LESSON 3339 Sun 19 Apr 2020
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Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make India Buddhist)
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BEST NEWS
Awakened One with Awareness the Buddha said that “Hunger is the worst illness.”
Activist and SC/ST scholar Anand Teltumbde sent to NIA custody
BR Ambedkar Also Hailed Battle of Koregaon – What Did He Say?
Dukkha and dukkha Nirodha.
The Buddha said, “All I teach is suffering and the end of suffering.”
The Buddha’s first teaching was on the Four Noble Truths… “Oh Bhikshus,
there are four noble truths. They are the noble truths of suffering,
the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering and the path to the
cessation of suffering.”
“Not only is it hard to meditate with an
emaciated body, but it’s hard to do much of anything except wait
intently for the next meal.”
“Let the hungry, parched, and thirsty receive food according to their needs.”
“In times of famine, may I turn myself into food and drink to stop all hunger and thirst.”
THIS IS HOW BUDDHA CURED EPIDEMIC!!!
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References
1. The six great wrongdoings: i. matricide, ii. patricide, iii. the
murder of Arahants (the Consummate Ones), iv. the shedding of the
Buddha’s blood, v. causing schism in the Sangha, and vi. Pernicious
false beliefs (niyata michcha ditthi)
2. He is a Sotapanna, stream-enterer, one who has attained
the first stage towards Nirvana
Category
Education
http://www.buddhistpeacefellowship.org/bhikkhu-bodhi-spiritual-explosion/
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Aw71zanwMnY
The Scientific Power of Meditation
“Not only is it hard to meditate with an emaciated body, but it’s hard
to do much of anything except wait intently for the next meal.”
AsapSCIENCE
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How exactly does meditation affect your body?
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—-References—-
Colzato, L.S., A. Ozturk, and B. Hommel, Meditate to create: the impact
of focused-attention and open-monitoring training on convergent and
divergent thinking. Frontiers in Psychology, 2012. 3(116): p. 1-5.
Davidson, R.J., et al., Alterations in brain and immune function
produced by mindfulness meditation. Psychosomatic Medicine, 2003. 65: p.
564-570.
Goyal, M., et al., Meditation programs for
psychological stress and well-being a systematic review and
meta-analysis. JAMA Internal Medicine, 2011. 174(3): p. 357-368.
Farb, N.A.S., et al., Minding one’s emotions: mindfulness training
alters the neural expression of sadness. Emotion, 2010. 10(1): p. 25-33.
9. Kerr, C.E., et al., Effects of mindfulness meditation
training on anticipatory alpha modulation in primary somatosensory
cortex. Brain Research Bulletin, 2011. 85: p. 96-103.
Ditto, B.,
M. Eclache, and N. Goldman, Short-term autonomic and cardiovascular
effects of mindfulness body scan meditation. Annals of Behavioral
Medicine, 2006. 32: p. 228-234.
Epel, E., et al., Can meditation
slow rate of cellular aging, cognitive stress, mindfulness, and
telomeres. Longevity, regeneration, and optimal health, 2009. 1172: p.
34-53.
Kilpatrick, L.A., et al., Impact of mindfulness-based
stress reduction training on intrinsic brain connectivity. NeuroImage,
2011. 56: p. 290–298.
Ospina, M.B., et al., Clinical trials of
meditation practices in health care:characteristics and quality. The
Journal of Alternative And Complementary Medicine, 2008. 14(10): p.
1199–1213.
Yu, X., et al., Activation of the anterior prefrontal
cortex and serotonergic system is associated with improvements in mood
and EEG changes induced by Zen meditation practice in novices.
International Journal of Psychophysiology, 2011. 80: p. 103-111.
Hölzel, B.K., et al., Mindfulness practice leads to increases in
regional brain gray matter density. Psychiatry Research: Neuroimaging,
2011. 191: p. 36-43.
Luders, E., et al., The unique brain anatomy
of meditation practitioners: alterations in cortical gyrification.
frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 2012. 6(34): p. 1-9.
Hasenkamp,
W. and L.W. Barsalou, Effects of meditation experience on functional
connectivity of distributed brain networks. frontiers in Human
Neuroscience, 2012. 6(38): p. 1-14.
Carlson, L.E., et al.,
Mindfulness-based cancer recovery and supportive-expressive therapy
maintain telomere length relative to controls in distressed breast
cancer survivors.
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Amanda Louise Steen
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Magdalena Bascuñan
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Giorgia Marletta
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Lilian Villela
Category
Science & Technology
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QrnoD_enMfw
“Let the hungry, parched, and thirsty receive food according to their needs.”
Can You Drink Water When You Eat?
BRIGHT SIDE
34.3M subscribers
When it comes to health, prevention is better than cure, so it’s
important to know and avoid some harmful everyday habits. Can drinking
water when you eat actually do you any harm, or is it just a health
myth? Some experts say that eating and drinking at the same time
prevents you from losing weight, while others say water dilutes our
stomach acid. Let’s find out what drinking simple water as you eat can
actually do to you.
Some people think that drinking water while
eating decreases the acidity in the stomach. So if gastric acid gets
diluted, it won’t be able to digest your food thoroughly enough.
The
digestive process starts before you even put the fork in your mouth.
When we’re just thinking about our future meal, saliva starts getting
secreted in the mouth. In fact, water doesn’t just enter the stomach
from a glass, it’s also in the food you eat. For example, oranges, along
with raspberries and pineapples, are 87% water. Research showed that
some foods can, in fact, decrease acidity levels in the stomach, but
they go back to normal really quickly.
There are lots of advantages
to drinking while eating. It helps soften and break down solid food so
that your body can absorb the nutrients better. Water also prevents
constipation since it softens the stool.
It’s been proven that
drinking just 2 cups of water raises both male and female metabolic
rates by 30%. And when your metabolism is increased, this gives you a
much-needed boost in energy. Water helps with the absorption of
nutrients. It dissolves minerals and vitamins, along with other
nutrients you get from your food. Water is vital for flushing toxins out
of your body through your urine and stool.
Music: Knuckle - Text Me Records/Social Work
https://www.youtube.com/audiolibrary/…
TIMESTAMPS
Why are some people against drinking water while eating? 0:45
What happens to food and water in the stomach? 1:21
Liquids don’t decrease stomach acidity. 2:38
Liquids don’t influence the speed of digestion. 4:07
So can we drink while eating or not? 4:34
Reasons why your body absolutely needs water. 6:44
SUMMARY
-Some people think that water pushes food that’s still in undigested into the intestines.
-Water, unlike food, doesn’t stick around in the stomach for 4 hours.
It goes through the chewed food very quickly, moisturizes it, and leaves
the stomach way before the food does.
-If the stomach “feels” that
it can’t digest something, it pumps out more enzymes to increase the
acidity of the liquid inside. Even if you drink half a gallon of water,
it won’t change the acidity.
-Liquid leaves the body faster than solid food, but it doesn’t influence the speed of digestion.
-Having something to drink with your meals is harmless and can even do you some good.
-Water helps regulate your body temperature, lubricates your spinal
cord, tissues, and joints. Water boosts your physical performance.
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Sad Song || OC Joke Animatic
“In times of famine, may I turn myself into food and drink to stop all hunger and thirst.”
Mokii
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Aaaahh 20k that’s insane tysm ily all ♥
It would be great if you didn’t compare my OCs to any other characters k thanks
This is the relatable content you all want ya know
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There Is More Happiness In Giving As Compared Riciving / Helping Forever
By walking to feed the hungry, we recover our hidden potentials for
generosity and compassion and selfless love. Contrary to the assumptions
of “political realists,” it is not policies aimed at acquisition and
domination that are going to make us safe. The secret to transforming
the world, the key to security and safety, lies in cooperation and
collaboration, in respect for all human beings, and in compassion for all beings in the wider web of life.
HELPING FOREVER
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People & Blogs
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sbeWAR5c4yA
What Is Global Hunger Index And Where India Stands On It?
To abolish global hunger, our most urgent need is to change our present
trajectory from one governed by crude self-interest, which has brought
us close to the brink of self-destruction, toward one inspired by
helpfulness, generosity, and love channeled into selfless action on
behalf of those in need of help. As we travel through this journey of
life and death, walking together on a
clear autumn day is a way of demonstrating our primal unity. We walk
together to embody in action our intrinsic and inseparable solidarity in
the quest for well-being, happiness, and security.
India Today
3.31M subscribers
India’s poor performance on the Global Hunger Index
Description: India ranks at the 100th position in the Global Hunger
list of 119 countries. Even Nepal and Bangladesh are ahead of us. To say
that the problem is depressing, would be an understatement. In this
video, we explain to you the situation in India with respect to the
hunger index.
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https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HzJcXvcfvwY
Dukkha and dukkha Nirodha.
Dukkha: The significance of dukkha in buddhism
Ngoh Sisui
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02.105 : Sages Through the Ages
Midterm video: Dukkha, Buddhism
Ngoh Sisui :)
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People & Blogs
https://www.youtube.com/watch…
EASTERN PHILOSOPHY - The Buddha
The Buddha’s first teaching was on the Four Noble Truths… “Oh Bhikshus,
there are four noble truths. They are the noble truths of suffering,
the cause of suffering, the cessation of suffering and the path to the
cessation of suffering.”
The School of Life
5.52M subscribers
The Buddha’s philosophy teaches us that our desires are at the root of
our restlessness - and that calm can be achieved through willpower and
spiritual exercise. If you like our films, take a look at our full shop
too: https://goo.gl/aGTlez
FURTHER READING
“The story of the Buddha’s life, like all of Buddhism, is a story about
confronting suffering. He was born between the sixth and fourth century
B.C., the son of a wealthy king in the Himalayan foothills of Nepal. It
was prophesied that the young Buddha — then called Siddhartha Gautama —
would either become the emperor of India or a very holy man. Since
Siddhartha’s father desperately wanted him to be the former, he kept the
child isolated in a palace with every imaginable luxury: jewels,
servants, lotus ponds, even beautiful dancing women…”
You can read more on this and many other topics on our blog TheBookofLife.org: https://goo.gl/mwCD2u
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Bader Qutteineh
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voodoo 1999
Stefi Imbuzan
Catalin Banica
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Arkan Tanriwa
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蔡穎睿
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مدرسه زندگی فارسی
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Alexandros Louizidis
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Ariel Adauta
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Felipe Buzatti Nascimento
Adilson Lamim
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Massimo Maniscalco
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Van Anh Nguyen
Category
Education
http://www.buddhistpeacefellowship.org/bhikkhu-bodhi-spiritual-explosion/
https://shodhganga.inflibnet.ac.in/bitstream/10603/160510/14/11_chapter%204.pdf
http://online.sfsu.edu/rone/Buddhism/footsteps.htm
https://theprint.in/…/activist-and-dalit-scholar-an…/401699/
Activist and SC/ST scholar Anand Teltumbde sent to NIA custody
Teltumbde, the grandson-in-law of Dr B R Ambedkar, was arrested by the
NIA earlier in the day after he surrendered in the Elgar Parishad-Maoist
link case.
Mumbai: A special court here on Tuesday remanded
SC/ST scholar and activist Anand Teltumbde in the custody of the
National Investigation Agency till April 18 in Elgar Parishad-Maoist
link case.
Teltumbde was arrested by the NIA earlier in the day after he surrendered before it following the Supreme Court’s directives.
Teltumbde is the grandson-in-law of Constitution icon Dr B R Ambedkar,
whose 129th birth anniversary is being observed on Tuesday.
Civil rights activist Gautam Navlakha, a co-accused in the case, also
surrendered before the NIA in Delhi. His anticipatory bail plea was also
rejected by the apex court.
https://theprint.in/…/going-to-jail-now-virtual-dea…/397828/
Going to jail now virtual death sentence: Bhima Koregaon activists seek time to surrender
Citing coronavirus pandemic, civil rights activists Gautam Navlakha
& Anand Teltumbde sought more time from Supreme Court to surrender
to prison authorities.
New Delhi: Civil rights activists Gautam
Navlakha and Anand Teltumbde sought more time from the Supreme Court on
Wednesday for surrendering to prison authorities in the Bhima Koregaon
violence case citing the coronavirus pandemic.
Going to jail at the time of the COVID-19 virus is “virtually a death sentence”, they said.
The apex court on March 16 had rejected anticipatory bail pleas of the
activists, saying it cannot be said that no prima facie case is made out
against them. It had however granted them three weeks to surrender
themselves to the jail authorities.
A bench headed by Justice
Arun Mishra reserved the order on the plea of the activists after
Solicitor General Tushar Mehta, appearing for the probe agency, said
that this was only a mechanism to buy time and both the accused are
facing serious charges.
The counsel for the accused said however that the activists are old having ailments and they be granted more time to surrender.
Earlier, the apex court, while dismissing the anticipatory bail pleas
of Navlakha and Teltumbde, had said their petitions cannot be maintained
in view of the bar contained in 43D(4) of the Unlawful Activities
(Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967.
Section 43D(4) of the UAPA bars
grant of anticipatory bail to a person accused of having committed an
offence punishable under this Act.
“The special leave petitions
are, accordingly, dismissed. However, since the protection has been
enjoyed by the petitioners approximately for one-and-a-half years, three
weeks time from today is granted to them to surrender. The petitioners
shall surrender their passport forthwith with the investigation
agency/officer,” the bench had said.
Navlakha and Teltumbde had
approached the apex court challenging the decision of the Bombay High
Court by which it had refused to grant them anticipatory bail in the
case.
The top court had on March 6 extended till March 16 the interim protection from arrest granted to both the activists.
The high court, while refusing to grant anticipatory bail to Navlakha
and Teltumbde on February 14, had extended their interim protection from
arrest for a period of four weeks to enable them to approach the apex
court.
The high court had refused to grant anticipatory bail to
Navlakha and Teltumbde saying, “On perusal of all the material on
record, it can be seen that there is prima facie evidence showing
complicity of applicants (Navlakha and Teltumbde) in the crime.”
The high court, after perusing letters allegedly exchanged between the
accused persons, had noted that Navlakha, Teltumbde and other accused
like Surendra Gadling, Rona Wilson and Sudha Bharadwaj prima facie had
access to and connections with central committee members and leaders of
the banned CPI(Maoist).
Navlakha, Teltumbde and several other
activists have been booked by the Pune Police for their alleged Maoist
links and several other charges following the violence at Koregaon Bhima
village in Pune district on January 1, 2018. All the accused have
denied the allegations.
According to Pune Police, “inflammatory”
speeches and “provocative” statements made at the Elgar Parishad
conclave held in Pune on December 31, 2017 had triggered caste violence
at Koregaon Bhima the next day. The police alleged that the conclave was
backed by Maoists.
Teltumbde and Navlakha had approached the
high court seeking pre-arrest bail in November last year after a
sessions court in Pune had rejected their pleas.
https://theprint.in/…/historians-silence-on-bhima-k…/343493/
Historians’ silence on Bhima Koregaon allowed BJP to brand it as ‘urban Naxalism’
For SC/STs, Bhima Koregaon wasn’t just a battle between British and
Peshwas but a reclamation of their prestige following centuries of caste
discrimination.
ainstream Indian historiography – whether it is
nationalistic, Left or liberal versions – has a problem dealing with the
battle of Bhima Koregaon. It doesn’t fit into the narrative of Hindu
nationalism or the classic anti-colonialism frame. This historical
dilemma is the reason why it is easy for the BJP and the Narendra Modi
government to dub an anti-caste battle commemoration as the handiwork of
‘Urban Naxals’ and dangerous. Because Indian history has largely been
silent on it.
The term Anglo-Maratha war is a misnomer. It was
actually the Brahmin Peshwa rulers who fought against the British in
that war, so it should be called the Anglo-Peshwa war. The Peshwa rulers
had usurped the Maratha kingdom from the descendants of Shivaji
Maharaj, and suffered the final defeat at Koregaon on 1 January 1818.
What makes this war complex for Indian historians was the composition
of the British Army. Most soldiers on their side were the so-called
untouchables, mostly Mahars from Maharashtra, who were facing
persecution in the Peshwa Raj. According to one account, “The British,
with just 834 infantrymen — about 500 of them from the Mahar community —
and 12 officers defeated the 28,000-strong army of Peshwa Bajirao II.”
A puzzle for historians
For mainstream historians, there is nothing glorious to say about this
battle, because the Indian side lost. But Dalits see it differently. For
them, it was not merely a battle between the British and the Peshwas
but reclamation of their prestige following centuries of caste
discrimination, subjugation and humiliation.
This explains why
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, then a young lawyer fighting against caste
discrimination, visited the war memorial at Koregaon in 1927. This is
why lakhs of Dalits assemble there every year on the first day of
January. For them, it is not merely a political act; it is like a
pilgrimage, a celebration of aspirations, a community festival.
Dalit-Bahujan from Maharashtra and later from different parts of India
assembled at the site every year until 2018 – when some local Hindutva
leaders decided to challenge them, and do so violently. Later, the
police clamped down on Left activists for their participation by terming
their life-long social work as “anti-national activities” and sending
them behind bars.
Before 2018, the celebration at victory columns
of Koregaon has no known history of violence or confrontation. Now, a
google search of Bhima Koregaon throws up news related to violence or
conspiracy. This is important because this is how collective memories
are formed in the Internet age.
Dalit activists allege that the
law enforcement agencies have gone soft on the actual perpetrators of
violence, Sambhaji Bhide and Milind Ekbote, even as lakhs of people who
assembled at Bhima Koregaon on 1 January 2018 remain branded as people
without any agency to think and decide for themselves because they were
‘instigated’ by Leftist intellectuals – the same ‘Urban Naxals’ who
couldn’t organise a single protest meeting of a few hundred people to
demand their release from prison.
Creation of a bogey
The
bogey of ‘Urban Naxal’ was a ploy to hide the real association – of
Bhima Koregaon with the larger anti-caste struggle, painstakingly built
over the years by Dalit activists. Dalits were assembling at Bhima
Koregaon long before Naxalism or Naxalbari had even entered into the
political lexicon of India – and even before the Communist Party in
India was founded.
Associating Bhima Koregaon with Left or Naxal
ideology is not just unfounded, but absurd as well. But the larger
confusion about how to situate the battle explains why it was absent in
the history textbooks.
So how do we make sense of Bhima Koregaon?
We may use the deductive method by answering another question about
what Bhima Koregaon is not.
– Bhima Koregaon is not about anti-colonial struggle, so it’s difficult to understand it from that matrix.
– Bhima Koregaon has nothing to do with the idea of India as envisaged by Gandhi-Nehru.
– Bhima Koregaon does not fit in the Hindu vs Muslim or Indian vs
foreigner binary; rather, it punctures the idea of monolith Indians
fighting against foreign rulers.
Commemorating the battle at
Bhima Koregaon is an assertion of human values. It’s a claim by the
large masses of economically and socially deprived communities that if
pushed to the corner, they can revolt. They have done it before and
their celebration signals they can do it again, maybe through democratic
methods this time.
The author is the former managing editor of
India Today Hindi magazine, and has authored books on media and
sociology. Views are personal.
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முன்னணி
மனித உரிமை ஆர்வலரும், இந்திய துணைக் கண்டத்தின் ஆசிரியருமான ஆனந்த்
டெல்டும்டே, ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ் (ராக்ஷாசா ரவுடி சுயம் சேவக்ஸ்) இன் பென் இஸ்ரேல்
சிட்பவன் பிராமணர்களைச் சேர்ந்த வெளிநாட்டினரால் திட்டமிடப்பட்டார். பாஜக
மீது பாசிச அரசு பழிவாங்குவது மற்றும் ஜனநாயக நிறுவனங்களை கொலை செய்வதற்கான
சதி மற்றும் நீர்த்துப்போகும் நிறுவனங்களின் மாஸ்டர் (மோடி) ஆகியோரால்
கோரேகான் கலவரம் தூண்டப்பட்டது. யுஏபிஏ சட்டத்தின் கீழ் மத்திய புலனாய்வு
அமைப்பால் (என்ஐஏ) அவர் 14.04.2020 அன்று கைது செய்யப்பட்டு சிறையில்
அடைக்கப்பட்டார்.
எழுத்தாளர் அருந்ததிராய், இந்தியாவின் முன்னணி
அரசியல் தலைவர்கள், மனித உரிமைகள் மற்றும் அவருக்காக போராடும் ஜனநாயக
ஆர்வலர்கள் உள்ளிட்ட பிரபல புத்திஜீவிகள் உள்ளனர்!
ஆனந்த்
டெல்டும்டே திங்கட்கிழமை, 20.04.2020 காலை 11 மணி முதல் 11.15 மணி வரை
“ஆனந்த் உடன் நிற்க”, ஒரு காகிதம் அல்லது அட்டையைப் பிடித்து முகத்தை
முகத்தில் முன்வைத்தார். பேஸ்புக், ட்விட்டர் உள்ளிட்ட சமூக ஊடகங்களில்
“ஆனந்த்” என்ற வார்த்தை தொடர்ந்து தொலைபேசி தொடர்புகளைப் பகிர்ந்துகொள்வது
முடிந்தது (அந்த நேரத்தில் கிடைக்கிறது) ஆலோசனை அடிப்படையிலான
மியூட்டுவக்கப்பட்டுல்லாட்டுவே, பெரியாரியா-அம்பேத்கரைட்-ஜனநாயக
சிந்தனையாளர்கள் மற்றும் ஆர்வலர்கள், ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்., கங்கப்பரிவர கும்பல்
சூழ்ச்சி , பாசிச பாஜக அரசாங்கத்தின் பழிவாங்கும் ஜனநாயக விரோத நடவடிக்கை
எங்கள் ஆழத்திற்கு எதிராக. வலுவான எதிர்ப்பைப் பதிவு செய்ய அழைப்போம்!
பாசிச ஆர்.எஸ்.எஸ்-பாஜகவுக்கு எதிராக அணிதிரள்வோம்! பிரபுத்த பாரத்தை
விட்டு வெளியேறவும், மோசடி ஈ.வி.எம் / வி.வி.பி.ஏ.டி.எஸ்-க்கு பதிலாக
வாக்குச் சீட்டுகளைப் பயன்படுத்தவும் வெளிநாட்டினர் சிட்பவன் பிராமணர்களை
கட்டாயப்படுத்துங்கள்.
Anand Teltumde, a leading human rights activist and author of the Indian subcontinent, was
plotedThere are well-known intellectuals including writer
Arundhatirai, leading political leaders of India, human rights and
democratic activists fighting for him!
The release of Anand
Teltumde on Monday, 20.04.2020 from 11 am to 11.15 am “Stand with
Anand”, holding a paper or a card and presenting his face to his face.
The word “Anand” on social media, including Facebook, Twitter Continued
sharing the phone contact is completed (available at that time)
consultancy based mutivetukkappattullatuakave,
periyariya-Ambedkarite-democratic thinkers and activists, all the
struggle involved in the RSS, cankapparivara mob intrigue, fascist BJP
government’s revenge undemocratic action against our deep. Come let us
call to register strong protest! Let’s rally against the fascist
RSS-BJP! Force the foreigners chitpavan brahmins to quit Prabuddha
Bharat and to use Ballot Papers instead of the fraud EVMs/VVPATS.
https://www.thequint.com/…/br-ambedkar-on-bhima-koregaon-ba…
BR Ambedkar Also Hailed Battle of Koregaon – What Did He Say?
Not many would know that the battle of Koregaon – whose 200th
anniversary was observed on Monday, 1 January – was once upon a time
hailed by Bhimrao Ambedkar.
In the battle that took place on 1
January 1818 in the village of Koregaon, the British Army comprising
SC/ST (untouchables) Mahars had defeated upper-caste Peshwas
representing Maratha ruler Baji Rao Peshwa.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chitpavan
The chitpavan brahmin is a hindutva Maharashtrian brahmin community
inhabiting Konkan, the coastal region of the state of Maharashtra in
India. The community came into prominence during the 18th century when
the heirs of Peshwa from the Bhat family of Balaji Vishwanath became the
de facto rulers of the Maratha empire. Under the British Raj, they were
the one of the hindutva communities in Maharashtra to flock to western
education and they provided the bulk of social reformers,
educationalists and nationalists of the late 19th century.Until the 18th
century, the Chitpavans were held in low esteem by the Deshastha, the
older established brahmin community of Maharashtra region.
The
upper castes, that is, Marathi brahmins, Prabhus (CKPs and Pathare
Prabhus) and Saraswat brahmins were only about 4% of the population in
Maharashtra. A majority of this 4% were brahmins.As per the 1901 census,
about 5% of the Pune population was brahmin and about 27% of them were
chitpawans.
The chitpavan story of shipwrecked people is similar
to the mythological story of the Foreigners from Bene Israel,Tibet,
Africa, Eastern Europe, Western Germany, Northern Europe, South,Russia,
Hungary, etc, etc., Jews of Raigad district.
The Bene Israel claim
that Chitpavans are also of Jewish origin. In addition, Indian scholar
Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar has shown similarity between names of
chitpawans and the geographical sites in Palestine.
Foreigners
from Bene Israel,Tibet, Africa, Eastern Europe, Western Germany,
Northern Europe, South,Russia, Hungary, etc, etc., chitpavans brahmins
of Rowdy Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks remotely controlling the the slaves,
stooges, chamchas, chelas, boot lickers and own mother’s flewsh eaters
the Murderer of democratic institutions and Master of diluting
institutions (Modi) and his Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) were
apparently the last major community to arrive there and consequently the
area in which they settled, around Ratnagiri, was the least fertile and
had few good ports for trading. The other groups generally took up
trade as their primary occupation. In ancient times, the chitpawans were
employed as messengers and spies. Later, with the rise of the chitpawan
Peshwa in the 18th century they began migrating to Pune and found
employment as military men, diplomats and clerks in the administration. A
1763-4 document shows that at least 67% of the clerks at the time were
chitpawans.
Very little is known of the chitpavans before 1707
A.D. Around this time, Balaji Vishwanth Bhat, a chitpavan arrived from
Ratnagiri to the Pune-Satara area. He was brought there on the basis of
his reputation of being an efficient administrator. He quickly gained
the attention of Chhatrapati Shahu. Balaji’s work so pleased the
Chhatrapati that he was appointed the Peshwa or Prime Minister in 1713.
He ran a well-organized administration and, by the time of his death in
1720, he had laid the groundwork for the expansion of the Maratha
Empire. Since this time until the fall of the Maratha Empire, the seat
of the Peshwa would be held by the members of the Bhat family.
With the ascension of Balaji Baji Rao and his family to the supreme
authority of the Maratha Empire, chitpavan immigrants began arriving en
masse from the Konkan to Pune where the Peshwa offered all important
offices to his fellow castemen. The Chitpavan kin were rewarded with tax
relief and grants of land.Historians cite nepotism and corruption as
causes of the fall of the Maratha Empire in 1818. Richard Maxwell Eaton
states that this rise of the chitpavans is a classic example of social
rank rising with political fortune.
After the fall of the Maratha
Empire in 1818, the chitpavans lost their political dominance to the
British. The British would not subsidise the chitpavans on the same
scale that their caste-fellow, the Peshwas, had done in the past. Pay
and power was now significantly reduced. Poorer chitpavan students
adapted and started learning English because of better opportunities in
the British administration.
Some of the prominent figures in the
hindutva reform movements of the 19th and 20th centuries came from the
chitpavan brahmin community. These included Dhondo Keshav Karve, Justice
Mahadev Govind Ranade, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, Gopal Ganesh Agarkar,
Vinoba Bhave.
Some of the strongest resistance to change came
from the very same community. The vanguard and the old guard clashed
many times. D. K. Karve was ostracised. Even Tilak offered penance for
breaking caste or religious rules. One was for taking tea at Poona
Christian mission in 1892 and the second was going to England in 1919.
The chitpavan community includes two major politicians in the Gandhian
tradition: Gopal Krishna Gokhale, whom Gandhi acknowledged as a
preceptor, and Vinoba Bhave, one of his outstanding disciples. Gandhi
describes Bhave as the “jewel of his disciples”, and recognised Gokhale
as his political guru. However, strong opposition to Gandhi came from
the chitpavan community. Vinayak Damodar Savarkar, the founder of the
Stealth Shadowy hindu cult political ideology hindutva, was a chitpavan
brahmin and several other chitpavans were among the first to embrace it
because they thought it was a logical extension of the legacy of the
Peshwas and caste-fellow Tilak. These chitpavans felt out of place with
the Indian social reform movement of Phule and the mass politics of
Gandhi. Large numbers of the community looked to Savarkar, the Hindu
Mahasabha and finally the RSS. , drew their inspiration from fringe
groups in this reactionary trend.
After Gandhi’s assassination by
nathuram godse, a chitpawan, brahmins in Maharashtra, became targets of
violence, mostly by members from the Maratha caste. The motivating
factor for the violence was not love for Gandhi on the part of the
rioters but the denigration and humiliation that the Marathas were
subjected to due to their caste status.
In the Patwardhan
princely states such as Sangli, the Marathas were joined by the Jains
and the Lingayats in the attacks against the brahmins. Here,
specifically, advanced factories owned by the chitpawans were destroyed.
This event led to the hasty integration of the Patwardhan states into
the Bombay Province by March 1948 - a move that was opposed by other
brahmins as they feared the Maratha predominance in the integrated
province. During the early 20th century, the ruler of Kolhapur state,
Shahu had collaborated with the British against the Indian freedom
struggle - a struggle that was identified with chitpavans like Bal
Gangadhar Tilak. He was also instrumental in shaping anti-brahmin
attitude in the non-Brahmin communities during that period. This led to
great violence against Brahmins in Kolhapur.
The Chitpavans have
considered themselves to be both warriors and priests. Their involvement
in military affairs began with the rise of the Peshwas and their
willingness to enter military and other services earned them high status
and power in the Deccan.
Notable chitpavan brahmins
Peshwa Balaji Vishwanath and his descendants, Bajirao I, Chimaji Appa,
Balaji Bajirao, Raghunathrao, Sadashivrao Bhau, Madhavrao I, Narayanrao,
Madhavrao II, and Bajirao II
Nana Fadnavis (1742 - 1800), regent to Madhavrao II
The Patwardhans - military leaders under the Peshwa and later rulers of various princely states
Balaji Pant Natu - spied for the British against the Peshwa era
Maratha Empire and raised the Union Jack over Shaniwar Wada.
Lokhitwadi (Gopal Hari Deshmukh) (1823-1892)- social reformer
Nana Sahib (1824 – 1859) - adopted heir of the deposed Peshwa
Bajirao II and one of the main leaders of the Indian Rebellion of 1857
Mahadev Govind Ranade (1842–1901) - judge and social reformer. Given the title of Rao Bahadur.
Vishnushastri Krushnashastri Chiplunkar (1850 – 1882) - essayist,
editor of Nibandha Mala, a Marathi journal, educator, mentor to Bal
Gangadhar Tilak and Gopal Ganesh Agarkar, founder of the Chitrashala
press
Vasudev Balwant Phadke (1845 – 1883)- a petty government
clerk in Pune who led an armed rebellion against the British. Later an
Educator.
Bal Gangadhar Tilak (1856 – 1920)[47] -Educator,
Writer and Early Nationalist Leader with widespread appeal. Described by
British colonial administration as the “Father of Indian Unrest”
Gopal Ganesh Agarkar (1856 – June 1895).[36] journalist, educator and social reformer
Keshavsut (Krishnaji Keshav Damle) (15 March 1866 – 7 November 1905) -Marathi language poet
Dhondo Keshav Karve(1858 – 1962)[32] - Social reformer and advocate of women’s education
Anandibai Joshi (1865 – 1887) - First Indian woman to get a medical
degree from a university in the west - Woman’s Medical College of
Pennsylvania - in 1886
Gopal Krishna Gokhale (1866 – 1915) - Early Nationalist leader on the moderate wing of the Congress party
Chapekar brothers (1873-1899),(1879-1899) - Brothers who
assassinated British plague commissioner Walter Rand for his heavy
handed approach to plague relief in Pune in 1897
Gangadhar
Nilkanth Sahasrabuddhe, a social reformer, who, along with two other
reformers- Chairman Surendranath Tipnis of the Mahad Municipality and
A.V.Chitre, helped Ambedkar during the Mahad Satyagraha.
Narasimha Chintaman Kelkar (1872 – 1947] - Writer, Journalist,
Nationalist leader. Served on the Viceroy’s Executive Council (1924–29).
Ganesh Damodar Savarkar (1879 – 1945), founder of Abhinav Bharat
Society, Independence activist and brother of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar.
Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,(28 May 1883 – 26 February 1966) Freedom
fighter, social reformer and Formulator of the Hindutva philosophy.
Senapati Bapat (12 November 1880 – 28 November 1967) - Prominent
Indian freedom fighter who acquired title of Senapati meaning Commander.
Dadasaheb Phalke- (30 April 1870 – 16 February 1944) Pioneer of Indian film industry
Krushnaji Prabhakar Khadilkar-(25 November 1872 – 26 August 1948) Editor of Kesari and Navakal
Vishnu Narayan Bhatkhande (1860 – 1936) - eminent maestro of Hindustani classical music
Vishwanath Kashinath Rajwade (1863–1926) - Historian
Anant Laxman Kanhere (1891-1910) - Indian nationalist and
revolutionary, hanged for the murder of British Collector of Nashik, A.
M. T. Jackson in 1910[a]
Vinoba Bhave-(1895 – 1982), Gandhian leader and freedom fighter[94]
Dattatreya Ramachandra Bendre (1896 – 1981) - Poet and writer in Kannada language. Winner of the Jnanpith Award[95]
Narhar Vishnu Gadgil-(10 January 1896 – 12 January 1966) Congress leader and Member of Nehru’s cabinet
Irawati Karve - (1905 – 1970), anthropologist
Nathuram Godse- (19 May 1910 – 15 November 1949) Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin
Narayan Apte (1911 - 1949) - co-conspirator in the assassination of Gandhi.
Gopal Godse (1919 – 2005) - co-conspirator in the assassination of Gandhi and Nathuram Godse’s younger brother.
Pandurang Shastri Athavale (1920 - 2003) was an Indian activist
philosopher, spiritual leader, social revolutionary and religion
reformist, who founded the Swadhyaya Parivar (Swadhyaya Family) in 1954
Kashinath Ghanekar (1930 - 1986) - Marathi Actor and First superstar on Marathi Stage.[citation needed]
Vikram Gokhale (born 1947) - Indian film, television and stage actor[citation needed]
Madhuri Dixit (born 1967) - Bollywood actress
Prakash Madhusudan Apte - Architect and town planner. Planned and
designed the city of Gandhinagar, capital city of Gujarat[pages
needed][need quotation to verify].
The battle has been seen by
the ‘SC/ST-caste’ Mahars as a triumph of their community over the
oppressive Peshwas, and has been celebrated on the first day of every
new year as an exemplar of SC/ST valour and sacrifice.
On Monday,
1 January 2018, violent clashes broke out between SC/ST groups and
Marathas during an event marking the 200th anniversary of the battle,
leaving one person dead and several others injured.
Ambedkar
visited the Bhima-Koregaon war memorial on the 109th anniversary of the
battle in 1927. The memorial – a pillar – was constructed in remembrance
of the soldiers who died in the battle, and it is said that the pillar
included the names of 22 SC/ST (Untouchable) Mahars who had fought in
the battle.
Ambedkar’s visit to the memorial is also said to have
snowballed its popularity among the SC/STs, with thousands paying
homage to it every year on 1 January.
Notably, Ambedkar also
referred to the battle of Koregaon in 1930 during the First Round Table
Conference in London, as he underlined the vital role played by the
‘Untouchables’ in helping the British to conquer India.
BR Ambedkar Also Hailed Battle of Koregaon – What Did He Say?
Kabir UpmanyuUpdated: 14.04.18
India4 min read
6.2k ENGAGEMENT
Not many would know that the battle of Koregaon – whose 200th
anniversary was observed on Monday, 1 January – was once upon a time
hailed by Bhimrao Ambedkar.
In the battle that took place on 1
January 1818 in the village of Koregaon, the British Army comprising
Dalit Mahars had defeated upper-caste Peshwas representing Maratha ruler
Baji Rao Peshwa. The battle has been seen by the ‘lower-caste’ Mahars
as a triumph of their community over the oppressive Peshwas, and has
been celebrated on the first day of every new year as an exemplar of
Dalit valour and sacrifice.
On Monday, 1 January 2018, violent
clashes broke out between Dalit groups and Marathas during an event
marking the 200th anniversary of the battle, leaving one person dead and
several others injured.
Ambedkar visited the Bhima-Koregaon war
memorial on the 109th anniversary of the battle in 1927. The memorial – a
pillar – was constructed in remembrance of the soldiers who died in the
battle, and it is said that the pillar included the names of 22 Dalit
Mahars who had fought in the battle.
Also Read : 1 Dead in Bhima Koregaon Protest, Maha CM Assures Judicial Inquiry
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Ambedkar’s visit to the memorial is also said to have snowballed its
popularity among the Dalits, with thousands paying homage to it every
year on 1 January.
Notably, Ambedkar also referred to the battle
of Koregaon in 1930 during the First Round Table Conference in London,
as he underlined the vital role played by the ‘Untouchables’ in helping
the British to conquer India.
Who were these people who
joined the army of the East India Company and helped the British to
conquer India? …the people who joined the Army of the East India Company
were the Untouchables of India. The men who fought with Clive in the
battle of Plassey were the Dusads, and the Dusads are Untouchables. The
men who fought in the battle of Koregaon were the Mahars, and the Mahars
are Untouchables. Thus, in the first battle and the last battle
(1757-1818) it was the Untouchables who fought on the side of the
British and helped them conquer India. The truth of this was admitted by
the Marquess of Tweeddale in his note to the Peel Commission which was
appointed in 1859 to report on the reorganisation of the Indian Army.
His comments came in a context when the British had apparently started
excluding the ‘lower castes’ from the army (especially after 1857), to
which he asserted that “nothing can be more ungrateful than this
exclusion of the Untouchables from the Army”.
‘Both Ambedkar and His Father Fought For Mahar Recruitment in the British Army’
Nonica Datta, associate professor of history at Jawaharlal Nehru
University (JNU), details how Ambedkar was very angry with the exclusion
of Mahars and other ‘lower castes’ from recruitment in the Army.
With the distinction between martial and non-martial classes
gaining ground post 1857, the ‘lower castes’ were excluded from the army
as they were labelled ‘non-martial’. Ambedkar was upset with this, and
went on to emphasise the important role the Mahars played in the East
India Company. His motive was to inculcate a sense of pride among the
Mahars and the battle of Koregaon was one such symbol of Mahar pride.
Nonica Datta to The Quint
She goes on to explain how Ambedkar – who came from a family with an
army background (his father and six uncles were subedar majors in the
British Army) – campaigned extensively for the establishment of a Mahar
regiment.
It was because of Ambedkar that the new Mahar
regiment came into being during the Second World War. Moreover, it was
not just Ambedkar, but his father, Ramji Maloji Sakpal, also fought for
Mahar recruitment.
Talking about the significance of
‘lower castes’’ presence in the British Army, such as during the battle
of Koregaon, Datta says it gave them a sense of identity which boosted
their self-esteem.
These were the ‘lower castes’ who had
carry a pot so that their spit doesn’t fall on the ground. They had
brooms tied to their back. After all the oppression they faced, their
recruitment into the Army gave them visibility and self-respect. They
celebrated their recruitment, and regarded the battles they fought as
acts of heroism.