽകാതെ, അവിടെ ആശയം യാതൊരു എളുപ്പത്തിൽ കപ്പലോട്ടം ആയിരുന്നു. ഇത്
മൗലികാവകാശങ്ങൾക്കായുള്ള ന് നിയമസഭാ ഉപദേശക സമിതി നേതൃത്വം നൽകിയ സർദാർ
വല്ലഭായ് പട്ടേൽ, സ്റ്റേറ്റ്സ് അംഗീകരിക്കാനാകില്ല അല്ലയോ എന്നു പോലും
അത് അവരുടെ rights.Today വെറും 1% അസഹിഷ്ണുത, അക്രമം, തീവ്രവാദി മേൽ
ആക്രമണകാരികളായ കരുതുന്നു ആശങ്ക പ്രകടിപ്പിച്ചു അങ്ങനെ സമൂലമായ കണ്ടെത്തി
വെടിവച്ചു,
റീലിൽ, ഭ്രാന്തൻ, മാനസികവളർച്ചയെത്താത്തവരുടെ, നമ്പർ 1 തീവ്രവാദി നരഭോജി
ഛിത്പവന് ബ്രാഹ്മണ ആർ.എസ്.എസ് മനോരോഗികളോ, രൂപഭേദം അനാവശ്യ 99% സര്വജന്
സമാജ് അതായത്, എല്ലാ സമുദായത്തെ സാർവത്രികമായ പ്രായപൂർത്തി നഷ്ടമാക്കുകയാണ്
തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ വിജയം വഞ്ചന വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ ഹാക്ക്
ചെയ്തിട്ടുണ്ട്.
എല്ലാ
വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ നിരോധിത ജനാധിപത്യത്തിന്റെ കൊലപാതകം നിർത്താൻ
ചെയ്യേണ്ടതാണ് ഈ തട്ടിപ്പ് വോട്ടിംഗ് യന്ത്രത്തിൽ തിരഞ്ഞെടുത്ത
കേന്ദ്ര-സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാരുകൾ ലോകത്തിന്റെ എല്ലാ ജനാധിപത്യ പിന്നാലെ പോലെ
അലിഞ്ഞു പേപ്പർ ബാലറ്റുകൾ പുതിയ തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ പോയി ചെയ്യേണ്ടതാണ്.


അംബേദ്കർ, എന്നാൽ, ഉറ്റുനോക്കി ഒരു മൗലികാവകാശമായി ഒരാളായി വോട്ടവകാശം തന്റെ സ്ഥാനം പറ്റും. അദ്ദേഹത്തിന്റെ തന്നെ വാക്കുകളിൽ, ഒപ്പം, അതുവഴി, ജനാധിപത്യത്തിന്റെ സത്ത “ഫ്രാഞ്ചൈസി ഭരണഘടനയുടെ മുഖ്യ കാര്യം”. അവൻ നിയമസഭാ അംഗങ്ങൾ, എങ്ങനെയോ ബോർഡിൽ സ്റ്റേറ്റ്സ് കൊണ്ട് അവരുടെ
വ്യാകുലത പോലുള്ള യൂണിവേഴ്സൽ പ്രായപൂർത്തി അടിസ്ഥാന തത്വങ്ങൾ വിട്ടുവീഴ്ച
പാടില്ല എന്ന് മുന്നറിയിപ്പ്.

മൾട്ടി
ചിലപ്പോൾ രണ്ടു മൂന്നു ബാലറ്റുകൾ അവരുടെ പേപ്പർ ബാലറ്റ് കാസ്റ്റ് ചെയ്യാൻ
.ജിന്ദാല് (- എല്ലാ ഇന്ത്യൻ വോട്ടർമാർ കലാശിച്ചു - വെത്യാസമെന്യ സാക്ഷരത,
ജാതി മത സ്ഥിതി പുരുഷനോ സ്ത്രീയോ, ഇറങ്ങുകയും അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ഭൂരഹിതരായ
വേലക്കാരൻ, നികുതി ദാതാവ് അല്ലെങ്കിൽ സംയമിയുടെ എന്ന്
അംഗം മണ്ഡലങ്ങളിൽ) 1951-52ലെ പാർലമെന്റിലും സംസ്ഥാന നിയമസഭകളിലും ലേക്ക് നീണ്ട വരച്ച തിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിൽ.

രാജ്യത്തെ
ഏറ്റവും പഞ്ചായത്ത് അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ജനങ്ങളുടെ ഹൗസ് - പിന്നീട് മെയ് 14, 1954
ന് ലോക്സഭ ഗെയ്ക്ക്വാദ് - ആദ്യമായി മേയ് 13, 1952 ന് ഹൌസ് അതിന്റെ
അംഗങ്ങൾ ആയിരിക്കും 15 തവണ രൂപീകരിച്ചു ചെയ്തു, അടുത്ത 60 വർഷം കൊണ്ട്
കൂടിക്കാഴ്ച
നേരിട്ട് ഇന്ത്യയിലെ ആളുകൾ തിരഞ്ഞെടുത്തു. കാലക്രമേണ, അംഗങ്ങളുടെ ഘടന കൂടുതൽ കുറവോ മൊത്തം ജനസംഖ്യ അവരുടെ കമ്മ്യൂണിറ്റികൾ അനുപാതത്തിനനുസരിച്ച് പ്രതിഫലിപ്പിക്കാൻ മാറ്റി. ആ പഴയ ദലിതർക്ക് സമൂഹത്തിന്റെ ഏറ്റവും പിന്നോക്ക വിഭാഗങ്ങൾ പെടുന്ന ആ ഉൾപ്പെടുന്നു.

ഈ ക്രെഡിറ്റ് മുൻഗാമികൾ അവരുടെ അംബേദ്കർ എന്ന ഇന്ത്യൻ ഡെമോക്രസി സ്ഥാപക പിതാക്കന്മാർക്കും പോകുന്നു. അംബേദ്കർ പോലെ ലിബറൽ പാശ്ചാത്യ ജനാധിപത്യത്തിന്റെ വിശാലമായ തത്ത്വങ്ങൾ സബ്സ്ക്രൈബുചെയ്തു ഒരു യഥാർത്ഥ ആധുനിക ആയിരുന്നു. എന്നാൽ നെഹ്റു ഭരണഘടന നിർമ്മാണം ഓരോ വിശദമായി ചെന്നു റൗണ്ട് ടേബിൾ സമ്മേളനങ്ങൾ, ഏതെങ്കിലും പങ്കെടുക്കാൻ ചെയ്തില്ല. അദ്ദേഹം ദലിതർക്ക് വേണ്ടിയുള്ള പ്രത്യേക പ്രാതിനിധ്യം പരിഗണിക്കാൻ 1932 ൽ ശേഷമുണ്ടായ വിലപേശലിനു ഭാഗമായിരുന്നു.

പോലുള്ള രാഷ്ട്രീയ പ്രാതിനിദ്ധ്യം പട്ടികജാതി / വർഗ്ഗ വേണ്ടി
പ്രായപൂർത്തി ആൻഡ് സംവരണം ജനാധിപത്യ തത്ത്വങ്ങൾ തത്വങ്ങളിൽ പിഴ മാത്രമേ ഡോ
അംബേദ്കർ ആത്യന്തികമായി ഇന്ത്യൻ സാമൂഹിക യാഥാർത്ഥ്യം വ്യവസ്ഥകളും ട്യൂൺ
ചെയ്തു.

അറുപതു
വർഷം അവസാനം, എന്തു ഒരു ആവശ്യമാണ് നമ്മുടെ ഭരണഘടന നിഷ്ഠമായ ഇന്ത്യൻ
സമൂഹത്തിലെ ഏറ്റവും മാരണം വിഭാഗങ്ങളുടെ ഒരു ജനാധിപത്യത്തിന്റെ തത്ത്വങ്ങൾ
പ്രാതിനിധ്യം വീണ്ടും പ്രതിബദ്ധത, ന്യായമായ മത്സരങ്ങൾ ആണ്;
പാർലമെന്റ്: ഈ ഏറ്റവും ശരീരം അതിന്റെ പ്രതിനിധികളെന്ന വഴി സംരക്ഷണം വേണം.

നേരത്തെ
സാർവത്രിക പ്രായപൂർത്തി ഇപ്പോൾ ഹിംദുമഹ ലോക്സഭാ തട്ടിപ്പ് വോട്ടിംഗ്
യന്ത്രത്തിൽ വഴി സ്ചുത്ത്ലെ ഒരു കുറുക്കുവഴി കണ്ടെത്തി ആർ.എസ്.എസ്
എതിർത്തു.

65) मराठी

2196 शुक्र 14 एप्रिल 2017 धडे
आपण खूप आनंद Ambdkar जयंती शुभेच्छा

खूप आनंद झाला आंबेडकर जयंती 2017 एचडी प्रतिमा वॉलपेपर

पहा:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
Dr.Bhim राव 126 jaynti अॅनिमेटेड आंबेडकर इंग्रजी जीवन कोट शुभेच्छा व्हिडिओ इच्छा
एप्रिल 12, 2017 वर प्रकाशित
Dr.Bhim राव 126 jaynti अॅनिमेटेड आंबेडकर इंग्रजी जीवन कोट शुभेच्छा व्हिडिओ इच्छा

Dr.Bhim राव 126 jaynti अॅनिमेटेड आंबेडकर इंग्रजी जीवन कोट शुभेच्छा व्हिडिओ इच्छा
126 jaynti अॅनिमेटेड आंबेडकर इंग्रजी जीवन कोट शुभेच्छा व्हिडिओ इच्छा तो एक Dr.Bhim राव आहे. प्रेरणादायी! विशेष संदेश! दैनिक सबलीकरण! आपल्या life.I की हा व्हिडिओ प्रेरणा आणि आपल्याला प्रेरणा शकते आशा मध्ये सर्वोत्तम एकत्र ठेवले सर्वोत्तम आपण प्रेरणा आहे.

या शुभेच्छा शेअर करा. आपल्या सर्व मित्र आणि कुटुंबासह सामायिक करा.

हा व्हिडिओ संबंधित आहे:
बाबासाहेब
आंबेडकर जयंती डॉ आंबेडकर जयंती मुंबई, डॉ आंबेडकर जयंती सोलापूर, डॉ
आंबेडकर जयंती गाणे, बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती,
डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब
आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ
बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती नृत्य, डॉ बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती व्हिडिओ, बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती, डॉ. आंबेडकर जयंती उत्सव, बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती सोलापूर, बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जयंती सोलापूर,

पहा:
आमच्या राष्ट्रीय नेते Behenji मायावती आम्हाला आणि देशाला उद्देशून भाषण
todau tht 14 एप्रिल 2017 बाबासाहेब बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर यांच्या 126
जयंतीनिमित्त सकाळी 10 वाजता आहे.
सर्व राष्ट्रीय चॅनेल मध्ये सहक्षेपित. आमच्या पक्षाच्या मित्र आणि प्रिय विषयावर हा संदेश अग्रेषित करा. Jaibheem.

त्या काळी सायमन कमिशन डॉ आंबेडकर

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

लोकशाही फक्त नाही किंवा गावात जिल्हा पंचायत, पण सरकारच्या सर्वोच्च पातळीवर सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मतदान आणि थेट निवडणूक होती. आणि मतदारांना लक्षात न घेता समुदाय, वर्ग किंवा शैक्षणिक कौशल्य आहे, प्रत्येकजण समावेश होते. नंतर त्या दृष्टी अंदाज आहे - मुख्यत्वे निरक्षर गावातील देश - क्रांतिकारक काही औरच होते.
सर्व मार्ग संघर्ष

23 ऑक्टोबर, इ.स. 1928 रोजी, अगदी सर्वात प्रगत पाश्चात्य राष्ट्रांना अजूनही कल्पना, डॉ B.R. लढत होते तेव्हा आंबेडकर, भारतीय वैधानिक आयोगाने (चांगले सायमन कमिशन म्हणून ओळखले जाऊ
लागले आहे) आधी दिसणार्या, निवडणूक भारत भविष्यात संविधानात समाविष्ट करणे
सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मताधिकार इच्छित आहे.

मतदानाचा अधिकार, त्या वेळी, केवळ, श्रीमंत उतरले करदात्यांचा वर मंजूर करण्यात आले. बाबासाहेब
आंबेडकर, तथापि, निवडणूक oppressed साठी Politico कायदेशीर समता मागणी
समाजाच्या सर्वात छळ विभाग हातात एक शस्त्र होते की सोय.
त्यामुळे, अनुसूचित जातींसाठी राखीव जागा, अशी मागणी करताना - तो देखील
गुन्हेगारी आणि टेकड्या जमाती साठी संघाचे यावर आग्रह - नंतर अस्पृश्य
म्हणून संदर्भित.

काय अधिक आहे, तो त्या काळातील सर्वसामान्य प्रमाण होते म्हणून अस्पृश्य,
खूप समावेश आहे विधानसभांमध्ये, मध्ये काही वर्ग उमेदवारी विरोध केला.

सार्वत्रिक
प्रौढ मताधिकार त्याच्या बळकट संरक्षण डॉ आंबेडकर निरक्षरता प्रतिपादन
विश्रांती ठेवले: “माझ्या भावना प्रत्येक मनुष्य इच्छित नक्की काय समजून
घेणे पुरेसे बुद्धिमान आहे.
साक्षरता या टप्प्यावर नाही जास्त कल आहे; एक माणूस निरक्षर, काहीही कमी तो अतिशय हुशार असू शकते असू शकते. “

चर्चा नंतर महात्मा गांधी यांनी लवकर 1930 मध्ये राउंड टेबल संमेलने येथे उपस्थित होते जे भारतीय राष्ट्रीय काँग्रेस, गुंतलेली. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर, त्याच्या भाग, मताधिकार मर्यादा ठरवणे ब्रिटिश पटवणे अयशस्वी.

त्यानंतरच्या
दशकात, संविधान विधानसभा नवीन संविधान गोष्टीही शक्यतो इंग्रजीत
ठेवाव्यात, तर बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर पुन्हा एकदा सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मताधिकार
त्याच्या दृष्टी catapulted.
पण या वेळी खूप, अगदी ब्रिटिश चित्रात जात न, कल्पना नाही सोपे म्हणुनच स्विकारले होते. त्यामुळे
संपूर्ण आढळले सरदार वल्लभभाई पटेल, मूलभूत अधिकार वर विधानसभा सल्लागार
समिती प्रमुख असलेले, शंका की स्टेट्स सहमत होऊ शकते आणि अगदी त्यांच्या
rights.Today फक्त 1% असहिष्णू, हिंसक, अतिरेकी यावर अतिक्रमण पाहू होईल
व्यक्त
,
नेमबाजी, lynching, मानसिक मतिमंद, संख्या 1 दहशतवादी मनुष्यभक्षक
chitpawan ब्राह्मण राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघाचे psychopaths, विकृत आहे बदल
आणि इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान 99% sarvajan समाज म्हणजे
सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मताधिकार वंचित ठेवा, सर्व समित्या, निवडणूक जिंकण्यासाठी
फसवणूक हॅक.
सर्व
इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान विसर्जित आणि जगातील सर्व लोकशाही
पाठोपाठ कागद मतपत्रिका सह पुन्हा निवडणुका घ्याव्यात, जा करणे आवश्यक आहे
बंदी आणि लोकशाही खून आणि केंद्र व राज्य सरकारांनी या फसवणूक
इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान निवडले थांबवू करावे लागेल.
डॉ आंबेडकर, मात्र नेहमी एक मूलभूत अधिकार असल्याने मतदानाचा अधिकार त्याच्या स्थानावर कायम आहेत. त्याचे शब्द, आणि, ज्यामुळे, लोकशाहीचे सत्व “मताधिकार घटनेचे मुख्य गोष्ट आहे”. तो विधानसभा सदस्य, कसा तरी बोर्ड वर स्टेट्स आणण्यासाठी त्यांचे
anxiousness, अशा सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मताधिकार म्हणून मूलभूत तत्त्वांशी
कोणत्याही परिस्थितीत तडजोड करू नये, असा इशारा दिला.

हे
सर्व भारतीय मतदार मध्ये झाली - न बघता त्यांची साक्षरता, जात आणि धार्मिक
स्थिती, माणूस किंवा स्त्री, स्थावर किंवा भूमिहीन मजूर, आणि करदाता किंवा
pauper - त्यांच्या कागद मतपत्रिका टाकले करण्यासाठी लाईन लावत (मल्टी
मध्ये कधी कधी दोन किंवा तीन मतदान
सदस्य जागांसाठी) संसद आणि विधानसभा करण्यासाठी 1951-52 मध्ये लांब काढलेल्या निवडणुकीत.

देशातील
सर्वाधिक पंचायत किंवा लोकसभा - नंतर मे 14, 1954 लोकसभा rechristened -
मे 13, पुढील 60 वर्षांत 1952 प्रथमच भेटले, घर, 15 वेळा स्थापन करण्यात
आली त्याचे सदस्य असल्याने आहे
भारताच्या लोक निवडून आले होते. कालांतराने, सदस्य रचना देखील अधिक किंवा कमी एकूण लोकसंख्येच्या त्यांच्या समुदाय प्रमाणात परावर्तित बदलली आहे. समाजातील तत्कालीन अस्पृश्य आणि सर्वात मागास राहण्याचे त्या समावेश आहे.

या सर्व श्रेय सर्वात त्यांना बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर जात भारतीय लोकशाहीचे संस्थापक पूर्वजांना नाही. बाबासाहेब आंबेडकर प्रमाणे, उदारमतवादी पश्चिम लोकशाही व्यापक तत्त्वे सदस्यता घेतली कोण खरा आधुनिक होते. परंतु नेहरू घटना बनवण्याच्या प्रत्येक तपशील गेला जे राउंड टेबल संमेलने, कोणत्याही सहभाग घेतला नाही. किंवा तो अस्पृश्य विशेष प्रतिनिधित्व विचार 1932 मध्ये पुणे करार वाटाघाटी एक भाग होता.

अशा अनुसूचित जातींसाठी प्रौढ मताधिकार आणि आरक्षण म्हणून लोकशाही
तत्त्वे तत्त्वांचा / राजकीय प्रतिनिधित्व मध्ये जमाती दंड शेवटी डॉ
आंबेडकर यांनी भारतीय सामाजिक वास्तव आणि अटी पुन्ह होते.

साठ
वर्षे शेवटी, काय एक आवश्यक आमच्या घटनेत नमूद भारतीय समाजात सर्वात वंचित
लोकशाही, गोरा नाटक आणि प्रतिनिधित्व तत्त्वे पुन्हा बांधिलकी आहे;
संसदेत या त्याच्या लोकांना दर्शवणाऱ्या सर्वाधिक शरीर संरक्षण करण्यात आले आहे.

आता
Hindumaha सभा राष्ट्रीय स्वयंसेवक संघाचे फसवणूक इलेक्ट्रॉनिक मतदान
यंत्रांद्वारे मतदान हे ठेवण्याचे भांडे एक शॉर्टकट आढळले आहे जे पूर्वी
सार्वत्रिक प्रौढ मताधिकार विरोध होता.

75) ਪੰਜਾਬੀ

2196 ਸ਼ੁੱਕਰ, 14 ਅਪ੍ਰੈਲ 2017 ਸਬਕ
ਜੇਕਰ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਕੋਲ ਇੱਕ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਖੁਸ਼ Ambdkar ਜੈਅੰਤੀ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ

ਧੰਨ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ 2017 ਐਚਡੀ ਚਿੱਤਰ ਵਾਲਪੇਪਰ

ਦੇਖਣ ਕਰੋ:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
Dr.Bhim ਰਾਓ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ 126 jaynti ਐਨੀਮੇਟੇਡ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿਚ ਜੀਵਨ ‘ਤੇ ਹਵਾਲੇ ਦੇ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਗ੍ਰੀਟਿੰਗ ਵੀਡੀਓ
ਅਪ੍ਰੈਲ 12, 2017 ਪ੍ਰਕਾਸ਼ਿਤ
Dr.Bhim ਰਾਓ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ 126 jaynti ਐਨੀਮੇਟੇਡ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿਚ ਜੀਵਨ ‘ਤੇ ਹਵਾਲੇ ਦੇ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਗ੍ਰੀਟਿੰਗ ਵੀਡੀਓ

Dr.Bhim ਰਾਓ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ 126 jaynti ਐਨੀਮੇਟੇਡ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿਚ ਜੀਵਨ ‘ਤੇ ਹਵਾਲੇ ਦੇ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਗ੍ਰੀਟਿੰਗ ਵੀਡੀਓ
ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ 126 jaynti ਐਨੀਮੇਟੇਡ ਅੰਗਰੇਜ਼ੀ ਵਿਚ ਜੀਵਨ ‘ਤੇ ਹਵਾਲੇ ਦੇ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਗ੍ਰੀਟਿੰਗ ਵੀਡੀਓ ਇਹ ਇੱਕ Dr.Bhim ਰਾਓ ਹੈ. ਉਤਸ਼ਾਹਜਨਕ! ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਸੁਨੇਹਾ! ਰੋਜ਼ਾਨਾ ਸ਼ਕਤੀਕਰਨ! ਵਧੀਆ ਇਕੱਠੇ ਪਾ ਦੇ ਵਧੀਆ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ life.I ਉਮੀਦ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਵੀਡੀਓ ਦੀ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਨਾ ਅਤੇ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ.

ਇਹ ਗ੍ਰੀਟਿੰਗ ਸ਼ੇਅਰ ਕਰੋ ਜੀ. ਆਪਣੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਦੋਸਤ ਅਤੇ ਪਰਿਵਾਰ ਨਾਲ ਸ਼ੇਅਰ.

ਇਹ ਵੀਡੀਓ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਸਬੰਧਤ ਹੈ:
ਡਾ
ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ ਮੁੰਬਈ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ ਸ਼ੋਲਾਪੁਰ, ਡਾ
ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ ਗੀਤ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ
ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ
ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ
ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ ਨਾਚ, ਡਾ ਬਾਬਾ ਸਾਹਿਬ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ ਵੀਡੀਓ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜਯੰਤੀ, ਡਾ. ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ ਜਸ਼ਨ, dr.babasaheb ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ ਸ਼ੋਲਾਪੁਰ, dr.babasaheb ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰ ਜੈਅੰਤੀ ਸ਼ੋਲਾਪੁਰ,

ਦੇਖਣ
ਕਰੋ ਜੀ: ਸਾਡੇ ਕੌਮੀ ਆਗੂ ਭੈਣ ਮਾਇਆਵਤੀ ਨੇ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਅਤੇ ਕੌਮ ਨੂੰ ਸੰਬੋਧਨ todau ਉਤਰ
14 ਅਪ੍ਰੈਲ 2017 ਸਵੇਰੇ 10 ਵਜੇ ਬਾਬਾ ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਦੇ 126 ਜਨਮ ਵਰ੍ਹੇਗੰਢ ਦੇ ਮੌਕੇ
‘ਤੇ.
ਸਾਰੇ ਕੌਮੀ ਚੈਨਲ ਰੀਲੇਅ. ਸਾਡੀ ਪਾਰਟੀ ਦੋਸਤ ਅਤੇ ਪਿਆਰੇ ਨੂੰ ਇਹ ਸੁਨੇਹਾ ਅੱਗੇ. Jaibheem.

ਸਾਈਮਨ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦੇ ਪਿੰਡ ਜ ਜ਼ਿਲ੍ਹੇ ਪੰਚਾਇਤ, ਪਰ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਦੇ ਸਭ ਪੱਧਰ ‘ਤੇ ਨਾ ਸਿਰਫ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਬਾਲਗ਼ ਅਤੇ ਸਿੱਧੀ ਚੋਣ ਦਾ ਮਤਲਬ ਸੀ. ਅਤੇ ਵੋਟਰ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ, ਕਲਾਸ ਜ ਵਿਦਿਆ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤੀ ਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ, ਹਰ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਸੀ. ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਨੂੰ ਫਿਰ ਪੇਸ਼ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ, - ਜਿਹਾ ਅਨਪੜ੍ਹ ਪਿੰਡ ਦੇ ਇੱਕ ਦੇਸ਼ ਲਈ - ਇਨਕਲਾਬੀ ਦੇ ਲਈ ਆਉਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਕੁਝ ਵੀ ਸੀ.
ਸਾਰੇ ਤਰੀਕੇ ਨਾਲ ਸੰਘਰਸ਼

23 ਅਕਤੂਬਰ, 1928 ਨੂੰ, ਜਦ ਵੀ ਸਭ ਤਕਨੀਕੀ ਪੱਛਮੀ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰ ਨੂੰ ਅਜੇ ਵੀ ਇਹ ਵਿਚਾਰ, ਡਾ B.R. ਨਾਲ ਸੰਘਰਸ਼ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਸਨ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ, ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨਿਕ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ (ਜਿਸ ਨੂੰ ਬਿਹਤਰ ਸਾਈਮਨ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ
ਵਿੱਚ ਜਾਣਿਆ ਜਾਣ ਲੱਗਾ) ਅੱਗੇ ਪੇਸ਼ ਹੋਏ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹੋ ਚੋਣ ਲਈ
ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਭਵਿੱਖ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਵਿਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਿਲ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ.

ਵੋਟ ਪਾਉਣ ਦਾ ਹੱਕ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਵਾਰ ‘ਤੇ, ਸਿਰਫ਼ ਅਮੀਰ, ਉਤਰੇ ਅਤੇ ਟੈਕਸ ਅਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਗਈ ਸੀ. ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ, ਪਰ, ਕਲਪਨਾ ਕਰੋ ਕਿ ਚੋਣ ਕੁਚਲੇ ਲਈ ਸਿਆਸੀ ਕਾਨੂੰਨੀ ਸਮਾਨਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਦੀ ਮੰਗ ਲਈ ਸਮਾਜ ਦੇ ਸਭ ਸਤਾਏ ਭਾਗ ਦੇ ਹੱਥ ਵਿੱਚ ਇੱਕ ਹਥਿਆਰ ਸੀ. ਇਸ ਲਈ, ਜਦਕਿ ਅਨੁਸੂਚਿਤ ਜਾਤੀ ਲਈ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਸੀਟ ਦੀ ਮੰਗ - ਉਸ ਨੇ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਅਪਰਾਧਿਕ
ਅਤੇ ਪਹਾੜੀ ਕਬੀਲੇ ਦੇ ਲਈ ਵੋਟ ਉੱਤੇ ਜ਼ੋਰ - ਫਿਰ ਦੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਅਛੂਤ ਕਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਨ.

ਹੋਰ ਕੀ ਹੈ, ਉਹ ਵਿਧਾਨ ਸਭਾ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ, ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਅਛੂਤ ਵੀ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਮਿਆਦ ਦੇ ਆਦਰਸ਼ ਸੀ ਕੁਝ ਕਲਾਸ ਦੀ ਨਾਮਜ਼ਦਗੀ ਦਾ ਵਿਰੋਧ ਕੀਤਾ.

ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਲ
ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਦੇ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਮਜ਼ਬੂਤ ​​ਰੱਖਿਆ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਅਨਪੜ੍ਹਤਾ ਦੀ ਇਸ ਦਲੀਲ ਨੂੰ
ਆਰਾਮ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ: “ਮੇਰਾ ਮੰਨਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਹਰ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਾਫ਼ੀ ਬੁੱਧੀਮਾਨ ਸਮਝਣ
ਲਈ ਉਹ ਬਿਲਕੁਲ ਕੀ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਹੈ.
ਸਾਖਰਤਾ ਇਸ ਬਿੰਦੂ ‘ਤੇ ਹੈ, ਨਾ ਬਹੁਤ ਕੁਝ ਅਸਰ ਹੈ; ਇੱਕ ਆਦਮੀ ਨੂੰ ਅਨਪੜ੍ਹ, ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਘੱਟ ਉਸ ਨੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਬੁੱਧੀਮਾਨ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ. “

ਵਿਚਾਰ ਚਰਚਾ ਨੂੰ ਬਾਅਦ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਕਾਗਰਸ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਮਹਾਤਮਾ ਗਾਧੀ ਨੇ ਛੇਤੀ 1930 ਵਿਚ ਗੋਲ ਟੇਬਲ ਕਾਨਫਰੰਸ ‘ਤੇ ਦਰਸਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ. ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ, ਉਸ ਦੇ ਹਿੱਸੇ ਨੂੰ ‘ਤੇ, ਵੋਟ delimit ਬ੍ਰਿਟਿਸ਼ ਨੂੰ ਯਕੀਨ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਫੇਲ੍ਹ ਹੈ.

ਇਸ ਉਪਰੰਤ ਦਹਾਕੇ ਵਿਚ, ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਸਭਾ ਵਿਚ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਸਿਰੂਪ ਜਦਕਿ, ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਡਕਰ ਨੇ ਇਕ ਵਾਰ ਫਿਰ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਦੇ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਦੀ ਪਹੁੰਚ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ. ਪਰ ਇਸ ਵਾਰ ਵੀ, ਵੀ ਬ੍ਰਿਟਿਸ਼ ਤਸਵੀਰ ਵਿਚ ਹੋਣ ਦੇ ਬਗੈਰ, ਉਥੇ ਵੀ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਲਈ ਕੋਈ ਆਸਾਨ ਸਫ਼ਰ ਸੀ. ਇਹ
ਇਸ ਲਈ ਇਨਕਲਾਬੀ ਪਤਾ ਲੱਗਿਆ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਸਰਦਾਰ ਨੇ ਸਰਦਾਰ ਪਟੇਲ, ਜੋ ਮੌਲਿਕ ਅਧਿਕਾਰ ‘ਤੇ
ਵਿਧਾਨ ਸਭਾ ਦੀ ਸਲਾਹਕਾਰ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦਾ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਖਦਸ਼ੇ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਰਾਜ ਨੂੰ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਕਰਨ
ਲਈ ਸਹਿਮਤ ਨਾ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਆਪਣੇ rights.Today ਸਿਰਫ 1%
ਅਸਹਿਣਸ਼ੀਲ, ਹਿੰਸਕ, ਅੱਤਵਾਦੀ ਨੂੰ ਹੜੱਪ ਨੂੰ ਵੇਖਣ ਕਰੇਗੀ
,
ਸ਼ੂਟਿੰਗ, lynching, ਪਾਗਲ, ਮਾਨਸਿਕ ਤੇਕਮਜ਼ੋਰ, ਦਾ ਨੰਬਰ 1 ਅੱਤਵਾਦੀ ਆਦਮਖ਼ੋਰ
chitpawan ਬ੍ਰਾਹਮਣ ਸੰਘ ਦੇ psychopaths ਗ਼ਲਤ, ਛੇੜਛਾੜ ਅਤੇ ਧੋਖਾਧੜੀ ਹੈਕ ਈਵੀਐਮ,
99% sarvajan ਸਮਾਜ ਭਾਵ ਲਈ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਕੇਵਨਕਲਣ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਮਾਜ ਲਈ ਚੋਣ ਜਿੱਤਣ
ਲਈ ਹੈ.
ਸਾਰੇ
ਈਵੀਐਮ ਭੰਗ ਅਤੇ ਦੇ ਰੂਪ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੰਸਾਰ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦੇ ਮਗਰ ਕਾਗਜ਼ ਵੋਟ ਨਾਲ
ਤਾਜ਼ਾ ਚੋਣ ਲਈ ਜਾਣ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਹੈ ਤੇ ਪਾਬੰਦੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦੇ ਕਤਲ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਹ
ਧੋਖਾਧੜੀ ਈਵੀਐਮ ਕੇ ਚੁਣਿਆ ਮੱਧ ਅਤੇ ਰਾਜ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ.

ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ, ਪਰ, ਦ੍ਰਿੜਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਮੌਲਿਕ ਅਧਿਕਾਰ ਹੋਣ ਵੋਟ ਦਾ ਅਧਿਕਾਰ ਦੇ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਥਾਨ ‘ਤੇ ਬਰਕਰਾਰ ਰਿਹਾ. ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸ਼ਬਦ ਵਿੱਚ, ਅਤੇ, ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦਾ ਸਾਰ “ਵੋਟ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਿੰਸੀਪਲ ਗੱਲ ਹੈ.” ਉਸ ਨੇ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਚਿਤਾਵਨੀ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਕਿ ਵਿਧਾਨ ਸਭਾ ਦੇ, ਆਪਣੇ anxiousness ਅੱਜਕੱਲ੍ਹ
ਬੋਰਡ ‘ਤੇ ਰਾਜ ਲਿਆਉਣ ਲਈ, ਬੁਨਿਆਦੀ ਅਸੂਲ’ ਤੇ ਅਜਿਹੇ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਦੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਸਮਝੌਤਾ
ਨਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ.

ਇਹ
ਸਭ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਵੋਟਰ ਤਕ - ਆਪਣੇ ਸਾਖਰਤਾ, ਜਾਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਧਾਰਮਿਕ ਸਥਿਤੀ, ਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ ਆਦਮੀ,
ਔਰਤ, ਉਤਰੇ ਕੀ ਜ ਬੇਜ਼ਮੀਨੇ ਮਜ਼ਦੂਰ, ਅਤੇ ਟੈਕਸ ਕਰਦਾਤਾ ਜ ਕੰਗਾਲ - ਖੜ੍ਹਦੇ ਆਪਣੇ
ਪੇਪਰ ਬੈਲਟ ਸੁੱਟ ਤੱਕ (ਮਲਟੀ ਵਿਚ ਕਈ ਵਾਰ ਦੋ-ਤਿੰਨ ਵੋਟ
ਮਬਰ ਹਲਕੇ) ਦੇ ਸੰਸਦ ਅਤੇ ਰਾਜ ਵਿਧਾਨ ਨੂੰ 1951-52 ਵਿਚ ਲੰਬੇ ਖਿੱਚੇ ਚੋਣ ਵਿਚ.

ਦੇਸ਼
ਦੇ ਸਭ ਪੰਚਾਇਤ ਜ ਦਾ ਘਰ - ਬਾਅਦ 14 ਮਈ, 1954 ਨੂੰ ਲੋਕ ਸਭਾ ‘rechristened - 13
ਮਈ, 1952 ਨੂੰ ਅਗਲੇ 60 ਸਾਲ’ ਤੇ ਪਹਿਲੀ ਵਾਰ ਮਿਲੇ, ਹਾਊਸ 15 ਵਾਰ ਦਾ ਗਠਨ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ
ਹੈ, ਇਸ ਦੇ ਅੰਗ ਹੋਣ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ
ਸਿੱਧੇ ਤੌਰ ‘ਤੇ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਲੋਕ ਚੁਣੇ. ਵਾਰ ਵੱਧ, ਅੰਗ ਦੀ ਰਚਨਾ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਹੋਰ ਜ ਘੱਟ ਕੁੱਲ ਆਬਾਦੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਆਪਣੇ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ ਦੇ ਅਨੁਪਾਤ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਗਟ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਬਦਲ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ. ਜੋ ਕਿ ਸਮਾਜ ਦੇ ਸਾਬਕਾ ਅਛੂਤ ਅਤੇ ਸਭ ਪੱਛੜੇ ਵਰਗ ਨਾਲ ਸਬੰਧਤ ਹਨ ਵੀ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੈ.

ਇਸ ਸਭ ਦਾ ਸਿਹਰਾ, ਭਾਰਤੀ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦੇ ਸੰਸਥਾਪਕ ਨੂੰ ਚਲਾ ਦੇ ਸਭ ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਹੋਣ. ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਪਸੰਦ ਹੈ, ਇੱਕ ਸੱਚ ਹੈ ਆਧੁਨਿਕਵਾਦੀ ਜੋ ਉਦਾਰਵਾਦੀ ਪੱਛਮੀ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ ਦੇ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਅਸੂਲ ਦੀ ਗਾਹਕੀ ਲਈ ਸੀ. ਪਰ ਨਹਿਰੂ ਗੋਲਮੇਜ਼ ਕਾਨਫਰੰਸ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਬਣਾਉਣ ਦੇ ਹਰ ਵਿਸਥਾਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਗਿਆ ਦੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਵਿਚ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਨਹੀ ਸੀ. ਨਾ ਹੀ ਉਸ ਨੇ 1932 ਵਿਚ ਪੂਨਾ ਸਮਝੌਤੇ ਗੱਲਬਾਤ ਅਛੂਤ ਲਈ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦਗੀ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਦਾ ਇੱਕ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਸੀ.

ਅਜਿਹੇ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੁਸੂਚਿਤ ਜਾਤੀ ਲਈ ਰਿਜ਼ਰਵੇਸ਼ਨ ਦੇ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਜਮਹੂਰੀ ਅਸੂਲ
ਦੇ ਆਧਾਰਭੂਤ / ਸਿਆਸੀ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦਗੀ ਵਿਚ ਕਬੀਲੇ ਨੂੰ ਜੁਰਮਾਨਾ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸਮਾਜਿਕ ਅਸਲੀਅਤ
ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਹਾਲਾਤ ਆਖਿਰਕਾਰ ਸਿਰਫ ਡਾ ਅੰਬੇਦਕਰ ਨੇ ਸੁਣਦੇ ਰਹੇ ਸਨ.

ਸੱਠ
ਸਾਲ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ‘ਤੇ, ਕੀ ਇੱਕ ਦੀ ਲੋੜ ਹੈ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰ, ਇਮਾਨਦਾਰੀ ਅਤੇ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਸਮਾਜ ਨੂੰ
ਸਾਡੇ ਸੰਵਿਧਾਨ ਵਿਚ ਦਰਜ ਦੀ ਸਭ ਵੰਚਿਤ ਵਰਗ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਨਿਧਤਾ ਦੇ ਅਸੂਲ ਨੂੰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ
ਇੱਕ ਮੁੜ-ਵਚਨਬੱਧਤਾ ਹੈ;
ਸੰਸਦ: ਇਸ ਸਭ ਦੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਲੋਕ ਦੀ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦਗੀ ਉਸ ਦੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਹੈ.

ਇਸ
ਵਿਆਪਕ ਬਾਲਗ ਵੋਟ ਹੁਣ Hindumaha ਸਭਾ ਸੰਘ ਦੇ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਧੋਖਾਧੜੀ ਈਵੀਐਮ ਦੁਆਰਾ
ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਸ਼ਾਰਟਕੱਟ ਪਾਇਆ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ ਕੇ ਵਿਰੋਧ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਸੀ.

93) தமிழ்

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பார்க்க கொள்க:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
Dr.Bhim ராவ் 126-வது jaynti அனிமேஷன் அம்பேத்கர் ஆங்கிலத்தில் வாழ்க்கை மேற்கோள்கள் விருப்பத்திற்கு வாழ்த்துக்கள் வீடியோ
ஏப் 12, 2017 அன்று வெளியிடப்பட்டது
Dr.Bhim ராவ் 126-வது jaynti அனிமேஷன் அம்பேத்கர் ஆங்கிலத்தில் வாழ்க்கை மேற்கோள்கள் விருப்பத்திற்கு வாழ்த்துக்கள் வீடியோ

Dr.Bhim ராவ் 126-வது jaynti அனிமேஷன் அம்பேத்கர் ஆங்கிலத்தில் வாழ்க்கை மேற்கோள்கள் விருப்பத்திற்கு வாழ்த்துக்கள் வீடியோ
126-வது
jaynti அனிமேஷன் ஆங்கிலத்தில் வாழ்க்கை மேற்கோள்கள் விரும்புகிறார்
அம்பேத்கர் வாழ்த்துக்கள் வீடியோ இது ஒரு Dr.Bhim ராவ் தான்.
தாக்கத்தை! சிறப்பு செய்தி! டெய்லி அதிகாரமளித்தல்! உன் வாழ்வில் இந்த வீடியோ ஊக்குவிக்கும் & நீங்கள் ஊக்குவிக்க என்று நம்புகிறேன் சிறந்த ஒன்றாக சிறந்த நீங்கள் ஊக்குவிக்கும்.

இந்த வாழ்த்துக்கள் Share கொள்ளவும். உங்கள் நண்பர்கள் மற்றும் குடும்பத்துடன் பகிர்ந்துகொள்ளுங்கள்.

இந்த வீடியோ இதனால் தொடர்புடையது:
டாக்டர்
அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி மும்பை, டாக்டர்
அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி சோலாப்பூர், டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி பாடல்,
அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர் பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர்
பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர் பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி,
டாக்டர் பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர் பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர்
ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர்
பாபாசாகிப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி நடனம், டாக்டர் பாபாசாஹேப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி வீடியோ, அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி, டாக்டர். அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி கொண்டாட்டம், டாக்டர் பாபாசாகிப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி
சோலாப்பூர், டாக்டர் பாபாசாகிப் அம்பேத்கர் ஜெயந்தி சோலாப்பூர்,

தயவு
செய்து பார்க்க: எங்கள் தேசியத் தலைவர்களின் Behenji திருமதி மாயாவதி
எங்களுக்கு மற்றும் தேசிய உரையாற்ற todau tht 14 ஏப்ரல் 2017 காலை 10
மணியளவில் பாபாசாகேப் டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கரின் 126-வது பிறந்த நாளை முன்னிட்டு
மீது.
அனைத்து தேசிய சேனல்களில் ரிலே. எங்கள் கட்சி நண்பர்கள் மற்றும் நெருங்கியவர்கள் இந்த செய்தியை forward. Jaibheem.

சைமன் கமிஷன் வகையில் டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர்

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

ஜனநாயகம்
தழுவிய வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை மற்றும் நேரடி தேர்தலில் வெறும்
கிராமத்தில் அல்லது மாவட்ட பஞ்சாயத்து, ஆனால் அரசாங்கத்தில் உயர்ந்த
மட்டங்களில் பொருள்.
மற்றும் வாக்காளர்கள் எதுவாக சமூகம், வர்க்கம் அல்லது கல்வி எட்ட, அனைவருக்கும் அடங்கும் வேண்டியிருந்தது. என்று பார்வை பின்னர் திட்டமிட்டுள்ளது வேண்டும் - பெரும்பாலும்
படிப்பறிவற்ற கிராமத்தினரின் நாட்டின் - புரட்சிகர குறுகிய ஒன்றும் இல்லை.
ஆல் தி வே போராட்டம்

23 அக்டோபர், 1928 இல், மிகவும் முன்னேறிய மேற்கத்திய நாடுகள் இன்னும் கருத்தானது, பி.ஆர் கொண்டு போராடும் போது அம்பேத்கர், இந்திய சட்டப்படியான ஆணையம் (சிறந்த சைமன் கமிஷன் என்று
அழைக்கப்படும் இருக்க வந்த) முன் தோன்றி, தேர்தல் இந்தியாவின்
எதிர்காலத்துக்கான அரசியல்சட்ட இணைக்கப்பட வேண்டும் அவர் விரும்புகிறேன்
உலகளாவிய வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை கூறினார்.

வாக்களிக்கும் உரிமை, அந்த நேரத்தில், பணக்காரர்களுக்கு மட்டுமே தரையிறங்கியது மற்றும் வரி செலுத்துபவர்களின் க்கு வழங்கப்பட்டது. டாக்டர்
அம்பேத்கர், எனினும், தேர்தலில் ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட அரசியல்-சட்ட சமத்துவம்
ஒப்படைக்கக் கூறி சமூகத்தின் மிகவும் ஒடுக்கப்பட்ட பிரிவினர் கைகளில் ஒரு
ஆயுதமாக இருந்தன எனவும் நினைத்தார்.
இவ்வாறு, தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர் ஒதுக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது இடங்களை கோரி போது -
அவர் குற்றவியல் மற்றும் மலைகள் ஆதிவாசிகள் ஆகியோருக்கு உரிமையை மீது
வலியுறுத்தினார் - பின்னர் அண்டச்சபில்ஸ் என குறிப்பிடப்படுகிறது.

அதற்கும் மேலாக, அவர் சட்டமன்ற கூட்டங்கள், அக்காலகட விதிமுறை இருந்தது,
மிக அண்டச்சபில்ஸ் இதில் ஒரு சில குறிப்பிட்ட பிரிவுகளில் பரிந்துரையை
எதிர்த்தார்.

உலகளாவிய
வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை தனது வலுவான பாதுகாப்பு, டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர்
கல்வியறிவின்மை வாதம் ஓய்வில்: “என் உணர்வு ஒவ்வொரு மனிதனும் அவர் என்ன
தேவை என்பதை உணர்ந்து கொள்ளும் புத்திசாலித்தனம் உள்ளது.
எழுத்தறிவு இந்த புள்ளி மீது அதிக பொருத்துக்கொள்ளலை கொண்டுள்ளது; ஒரு மனிதன் கல்வியறிவில்லாதவர் யாரும் குறைவாக அவர் மிகவும் புத்திசாலி இருக்கலாம் இருக்கலாம். “

பின்னர்
ஆழ்ந்த மகாத்மா காந்தி 1930 களின் தொடக்கத்தில் நடந்த வட்டமேஜை மாநாடுகள்
பிரநிதித்துவப்படுத்தின இது இந்திய தேசிய காங்கிரஸ், ஈடுபட்டன.
டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர், தன்னுடைய பங்கிற்கு மீது, உரிமையை எல்லைப்படுத்துவதற்குத் பிரிட்டிஷ் சமாதானப்படுத்த தோல்வியடைந்தது.

அடுத்தடுத்த
பத்தாண்டுகளில், இந்திய சட்டசபையில் புதிய அரசியலமைப்பு விமானியாக போது,
டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் மீண்டும் உலகளாவிய வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை அவரது
பார்வை தந்திருந்தது.
ஆனால் இந்த முறை கூட, கூட பிரிட்டிஷ் படத்தில் இல்லாமல், ஓர் யோசனையாக எந்த எளிதாக பயண இருந்தது. அது
அடிப்படை உரிமைகள் சட்டமன்ற ஆலோசனைக் குழுவின் தலைமையில் யார் சர்தார்
வல்லபாய் படேல், குடியரசு அது ஒப்புக்கொள்ளலாம் என்று கூட அது அவர்களின்
rights.Today வெறும் 1% சகிப்புத்தன்மை, வன்முறை, போராளி பறிக்கும்
கருதியிருப்பார் எழுந்த ஐயங்கள் வெளிப்படுத்தினர் என்று தீவிரவாத கிடந்தார்
படப்பிடிப்பு,
விசாரணையின்றி கொல்லுதல் மனநிலை சரியில்லாதவர் மனநிலை பாதிக்கப்பட்ட, எண்
1 பயங்கரவாத மிராண்டியாக chitpawan பிராமணர் ஆர்எஸ்எஸ் மனநோயாளிகள்,
சிதைந்துவிடும் சிதைந்துள்ளது மற்றும் வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் எல்லா
சமூகங்களும் க்கான, sarvajan சமாஜ் அதாவது 99% உலகளாவிய வயது வந்தோர்
வாக்குரிமை மறுக்கிறது தேர்தலில் வெற்றி மோசடி ஹேக்.
அனைத்து
வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் கரைந்து உலகின் அனைத்து ஜனநாயக தொடர்ந்து
பேப்பர் வாக்குச்சீட்டுக்களை கொண்டு தேர்தலை செல்ல வேண்டும் தடை மற்றும்
ஜனநாயகத்தின் கொலை மற்றும் இந்த மோசடி வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள்
தேர்வு மத்திய மற்றும் மாநில அரசுகள் நிறுத்த வேண்டும்.


டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர், எனினும், உறுதியுடன் ஒரு அடிப்படை உரிமை இருப்பது வாக்களிக்கும் உரிமை தனது நிலைப்பாட்டினை சிந்திக்க வைத்தது. அவரது வார்த்தைகளில், மற்றும், அதன் மூலம், ஜனநாயகத்தின் சாரம் “உரிமையை அரசியலமைப்பின் முக்கிய விஷயம்”. அவர் சட்டப்பேரவையிலும் உறுப்பினர்கள், எப்படியோ பலகையில் குடியரசு
கொண்டு தங்கள் anxiousness போன்ற வகை உலகளாவிய வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை
அடிப்படை கொள்கைகளை சமரசம் கூடாது என்று எச்சரித்தார்.

இது
அனைத்து இந்திய வாக்காளர்கள் முடிவடைந்தது - வாதிகள் அவர்களின்
கல்வியறிவு, சாதி மற்றும் மத நிலை, மனிதன் அல்லது பெண், நிலச்சுவான்தார்கள்
அல்லது நிலமற்ற தொழிலாளி உள்ளதா மற்றும் வரி செலுத்துவோர் அல்லது ஏழை -
அவர்களின் காகித வாக்குச் சீட்டுதான் வரை வரிசையாக்கும் (பல சில நேரங்களில்
இரண்டு அல்லது மூன்று வாக்குகள்
உறுப்பினர் தொகுதிகளில்) பாராளுமன்ற மற்றும் மாநில சட்டப்பேரவைத் 1951-52 நீண்ட வரையப்பட்ட தேர்தல்களில்.

நாட்டின்
உச்ச பஞ்சாயத்து அல்லது மக்கள் மன்றம் - பின்னர் மே 14, 1954 ல் மக்களவை
பெயரிடப்பட்டு - மே 13, அடுத்த 60 ஆண்டுகளில் 1952 முதல் முறையாக
சந்தித்தார், ஹவுஸ் அதன் உறுப்பினர்கள் இருப்பது, 15 முறை ஒன்று
ஏற்படுத்தப்பட்டிருக்கிறது
நேரடியாக இந்திய மக்கள் தேர்ந்தெடுத்தன. காலப்போக்கில்,
உறுப்பினர்கள் அமைக்கப்படும் முறையும் கூட அதிகமாகவோ அல்லது குறைவாகவோ
மொத்த மக்கள் தொகையில் தங்கள் சமூகங்கள் விகிதத்திற்கு பிரதிபலிக்கும்
மாறிவிட்டது.
அந்த சமூகத்தின் முன்னாள் அண்டச்சபில்ஸ் மற்றும் மிகவும் பின்தங்கிய பகுதிகளில் சேர்ந்த அந்த அடங்கும்.

இந்த கடன் முன்னணி அவர்களை டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் தான் இந்திய ஜனநாயகத்தின் நிறுவன தந்தையர் செல்கிறது. டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் போல், தாராளவாத மேற்கத்திய ஜனநாயகத்தின் பரந்த கொள்கைகளை சந்தாதாரராக இணைத்த ஒரு உண்மையான நவீனத்துவ இருந்தது. ஆனால் நேரு அரசியலமைப்பு தயாரித்தல் ஒவ்வொரு விவரமும் ஒரு சென்றது வட்ட மேசை மாநாடுகள், எந்த பங்கேற்கவில்லை. அல்லது அண்டச்சபிள்ஸிற்கான சிறப்பு பிரதிநிதித்துவம் கருத்தில் கொள்ள 1932 இல் பூனா ஒப்பந்தம் பேச்சுவார்த்தைகள் ஒரு பகுதியாக அவர்.

போன்ற தாழ்த்தப்பட்டோர் க்கான வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை மற்றும்
ஒதுக்கீடு ஜனநாயக கொள்கைகளை அடிப்படைகளை / அரசியல் பிரதிநிதித்துவம் உள்ள
பழங்குடியினர் நன்றாக இறுதியில் டாக்டர் அம்பேத்கர் இந்திய சமூக
யதார்த்தத்தையும் நிபந்தனைகளுக்கு சீர் செய்யப்பட்டன.

அறுபது
ஆண்டுகள் முடிவில், என்ன ஒன்று தேவைப்பட்டால் எங்கள் அரசியல் சாசனத்தில்
பொதிந்துள்ளது இந்திய சமூகத்தில் பெரும் இழப்புகளுக்கு பிரிவுகளுக்கு
ஜனநாயகம், நீதிக்கு கட்டுப்பட்டவர் பிரதிநிதித்துவம் கொள்கைகளை மறு
அர்ப்பணிப்பு உள்ளது;
பாராளுமன்ற: இந்த உயர்ந்த உடல் அதன் மக்கள் குறிக்கும் மூலம் பாதுகாக்கப்பட வேண்டும்.

முன்னதாக
உலகளாவிய வயது வந்தோர் வாக்குரிமை இப்போது Hindumaha சபா மோசடி
வாக்குப் பதிவு இயந்திரங்கள் மூலம் இரத்து செய்வதாக ஒரு குறுக்குவழி
காண்கின்றன ஆர்எஸ்எஸ் கடுமையாக எதிர்க்கப்பட்டது.

94) తెలుగు

2196 Fri 14 Apr 2017 పాఠాలు
మీరు చాలా హ్యాపీ Ambdkar జయంతి విష్

హ్యాపీ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి 2017 HD చిత్రాలు సంక్రాంతి

దయచేసి వాచ్:

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=0wIpCZenZ-k
Dr.Bhim రావు అంబేద్కర్ 126 వ jaynti యానిమేటెడ్ శుభాకాంక్షలు గ్రీటింగ్లు వీడియో ఇంగ్లీష్ లో జీవితం లో కోట్స్ యొక్క
Apr 12, 2017 లో ప్రచురితమైన
Dr.Bhim రావు అంబేద్కర్ 126 వ jaynti యానిమేటెడ్ శుభాకాంక్షలు గ్రీటింగ్లు వీడియో ఇంగ్లీష్ లో జీవితం లో కోట్స్ యొక్క

Dr.Bhim రావు అంబేద్కర్ 126 వ jaynti యానిమేటెడ్ శుభాకాంక్షలు గ్రీటింగ్లు వీడియో ఇంగ్లీష్ లో జీవితం లో కోట్స్ యొక్క
అంబేద్కర్ 126 వ jaynti యానిమేటెడ్ ఆంగ్లంలో జీవితం లో కోట్స్ యొక్క శుభాకాంక్షలు గ్రీటింగ్లు వీడియో ఇది ఒక Dr.Bhim రావు వార్తలు. ఇన్స్పిరేషనల్! ప్రత్యేక సందేశం! డైలీ సాధికారత! మీ life.I ఈ వీడియో స్ఫూర్తి & మీరు చైతన్యపరచటంలో ఉండవచ్చు ఆశిస్తున్నాము ఉత్తమ కలిసి ఉత్తమ మీరు ప్రేరేపితులై.

దయచేసి ఈ గ్రీటింగ్లు భాగస్వామ్యం. అన్ని మీ స్నేహితులు మరియు కుటుంబంతో భాగస్వామ్యం చేయండి.

ఈ వీడియోతో సంబంధం కలిగి ఉంటాయి:
dr
అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి, dr అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి ముంబై, dr అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి
సోలాపూర్, dr అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి పాట, డాక్టర్ బి.ఆర్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి,
డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి, డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి,
డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి, డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి,
డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి, dr
బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి డ్యాన్స్, డాక్టర్ బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి వీడియో, డాక్టర్ బి.ఆర్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి, dr. అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి ఉత్సవాలు, Dr. బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి సోలాపూర్, Dr. బాబాసాహెబ్ అంబేద్కర్ జయంతి సోలాపూర్,

దయచేసి
వాచ్: మా నేషనల్ లీడర్ Behenji మాయావతి మాకు మరియు దేశం పరిష్కరించేందుకు
todau tht 14 ఏప్రిల్ 2017 10 గంటలకు బాబాసాహెబ్ డాక్టర్ బిఆర్ అంబేద్కర్
126 వ జయంతి సందర్భంగా.
అన్ని జాతీయ చానెల్స్ లో ప్రసారం. మా పార్టీ స్నేహితులు మరియు ప్రియమైన వాటిని ఈ సందేశం ముందుకు. Jaibheem.

సైమన్ కమిషన్ తో డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

డెమోక్రసీ
సార్వత్రిక వయోజన ఓటుహక్కు మరియు ప్రత్యక్ష ఎన్నికల్లో కేవలం గ్రామం లేదా
జిల్లా పంచాయతీ, కానీ ప్రభుత్వం అత్యధిక స్థాయిల్లో అర్థం.
మరియు ఓటర్లు సంబంధం లేకుండా కమ్యూనిటీ, తరగతి లేదా విద్యా ప్రాప్తి యొక్క, అందరూ ఉంటారు వచ్చింది. ఎక్కువగా నిరక్షరాస్యులైన గ్రామీణుల దేశం కోసం - - ఆ దృష్టి అప్పుడు అంచనా చేశారు విప్లవకర యొక్క చిన్న ఏమీ ఉంది.
అన్ని WAY పోరాటం

23 అక్టోబర్, 1928 న, కూడా అత్యంత అధునాతన పాశ్చాత్య దేశాలు ఇప్పటికీ ఆలోచన, డాక్టర్ బీఆర్ తో పోరాడుతున్న ఉన్నప్పుడు అంబేద్కర్, భారత స్టాట్యుటరీ కమిషన్ (మంచి సైమన్ కమిషన్ అని పిలుస్తారు
ప్రాంతాలుగా వెలుగులోకి వచ్చాయి) ముందు కనిపించే, ఎన్నికలు భారతదేశం యొక్క
భవిష్యత్తు రాజ్యాంగం లో విలీనం చేయటాన్ని అతను సార్వత్రిక వయోజన ఓటు
కోరుకుంటున్నారో చెప్పారు.

ఓటు హక్కు, ఆ సమయంలో, మాత్రమే, రిచ్ దిగిన మరియు పన్ను చెల్లింపుదారుల అనుగ్రహించారు. డాక్టర్
అంబేద్కర్, అయితే, ఎన్నికల్లో పీడిత కోసం రాజకీయ-చట్టపరమైన సమానత్వం
డిమాండ్ సమాజం యొక్క అతి పీడిత విభాగాలు చేతిలో ఒక ఆయుధం అని రాసుకున్నాడు.
అందువలన, షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాలకు రిజర్వు సీట్లు డిమాండ్ ఉండగా - అతను కూడా
నేర మరియు కొండలు గోత్రముల ఫ్రాంచైజ్ మీద పట్టుబట్టారు - అంటరానివారు గా
సూచిస్తారు.

ఇంకా ఏం కావాలి, అతను ఆ కాలంలో నియమావళిని వంటి, చాలా అన్టచబుల్స్ ఇందులో శాసనసభల, లోకి కొన్ని తరగతుల నామినేషన్ వ్యతిరేకించారు.

సార్వత్రిక
వయోజన ఓటు తన బలమైన రక్షణ, డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్ నిరక్షరాస్యతను వాదన
విశ్రాంతి వేశాడు: “నా భావన ప్రతి మనిషి తనకు సరిగ్గా అర్థం చేసుకోవడానికి
తగినంత తెలివైన అని ఉంది.
అక్షరాస్యత ఈ పాయింట్ మీద పెద్దగా బేరింగ్ ఉంది; ఒక మనిషి నిరక్షరాస్యులైన, ఎవరూ తక్కువ అతను చాలా తెలివైన అని ఉండవచ్చు. “

నిశిత తరువాత మహాత్మా మహాత్మా గాంధీ ద్వారా 1930 లో రౌండ్ టేబుల్ సమావేశంలో ప్రాతినిధ్యం భారత జాతీయ కాంగ్రెస్, పాల్గొన్నారు. డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్, తన భాగంగా న, ఫ్రాంచైజ్ ముగించటానికి బ్రిటిష్ ఒప్పించేందుకు విఫలమైంది.

తదుపరి
దశాబ్దంలో, రాజ్యాంగ అసెంబ్లీలో కొత్త రాజ్యాంగం మార్గనిర్దేశన అయితే,
డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్ మరోసారి సార్వత్రిక వయోజన ఓటు తన దృష్టి దెబ్బకొట్టింది.
కానీ చాలా ఈ సమయంలో, బ్రిటిష్ చిత్రంలో ఉండటం లేకుండా, ఆలోచన కోసం తేలికైన సెయిలింగ్ ఉంది. ఇది
సర్దార్ Vallabhai పటేల్ ఫండమెంటల్ రైట్స్ అసెంబ్లీ అడ్వయిజరీ కమిటీ
అధిపతిగా, స్టేట్స్ దానికి అంగీకరించిన మరియు కూడా అది వారి rights.Today
కేవలం 1% సరిపడని, హింసాత్మక, తీవ్రవాద లాక్కొంటుందని చూస్తారు తీవ్రంగా
వ్యక్తం తద్వారా రాడికల్ కనుగొనబడింది
,
షూటింగ్, చిత్రవధలు చేసి చంపడం వెర్రివాడు, మానసిక రోగులు, సంఖ్య 1
తీవ్రవాద కానిబాల్ chitpawan బ్రాహ్మణ RSS వికలోద్వేగరోగులు వక్రీకరించింది
పాడు మరియు ఈవీఎంలు అన్ని సొసైటీలకు, sarvajan సమాజ్ అంటే 99% సార్వత్రిక
వయోజన ఓటు కోల్పోతాడు ఎన్నికల్లో గెలిచిన మోసం హ్యాక్ చేశారు.
అన్ని
ఈవీఎంలు రద్దు మరియు ప్రపంచంలోని అన్ని ప్రజాస్వామ్యంలో అనుసరించారు పేపర్
బ్యాలెట్లను తాజా ఎన్నికలు ఉంటుంది నిషేధించారు మరియు ఈ మోసం EVM ల ఎంపిక
కేంద్ర, రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాలు ప్రజాస్వామ్య హత్య మరియు ఆపడానికి ఉంటుంది.


డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్, అయితే, నిష్కర్షగా ఒక ప్రాథమిక హక్కుగా ఉండటం ఓటు హక్కు తన స్థానంలో కష్టం. ఆయన మాటల్లో చెప్పాలంటే, మరియు, తద్వారా, ప్రజాస్వామ్యం యొక్క సారాంశం “ఫ్రాంచైజ్ రాజ్యాంగ విషయం”. అతను కూడా అసెంబ్లీ సభ్యులు, ఏదో బోర్డు మీద స్టేట్స్ తీసుకుని వారి
చింత, అటువంటి సార్వత్రిక వయోజన ఓటు ప్రాథమిక సూత్రాల రాజీ హెచ్చరించారు.

ఇది
భారతీయ ఓటర్లు అంతమైంది - సంబంధం లేకుండా వారి అక్షరాస్యత, కుల, మత
స్థితి, మనిషి లేదా మహిళ, దిగిన లేదా భూమిలేని కార్మికుడు, మరియు పన్ను
చెల్లింపుదారు లేదా పాపర్ లేదో - వారి కాగితం బ్యాలెట్ పెట్టు క్యూయింగ్
(బహుళ- లో కొన్నిసార్లు రెండు లేదా మూడు బ్యాలెట్లను
సభ్య నియోజకవర్గాల) పార్లమెంట్, రాష్ట్రాల అసెంబ్లీల్లో కు 1951-52 లో దీర్ఘమైన ఎన్నికల్లో.

దేశంలోనే
అత్యున్నత పంచాయతీ లేదా పీపుల్ హౌస్ - తరువాత మే 14, 1954 న లోక్ సభ పేరు
మార్చబడిన - మే 13, 1952 తర్వాత 60 సంవత్సరాలుగా మొదటిసారి కలుసుకున్నారు,
హౌస్ దాని సభ్యులు నిచ్చి ఏర్పాటు చెయ్యబడింది 15 సార్లు
నేరుగా భారతదేశం ప్రజలచే ఎన్నుకోబడిన. కాలక్రమేణా, సభ్యుల కూర్పు కూడా ఎక్కువ లేదా తక్కువ మొత్తం జనాభాలో తమ సంఘాల నిష్పత్తిలో ప్రతిబింబించేలా మార్చబడింది. ఆ సమాజం యొక్క గతకాలపు అన్టచబుల్స్ మరియు అత్యంత వెనుకబడిన వర్గాలకు చెందిన కలిగి.

అన్ని ఈ ఘనత అన్నిటికంటే వాటిలో డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్ ఉండటం, భారత ప్రజాస్వామ్యం యొక్క స్థాపనా వెళ్తాడు. డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్ వంటి, ఉదారవాద పాశ్చాత్య ప్రజాస్వామ్య విశాలమైన సూత్రాల సభ్యత్వాన్ని పొందారు ఎవరు నిజమైన ఆధునికతను ఉంది. కానీ నెహ్రూ రాజ్యాంగం మేకింగ్ ప్రతి వివరాలు వెళ్ళిన రౌండ్ టేబుల్ సమావేశాలు, ఏ పాల్గొనలేదు. లేదా అతను 1932 లో పూనా ఒడంబడిక చర్చలు అన్టచబుల్స్ ప్రత్యేక ప్రాతినిధ్యం పరిగణలోకి ఒక భాగంగా ఉండేది.

వంటి షెడ్యూల్డ్ కులాలకు వయోజన ఓటు మరియు రిజర్వేషన్లు ప్రజాస్వామ్య
సూత్రాలను ఫండమెంటల్స్ / రాజకీయ ప్రాతినిధ్యంలో తెగలు జరిమానా చివరికి
డాక్టర్ అంబేద్కర్ భారతీయ సామాజిక వాస్తవికత మరియు పరిస్థితులు శృతి
చేశారు.

అరవై
సంవత్సరాల ముగింపులో, ఏమి ఒక అవసరం ప్రజాస్వామ్యం, ఫెయిర్ ప్లే మరియు మా
రాజ్యాంగం లో పొందుపరిచారు భారతీయ సమాజంలోని అత్యంత వెనుకబడ్డ వర్గాలకు
ప్రాతినిధ్యం సూత్రాలను రీ-నిబద్ధత ఉంది;
పార్లమెంట్: ఈ దాని ప్రజలు ప్రాతినిధ్యం అత్యధిక శరీరం కాపాడబడుతుంది ఉంది.

గతంలో
సార్వత్రిక వయోజన ఓటు ఇప్పుడు Hindumaha సభ మోసం ఈవీఎంలు ద్వారా పొడవైన
ఒక షార్ట్కట్ కనుగొంది ఆర్ఎస్ఎస్ తీవ్రంగా వ్యతిరేకించారు.

98) اردو

2196 جمعہ، 14 اپریل 2017 سبق
آپ کو ایک بہت مبارک Ambdkar جینتی خواہش

مبارک امبیڈکر جینتی 2017 ایچ ڈی امیجز وال پیپرز

دیکھنے کریں:

https://www.youtube.com/watch؟v=0wIpCZenZ-k
امبیڈکر 126th jaynti متحرک Dr.Bhim راؤ انگریزی میں زندگی پر کی قیمت درج کرنے کی خواہشات مبارکباد ویڈیو
اپریل 12، 2017 پر شائع
امبیڈکر 126th jaynti متحرک Dr.Bhim راؤ انگریزی میں زندگی پر کی قیمت درج کرنے کی خواہشات مبارکباد ویڈیو

امبیڈکر 126th jaynti متحرک Dr.Bhim راؤ انگریزی میں زندگی پر کی قیمت درج کرنے کی خواہشات مبارکباد ویڈیو
امبیڈکر 126th jaynti متحرک انگریزی میں زندگی پر کی قیمت درج کرنے کی خواہشات مبارکباد ویڈیو یہ ایک Dr.Bhim راؤ کی. متاثر کن! خصوصی پیغام! ڈیلی امپاورمنٹ! سب سے بہتر ایک دوسرے کے ساتھ ڈال کے سب سے بہتر آپ کی حوصلہ افزائی کرنے
میں آپ کی life.I امید اس ویڈیو کو متاثر اور آپ کی حوصلہ افزائی ہو سکتی
ہے.

یہ مبارک اشتراک کریں. آپ کے تمام دوستوں اور خاندان کے ساتھ اشتراک کریں.

اس ویڈیو کے ساتھ وابستہ ہے:
ڈاکٹر
امبیڈکر جینتی، ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر جینتی ممبئی، ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر جینتی سولاپر،
ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر جینتی گانا، ڈاکٹر بی آر امبیڈکر جینتی، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب
امبیڈکر جینتی، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب امبیڈکر جینتی، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب امبیڈکر
جینتی، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب امبیڈکر جینتی، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب امبیڈکر جینتی،
ڈاکٹر
بابا صاحب امبیڈکر جینتی رقص، ڈاکٹر بابا صاحب امبیڈکر جینتی ویڈیو، ڈاکٹر بی آر امبیڈکر جینتی، DR. امبیڈکر جینتی جشن، dr.babasaheb امبیڈکر جینتی سولاپر، dr.babasaheb امبیڈکر جینتی سولاپر،

دیکھنے
کریں: ہمارے قومی رہنما Behenji محترمہ مایاوتی ہمارے اور قوم سے خطاب
کریں todau THT کی 14th 2017 اپریل صبح 10 بجے بابا صاحب ڈاکٹر بی آر
امبیڈکر کی 126th سالگرہ کے موقع پر.
تمام قومی چینلز میں ریلے. ہماری پارٹی کے دوستوں اور پیاروں کو اس پیغام کو آگے بڑھائیں. Jaibheem.

سائمن کمیشن کے ساتھ ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر

http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/opinion/voting-rights-for-all-no-mean-achievement/article3415438.ece

جمہوریت نہ صرف گاؤں یا ضلع پنچایت، لیکن حکومت کی اعلی سطح پر عالمگیر بالغ متادکار اور براہ راست انتخابات کا مطلب. اور ووٹر قطع برادری، طبقے یا تعلیم کے حصول کے، ہر کسی کو شامل کرنے کے لئے تھا. پھر اس نقطہ نظر پیش کر دیا ہے - زیادہ تر ناخواندہ دیہاتیوں کے ملک کے لئے - کچھ بھی انقلابی سے کم نہیں تھا.
جدوجہد تمام طریقہ

23 اکتوبر، 1928 پر، یہاں تک کہ سب سے زیادہ جدید مغربی ممالک اب بھی خیال، ڈاکٹر بی.آر. کے ساتھ جدوجہد کر رہے تھے جب امبیڈکر، بھارتی سٹیٹیوٹری کمیشن (بہتر سائمن کمیشن کے طور پر نام سے
جانا گیا ہے) اس سے پہلے دکھائے جانے، انتخابات بھارت کا مستقبل آئین میں
شامل کیا جا کرنے کے لئے ہے کہ وہ آفاقی بالغ فرنچائز دیں گے.

ووٹ ڈالنے کے حق، اس وقت، صرف امیر، اترا اور ٹیکس دہندگان کو عطا کیا گیا تھا. ڈاکٹر
امبیڈکر، تاہم، کا تصور پیش انتخابات مظلوم کے لئے سیاسی و قانونی مساوات
کا مطالبہ کے لئے معاشرے کے سب سے زیادہ مظلوم طبقوں کے ہاتھ میں ایک
ہتھیار تھے.
اس طرح، تخسوچت جاتیوں کے لیے مخصوص نشستوں کا مطالبہ کرتے ہوئے - وہ
جرائم پیشہ اور پہاڑیوں قبائل بھی فرنچائز پر اصرار کیا - جیسا اچھوت کہا
جاتا ہے.

زیادہ کیا ہے، انہوں نے قانون ساز اسمبلیوں، اس مدت کے معمول تھا کے طور
پر، بہت اچھوت شامل ہے جس میں بعض کلاسوں کی نامزدگی کی مخالفت کی.

عالمگیر
بالغ فرنچائز کے ان کے مضبوط دفاع میں، ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر ناخواندگی کی دلیل
سپرد خاک: “میرا احساس ہر انسان کو سمجھنے کے لئے وہ چاہتا ہے بالکل وہی
کافی ذہین ہے.
خواندگی اس نقطہ پر زیادہ نہیں اثر ہے؛ ایک آدمی ان پڑھ، کوئی بھی کم وہ بہت ذہین ہو سکتا ہے ہو سکتا ہے. “

اجلاس
بعد میں انڈین نیشنل کانگریس، جس نے مہاتما گاندھی کی طرف سے ابتدائی
1930s میں گول میز کانفرنس میں نمائندگی کیا گیا تھا ملوث.
ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر نے اپنے حصہ پر، فرنچائز ہدبندی کو برطانوی قائل کرنے میں ناکام رہے.

بعد
کی دہائی میں، دستور ساز اسمبلی میں نئے آئین piloting کے، جبکہ ڈاکٹر
امبیڈکر نے ایک بار پھر عالمگیر بالغ فرنچائز کے اپنے وژن catapulted کے.
لیکن اس بار بھی، یہاں تک کہ برطانوی تصویر میں ہونے کے بغیر، وہاں خیال کے لئے کوئی آسان سیلنگ تھا. یہ
اتنا بنیاد پرست ملا تھا سردار Vallabhai پٹیل، بنیادی حقوق پر اسمبلی کی
ایڈوائزری کمیٹی کی سربراہی والے خدشات ریاستیں اس سے اتفاق نہیں کر سکتے
ہیں اور یہاں تک کہ یہ ان rights.Today صرف 1٪ اسہشنو، پرتشدد عسکریت
پسندوں پر پشت ڈالنے دیکھنے گی کہ
،
شوٹنگ، تشدد، پاگل، پاگل، نمبر 1 دہشت گرد نربکشک chitpawan برہمن RSS
psychopaths، گڑبڑ کی تحریف اور مشینوں کے تمام معاشروں کے لئے، sarvajan
سماج IE کے لئے 99٪ عالمگیر بالغ فرنچائز محروم انتخابات جیتنے کے لئے
دھوکہ دہی ہیک کر لیا ہے.
تمام
مشینوں تحلیل اور دنیا کے تمام جمہوری ممالک کی پیروی کے طور پر کاغذ ووٹ
کے ساتھ تازہ انتخابات کے لئے جانا جا کرنے کے لئے ہے پر پابندی لگا دی اور
جمہوریت کا قتل اور ان کی دھوکہ دہی مشینوں کی طرف سے منتخب مرکزی اور
ریاستی حکومتوں کو روکنے جائے ہے.
ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر، تاہم، ثابت قدمی کا بنیادی حق ہونے کے ووٹ ڈالنے کے حق سے ان کی پوزیشن پر پھنس گئے. ان کے الفاظ میں، اور، اس طرح، جمہوریت کا جوہر “فرنچائز آئین کی پرنسپل بات ہے”. انہوں نے خبردار کیا کہ اسمبلی ممبران، کسی نہ کسی طرح بورڈ پر امریکہ
لانے کے لئے ان کی بے چینی میں، جیسے عالمگیر بالغ فرنچائز بنیادی اصولوں
پر سمجھوتہ نہیں ہونا چاہئے.

یہ
سب بھارتی ووٹروں پر منتج - قطع نظر ان کی خواندگی، ذات اور مذہبی حیثیت،
کے چاہے وہ مرد ہو یا عورت، اترا یا بے زمین مزدور اور ٹیکس دہندہ یا
بکھاری - ان کاغذی بیلٹ ڈالنے تک قطار میں کھڑے (کثیر میں کبھی کبھی دو یا
تین ووٹ
رکن حلقوں) پارلیمنٹ اور ریاستی اسمبلیوں کو 1951-52 میں طویل تیار انتخابات میں.

ملک
کی اعلی ترین پنچایت یا لوگوں کی ہاؤس - بعد میں مئی 14، 1954 کو لوک سبھا
rechristened - 13 مئی 1952. اگلے 60 سالوں میں پہلی بار ملاقات کی، ایوان
اس کے اراکین ہونے کے ساتھ 15 بار قائم کی گئی ہے
براہ راست بھارت کے لوگوں کی طرف سے منتخب کیا. وقت گزرنے کے ساتھ، ارکان کی ساخت بھی کم یا زیادہ کل آبادی میں ان کی کمیونٹیز کے تناسب کی عکاسی بدل گیا ہے. یہ معاشرے کے سابق اچھوت اور سب سے پسماندہ طبقوں سے تعلق رکھنے والے ان لوگوں میں شامل ہیں.

اس سب کے لئے کریڈٹ پہلی جماعت ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر ہونے کی وجہ سے بھارتی جمہوریت کے بانیوں کو جاتا ہے. ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر کی طرح، لبرل مغربی جمہوریت کے وسیع اصولوں کو سبسکرائب کیا جو ایک سچے جدیدیت تھا. لیکن نہرو جس آئین سازی کی ہر تفصیل میں چلا گیا گول میز کانفرنس، کسی میں حصہ نہیں لیا تھا. نہ ہی وہ 1932 میں پونا معاہدے کے مذاکرات اچھوت لئے خصوصی نمائندگی پر غور کرنے کا ایک حصہ تھا.

جیسا کہ تخسوچت جاتیوں کے لئے بالغ فرنچائز اور بکنگ جمہوری اصولوں کے
بنیادی اصولوں / سیاسی نمائندگی میں جنجاتی ٹھیک بالآخر صرف ڈاکٹر امبیڈکر
کی طرف سے بھارتی سماجی حقیقت و ضوابط سے دیکھتے رہے تھے.

ساٹھ
سال کے آخر میں، کیا ایک کی ضرورت جمہوریت، انصاف اور ہمارے آئین میں شامل
ہندوستانی سماج کے سب سے زیادہ محروم طبقوں کو نمائندگی کے اصولوں کو
دوبارہ وابستگی ہے؛
پارلیمنٹ: اس اعلی ترین جسم اس کے عوام کی نمائندگی کر تحفظ کیا جائے گا.

اس
سے قبل عالمگیر بالغ فرنچائز اب Hindumaha سبھا آر ایس ایس فراڈ مشینوں کے
ذریعے اسے روکنے کے لئے ایک شارٹ کٹ نہیں ملا ہے جس کی طرف سے مخالفت کی
گئی تھی.

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