इसलिए नामंजूर हो सकता है मायावती का इस्तीफा, लालू बोले- हम राज्यसभा भेजेंगे

सदन में बात रखने का मौका नहीं मिलने से नाराज बीएसपी सुप्रीमो मायावती ने मंगलवार को राज्यसभा मेंबरशिप से इस्तीफा दे दिया।

bhaskar.com

http://www.newindianexpress.com/…/5-reasons-why-maya-quit-a…

Inline image 1

LUCKNOW: Mayawati quit her seat in the Rajya Sabha in a fit of anger
Tuesday. It was a spontaneous decision. She has been chief minister of
UP four times and an experienced MP.

https://www.bhaskar.com/…/NAT-NAN-mayawatis-resignation-fro…

The leader of the Sarvajan Samaj Bahenji Ms Mayawati proved that the
Bahujan Samaj Party is not just a political party but
Techno-Politico-Socio Transformation and Economic Emancipation Movement.
Just because she belongs to Scheduled Caste community the speaker a
Chamcha, chela, stooge, slave, boot locker and own mother’s flesh eater
of Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP) remotely controlled by just 1%
intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorist, shooting, lynching,
lunatic, mentally retarded cannibal chitpavan Brahmin RSS Rakshsa
Swayambhu Sevaks) psychopaths is preventing her to present the case on
atrocities on SC/STs. Even when she tried to present her case on the
fraud EVMs which were tampered to gobble the Master Key by the BJP, the
speaker prevented her. The speaker, the Murderer of democratic
institutions (Modi) must be booked under prevention of atrocities act
with non bailable warrants. The intellectuals of Sarvajan Samaj must do
large number of e-filing in Supreme Court and propagate through
Facebook, WhatsApp,emails, SMSes in favour of the movement. 2274 Sat 01
Jul 2017 LESSON

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hoTl_36Tzzs

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hoTl_36Tzzs
संसद में ईवीएम घोटाले पर मायावती का सनसनीखेज बयान/MAYAWATI ON EVM IN PARLIAMENT

संसद में ईवीएम घोटाले पर मायावती का सनसनीखेज बयान/MAYAWATI ON EVM IN PARLIAMENT
Story by- nationaldastak.com
youtube.com

Poll Loves3 months ago
behenji sach bol rahi hai
Yunus Rangoonwala3 months ago
Sahi hai evm ko hatao
MD Faraz3 months ago
EVM should be banned

Toamit Chaudhary

Toamit Chaudhary3 months ago
She is absolutely right…according her E.V.M ought to be ban…!! She is the God of society….
Satyender Kumar3 months ago
BJP can go to any extant of debauchery
MD IZHAR ASHRAF3 months ago
inko bolne kiun nahi diya jaa raha hai baar baar unko baithne kiun kaha jaate raha hai
Gagu Singh3 months ago
I salute u
11

sudeshkumar sagar

sudeshkumar sagar3 months ago
ye maderchod sale sab chor hai beiman hain voton ki chori karke jeete hain inki salo ki aulad doob jayegi
Dr. Faique Ali3 months ago
correct iron Lady

Pankaj Rawat

Pankaj Rawat3 months ago
बहन जी आप शेरनी है
हमे पता है कि आप कभी पिछे नही हटेंगी
Aap aage badhe hum aap ke sath hai
Mazhar Abbas3 months ago
sabha pati bjp ka agent hai
11

Vikkarm John

Vikkarm John3 months ago
Mazhar Abbas sahi kaha Bhai
786 Garib Navaaz 786 Garib Navaaz3 months ago
Bhenji zindaabaad a age bado janta aapke saath hai
Vikram Rathore3 months ago
evm se election nai honi chaiye. evm is dangerous for country…

Yogesh Kumar3 months ago
evm murdabad
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tF8bOI05WPY
EVM FRAUD SCAM - BSP Leader SATISH CHANDRA MISHRA [Best Speech] with complete study and Evidence. NATIONAL

I will quit, says Mayawati after her speech was cut short in Rajya Sabha



PTINEW DELHI 18 JULY 2017 12:44 IST

UPDATED: 18 JULY 2017 12:45 IST

Deputy Chairman P.J. Kurien asked her to wrap up her speech as she had exceeded the three minutes given to her.

An angry BSP supremo Mayawati on Tuesday said she will quit from the
Rajya Sabha after the Chair asked her to restrict her impromptu speech
on anti-Dalit violence in Saharanpur in Uttar Pradesh.

“I will
resign from Rajya Sabha today,” a visibly anguished Mayawati shot back
when Deputy Chairman P.J. Kurien asked her to wrap up her speech as she
had exceeded the three minutes given to her to make her submission.

Ms. Mayawati, whose term in the Upper House is till April next year,
argued with Mr. Kurien saying how can she be prevented from raising the
issue about her ‘samaj’ (community) and the Dalits. “I have not
finished. You cannot do this.”

“I have no moral right to be in
the House if I am not allowed to put across my views on atrocities being
committed against Dalits,” she said.

‘Discussion after notice only’

Mr. Kurien said she can only call for a discussion after giving a
notice under rule 267 that seeks adjournment of proceedings to take up
an issue and not make a speech to initiate a discussion.

A discussion can begin only after the Chair, on the advise of the government, accepts the notice and agrees for a discussion.

Mr. Kurien rose from his seat in an attempt to calm her down but Ms.
Mayawati refused to agree saying she has no right to be in the House if
she cannot protect the rights of her community.

“I am going to resign from the house,” she said and walked out of the House in a huff.

He party colleagues led by Satish Mishra followed her but were back in
the House soon to raise slogans against the alleged anti-Dalit policies
of the government.

Minister of State for Parliamentary Affairs
Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi said Mayawati was challeging the Chair. “She should
apologise. She has threatened the Chair,” he said.

BSP members immediately rushed into the Well shouting .

“Dalit virodhi yeh sarkar nahi chalegi, nahi chalegi” (anti-dalit government will not be tolerated).

Leader of the Opposition Ghulam Nabi Azad briefly prevailed over them to allow him to make his submission.

Mr. Azad said the government at an all-party meeting before the start
of the monsoon session had agreed to discuss any issue that the
Opposition wants to raise in the house.

“Promise was made to us in the presence of the Prime Minister. You are going against that,” Mr. Azad said.

He said the Opposition led by Congress has given notices to discuss
crisis facing farmers, anti-Dalit violence and lynching of minorities.

Responding to the barbs of the treasury benches to respect the people’s
mandate, Mr. Azad said the government has got a mandate to protect the
Dalits and minorities and for development.

“You didnt get a
mandate to massacre minorities and Dalits,” he said adding the Congress
was staging a walkout of the House in protest. Congress members then
walked out of the House.

Soon thereafter, BSP members were back in the Well shouting anti-government slogans.

Sitaram Yechury (CPI-M) said the government policies were pushing farmers to suicide.

Mr. Naqvi said the government was ready for discussion on any issue and the opposition should give a notice.

Mr. Kurien said the government was agreeing to having a discussion, so
the opposition members should return to their seats and start it.

“Shouting slogan is no soluition. We can discuss. The Chair is ready to
allow discussion on all subjects. Let us start,” he said. But the
opposition members remained unrelenting, forcing him to adjourn the
proceedings till 1200 hours.

Earlier, Ms. Mayawati while
elaborating on the incidents in Saharanpur, said the Dalits had agreed
to the district administration’s order not to take out any procession or
install a statue of Bhim Rao Ambedkar on April 14. But the followers of
Maharana Pratap however took out a procession on May 5, she said.

Before she could complete, Kurien asked her to sit and called the next
speaker, saying “you cannot monopolise”, angering Ms. Mayawati.

http://www.countercurrents.org/…/musings-on-the-eve-of-hin…/

Musings On The Eve Of Hindu Rashtra
in An Hour For India — by Satya Sagar — July 18, 2017

hindustan

You can smell it at a distance, in the burnt out, blackened frames of
torched homes and vehicles from yet another communal pogrom. You can see
it in the blood stained corner of a railway platform, still fresh from a
recent lynching. And you can hear it in the guttural cries of the
frenzied, saffron swathed mobs, pledging murder all the way to their
cherished goals.

Welcome, to the sights and sounds of Hindu
Rashtra, that fantasy land of upper caste Hindus or savarnas
masquerading as Indian ‘nationalists’, where they will rule unchallenged
and forever. A frightening future, which they promise will be a
recreation of Ram Rajya, a mythical time from ancient India, where the
Lord Himself ensured everyone ‘knew their place’.

Their vehicle
of choice to get there is a cowardly kind of ‘Hit and Run Hinduism’ –
opportunist, state-sanctioned attacks on isolated individuals, weaker
communities, the poor – all packaged with a huge dose of doublespeak and
meant to frighten everyone else into submission and acquiescence.

If you are a Dalit, Adivasi, Muslim or any religious minority in India
today, the signs of the Hindu Rashtra juggernaut are unmistakable. The
wheels of this vehicle run directly over their flesh and bones, grinding
them into dust.

When I say upper caste Hindus, let me be even
more specific. While savarnas from across the country are involved, the
ones most passionately behind this campaign for a Hindu Rashtra have
been from the Gangetic plains and the so-called ‘cow belt’.

As I
write this, I recollect a casual remark made nearly four decades ago, by
a classmate of mine in the small central Indian town I was brought up
in. It is still deeply etched there after all these years for some
reason.

Pointing to the lady sweeping the courtyard of his house,
when I went to visit him one day, this is what he said, “These low
caste people have become quite uppity these days. Earlier they used to
come, sweep and go away quietly, but now they have become bold enough to
ask for wages!”

In the upper caste milieu, I lived in those
days, my classmate’s statement was not very unusual at all, of course.
It however succinctly captures the weltanschauungof the savarna castes.
Endless subsidies for them at the cost of everyone else. This is exactly
what their Hindu Rashtra is all about – running a sanctified, glorified
kleptocracy.

In this part of India, the upper caste Hindu’s
sense of being some kind of a ‘master race’ is all pervasive, usually
displayed through verbal and physical abuse of people deemed ‘inferior’
or weaker to them. In my town, the Brahmins, Kshatriyas and even the
normally less aggressive Baniyas – were always eager to show everyone
around who was the real ‘boss’.

Community names like ‘chamar’ and
‘bhangi’ were used routinely as swear words, the Muslim was always the
‘katua’, all South Indians were ‘Madrasis’ and Bengalis mostly
‘refugees’. Languages, other than Hindi, were to be made fun of –
including the lingua of the local rural folk – Bundelkhandi.

All
dark-skinned people were of course relatives of the ‘demon’ Ravan
himself, while the Adivasis were not considered human at all, just
another type of goat or sheep to be cooked and consumed. (Funnily
enough, they admired the white man immensely but abused him too as he
refused to accept them as one of their own!)

Condense all this
bigotry into one unified ideology and worldview – you will get exactly
what the RSS and its various fronts – from the Bajrang Dal to the Durga
Vahini really represent. In their cow-belt vision of ‘Hindu, Hindi,
Hooliganistan’, only they – the ‘twice born’ speakers of the Deva Bhasha
– will be the masters, while the rest will remain subordinates
eternally.

Can Indians who don’t agree with all this do something
about it? What would resistance even begin to look like? Can they
continue to ignore the ongoing wanton murder and injury of Muslims in
the country, the assault on Dalits and the emasculation of every
democratic space by these pseudo-religious nationalists?

First of
all it is essential to understand that none of what is happening in
India today is not new in modern history, not even within South Asia
itself. The quest for capturing the Indian modern state apparatus under
the cover of religion closely mirrors similar attempts in the past by
the Punjabi elite in undivided Pakistan and the Sinhala Buddhist
chauvinists in Sri Lanka.

While Pakistan broke into two with the
emergence of Bangladesh, Sri Lanka went through one of the most brutal
civil wars for over four decades. Both countries witnessed genocides by
their armed forces against their own populations, for which no one has
been punished to this day. The results in India will be equally
disastrous and if the current trend continues, not very far in the
future you can safely forget the ‘Rashtra’ part of the Hindu Rashtra –
there will be nothing left for anyone to capture.

The second
point to remember is that while the category ‘Hindu’ is used by Hindutva
ideologues cunningly to convey the idea of a monolith collective of 800
million people – this is a population far too large, diverse and
defiant to be contained in a rigid, little box of Brahmanical Hinduism
without exploding. A little exploration of Indian history reveals that
it has indeed blown up several times in the past too.

While from
late Vedic times, Hindu upper castes sought unfettered access to the
labour, energy and resources of others, they did not always get their
way as people were not always obedient or submissive. From ancient times
– dating back to the Buddha and Lord Mahavir, or even earlier – there
had been a steady undercurrent of resistance everywhere.

The
Buddhists, Jains and diverse other groups, collectively called the
‘sramanas’ or ‘ascetics’, challenged domination of the Brahmins and the
authority of the Vedas. They did this through a combination of superior
philosophical arguments, debate, discussion, material help for the needy
and a strict code of personal ethics for their monks.

Even more
significantly they mobilized different social groups – merchants,
peasants, artisans, workers- to stop paying the high taxes imposed on
them (an ancient GST) in the name of ‘ritual sacrifices’ imposed on all
kinds of occasions – births, weddings, funerals, journey to heaven and
so on.

The Buddha and Mahavir diluted the caste hierarchy
successfully, introduced concepts like ahimsa, respect for all forms of
life and the religions they founded held sway over large parts of India
for over eight centuries. (Unfortunately, the Jains in contemporary
times have surrendered their independent identity to become a sub-sect
of the Hindu banias, forgetting their own historic contributions to
Indian philosophy, scientific knowledge and literature) .

Just as
Buddhism and Jainism declined, first Muslim and much later British
colonial rule robbed the savarna of power in the subcontinent. During
this period the various bhakti movements in different parts of India
also undercut the power of priests by getting the peasantry to contact
God directly without paying any transaction fees to middlemen.

Even worse, when the country finally became independent – despite
savarna attempts to change its course – it turned out to be a secular
Republic, upholding a Constitution drafted by the Dalit icon Dr Ambedkar
and run by the atheist/agnostic Jawaharlal Nehru. While the upper
castes did find their way into power through the Congress Party, too
many compromises had to be made and it was not a satisfactory situation
at all for them.

For example, they had to deal with the lower
castes getting jobs in government institutions, setting up independent
businesses of their own, becoming educated or sometimes simply running
away from the clutches of their masters to the cities. In other words
the modern Indian economy, education and migration offered several
options for the ‘slaves’ to escape.

In Tamil Nadu the political
revolt against Brahmin domination, led by Periyar and the Dravidian
movement in the forties and fifties challenged upper caste hegemony and
the imposition of Hindi successfully. By the seventies and eighties,
several oppressed Hindu communities in northern India also got more
organized and asserted their new found wealth or political power –
especially the Yadavs and Dalits.

It was around this time, that
the savarnas of the cow-belt decided to strike back. The assessment of
this self-appointed ‘master race’ was that if they did not act soon,
then who would sweep those damn floors or wipe their children’s asses?
And besides – now that the British, Muslims, Buddhists, Jains and so on
had been vanquished – it was time to resurrect Vedic India.

The
problem was that the backward castes and Dalits were numerically much
bigger and getting more organized – so a scapegoat had to be found and
hatred used as the main weapon to mobilise the Hindus internally.

The Muslims – a community that had ceased to be a ruling class for
centuries – were a perfect target. Every problem in the country would be
blamed on the them and India’s ‘arch enemy’- Muslim-majority Pakistan.

It helped of course later when the United States also decided to take
up Muslim-bashing globally. For all its pretended patriotism the heart
of Hindutva beats really to the drums of white ‘Aryans’ from the West
and ironically of Zionists from Israel too– their stamp of approval is
the ultimate honour.

“We will build a temple for Shri Ram in
Ayodhya”, they cried, and that too exactly where the Babri Masjid stood,
allegedly on the ‘birthplace’ of their Lord. Historical wrongs against
the Hindus by Muslim rulers from ages ago, according to them, had to be
avenged. Nothing – the Indian Constitution, Gandhi’s principle of
non-violence, other priorities of a poor country, rule of law or even
common decency would be allowed to come in the way.

What is
significant today, is that, for the first time in independent India, the
votaries of Hindutva seem to have everything going their way. Electoral
power across country, support from captains of industry, a servile
bureaucracy, foot soldiers galore – very often armed – and a media that
emits only a great sucking sound every time it opens its mouth. Even
many from the oppressed communities – want to collaborate as they
estimate, being on top of the bandwagon is better than under it.

It seems just a matter of time before the die is cast (or caste perhaps)
and the coup complete. The construction of a temple to Shri Ram in
Ayodhya will be done just in time for the next general elections in 2019
(after that there may be no more elections). And who knows, Prime
Minister Narendra Modi may be officially anointed a new avatar of Lord
Vishnu Himself (he certainly behaves like one already!).

The
question before Indian citizens today is that, in this ancient land of
myriad faiths, languages and cultures, how can a few caste groups from a
small part of the country be allowed to wreck the modern Indian
Republic? A Republic built on the consensus for a secular democracy
forged during the country’s struggle for Independence? Are we willing to
see the dissolution of the country’s constitutional democracy that
guarantees every citizen equal rights, justice and opportunities without
exception and to be replaced by what?

For the truly religious or
spiritual among the Hindus themselves it is time to ask, are Indian
history, culture and traditions the property of a few self-appointed
ideologues and their disciples? Does it not represent a vast and rich
body of knowledge and experiences with contributions from everyone who
has ever lived on this land? Do they really want a narrow, Taliban
version of Hinduism thrust upon them, turning India into another Saudi
Arabia or Pakistan?

As another Independence Day arrives on August
15 this year, all Indians need to reflect on these questions as if
their life depended on it. The answers and actions based on them, will
determine the survival of many Indian citizens and the Indian Republic
itself.

Satya Sagar is a public health worker and journalist who can be reached at sagarnama@gmail.com