Analytic Insight Net - FREE Online Tipiṭaka Research & Practice Universitu 
in
 112 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES
Paṭisambhidā Jāla-Abaddha Paripanti Tipiṭaka Anvesanā ca Paricaya Nikhilavijjālaya ca ñātibhūta Pavatti Nissāya 
http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org anto 105 Seṭṭhaganthāyatta Bhāsā
Categories:

Archives:
Meta:
August 2018
M T W T F S S
« Jul   Sep »
 12345
6789101112
13141516171819
20212223242526
2728293031  
08/02/18
2702 Thu 3 Aug 2018 LESSON (43)Thu 3 Aug 2007
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka, ಅಭಿಧಮ್ಮಪಿಟಕ, ವಿನಯಪಿಟಕ, ತಿಪಿಟಕ (ಮೂಲ)
Posted by: site admin @ 7:02 pm
2702 Thu 3 Aug 2018 LESSON (43)Thu 3 Aug 2007

https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/vmLEFl6IhAY
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/cpDIrn5a9Q8

https://youtu.be/dqxBMOrZRGA

https://youtu.be/IB_cFsmHRIc

https://youtu.be/UFJmwUUTfGE

“I am very fond of teaching profession. I am also very fond of students. I have dealt with them. I have lectured them in my life. I am very glad to talk to the students. A great lot of the future of this country must necessarily depend on the students of this country. Students are an intelligent part of the community and they can shape the public opinion.”
- Babasaheb Ambedkar

These views are the views of a man, who has
been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness. They come from one, almost the whole of whose public exertion has been one continuous struggle for liberty for the poor and for the oppressed and whose only reward has been a continuous shower of calumny and abuse from national journals and national leaders, for no other reason except that I refuse to join with them in performing the miracle—I will not say trick—of liberating the oppressed with the gold of the tyrant and raising the poor with the cash of the rich.
—Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in Annihilation of Caste

https://youtu.be/wcPJbSATq4E

https://youtu.be/2AMMRXTDCzs

https://youtu.be/FVNJFBI0b-

https://youtu.be/b0tyQ6lLuP8

https://youtu.be/wbDNlTXatp4

https://youtu.be/4cywWIPoqko

https://youtu.be/JNbrVVU1hco

https://youtu.be/mQQ3BdjCc4I

https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

HIGHLIGHTS

JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati

The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.

https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

HIGHLIGHTS

JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati

The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

We need to become ruling class if we want to form a casteless society – Saheb Kanshi Ram

By Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998
Malaysia (10-11 October , 98 ) : Addressing the First International Dalit Conference at Kuala Lumpur as a Chief Guest in the inaugural session, Manyawar Kanshiramji said,- “ My heartiest congratulations to you all for organizing this international conference which is a big step towards our supreme goal of forming a casteless society in India”.

1) I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

2) What is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party.

3) I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned my half lesson for running the Ambedkarite movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

4) I do not like to talk much even though I have to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell about my work in words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

5) Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

6) Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to make your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect your interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

Annihilation of Caste

Kanshiramji said – In 1936 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was invited by the “Jat Pat Todak Mandal, Lahore” to present his essay on the subject of caste. But the organizers of the conference did not allow Babasaheb to present the essay. Later on Babasaheb published the essay in a form of book titled as “Annihilation of Caste”. When I first read this book in 1962-63, I felt that annihilation of caste is certainly possible. But later on when I started thinking deeply and began to study the subject of castes, caste system and behavioural patterns associated with the caste system, my understanding of caste began to change. My study of Caste is not merely based on reading books but it has emanated from my real life experience with the castes. There are millions of people who leave their villages and migrate to metro cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and other big cities. These people do not bring anything else with them; the only thing they bring with them is their caste. They leave behind in their villages their small huts, small plot of land, etc. But they can not leave behind their caste in the village, the caste invariably accompanies them to the cities where they begin to stay in dirty shanties along the side of railway tracks and nallahs. If the caste is so dear to the people then how can we annihilate the caste ? Therefore I have stopped thinking in the direction of annihilation of caste.

You have organized this convention as a precursor to march ahead in the direction of forming a casteless society. Even my aim is to form a casteless society. But caste is not something that can be annihilated just by your noble thoughts about annihilation of caste . Annihilation of caste is almost impossible. Then what should we do to form a casteless society ?

There is a specific purpose behind formation of castes.

The castes were not born without any purpose. There is a specific purpose and selfish interests hidden behind the formation of castes. As long as this specific purpose and the selfish interests exist , the caste can not be annihilated. You will never find Bramhins and other Savarna caste people organizing such conventions for “reformation of casteless society”. This is because the castes were formed by these same people with an ill intention to secure their self interests. Formation of castes has brought benefits to minuscule few savarna castes but on other hand the generations after generations of the 85 % Bahujan Samaj have been at the receiving end of this oppressive caste system. The Bahujan Samaj has been subjugated to the beastly oppression and inhuman humiliations. If the caste system has been beneficial to the Savarna Caste people then why would they vouch for it’s annihilation ? The debates, convention and conferences of these kind can be organized only by we people who have been victims of the oppressive caste system. The beneficiaries of the caste system would never be interested in the annihilation of caste. On the contrary they would work towards strengthening the caste system so that they continue to reap the benefits arising from caste system for the ages to come.

The audience sitting in this conference hall may not have been direct victims of the caste system but we have certainly been born among the people or society that has been victim of the caste system and therefore we all need to necessarily think towards formation of casteless society. But when we talk of annihilation of caste then first of all we need to accept the existence of caste system. We can never annihilate the caste by ignoring it’s presence or by undermining it’s relevance in the contemporary India.

It may be true that lot of us still nurture a feeling of formation of a casteless society but simultaneously it is also true that the urge for forming a casteless society is dwindling by passage of time. So what do we do till the time the caste is not annihilated completely ? I believe that until the time we are not able to form a casteless society, we need to use caste to annihilate caste. If Bramhins can use caste for the benefit of their society then why can not we use it for the benefit of our society ?

Caste – Two edged sword

Caste is like a sword with two edges which can attack from both sides. If you use it from one side it cuts enemy from that side; if you use it from other side it cuts from the other side. Therefore I have began to use this two edged sword of caste system in such a way that it benefits the people of Bahujan Samaj and it takes away the benefits that the savarna castes have been reaping from caste system. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar has given the political and social rights to the Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes based on the castes. He has used the very basis of caste to secure the political rights of separate electorate from the Britishers. But he had to forgo those hard earned rights on the adamant insistence of Mohandas Gandhi who used his cheap tactics of fast unto death to blackmail Babasahab.

Separate Electorate

Many people ask me as to why I do not start an agitation for separate electorate just like what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar did. So far I have never wasted even single minute on the issue of separate electorate. If the right to separate electorate could not be obtained during the time when Britishers were in rule in India then how can I secure those rights when the Manuwadis are the rulers of India. Today this is totally impossible.

Specialist on Caste

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar taught the SC/STs how to make use of the weapon of caste. Therefore he was able to secure many constitutional rights for our people from the Britishers. But after the departure of Britishers there are just three people who succeeded in using the weapon of caste. The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru, second was Indira Gandhi and third person is Kanshiram.

Nehru applied the weapon of caste like a skilled warrior and succeeded in it. Nehru was an expert in the art of using castes for maintaining the Manuvadi dominance and Bramhnical hegemony. After him Indira Gandhi became expert in exploiting the weapon of caste so that the Bramhnical Social Order is continuously benefited. But today if you ask any Congressman in Delhi whether he receives any benefits from the caste, he will answer in negative. He will say that he does not know how to get benefited from the caste and that only Kanshiram knows how to make use of caste for the benefits of his people ( Laughter ).

If you can stop Bramhins from using caste for their own selfish interests then he will think twice before he uses the sword of caste against us. I have learned how to make use of this two wedged sword of caste in the interest of my society. Castes which today to us seem to be a problem, can become ,if used tactically, a solution to our problems. The thing which is today our problem can become an opportunity for us provided we learn to make appropriate use of it for our own benefits.

Indian Refugees

We must always be ready to learn a lesson from history. We have to accelerate our work of taking ahead the Ambedkarite movement. In 1932 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar asked for separate electorate for Dalit/Adivasis. But in 1942 he raised a demand for separate settlements because he wanted that the Dalits should not be dependent on the hindus in any way. They should live their lives with full independence. But what is the real picture in India today ? Today there is 45 lakh hectare tilled agricultural land. Our people toil in the fields and produce crops. But in the field they toil they do not have any property rights. They become victims of exploitation and injustice of Manuvadi landlords. To escape from the exploitation and oppression of the land lords our people leave villages and migrate to big cities in search of respectable life. In the process they end up living in the dirty shanties , under the bridges , along side of railway tracks ,on bank of nallahs and at many other dirty places where they are forced to live a life which is worse than that of animals. Such Distress Migration has resulted into nearly 10 Cr people leaving behind their villages, their tiny plots of land , their small huts and their meager belongings , to leave in cities. Ten years ago the number of people who stayed in cities was 5 Crores. Today this number has risen to 16 Cr. 10 Cr people in big cities stay in dirty slums, on roads and at other filthy places. I call these people “Indian Refugees”. Who will address the problems faced by these people ? The Rural development Ministry and Urban development Ministry of Government of India should be addressing the multitude of problems faced by the Indian refugees. Barring these 10 Cr Indian refugees, the Government of India makes some plan or the other for the development of the other people. But no one looks into the problems faced by these Indian refugees. No budgetary provisions are made in our annual budget for these 10 Cr people. There is no separate department or ministry for such a large number of people. The Indian government has formed separate department and ministry for the Pakistani refugees who came to India in 1947 , the refugees from Kashmir and refugees from other places. Government of India spends Crores of rupees on the welfare of such foreign refugees ; but no government ever has paid attention to the problems of these 10 Cr Indian refugees.

Since these 10 Cr Indian refugees have left behind their villages, land and other belongings , bringing only their castes to the cities, my work has become very easy. These 10 Cr refugees are considered as a big problem by the Manuvadi rulers. But for us these Indian refugees are a big strength, they are the vehicles of our empowerment. The very “caste”on the basis of which Crores of such people have been living a degraded , humiliated lives and thrown in the gallows of backwardness, we will use the same “caste” to free these crores of people from the injustice and exploitation meted out to them. After the forthcoming state assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, we will carry out a “ Indian refugees’ agitation”. I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

Let me now tell you about my experience of using the caste in the interest of our society. Today by organizing the people who have been the victims of the draconian caste system( Bahujan Samaj), I am training these people to make use of caste for the betterment of our society. I am inspiring them to carry forward the mission of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. I am preparing and enabling my society which comprises of the victims of the “caste” to make use of this double edged sword of “caste” in their own interests. Today every Manuvadi party and their leaders are afraid of my use of “caste”. All these Manuvadi parties are trying to stop this “ Kanshiram magic”. First Rajiv Gandhi tried then V.P. Singh , Narsimharao, etc tried to stop me. Today the similar efforts are being made by the BJP. But all these people are playing their own games and I am playing my own ( claps).

Bahujan Samaj Party has to get recognition throughout India.

The Manuvadis beneficiaries of the ‘caste’ have formed ‘caste’ so that they can perpetually rule over Bahujan Samaj. They have been protectors and saviours of ‘caste system’ to ensure their perpetual monopolistic rule over Bahujan Samaj. The creation of any system is more difficult than it’s retention. Once you build a system , keeping the system up and running is not very difficult task.

If you want to annihilate ‘caste’ then you have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. As long as the Manuvadi beneficiaries of ‘caste’ are left scot-free to use the ‘caste’ to their own benefits , the Bahujan victims of ‘caste’ will continue to suffer from ‘caste’. Therefore you will have to learn to use ‘caste’ in the interest of the Bahujan Samaj and you will have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. You should not ignore the presence of the ‘caste’ in the Indian society; whereas you should accept the existence of ‘caste’ as a naked truth. BSP has emerged has 4th largest national party in India by successfully making use of ‘caste’. In India there are about 70 recognized political parties. We are ahead of 66 of these political parties. Today only Congress, BJP and CPI(M) are ahead of us. When we formed BSP in the year 1984 , the other parties used to say that BSP would remain as a regional party within UP. But today BSP has secured recognition not only in UP but also in MP, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and Haryana. Seeing this success of BSP all the savarna hindu castes ( Manuvadi samaj) has become very sad. And even I am also not happy. They are sad because BSP is speedily gaining strong ground in other states; whereas I am sad because BSP has not been able to become a recognized party in all the states of India. I want BSP to become recognized party in all the states, and even in Maharashtra.

Why is Bahujan Samaj dependent in independent India ?

In the year 1997 , the manuvadi ruling class in India decided to celebrate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. There may be many reasons for them to celebrate ; but the 85 % Bahujan Samaj which continues to remain dependent on others even after 50 years of independence, has no reason to celebrate. Even today our people in the villages do not possess their own land, they work as farm labours in the land of manuvadi landlords. 10 Cr people have migrated to cities because in the villages they were dependent on others. When we established Bahujan Samaj Party, the Dalits, backwards were dependent on manuvadi parties for tickets. They used to run behind these parties for getting tickets. The political parties, if not anything else are the tickets printing machines. We thought as to why we should not possess one such machine and therefore we established Bahujan Samaj Party on 14th April, 1984.

Not just a platform ticket

In March 1985 we distributed 237 tickets for the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls. That time I told all our candidates that our tickets are merely platform tickets and that you will not be able to reach Lucknow with help of these tickets. That time there wasn’t any quarrel for getting our ticket. But today our tickets are in great demand. Today in UP every BSP candidate secures more than 1 lac of votes. Today our tickets are no more just the platform tickets but one can reach not just Lucknow but also Delhi with the help of our tickets. Today why are our tickets in so much demand ?

Congress made BSP popular.

On basis of 1984 Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, Congress had won 410 assembly seats out of 425. But in the 1985 assembly elections they won just 265 seats. Congress had to lose 145 seats because of the presence of BSP. Congress got frustrated because of these losses and they carried out a campaign calling BSP a “party of Chamars”. This campaign indeed helped BSP to consolidate our ground in UP. Our party became very popular among the Chamar community of Uttar Pradesh. In 1985 election we secured merely 2 % votes. Our vote percentage went on rising in every subsequent elections. In 1989 it went on to 9%, in 1991 – 11%, in 1993 – 20. 6 %. In 1996 Loksabha elections we got 29% votes. We achieved this success not by ignoring the ‘caste’ but by accepting the existence of ‘caste’ and by utilizing it in our interests. Today Congress is unable to get benefited by making use of ‘caste’ whereas we have increased our strength manifold by appropriately using the caste reality; we will continue to strengthen ourselves in future to come.

Lesson from Maharashtra

Today here many people from Maharashtra are present. I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned a half lesson for running the Ambedkari movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

Mahars have not been able to appropriately use the double edged sword of caste. They say that now they have become Buddhists and they are no more Mahars. But simultaneously they kept on fighting for the benefits of reservations in capacity of being Mahars. They began to demand reservations for the people who have become Buddhists. . Mahars carried the ‘caste’- a bad breath of Hinduism to Buddhism. ‘Caste’ is that bad breath of Hinduism which has polluted the whole world.

100 years of Reservations

On 26th July 1902, the Maharaja of Kolhapur- Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj implemented reservations in jobs in his kingdom for the Dalits and backwards. On 26th July 2002 we will complete 100 years of reservations. 100 years of reservations is sufficient. Now I consider it my responsibility to empower my people so that they will not ask for reservations but they will become capable to give reservations to others. It is easy to understand and say this thing but it is not easy to make it happen.

Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to enable your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect their interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

But the question is how the victims of the ‘caste’ can become the rulers ? Should we become MLA/MP or should we run the Ambedkar movement ? I have nither seen Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar nor have I heard him when he was alive. I have learned Ambedkarism from the leaders of Maharashtra. Mr Bajirao Kamble who was wearing a blue cap and sitting in front of me was one of those people who gave me lessons in Ambedkarism. When the Ambedkarite leaders from Maharashtra began to crawl behind the Congress for tickets, it resulted into many skirmishes between me and them. They were saying that if they stick to Ambedkarism then they can not become MLAs and MPs. I asked them what is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party. And therefore I left Mumbai and came back to Lucknow.

Which all castes supported Babasaheb ?

I have studied deeply the ‘caste’ as reality in the Indian society. I studied those castes which had supported Babasaheb. Babasaheb’s movement was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras) of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952 and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?

After that I even delved into electoral victories of Babasaheb. In 1946 Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was 52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav, Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to leave the movement of Babasaheb.

The fight of Babasaheb was for all the castes that were victims of the ‘caste system’. But were only Mahars, Pariahs, Malas, Jatavs, etc.castes, the victims of the ‘caste’ ? Were only these castes the victims of the Manuvadi social order ? The answer is No. These castes were not the only victims of ‘caste’. 6000 castes are the victims of ‘caste’.

According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500 castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more. But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as minorities. But if these castes organize among themselves by creating a feeling of fraternity, they can become a majority – Bahujans. These people are 85 % of country’s population and thus they constitute of a very big strength in the country.

Creation of fraternity among the Bahujans castes is a necessity of time

When Bahujan Samaj Party was established in 1984, at that time Bahujan Samaj had not been formed in the country. Bahujan Samaj Party can become successful only if the Bahujan Samaj is formed. Therefore we have began to organize the 6000 Bahujan Castes by creating a fraternity among them in order to form a Bahujan Samaj. In last 10 years we have been able to connect together just 600 castes which forms just 10 % of the total number of castes that we want to reach to.

Just by bringing together 600 castes, our party has become 4th largest party in India. If we add 400 more castes then the number of castes that we have brought together will go up to 1000. And if we succeed in adding 400 more castes in our fold then we will become the number one party in the country. I do not like to talk much even though I am compelled to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell in my words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

Bringing together so many castes on one platform was a mammoth task in itself. Lot of people have been engaged in making severe criticism of those people who have been instrumental in bringing the 600 castes together. Many have advised not to undertake such an impossible task in hand. But when the people who started the noble work of bringing together the divided castes, no force in the world was able to stop them from doing so. The people that carried out the task of joining together people from different castes ; did their work with all the sincerity and dedication at their command. If we have succeeded in bringing together 600 castes then why won’t we succeed in bringing many more castes together ? We will certainly succeed. By bringing together all the victim castes, we can capture the political power and become the ruling class.

Capturing the Master Key

Babasaheb has said that “political power is the master key using which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.

Our friends from Maharashtra had been fighting since 25 years for changing the name of Marathwada university. They had to do this because they do not have the political master key. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi came to Lucknow and he laid down the foundation stone for the Dr Ambedkar University. On one hand the Congress party is refusing to change the name of Marathwada university in Maharashtra and on the other hand the same Congress party is laying down a stone for the Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow. Why this has happened ? The people of Uttar Pradesh have never raised a demand for Dr Ambedkar Univesity at Lucknow. This was the demand of people from Maharashtra.Then why is this demand of people from Maharashtra being fulfilled in Uttar Pradesh ? Why was congress so eager to start a Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow ? This had happened because the people of Uttar Pradesh were extending their hand towards the political master key. Therefore the ruling class wanted to hide the master key in guise of the university.

By capturing the power in UP we have formed not just one university but many universities for which the people from Maharashtra have been fighting for long time. In 1994 we laid a foundation stone for Shahu Maharaj university at Kanpur. In 1996 we formed Mahatma Phule university and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar university. Apart from this we acquired 200 acre land at Noida for Gautam Buddha Univesity. We created 17 new districts to fasten the process of development and more importantly to honour our heroes by giving their names to these newly formed districts. It becomes very clear from this that you can use ‘caste’ to acquire political master key and make use of this master key to secure a life of self respect and take them along the path of progress.

Our society has to shed away their “Dalit mentality”

I have so far talked at length about the ‘caste’. Now I want to talk something about the Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My party men and other friends were thinking that I may not go to attend the convention at Kuala Lumpur because I am so much overburdened by the vows of Dalits in India. But I get more upset by looking at the Dalit mentality of the people. Dalit mentality is the biggest weakness of the dalits. Dalit mentality has become a sort of a feeling of destitution. A person with a mentality of a beggar can never become a ruler. Similarly without shedding away the Dalit mentality, no society can become a ruling class. The hands which are used to ask/beg have to strive to become the ones which will give, i.e. they have to become a ruling race. If we can not become the ruling class then there can not be any other shorter and easier solution to all our problems. So how you can become ruling class without shedding away your Dalit mentality ? Therefore you have to shed away your Dalit mentality. If you become rulers then you yourselves can find the solution to all your problems.

Manuvad can destroy all other isms.

Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

It is the responsibility of these intellectuals as well as mine that we evolve our own ism keeping in mind the presence of Manuvad and accepting the ‘caste’ as reality of Indian society. Manuvadis often talk about the problem of unemployment in India. They are worried about the unemployment of 1 Cr unemployed youth belonging to the “upper” castes. But these people have no worries about the multiple problems faced by the 10 Cr Indian refugees who are illiterate and unskilled.

No party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. But these 10 Cr people are our people. Therefore only our party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. Only our party can find a solution on the problems of these people. We can easily solve the problems of the Bahujan Samaj by becoming the ruling class.

We have become 4th largest party in India by bringing together 600 castes and by creating a fraternity among these castes. By reaching to 1000 castes and by bringing them in our fold we can become the ruling class in this country. I have a strong belief that in next 3 years we will become the rulers and the political master key will be in our hands.

‘Kanshiram Magic’

I do not support the idea of imposing my thoughts on others. I am just narrating my experience to you. It is up to you whether you want to take advantage of it or not.

By becoming rulers you can march ahead effectively towards formation of a casteless society. I can tell this one solution to all your problems. Why would the beneficiaries of ‘caste’ want to destroy it ? The people who are victims of ‘caste’ and who have suffered because of it will have to take this task of destroying the ‘caste’. The caste system can be destroyed only by the rulers themselves provided they have a will to do.

You will think that I am talking about some impossible and unachievable things. But in my life I have always taken seemingly impossible tasks in my hand and have achieved a success in those tasks. This is what is called ‘Kanshiram magic’. Today this ‘Kanshiram magic’ has began to occupy a national form.

Therefore my only message to you all is that you should march ahead in the direction of formation of casteless society by means of right thinking . At the end I would like to tell you that you can form a casteless society by capturing the political master key because only the ruling class can form a new social order.

Jai Bheem, Jai Bharat.

( Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998).

comments (0)
2701Wed 2 Aug 2018 LESSON (43) Fri 5 Aug 2007
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka, ಅಭಿಧಮ್ಮಪಿಟಕ, ವಿನಯಪಿಟಕ, ತಿಪಿಟಕ (ಮೂಲ)
Posted by: site admin @ 7:02 pm
2701 Wed 2 Aug 2018 LESSON (42) Wed 2 Aug 2007

https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/vmLEFl6IhAY
https://youtu.be/SraNRm7ZFro
Tipitaka Chanting Ceremony
https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/za0Df22bTL0
The Voice of the Buddha

https://youtu.be/cpDIrn5a9Q8

https://youtu.be/dqxBMOrZRGA

https://youtu.be/IB_cFsmHRIc

https://youtu.be/UFJmwUUTfGE

“I am very fond of teaching profession. I am also very fond of students. I have dealt with them. I have lectured them in my life. I am very glad to talk to the students. A great lot of the future of this country must necessarily depend on the students of this country. Students are an intelligent part of the community and they can shape the public opinion.”
- Babasaheb Ambedkar

These views are the views of a man, who has
been no tool of power, no flatterer of greatness. They come from one, almost the whole of whose public exertion has been one continuous struggle for liberty for the poor and for the oppressed and whose only reward has been a continuous shower of calumny and abuse from national journals and national leaders, for no other reason except that I refuse to join with them in performing the miracle—I will not say trick—of liberating the oppressed with the gold of the tyrant and raising the poor with the cash of the rich.
—Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar in Annihilation of Caste

https://youtu.be/wcPJbSATq4E

https://youtu.be/2AMMRXTDCzs

https://youtu.be/FVNJFBI0b-

https://youtu.be/b0tyQ6lLuP8

https://youtu.be/wbDNlTXatp4

https://youtu.be/4cywWIPoqko

https://youtu.be/JNbrVVU1hco

https://youtu.be/mQQ3BdjCc4I

https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

HIGHLIGHTS

JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati

The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.

https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

HIGHLIGHTS

JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati

The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

comments (0)
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka, ಅಭಿಧಮ್ಮಪಿಟಕ, ವಿನಯಪಿಟಕ, ತಿಪಿಟಕ (ಮೂಲ)
Posted by: site admin @ 6:30 pm

2701 Wed 2 Aug 2018 LESSON (42) Thu 4 Aug 2007

The Visuddhimagga and Vimuttimagga in PDF / Free Download

vm1a
©1975,1991,2011 Buddhist Publication Society

The Path of Purification / Visuddhimagga / Translated by Bhikkhu Nanamoli

2.7 MB in PDF / Free Download / Click Here

Publisher’s Note: The BPS thanks all those who assisted with making this book available in a digital as well as printed edition. This book is the result of the work of Mr John Bullitt of Access to Insight who initiated this digital edition, the several volunteers who helped him to convert the previous edition of this book to digital text, the other volunteers who helped the BPS with proofreading, Bhikkhu Nyanatusita, the BPS editor, who helped with and coordinated the proofreading, formatting, and typesetting, corrected the Pali, etc., and the work of the BPS typesetters Bhikkhu Sacramento Upatissa and Mr Nalin Ariyaratna who skilfully typeset the text.

“Buddhaghosa has composed one of the great spiritual classics of mankind. If I had to choose one book to take with me on a desert island, the Visuddhimagga would be my choice.” Edward Conze.

Visuddhimagga or The Path of Purification, is a Theravada Buddhist commentary written by Buddhaghosa approximately in 430 CE in Sri Lanka. It is considered the most important Theravada text outside of the Tipitaka canon of scriptures. The Visuddhimagga is a systematic examination and condensation of Buddhist doctrine and meditation technique. The various teachings of the Buddha found throughout the Pali canon are organized in a clear, comprehensive path leading to the final goal of nibbana, the state of complete purification. Originally composed in the fifth century, this new translation provides English speakers insights into this foundational text. In the course of this treatise full and detailed instructions are given on 40 subjects of meditation aimed at concentration, an elaborate account of Buddhist Abhidhamma philosophy, and explicit descriptions of the stages of insight culminating in final liberation.

Bhadantacariya Buddhaghosa composed the Visuddhimagga in the early part of the fifth century. Bhikkhu Ñanamoli was ordained as a monk in Sri Lanka, where he spent 11 years living in a monastery and translating the texts of the Theravada Buddhism into English. He was the author of The Discourse on Right View, Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, and The Life of the Buddha.

Visuddhimagga / Amazon.com Reviews of the Retail Version:

A marvelous translation of an indispensible text., By Will (Taos, NM United States)

This book is, indeed, “The Classic Manual of Buddhist Doctrine and Meditation”. Written by Buddhaghosa in the Fifth Century in Sri Lanka, and known by its Pali title, Visuddhimagga, it is the fundamental manual for the Theravadin school of Buddhism, upon which the popular Vipassana meditation is based. But it is ever so much more than merely a Vipassana manual. Divided into three main sections covering the three “baskets” of Buddha’s teaching, it first addresses Virtue (Sila) and a brief chapter on acceptable ascetic practices. Next there follows a large and wonderful section on training in Concentration (Samadhi) based on the forty traditional meditation subjects. Finally, it concludes with a large section on Understanding (Panna), the wisdom teachings of the Abhidhamma. If anyone has ever tried to learn and understand the Abhidhamma merely through study of the original texts (available in English through the Pali Text Society), then you will clearly appreciate the need for a commentary, and Buddhaghosa’s commentary in the Visuddhimagga is one of the best. In general the book is comprehensive and profoundly helpful to one’s practice, and to one’s appreciation of the roots of Buddhist tradition as well.

This translation by Bhikkhu Nanamoli is wonderful. For years I had loved a translation by Pe Maung Tin, put out by the Pali Text Society. The language in that translation was more poetic, but I gradually grew to appreciate Bhikkhu Nanamoli’s more approachable and practical language, and now I seldom refer to the other. There is for me, a Mahayana practitioner, something very beautiful and attractive in the bare, almost dry purity of Theravadin writings and practices, and this translation captures that quiet beauty very well. It is interesting to note that Bhikkhu Nanamoli, an Englishman who ordained in Sri Lanka at age 43 in 1949, and who then spent most of the rest of his remaining years in study and retreat, wrote this translation solely for his own use, because there were no available copies of the only other extant translation: only later did someone request him to publish it. We are fortunate that he did. I cannot recommend it highly enough to the serious practitioner or student.

One of the most famous books in Buddhist history., By steve (sunnyvale, CA USA)

This is it, the masterful commentary on Buddha’s path that is one of the cornerstones of Theravada Buddhism. Although dense and difficult, the effort you put forth to understand this great beast of a book is well rewarded. Read the notes,stop after each paragraph and reflect, and you’ll make you’re way through. When you’re finished, you’ll be changed enough that you can go back to the beginning and get new insights on a second trip through.

Everyday, after I get off my meditation cushion, I chew my way though a few pages… It’s good to be alive in a time when excellent English translations of this and other great Buddhist works are readily available.

vimutti

The Path of Freedom / Vimuttimagga / Arahant Upatissa

18 MB in PDF / Free Download / Click Here

Vimuttimagga - Probably written in Pali in Sri Lanka during the first century AD, the Vimuttimagga survived only in Chinese translation, from which the present rendering has been made. Ascribed to the Arahant Upatissa, the work is a meditation manual similar to the Visuddhimagga, but less analytical and more practical in its treatment of meditation.

The work is compiled in accordance with classical Buddhist division of the path into the three stages of virtue, concentration, and wisdom, culminating in the goal of liberation. It is widely believed that the Vimuttimagga may have been the model used by Buddhaghosha to compose his magnum opus, the Visuddhimagga (Path of Purification), several centuries later. The older work is marked by a leaner style and a more lively sense of urgency stemming from its primarily practical orientation.

https://youtu.be/cW7TYcpnO0M
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Visuddhimagga
Visuddhimagga
The Visuddhimagga (Pali; English: The Path of Purification), is the ‘great treatise’ on Theravada Buddhist doctrine written by Buddhaghosa approximately in the 5th Century in Sri Lanka. It is a comprehensive manual condensing and systematizing the theoretical and practical teachings of Gautama Buddha as they were understood by the elders of the Mahavihara Monastery in Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka. It is described as “the hub of a complete and coherent method of exegesis of the Tipitaka, using the ‘Abhidhamma method’ as it is called. And it sets out detailed practical instructions for developing purification of mind.”[1] It is considered the most important Theravada text outside of the Tipitaka canon of scriptures.[2][3]

The Visuddhimagga’s structure is based on the Ratha-vinita Sutta (”Relay Chariots Discourse,” MN 24), which describes the progression from the purity of discipline to the final destination of nibbana in seven steps.[4]

The Visuddhimagga’s material also strongly resembles the material found in an earlier treatise called the Vimuttimagga (c. 1st or 2nd century).[5]

Summary

Seven Stages of Purification

Siddhis

Non-Theravada influences

See also

Sources

References

External links

Last edited 4 months ago by Joshua Jonathan
RELATED ARTICLES
Buddhaghoṣa
Indian writer
Buddhist Publication Society
Vimuttimagga
Wikipedia

Content is available under CC BY-SA 3.0 unless otherwise noted.
Terms of UsePrivacyDesktop

https://youtu.be/BpK_PZK5zVM
BSP’s Press Release of 31.08.2018
Lucknow

BSP’s National President, former Chief Minister of U.P. & former MP, Ms. Mayawati Ji stated:
1. In people’s opinion, the BJP’s governments at the centre and in Assam have achieved parochial and divisive objectives of their formation by abolishing the citizenship of more than forty lakhs religious and linguistic minorities, who have been living for years in Assam-a BJP ruled state by publishing the interim draft of the citizenship register. The most affected among these religious and linguistic minorities are the Bengali Muslims and the Bengali-speaking non-Muslims. Hence, Bengal has to be affected dangerously but BJP & company trying to take political mileage out of it. The publication of final schedule after December 31, 2018 would become such an insane and hectic problem before the country that to stop impact of its ill effects would be next to impossible. She demanded an all party–meeting immediately by the government at the centre to take necessary effective corrective measures.
2. The government at the centre must not try to delay and make the matter more complicated in the backdrop of the honourable Supreme Court because the whole country is aware and also worried too about the violations of honourable court’s directives on large scale by the BJP’s centre and state governments.
3. The people everywhere in the country from Kashmir to Kanyakumari are frustrated with parochial, castiest, communal and divisive policy of the BJP and its governments in the states and their life has been affected very badly in the atmosphere of haste and anarchy. Specially, Uttar Pradesh too has been affected to an extent.
4. In this order, in the stronghold of BSP, Western UP, especially the Dalits and Muslims and their intimate relative have been victims of the state sponsored terror and put behind the bars by imposing the Gangster Act etc. The cases of Yogesh Verma, Ex-MLA and husband of the BSP’s Mayor of Meerut, and BSP’s MLS Mahmud Ali and his brother Mohammad Iqbal, Ex-MLC in Saharanpur are such important examples. BSP strongly condemns such discriminatory, castiest, communal and political vendetta and demands to stop it with immediate effect. A BSP delegation will also meet with the district administration to register its protest.
She also brought to the notice the conspiracy designed by the BJP & Company to disturb the unity and solidarity among Dalits by constituting the “Bhim Army” and then to fulfill its political interests planed a hateful conspiracy to kill the highest leadership of the BSP in Shabbirpur village of Saharanpur district in UP. All kinds of atrocities were committed against the Dalits after the incident, but BJP has yet been protecting the real culprits. Ms. Mayawati ji resigned in protest from the membership of Rajya Sabha when she was not allowed by the government to highlight these atrocities adequately on the floor of the Parliament. All also knows it.
Therefore, she appealed especially to the Dalits, Adibasis, Other Backward Classes and religious minorities should not trust BJP’s governments at the centre and in the states because they never would care about their interests and welfare. In the year of General Elections, they would even commit more atrocities. It is also clear that in the matters of these classes, the BJPians do completely opposite whatever they speak.

BSP’s Press Release of 31.08.2018
Lucknow

BSP’s National President, former Chief Minister of U.P. & former MP, Ms. Mayawati Ji stated:
1. In people’s opinion, the BJP’s governments at the centre and in Assam have achieved parochial and divisive objectives of their formation by abolishing the citizenship of more than forty lakhs religious and linguistic minorities, who have been living for years in Assam-a BJP ruled state by publishing the interim draft of the citizenship register. The most affected among these religious and linguistic minorities are the Bengali Muslims and the Bengali-speaking non-Muslims. Hence, Bengal has to be affected dangerously but BJP & company trying to take political mileage out of it. The publication of final schedule after December 31, 2018 would become such an insane and hectic problem before the country that to stop impact of its ill effects would be next to impossible. She demanded an all party–meeting immediately by the government at the centre to take necessary effective corrective measures.
2. The government at the centre must not try to delay and make the matter more complicated in the backdrop of the honourable Supreme Court because the whole country is aware and also worried too about the violations of honourable court’s directives on large scale by the BJP’s centre and state governments.
3. The people everywhere in the country from Kashmir to Kanyakumari are frustrated with parochial, castiest, communal and divisive policy of the BJP and its governments in the states and their life has been affected very badly in the atmosphere of haste and anarchy. Specially, Uttar Pradesh too has been affected to an extent.
4. In this order, in the stronghold of BSP, Western UP, especially the Dalits and Muslims and their intimate relative have been victims of the state sponsored terror and put behind the bars by imposing the Gangster Act etc. The cases of Yogesh Verma, Ex-MLA and husband of the BSP’s Mayor of Meerut, and BSP’s MLS Mahmud Ali and his brother Mohammad Iqbal, Ex-MLC in Saharanpur are such important examples. BSP strongly condemns such discriminatory, castiest, communal and political vendetta and demands to stop it with immediate effect. A BSP delegation will also meet with the district administration to register its protest.
She also brought to the notice the conspiracy designed by the BJP & Company to disturb the unity and solidarity among Dalits by constituting the “Bhim Army” and then to fulfill its political interests planed a hateful conspiracy to kill the highest leadership of the BSP in Shabbirpur village of Saharanpur district in UP. All kinds of atrocities were committed against the Dalits after the incident, but BJP has yet been protecting the real culprits. Ms. Mayawati ji resigned in protest from the membership of Rajya Sabha when she was not allowed by the government to highlight these atrocities adequately on the floor of the Parliament. All also knows it.
Therefore, she appealed especially to the Dalits, Adibasis, Other Backward Classes and religious minorities should not trust BJP’s governments at the centre and in the states because they never would care about their interests and welfare. In the year of General Elections, they would even commit more atrocities. It is also clear that in the matters of these classes, the BJPians do completely opposite whatever they speak.

2701 wed 2 Aug 2018 LESSON (42) Thu 4 Aug 2007

BSP’s Press Release of 31.08.2018
Lucknow

BSP’s National President, former Chief Minister of U.P. & former MP, Ms. Mayawati Ji stated:
1. In people’s opinion, the BJP’s governments at the centre and in Assam have achieved parochial and divisive objectives of their formation by abolishing the citizenship of more than forty lakhs religious and linguistic minorities, who have been living for years in Assam-a BJP ruled state by publishing the interim draft of the citizenship register. The most affected among these religious and linguistic minorities are the Bengali Muslims and the Bengali-speaking non-Muslims. Hence, Bengal has to be affected dangerously but BJP & company trying to take political mileage out of it. The publication of final schedule after December 31, 2018 would become such an insane and hectic problem before the country that to stop impact of its ill effects would be next to impossible. She demanded an all party–meeting immediately by the government at the centre to take necessary effective corrective measures.
2. The government at the centre must not try to delay and make the matter more complicated in the backdrop of the honourable Supreme Court because the whole country is aware and also worried too about the violations of honourable court’s directives on large scale by the BJP’s centre and state governments.
3. The people everywhere in the country from Kashmir to Kanyakumari are frustrated with parochial, castiest, communal and divisive policy of the BJP and its governments in the states and their life has been affected very badly in the atmosphere of haste and anarchy. Specially, Uttar Pradesh too has been affected to an extent.
4. In this order, in the stronghold of BSP, Western UP, especially the Dalits and Muslims and their intimate relative have been victims of the state sponsored terror and put behind the bars by imposing the Gangster Act etc. The cases of Yogesh Verma, Ex-MLA and husband of the BSP’s Mayor of Meerut, and BSP’s MLS Mahmud Ali and his brother Mohammad Iqbal, Ex-MLC in Saharanpur are such important examples. BSP strongly condemns such discriminatory, castiest, communal and political vendetta and demands to stop it with immediate effect. A BSP delegation will also meet with the district administration to register its protest.
She also brought to the notice the conspiracy designed by the BJP & Company to disturb the unity and solidarity among Dalits by constituting the “Bhim Army” and then to fulfill its political interests planed a hateful conspiracy to kill the highest leadership of the BSP in Shabbirpur village of Saharanpur district in UP. All kinds of atrocities were committed against the Dalits after the incident, but BJP has yet been protecting the real culprits. Ms. Mayawati ji resigned in protest from the membership of Rajya Sabha when she was not allowed by the government to highlight these atrocities adequately on the floor of the Parliament. All also knows it.
Therefore, she appealed especially to the Dalits, Adibasis, Other Backward Classes and religious minorities should not trust BJP’s governments at the centre and in the states because they never would care about their interests and welfare. In the year of General Elections, they would even commit more atrocities. It is also clear that in the matters of these classes, the BJPians do completely opposite whatever they speak.

31.08.2018 பி.எஸ்.பியின் பிரஸ் வெளியீடு
லக்னோ

பி.எஸ்.பியின் தேசியத் தலைவர், யூ.பீ. முன்னாள் முதலமைச்சர். முன்னாள் எம்.பி., மாயாவதி ஜி கூறினார்:
1. மக்கள் கருத்துப்படி, மத்திய மற்றும் அசாமில் பா.ஜ.க. அரசாங்கங்கள், அசாமில் பல ஆண்டுகளாக வாழ்ந்து வந்த மத மற்றும் மொழி சிறுபான்மையினரின் எண்ணிக்கையை விட, நாற்பது லட்சத்திற்கும் அதிகமானோர் குடியுரிமையை அகற்றுவதன் மூலம், அவர்களது அமைப்பிலிருந்து, குடியுரிமை பதிவேட்டின் இடைக்கால வரைவை வெளியிடுவதன் மூலம் மாநிலமாகும். இந்த மத மற்றும் மொழி சிறுபான்மையினர் மத்தியில் பெரிதும் பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்கள் பெங்காலி முஸ்லிம்களாகவும் பெங்காலி பேசும் அல்லாத முஸ்லிம்களாகவும் உள்ளனர். எனவே, வங்காளம் அபாயகரமாக பாதிக்கப்பட வேண்டும், ஆனால் பிஜேபி மற்றும் நிறுவனம் அதை விட்டு அரசியல் மைலேஜ் எடுக்க முயல்கிறது. டிசம்பர் 31, 2018 க்குப் பிறகு இறுதிக் கால அட்டவணை வெளியீடு நாட்டிற்கு முன்னர் அத்தகைய பைத்தியம் மற்றும் பரபரப்பான பிரச்சனையாகிவிடும், அதன் தீங்கு விளைவிக்கும் விளைவுகள் பாதிக்கப்படுவது சாத்தியமற்றதாக இருக்கும். அவசர அவசர நடவடிக்கைகளை எடுக்க மத்திய அரசு உடனடியாக அனைத்து கட்சி கூட்டத்தையும் கோரியது.
2. மையத்தில் உள்ள அரசு, தாமதமான உச்சநீதிமன்றத்தின் பின்னணியில் இந்த விஷயத்தை மிகவும் சிக்கலானதாக்க முயற்சிக்கக் கூடாது. ஏனென்றால் முழு நாட்டையும் அறிந்திருப்பது மற்றும் பாஜக மையத்தின் மூலம் பெருமளவில் மரியாதைக்குரிய நீதிமன்ற உத்தரவுகளை மீறுவது பற்றி கவலைப்படுவது மற்றும் மாநில அரசுகள்.
காஷ்மீரிலிருந்து கன்னியாகுமரி வரை நாட்டில் உள்ள எல்லா மக்களும் பி.ஜே.பி மற்றும் அதன் அரசாங்கங்களின் மாநிலங்களின் பாசிச, சாதிய, வகுப்புவாத மற்றும் பிளவுபடுத்தும் கொள்கையால் விரக்தி அடைந்துள்ளனர், அவற்றின் வாழ்க்கை அவசரநிலை மற்றும் அராஜகத்தின் வளிமண்டலத்தில் மிகவும் மோசமாக பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது. சிறப்பாக, உத்திரப்பிரதேசமும் ஒரு அளவிற்கு பாதிக்கப்பட்டுள்ளது.
4. இந்த வரிசையில், பி.எஸ்.பி, மேற்கு உ.பி., குறிப்பாக தலித்துகள் மற்றும் முஸ்லிம்கள் மற்றும் அவர்களின் நெருங்கிய உறவினர் ஆகியோர் மாநிலத்தின் பயங்கரவாதத்திற்கு பாதிக்கப்பட்டவர்கள் மற்றும் கேங்க்ஸ்டர் சட்டத்தை சுமத்தப்பட்டதன் மூலம் சட்டத்திற்குப் புறம்பாக நடந்து கொண்டனர். யோகேஷ் வர்மா, பிஎஸ்பியின் மீரட் மேயரின் முன்னாள் எம்.எல்.ஏ மற்றும் கணவர், மற்றும் பிஎஸ்பியின் எம்எல்எஸ் மஹ்மூத் அலி மற்றும் அவரது சகோதரர் முகமது இக்பால், சஹரான்பூரில் முன்னாள் எம்.எல்.சி. போன்ற முக்கிய உதாரணங்கள். பி.எஸ்.பி இத்தகைய பாகுபாடற்ற, கௌரவமான, இனவாத மற்றும் அரசியல் வெண்ட்டை கடுமையாக கண்டனம் செய்கின்றது, உடனடியாக அதை நிறுத்துமாறு கோருகிறது. ஒரு பி.எஸ்.எஸ் பிரதிநிதி கூட எதிர்ப்பை பதிவு செய்ய மாவட்ட நிர்வாகத்துடன் சந்திப்பார்.
“பீம் இராணுவம்” அமைப்பதன் மூலம் தலித்துகளுக்கு இடையே ஒற்றுமையையும் ஒற்றுமையையும் திணிக்கும் பாஜக மற்றும் நிறுவனத்தால் வடிவமைக்கப்பட்ட சதித்திட்டத்தை அவர் கவனத்தில் கொண்டு, அதன் அரசியல் நலன்களை பூர்த்தி செய்வதற்காக ஷபபிர்பூரின் பிஎஸ்பியின் மிக உயர்ந்த தலைமையைக் கொல்ல ஒரு வெறுப்பூட்டும் சதித்திட்டத்தை திட்டமிட்டார். உஹூரில் சஹரன்பூர் மாவட்டத்தின் கிராமம். சம்பவத்திற்குப் பிறகு எல்லா வகையான அட்டூழியங்களும் தலித்துகளுக்கு எதிராகச் செய்யப்பட்டன, ஆனால் பி.ஜே.பி. இதுவரை உண்மையான குற்றவாளிகளை பாதுகாக்கவில்லை. பாராளுமன்றத்தின் தரப்பில் இந்த அட்டூழியங்களை முன்னிலைப்படுத்த அரசாங்கம் அனுமதிக்காத நிலையில், ராஜ்யசபாவில் உறுப்பினராக இருந்து மாயாவதி ஜி.டி. பதவி விலகினார். எல்லாருக்கும் இது தெரியும்.
எனவே, தலித்துகள், ஆதிபாஸிஸ், பிற பிற்படுத்தப்பட்ட வகுப்பினர் மற்றும் சமய சிறுபான்மையினர் ஆகியோருக்கு குறிப்பாக மத்திய அரசு மற்றும் மாநிலங்களில் பி.ஜே.பி அரசாங்கங்களை நம்பக்கூடாது, ஏனெனில் அவர்கள் தங்கள் நலன்களையும் நலன்களையும் பற்றி கவலைப்பட மாட்டார்கள். பொதுத் தேர்தல்களின் ஆண்டில், அவர்கள் மேலும் அட்டூழியங்களைச் செய்வர். இந்த வகுப்புகளின் விஷயங்களில், பா.ஜ.கர்கள் பேசுவதை முற்றிலும் எதிர்க்கின்றனர்.
31.08.2018 Pi.Es.Piyiṉ piras veḷiyīṭu
lakṉō

2018 کا بی ایس پی کی پریس ریلیز
لکھنؤ

بی پی ایس کے نیشنل صدر، سابق وزیر اعلی یو.پی. اور سابق ایم پی، محترمہ مایوتاتی نے کہا:
1. لوگوں کی رائے میں، بی جے پی کی حکومتوں نے آس پاس کے آس پاس اور آسام میں حکومت نے ان کی قیامت کے ساتھ ان کی تشکیل حاصل کرلی ہے. اس سے زیادہ لاکھوں مذہبی اور لسانی اقلیتیوں کی شہریت ختم کرنے کے بعد، جو آسام میں سال کے لئے رہ رہے ہیں. شہری شہریت کے رجسٹریشن کی عبوری مسودہ کو شائع کرکے ریاست. ان مذہبی اور لسانی اقلیتوں میں سب سے زیادہ متاثر بنگالی مسلمانوں اور بنگالی بولنے والے غیر مسلم ہیں. لہذا، بنگال کو خطرناک طور پر متاثر کیا جارہا ہے لیکن بی جے پی اور کمپنی اس سے باہر نکلنے کی کوشش کر رہی ہے. 31 دسمبر، 2018 کے بعد حتمی شیڈول کا اشاعت ملک سے پہلے اس طرح کے ایک پاگل اور ہیکی مسئلہ بن جائے گا کہ اس کے بدترین اثرات کے اثرات کو روکنے کے لئے ناممکن ہو جائے گا. انہوں نے مرکز میں حکومت کی طرف سے فوری طور پر ضروری اصلاحاتی اقدامات کرنے کے لئے فوری طور پر تمام جماعتوں کے اجلاس سے مطالبہ کیا.
2. مرکز میں حکومت کو معزز سپریم کورٹ کے پس منظر میں تاخیر اور معاملہ زیادہ پیچیدہ کرنے کی کوشش نہیں کرنا چاہئے کیونکہ پورے ملک بی جے پی کے مرکز کی طرف سے بڑے پیمانے پر قابل احترام عدالتوں کے ہدایات کی خلاف ورزی کے بارے میں بھی خدشہ ہے. اور ریاستی حکومتیں.
3. کشمیر سے کناناکماری سے ملک میں ہر جگہ لوگ بی جے پی اور اس کی حکومتوں کی پیروکی، قدیم، فرقہ وارانہ اور تقسیم شدہ پالیسی کے ساتھ مایوس ہوتے ہیں اور ان کی زندگی جلدی اور انتشار کے ماحول میں بہت بری طرح متاثر ہوئی ہے. خاص طور پر، اتر پردیش بھی حد تک متاثر ہوئے ہیں.
4. اس ترتیب میں، بی پی پی کے مغرب میں، مغربی یوپی، خاص طور پر دلائل اور مسلمانوں اور ان کے متضاد رشتہ دار ریاستی سپانسر دہشت گردی کے شکار ہیں اور گینگسٹر ایکٹ کو نافذ کرتے ہوئے سلاخوں کے پیچھے ڈالتے ہیں. یوگش ورما کے مقدمات، سابق ایم ایل اے اور بی پی ایس کے میئر میئر کے شوہر، اور بی ایس ایس کے ایم ایل ایس محمود علی اور اس کے بھائی محمد اقبال، سہارا پور کے سابق ایم ایل سی اس طرح کے اہم مثال ہیں. بی ایس ایس نے اس طرح کے تبعیض، معتبر، سامراجی اور سیاسی جدت پسندی کی سخت مذمت کی ہے اور اسے فوری اثرات سے روکنے کے مطالبات ہیں. ایک بی ایس پی وفد بھی ضلع انتظامیہ کے ساتھ اپنے احتجاج کا رجسٹریشن کرنے کے ساتھ ملیں گے.
انہوں نے بی بی جے پی اور کمپنی کی طرف سے ڈیزائن کیا سازش بھی لے کر “بھلیم آرمی” کی تشکیل کرکے دلیلوں میں اتحاد اور یکجہتی کو پریشان کرنے کے لئے اور اس کے بعد شبیر پور میں بی پی ایس کی اعلی ترین قیادت کو قتل کرنے کے لئے نفرت پسند سازش کا منصوبہ بنایا. یو پی کے سہارا پور ضلع کے گاؤں واقعے کے بعد دلیوں کے خلاف تمام قسم کی ظلم و رسوخ کا ارتکاب کیا گیا، لیکن بی جے پی نے ابھی تک حقیقی مجرموں کی حفاظت کی ہے. محترمہ مایوتاتی نے ریاستی اسمبلی کی رکنیت سے احتجاج میں استعفی دے دیا جب وہ حکومت کی جانب سے پارلیمنٹ کے فرش پر مناسب طریقے سے ان ظلموں کو اجاگر کرنے کی اجازت نہیں دی. سب بھی جانتا ہے.
لہذا، انہوں نے خاص طور پر دلائل، اڈیبیسیس، دیگر پچھلے طبقے اور مذہبی اقلیتوں کو بی جے پی کی حکومتوں کو مرکز اور ریاستوں پر اعتماد نہیں کرنا چاہئے، کیونکہ وہ اپنی دلچسپیوں اور فلاح و بہبود کے بارے میں کبھی پرواہ نہیں کریں گے. عام انتخابات کے سال میں، وہ زیادہ ظلم بھی کرے گا. یہ بھی واضح ہے کہ ان کلاسوں کے معاملات میں، بی جے پی کے لوگ جو کچھ بولتے ہیں ان کے خلاف مکمل طور پر مخالف ہیں.

బిఎస్పి ప్రెస్ రిలీజ్ ఆఫ్ 31.08.2018
లక్నో

BSP జాతీయ అధ్యక్షుడు, U.P. మాజీ ముఖ్యమంత్రి. & మాజీ ఎంపి, Ms. మాయావతి జీ పేర్కొన్నారు:
1. ప్రజల అభిప్రాయం ప్రకారం, కేంద్రంలో మరియు అస్సాంలోని బిజెపి ప్రభుత్వాలు అస్సాంలో సంవత్సరాల తరబడి నివసిస్తున్న నలభై లక్షల మందికి పైగా మత, భాషా మైనారిటీల పౌరసత్వాన్ని రద్దు చేయటం ద్వారా వారి ఏర్పాట్లలోని పరస్పర మరియు విభజన లక్ష్యాలను సాధించాయి- బిజెపి పరిపాలన పౌరసత్వ నమోదు యొక్క తాత్కాలిక ముసాయిదా ప్రచురించడం ద్వారా రాష్ట్రం. ఈ మత మరియు భాషా మైనారిటీలలో అత్యంత ప్రభావితమైనవారు బెంగాలీ ముస్లింలు మరియు బెంగాలీ మాట్లాడే ముస్లింలు. అందువల్ల, బెంగాల్ ప్రమాదకరంగా ప్రభావితమవుతుంది, అయితే బిజెపి, సంస్థ దాని నుండి రాజకీయ మైలేజ్ తీసుకోవాలని ప్రయత్నిస్తోంది. డిసెంబరు 31, 2018 తర్వాత తుది షెడ్యూల్ ప్రచురించడం దేశంలోకి అటువంటి మతిస్థిమితం మరియు తీవ్రమైన సమస్యగా మారిపోతుంది, అనారోగ్య ప్రభావాలను ఆపడానికి అసాధ్యమైన పక్కన ఉంటుంది. అవసరమైన సమర్థవంతమైన దిద్దుబాటు చర్యలు చేపట్టడానికి కేంద్రం తక్షణమే అన్ని పార్టీ-సమావేశాలను కోరింది.
2. కేంద్రంలో ప్రభుత్వం గౌరవప్రదమైన సుప్రీంకోర్టు నేపథ్యంలో ఈ విషయాన్ని మరింత క్లిష్టంగా మార్చడానికి ప్రయత్నించకూడదు. బిజెపి కేంద్రం పెద్ద ఎత్తున గౌరవప్రదమైన న్యాయస్థాన ఆదేశాల ఉల్లంఘన గురించి మొత్తం దేశం తెలుసుకొని, మరియు రాష్ట్ర ప్రభుత్వాలు.
3. కాశ్మీర్ నుండి కన్యాకుమారి వరకు దేశంలో ప్రతిచోటా బిజెపి మరియు దాని ప్రభుత్వాల యొక్క పారాచారి, క్యాండిరెస్ట్, మతతత్వ మరియు విభజన విధానంతో విసుగు చెందుతున్నాయి మరియు వారి జీవితం త్వరితగతి మరియు అరాచకత్వం యొక్క వాతావరణంలో చాలా తీవ్రంగా ప్రభావితమైంది. ప్రత్యేకంగా, ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్ కూడా కొంత వరకు ప్రభావితమైంది.
4. ఈ క్రమంలో, బిఎస్పి, పశ్చిమ యుపి, ముఖ్యంగా దళితులు, ముస్లింలు, వారి సన్నిహిత బంధువులు రాష్ట్రంలో తీవ్ర భయాందోళనలకు బాధితులుగా ఉన్నారు, గ్యాంగ్స్టర్ చట్టం విధించటం ద్వారా బార్లు వెనుకకు పెట్టారు. యోగేష్ వర్మ, బిఎస్పి మేయర్ ఆఫ్ మీరట్ మాజీ బిజెపి, మాజీ ఎమ్మెల్యే భర్త, బిఎస్పి ఎమ్ఎల్ఎస్ మహ్మద్ అలీ, ఆయన సహోదరుడు మొహమ్మద్ ఇక్బాల్, సహారన్పూర్లో ఉన్న మాజీ ఎమ్మెల్సీ వంటి ప్రముఖమైన ఉదాహరణలు. బిఎస్పి గట్టిగా ఖండించడమే, అత్యంత తీవ్రమైన, మత, రాజకీయం, విద్వాంసులను ఖండించింది. బిఎస్పి ప్రతినిధి బృందం తన నిరసనను రిజిస్టర్ చేసుకోవడానికి జిల్లా పరిపాలనను కూడా కలుస్తుంది.
“భీం ఆర్మీ” ఏర్పాటు ద్వారా దళితుల మధ్య ఐక్యత మరియు ఐకమత్యాన్ని భంగపరిచేందుకు బిజెపి & కంపెనీ రూపొందించిన కుట్రను కూడా ఆమె గమనించింది, ఆ తరువాత దాని రాజకీయ ప్రయోజనాలను నెరవేర్చడానికి బిజెపి యొక్క ఉన్నత స్థాయి నాయకత్వాన్ని చంపడానికి ఒక ద్వేషపూరిత కుట్ర ప్రణాళిక చేసింది. ఉత్తర ప్రదేశ్లోని సహరాన్పూర్ జిల్లా గ్రామం. సంఘటన జరిగిన తర్వాత దళితులకు వ్యతిరేకంగా అన్ని రకాల అమానుషులు కట్టుబడి ఉన్నారు, కాని బిజెపి ఇంకా నిజ నేరస్థులను రక్షించేది. రాజ్యసభ సభ్యుడి నుండి నిరసనగా మాయావతి జీ రాజీనామా చేశారు, పార్లమెంటు అంతస్తులో ఈ అమానుషాలను ఎత్తివేసేందుకు ప్రభుత్వానికి అనుమతి లేదు. ఇది కూడా తెలుసు.
అందువలన, ముఖ్యంగా దళితులు, ఆదిబాసిస్, ఇతర వెనుకబడిన వర్గాలకు, మైనార్టీ మైనారిటీలకు, ఆమె కేంద్రాల వద్ద, రాష్ట్రాలలో బిజెపి ప్రభుత్వాలను విశ్వసించకూడదు, ఎందుకంటే వారి అభిరుచులు, సంక్షేమాల గురించి ఎన్నడూ పట్టించుకోరు. సార్వత్రిక ఎన్నికల సంవత్సరంలో, వారు మరింత దురాగతాలను కూడా చేస్తారు. ఈ వర్గాల విషయాలలో, బిజెపిలు మాట్లాడేదే పూర్తిగా వ్యతిరేకిస్తున్నారు.
Bi’espi pres rilīj āph 31.08.2018
Laknō

বিএসপি এর প্রেস রিলিজ 31.08.2018
লক্ষ্ণৌ

বিএসপি’র জাতীয় সভাপতি, প্রাক্তন ইউপিএর সাবেক মুখ্যমন্ত্রী এবং প্রাক্তন সাংসদ মিসেস মায়াবতী জি বলেছেন:
1. জনগণের মতে, কেন্দ্রে এবং আসামে বিজেপি সরকার তাদের গঠনতান্ত্রিক ও বিভেদমূলক লক্ষ্য অর্জন করেছে, যা চল্লিশ লক্ষ ধর্মীয় ও ভাষাগত সংখ্যালঘুদের নাগরিকত্ব বিলুপ্ত করে দিয়েছে, যারা আসামে কয়েক বছর ধরে বসবাস করছে- বিজেপি শাসিত নাগরিকত্ব নিবন্ধনের অন্তর্বর্তী খসড়া প্রকাশ করে রাষ্ট্র। এই ধর্মীয় ও ভাষাগত সংখ্যালঘুদের মধ্যে সর্বাধিক ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হয় বাংলা এবং বাংলাভাষী অ মুসলমান মুসলমান। অতএব, বাংলাকে বিপজ্জনকভাবে প্রভাবিত করতে হবে কিন্তু বিজেপি ও কোম্পানি রাজনৈতিক মিটিয়ে নেওয়ার চেষ্টা করছে। ডিসেম্বর 31, 2018 পর চূড়ান্ত সময়সূচী প্রকাশন এমন একটি উন্মাদ এবং তীব্র সমস্যা হতে পারে যে তার অসুস্থ প্রতিক্রিয়াগুলির প্রভাব বন্ধ করতে হবে পরবর্তী অসম্ভব রূপে। তিনি প্রয়োজনীয় কার্যকর সংশোধনী ব্যবস্থা গ্রহণের জন্য কেন্দ্রীয় সরকার কর্তৃক তাত্ক্ষণিকভাবে একটি সর্বজনীন সভা আহ্বান করেন।
2. কেন্দ্রীয় সরকার দেরী করা উচিত নয় এবং সম্মানজনক সুপ্রিম কোর্টের ব্যাকগ্রাউন্ডে বিষয়টি আরও জটিল করে তুলতে চেষ্টা করবে না কারণ সমগ্র দেশ সচেতন এবং বিজেপি কেন্দ্রের দ্বারা বড় আকারের মাননীয় আদালতের নির্দেশের লঙ্ঘনের বিষয়েও চিন্তিত। এবং রাজ্য সরকার।
3. কাশ্মীর থেকে কন্যাকুমারী পর্যন্ত সব জায়গায় মানুষ রাজ্যগুলির মধ্যে বিজেপি এবং তার সরকারগুলির বিভেদমূলক, কালিষ্ঠ, সাম্প্রদায়িক ও বিভেদমূলক নীতির হতাশ এবং তাদের তাত্পর্য এবং অরাজকতার পরিবেশে তাদের জীবন খুব খারাপভাবে প্রভাবিত হয়েছে। বিশেষত, উত্তর প্রদেশও কিছুটা ক্ষতিগ্রস্ত হয়েছে।
4. এই আদেশে, বিএসপি, পশ্চিম ইউপি, বিশেষ করে দলিত ও মুসলিম ও তাদের ঘনিষ্ঠ আত্মীয়-স্বজনদের কেল্লার মধ্যে রাষ্ট্রীয় পৃষ্ঠপোষক সন্ত্রাসের শিকার হয়েছে এবং গঙ্গোপাধ্যায়ের আইন প্রয়োগ করে বার পিছনে রেখেছে। যোগেশ ভার্মা, সাবেক এমএলপি ও মেহেরপুরের মেয়রের স্বামী, আর সহসানপুরে বিএসপি’র এমএলএস মাহমুদ আলী ও তার ভাই মোহাম্মদ ইকবাল, প্রাক্তন এমএলসি যেমন গুরুত্বপূর্ণ উদাহরণ। বিএসপি দৃঢ়ভাবে এই ধরনের বৈষম্যমূলক, কাস্টেস্ট, সাম্প্রদায়িক ও রাজনৈতিক প্রতিহিংসার নিন্দা করে এবং তা অবিলম্বে প্রভাবের সাথে বন্ধ করার জন্য দায়ী। একটি বিএসপি প্রতিনিধিদল জেলা প্রশাসনের সাথে তার প্রতিবাদ প্রতিবেদন রেজিস্টার করতে হবে।
তিনি বিজেপি ও কোম্পানি কর্তৃক পরিকল্পিত ষড়যন্ত্রকে “ভীম সেনাবাহিনী” গঠন করে দলিতদের মধ্যে ঐক্য ও একাত্মতা বজায় রাখার জন্য এবং তারপর তার রাজনৈতিক স্বার্থগুলি পূরণ করার জন্য শশীপুরের বিএসপি’র সর্বোচ্চ নেতাকে হত্যা করার ঘৃণাত্মক ষড়যন্ত্রের কথা বলেছিলেন। উত্তর প্রদেশের সাহারানপুর জেলার গ্রাম ঘটনার পর দলিতদের বিরুদ্ধে সব রকম নির্যাতন করা হয়, তবে বিজেপি প্রকৃত অপরাধীদের রক্ষা করছে। সংসদ ভবনের নিখরচায় এই অত্যাচারকে তুলে ধরার জন্য সরকার কর্তৃক অনুমোদিত না হলে রাজ্যসভায় সদস্য হওয়ার কারণে সুষমা মওবাদী জি রাও পদত্যাগ করেন। সবাই এটা জানেন।
অতএব, তিনি বিশেষ করে দলিত, আদিবাসীদের, অন্য পটভূমিতে এবং ধর্মীয় সংখ্যালঘুদের কাছে আবেদন করেছিলেন কেন্দ্র ও রাজ্যগুলির মধ্যে বিজেপি সরকারের ওপর নির্ভর করতে হবে না কারণ তারা কখনো তাদের স্বার্থ ও কল্যাণের ব্যাপারে উদাসীন হবে না। সাধারণ নির্বাচনের বছরে, তারা আরও বেশি অত্যাচার করবে। এটাও স্পষ্ট যে এই শ্রেণীগুলির ক্ষেত্রে, বিজেপি তাদের যা বলেছে তা সম্পূর্ণ বিপরীত।
Bi’ēsapi ēra prēsa rilija 31.08.2018
Lakṣṇau

બસપાના અખબારી યાદી 31.08.2018
લખનૌ

બસપાના રાષ્ટ્રીય અધ્યક્ષ, ભૂતપૂર્વ મુખ્ય પ્રધાન યુ.પી. અને ભૂતપૂર્વ સાંસદ, શ્રીમતી માયાવતીજીએ કહ્યું:
1. લોકોના અભિપ્રાયમાં, કેન્દ્ર અને આસામની ભાજપની સરકારોએ 40 લાખથી વધારે ધાર્મિક અને ભાષાકીય લઘુમતીઓની નાગરિકતાને નાબૂદ કરીને તેમના રચનાના સંકલન અને વિભાજનાત્મક હેતુઓ પ્રાપ્ત કર્યા છે, જે વર્ષોથી આસામમાં જીવતા રહ્યા છે-ભાજપ શાસિત છે. નાગરિકત્વ રજિસ્ટરના વચગાળાનો ડ્રાફ્ટ પ્રકાશિત કરીને રાજ્ય. આ ધાર્મિક અને ભાષાકીય લઘુમતીઓમાં સૌથી વધુ અસરગ્રસ્ત લોકો બંગાળી મુસ્લિમો અને બંગાળી બોલતા બિન-મુસ્લિમો છે. તેથી, બંગાળને ખતરનાક અસર થઈ છે પરંતુ ભાજપ અને કંપની તેનો રાજકીય લાભ લેવાનો પ્રયાસ કરી રહી છે. 31 ડિસેમ્બર, 2018 પછીના અંતિમ સમયપત્રકનું પ્રકાશન દેશભરની આજની એક પાગલ અને તીવ્ર સમસ્યા બનશે જે તેના ખરાબ અસરોની અસરને રોકવા માટે અશક્ય બની રહેશે. તેમણે જરૂરી અસરકારક સુધારાત્મક પગલાં લેવા માટે કેન્દ્રમાં સરકાર દ્વારા તાત્કાલિક તમામ પક્ષની બેઠક માંગી.
2. કેન્દ્રમાં સરકારે માનનીય સુપ્રીમ કોર્ટના પગલે આ બાબતને વધુ જટિલ બનાવવા વિલંબ ન કરવો જોઈએ અને કારણ કે સમગ્ર દેશ જાણે છે અને ભાજપના કેન્દ્ર દ્વારા મોટા પાયે માનનીય કોર્ટના નિર્દેશોના ઉલ્લંઘન વિશે પણ ચિંતિત છે. અને રાજ્ય સરકારો
3. કાશ્મીરથી લઇને કન્યાકુમારી સુધીના દરેક સ્થળે રાજ્યોમાં ભાજપ અને તેમની સરકારોના સંકુચિત, કટ્ટરવાદી, સાંપ્રદાયિક અને વિભાજનાત્મક નીતિથી નિરાશ થયા છે અને તેમના જીવનમાં ઉતાવળ અને અરાજકતાના વાતાવરણમાં ખૂબ જ ખરાબ અસર થઈ છે. ખાસ કરીને, ઉત્તર પ્રદેશનો પણ એક અંશે અસર થઈ છે.
4. આ આદેશમાં, બસપાના ગઢમાં, પશ્ચિમ યુપી, ખાસ કરીને દલિતો અને મુસ્લિમો અને તેમના નજીકના સંબંધી રાજ્યના પ્રાયોજિત ત્રાસવાદીના ભોગ બનેલા છે અને ગૅગસ્ટર એક્ટને પ્રભાવિત કરીને બાર પાછળ મૂકી છે. યોગેશ વર્મા, ભૂતપૂર્વ ધારાસભ્ય અને મેરઠના બાયપ મેયરના પતિ, અને બીએસપીના એમએલએસ મહમુદ અલી અને સહારાપુરમાં તેમના ભાઈ મોહમ્મદ ઈકબાલ, એક્સ-એમએલસી જેવા મહત્વના ઉદાહરણો છે. બીએસપી ભારપૂર્વક આવા ભેદભાવપૂર્ણ, ન્યાયાધીશ, સાંપ્રદાયિક અને રાજકીય બદનક્ષીનો વિરોધ કરે છે અને તેને તાત્કાલિક અસરથી અટકાવવા માંગ કરે છે. એક બસપાના પ્રતિનિધિ મંડળ તેના વિરોધને રજીસ્ટર કરવા માટે જીલ્લા વહીવટ સાથે પણ મળી શકશે.
તેણીએ “ભીમ આર્મી” ની રચના કરીને દલિતો વચ્ચે એકતા અને એકતાને વિક્ષેપિત કરવા ભાજપ અને કંપની દ્વારા તૈયાર કરવામાં આવેલી કાવતરું અને તેના રાજકીય હિતોને પૂર્ણ કરવા માટે નોટિસ લાવવામાં આવી હતી, બસપાના સૌથી વધુ નેતૃત્વ શબ્બીરપુર ઉત્તર પ્રદેશના સહારનપુર જિલ્લાના ગામ આ બનાવ પછી દલિતો વિરુદ્ધ તમામ પ્રકારના અત્યાચાર કરવામાં આવ્યા હતા, પરંતુ ભાજપે હજુ સુધી વાસ્તવિક ગુનેગારોને બચાવ્યા છે. શ્રીમતી માયાવતીજીએ રાજ્ય સભાના સભ્યપદમાંથી વિરોધમાં રાજીનામું આપ્યું ત્યારે સંસદના માળખામાં યોગ્ય રીતે આ અત્યાચારને હલ કરવા સરકાર દ્વારા મંજૂરી ન અપાઈ. બધા પણ તે જાણે છે.
તેથી, તેમણે ખાસ કરીને દલિતો, આદિબાસીસ, અન્ય પછાત વર્ગો અને ધાર્મિક લઘુમતીઓને અપીલ કરી હતી કે કેન્દ્ર અને રાજ્યોમાં ભાજપની સરકારો પર ભરોસો ન કરવો જોઈએ કારણ કે તેઓ ક્યારેય તેમના હિતો અને કલ્યાણની કાળજી લેતા નથી. સામાન્ય ચૂંટણીઓના વર્ષમાં, તેઓ વધુ અત્યાચારનું પણ ઉલ્લંઘન કરશે. તે સ્પષ્ટ છે કે આ વર્ગોના મુદ્દાઓમાં, ભાજપ તેઓ જે બોલે છે તેની વિરુદ્ધ સંપૂર્ણપણે કાર્ય કરે છે.
Basapānā akhabārī yādī 31.08.2018
Lakhanau

बीएसपी की 31.08.2018 की प्रेस विज्ञप्ति
लखनऊ

बीएसपी के राष्ट्रीय राष्ट्रपति, यूपी के पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री और पूर्व सांसद सुश्री मायावती जी ने कहा:
1. लोगों की राय में, केंद्र और असम में बीजेपी की सरकारों ने 40 लाख से अधिक धार्मिक और भाषाई अल्पसंख्यकों की नागरिकता को खत्म कर अपने गठन के संक्रामक और विभाजनकारी उद्देश्यों को हासिल किया है, जो असम में वर्षों से रह रहे हैं- एक बीजेपी शासन नागरिकता रजिस्टर के अंतरिम मसौदे को प्रकाशित करके राज्य। इन धार्मिक और भाषाई अल्पसंख्यकों में सबसे ज्यादा प्रभावित बंगाली मुस्लिम और बंगाली भाषी गैर-मुसलमान हैं। इसलिए, बंगाल को खतरनाक रूप से प्रभावित किया जाना चाहिए, लेकिन बीजेपी और कंपनी इससे राजनीतिक लाभ लेने की कोशिश कर रही है। 31 दिसंबर, 2018 के बाद अंतिम अनुसूची का प्रकाशन देश के सामने इतनी पागल और व्यस्त समस्या बन जाएगा कि इसके दुष्प्रभावों को प्रभावित करने के लिए असंभव के बगल में होगा। उन्होंने आवश्यक प्रभावी सुधारात्मक उपायों को लेने के लिए केंद्र सरकार द्वारा तत्काल सभी पार्टी-मीटिंग की मांग की।
2. केंद्र सरकार को सम्मानित सुप्रीम कोर्ट की पृष्ठभूमि में इस मामले को और अधिक जटिल बनाने की कोशिश नहीं करनी चाहिए क्योंकि पूरे देश को बीजेपी के केंद्र द्वारा बड़े पैमाने पर माननीय अदालत के निर्देशों के उल्लंघन के बारे में भी पता है और चिंतित है और राज्य सरकारें।
3. देश में हर जगह कश्मीर से कन्याकुमारी तक लोग राज्यों में बीजेपी और इसकी सरकारों की संभोग, जातिवादी, सांप्रदायिक और विभाजनकारी नीति से निराश हैं और जल्दबाजी और अराजकता के माहौल में उनका जीवन बहुत बुरी तरह प्रभावित हुआ है। विशेष रूप से, उत्तर प्रदेश भी कुछ हद तक प्रभावित हुआ है।
4. इस क्रम में, बसपा, पश्चिमी उत्तर प्रदेश, विशेष रूप से दलितों और मुसलमानों और उनके अंतरंग रिश्तेदार के गढ़ में राज्य प्रायोजित आतंक के पीड़ित हैं और गैंगस्टर अधिनियम इत्यादि लगाकर सलाखों के पीछे रखे हैं। योगेश वर्मा के मामले, पूर्व विधायक और मेरठ के बसपा के महापौर के पति, और बीएसपी के एमएलएस महमूद अली और उनके भाई मोहम्मद इकबाल, सहारनपुर में पूर्व-एमएलसी ऐसे महत्वपूर्ण उदाहरण हैं। बीएसपी इस तरह के भेदभावपूर्ण, जातिवादी, सांप्रदायिक और राजनीतिक बदमाश की निंदा करता है और तत्काल प्रभाव से इसे रोकने की मांग करता है। एक बीएसपी प्रतिनिधिमंडल जिला प्रशासन के साथ अपने विरोध दर्ज कराने के लिए भी मिलेंगे।
उन्होंने “भीम सेना” का गठन करके दलितों के बीच एकता और एकजुटता को परेशान करने के लिए भाजपा और कंपनी द्वारा डिजाइन की साजिश को भी ध्यान में लाया और फिर अपने राजनीतिक हितों को पूरा करने के लिए शबीरपुर में बीएसपी के उच्चतम नेतृत्व को मारने के लिए घृणास्पद षड्यंत्र की योजना बनाई उत्तर प्रदेश में सहारनपुर जिले का गांव। घटना के बाद दलितों के खिलाफ सभी तरह के अत्याचार किए गए थे, लेकिन बीजेपी अभी भी असली अपराधियों की रक्षा कर रही है। सुश्री मायावती जी ने राज्यसभा की सदस्यता से विरोध में इस्तीफा दे दिया जब उन्हें संसद के तल पर पर्याप्त रूप से इन अत्याचारों को उजागर करने की अनुमति नहीं थी। यह सब भी जानता है।
इसलिए, उन्होंने विशेष रूप से दलितों, आदिबासियों, अन्य पिछड़ा वर्गों और धार्मिक अल्पसंख्यकों से अपील की कि केंद्र और राज्यों में बीजेपी की सरकारों पर भरोसा नहीं करना चाहिए क्योंकि वे कभी भी अपनी रुचियों और कल्याण की परवाह नहीं करेंगे। आम चुनावों के वर्ष में, वे अधिक अत्याचार भी करेंगे। यह भी स्पष्ट है कि इन वर्गों के मामलों में, बीजेपी लोग जो कुछ भी बोलते हैं उसके विपरीत पूरी तरह से करते हैं।
beeesapee kee 31.08.2018 kee pres vigyapti
lakhanoo

31.08.2018 ರ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಪ್ರೆಸ್ ಬಿಡುಗಡೆ
ಲಕ್ನೋ

ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರೀಯ ಅಧ್ಯಕ್ಷರು, ಯು.ಪಿ ಮಾಜಿ ಮುಖ್ಯಮಂತ್ರಿ ಮಾಜಿ ಸಂಸದ, ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಜಿ ಹೇಳಿದ್ದಾರೆ:
1. ಜನರ ಅಭಿಪ್ರಾಯದಲ್ಲಿ, ಕೇಂದ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ಅಸ್ಸಾಂನಲ್ಲಿನ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು ಅಸ್ಸಾಂನಲ್ಲಿ ವರ್ಷಗಳವರೆಗೆ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ ನಲವತ್ತು ಲಕ್ಷಕ್ಕೂ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಭಾಷಾ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರ ಪೌರತ್ವವನ್ನು ನಿರ್ಮೂಲನೆ ಮಾಡುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಅವರ ರಚನೆಯ ಸಂಕುಚಿತ ಮತ್ತು ವಿಭಜನಾತ್ಮಕ ಉದ್ದೇಶಗಳನ್ನು ಸಾಧಿಸಿವೆ- ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಆಳ್ವಿಕೆ ನಡೆಸಿದೆ ಪೌರತ್ವ ರಿಜಿಸ್ಟರ್ ಮಧ್ಯಂತರ ಕರಡು ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸುವ ಮೂಲಕ ರಾಜ್ಯ. ಈ ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಮತ್ತು ಭಾಷಾ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರಲ್ಲಿ ಹೆಚ್ಚು ಪರಿಣಾಮ ಬೀರುವವರು ಬೆಂಗಾಲಿ ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರು ಮತ್ತು ಬಂಗಾಳಿ ಮಾತನಾಡುವ ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮೇತರರು. ಹಾಗಾಗಿ, ಬಂಗಾಳವು ಅಪಾಯಕಾರಿಯಾಗಿ ಪರಿಣಾಮ ಬೀರುತ್ತದೆ ಆದರೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕಂಪೆನಿಯು ಅದರ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಮೈಲೇಜ್ ಅನ್ನು ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಲು ಪ್ರಯತ್ನಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಡಿಸೆಂಬರ್ 31, 2018 ರ ನಂತರ ಅಂತಿಮ ವೇಳಾಪಟ್ಟಿಯನ್ನು ಪ್ರಕಟಿಸುವುದು ಅದರ ಕೆಟ್ಟ ಪರಿಣಾಮಗಳ ಪರಿಣಾಮವನ್ನು ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸಲು ಅಸಾಧ್ಯದ ಮುಂದಿನ ರಾಷ್ಟ್ರವಾಗುವುದಕ್ಕೆ ಮುಂಚೆಯೇ ಇಂತಹ ಹುಚ್ಚು ಮತ್ತು ತೀವ್ರ ಸಮಸ್ಯೆಯಾಗಿದೆ. ಅವಶ್ಯಕ ಪರಿಣಾಮಕಾರಿ ಸರಿಪಡಿಸುವ ಕ್ರಮಗಳನ್ನು ಕೈಗೊಳ್ಳಲು ಕೇಂದ್ರದಲ್ಲಿ ಸರ್ಕಾರವು ತಕ್ಷಣವೇ ಎಲ್ಲಾ ಪಕ್ಷ ಸಭೆಗಳನ್ನು ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸಿತ್ತು.
2. ಸೆಂಟರ್ನಲ್ಲಿ ಕೇಂದ್ರವು ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ಸುಪ್ರೀಂ ಕೋರ್ಟ್ ಹಿನ್ನೆಲೆಯಲ್ಲಿ ವಿಳಂಬ ಮಾಡಲು ಮತ್ತು ಜಟಿಲಗೊಳಿಸದಿರಲು ಯತ್ನಿಸಬಾರದು ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಇಡೀ ದೇಶದ ಗೌರವಾನ್ವಿತ ನ್ಯಾಯಾಲಯದ ನಿರ್ದೇಶನಗಳ ಉಲ್ಲಂಘನೆಯ ಬಗ್ಗೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಕೇಂದ್ರದಿಂದ ದೊಡ್ಡ ಪ್ರಮಾಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಉಂಟಾಗುತ್ತದೆ. ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯ ಸರ್ಕಾರಗಳು.
3. ಕಾಶ್ಮೀರದ ಕನ್ಯಾಕುಮಾರಿಯಿಂದ ದೇಶದಲ್ಲಿ ಎಲ್ಲೆಡೆ ಜನರೂ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಅದರ ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳ ಪ್ರಾಂತೀಯ, ಅತಿರೇಕದ, ಕೋಮುವಾದಿ ಮತ್ತು ವಿಭಜನಾತ್ಮಕ ನೀತಿಯಿಂದ ನಿರಾಶೆಗೊಂಡಿದ್ದಾರೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ ಜೀವನವು ತೀವ್ರ ಮತ್ತು ಅರಾಜಕತೆಯ ವಾತಾವರಣದಲ್ಲಿ ಬಹಳ ಕೆಟ್ಟದಾಗಿ ಪರಿಣಾಮ ಬೀರಿದೆ. ವಿಶೇಷವಾಗಿ, ಉತ್ತರ ಪ್ರದೇಶವೂ ಸಹ ಒಂದು ಮಟ್ಟಿಗೆ ಪ್ರಭಾವಕ್ಕೊಳಗಾಗುತ್ತಿದೆ.
4. ಈ ಕ್ರಮದಲ್ಲಿ, ಪಶ್ಚಿಮ ಬಂಗಾಳದ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ, ವಿಶೇಷವಾಗಿ ದಲಿತರು ಮತ್ತು ಮುಸ್ಲಿಮರು ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ ನಿಕಟ ಸಂಬಂಧಿ ರಾಜ್ಯ ಪ್ರಾಯೋಜಿತ ಭಯೋತ್ಪಾದನೆಯ ಬಲಿಪಶುಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ದರೋಡೆಕೋರ ಕಾಯಿದೆಯನ್ನು ವಿಧಿಸುವ ಮೂಲಕ ಬಾರ್ ಹಿಂದೆ ಇಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಯೋಗೇಶ್ ವರ್ಮಾ, ಮಾಜಿ ಶಾಸಕ ಮತ್ತು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಮೇಯರ್ ಮೀರತ್ನ ಗಂಡ ಮತ್ತು ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿಯ ಎಂಎಲ್ಎಸ್ ಮಹಮೂದ್ ಅಲಿ ಮತ್ತು ಅವರ ಸಹೋದರ ಮೊಹಮ್ಮದ್ ಇಕ್ಬಾಲ್, ಸಹರಾನ್ಪುರದಲ್ಲಿ ಮಾಜಿ ಎಂಎಲ್ಸಿ ಇಂತಹ ಪ್ರಮುಖ ಉದಾಹರಣೆಗಳಾಗಿವೆ. ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ಇಂತಹ ತಾರತಮ್ಯದ, ಅತಿರೇಕದ, ಕೋಮುವಾದಿ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜಕೀಯ ವಿವಾದಗಳನ್ನು ತೀವ್ರವಾಗಿ ಖಂಡಿಸುತ್ತದೆ ಮತ್ತು ಅದನ್ನು ತಕ್ಷಣದ ಪರಿಣಾಮದಿಂದ ನಿಲ್ಲಿಸುವಂತೆ ಒತ್ತಾಯಿಸುತ್ತದೆ. ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿ ನಿಯೋಗವು ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆಯನ್ನು ದಾಖಲಿಸಲು ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಆಡಳಿತವನ್ನು ಕೂಡಾ ಭೇಟಿಯಾಗಲಿದೆ.
“ಭೀಮ್ ಆರ್ಮಿ” ಅನ್ನು ರೂಪಿಸುವ ಮೂಲಕ ದಲಿತರ ನಡುವೆ ಐಕ್ಯತೆ ಮತ್ತು ಐಕಮತ್ಯವನ್ನು ತೊಂದರೆಗೊಳಿಸುವುದಕ್ಕಾಗಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಮತ್ತು ಕಂಪೆನಿ ವಿನ್ಯಾಸಗೊಳಿಸಿದ ಪಿತೂರಿಯನ್ನೂ ಅವರು ಗಮನಕ್ಕೆ ತಂದರು. ನಂತರ ಅದರ ರಾಜಕೀಯ ಹಿತಾಸಕ್ತಿಗಳನ್ನು ಪೂರೈಸಲು ಶಬ್ರಿಪುರದ ಬಿಎಸ್ಪಿಯ ಉನ್ನತ ನಾಯಕತ್ವವನ್ನು ಕೊಲ್ಲಲು ದ್ವೇಷಪೂರಿತ ಪಿತೂರಿ ನಡೆಸಿದರು. ಉತ್ತರದಲ್ಲಿ ಸಹರಾನ್ಪುರ್ ಜಿಲ್ಲೆಯ ಗ್ರಾಮ. ಈ ಘಟನೆಯ ನಂತರ ಎಲ್ಲ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳು ದಲಿತರಿಗೆ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ ನಡೆದಿವೆ, ಆದರೆ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ನಿಜವಾದ ಅಪರಾಧಿಗಳನ್ನು ರಕ್ಷಿಸುತ್ತಿದೆ. ಸಂಸತ್ತಿನ ನೆಲದ ಮೇಲೆ ಈ ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಹೈಲೈಟ್ ಮಾಡಲು ಸರ್ಕಾರದ ಅನುಮತಿ ನೀಡದಿದ್ದಾಗ ರಾಜ್ಯಸಭೆ ಸದಸ್ಯತ್ವದಿಂದ ಪ್ರತಿಭಟನೆ ನಡೆಸಿದ ಮಾಯಾವತಿ ಜಿ. ಎಲ್ಲರಿಗೂ ಇದು ತಿಳಿದಿದೆ.
ಆದುದರಿಂದ, ವಿಶೇಷವಾಗಿ ದಲಿತರು, ಆದಿಬಾಸಿಗಳು, ಇತರ ಹಿಂದುಳಿದ ವರ್ಗಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಧಾರ್ಮಿಕ ಅಲ್ಪಸಂಖ್ಯಾತರು ಕೇಂದ್ರೀಯ ಮತ್ತು ರಾಜ್ಯಗಳಲ್ಲಿ ಬಿಜೆಪಿ ಸರಕಾರಗಳನ್ನು ನಂಬುವುದಿಲ್ಲ, ಏಕೆಂದರೆ ಅವರ ಆಸಕ್ತಿಗಳು ಮತ್ತು ಕಲ್ಯಾಣವನ್ನು ಅವರು ಎಂದಿಗೂ ಕಾಳಜಿ ವಹಿಸುವುದಿಲ್ಲ. ಸಾಮಾನ್ಯ ಚುನಾವಣೆಗಳ ವರ್ಷದಲ್ಲಿ, ಅವರು ಇನ್ನಷ್ಟು ದೌರ್ಜನ್ಯಗಳನ್ನು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಈ ವರ್ಗಗಳ ವಿಷಯದಲ್ಲಿ, ಬಿಜೆಪಿಗಳು ಮಾತನಾಡುವ ಯಾವುದೇ ರೀತಿಯ ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ ಅವರು ಮಾಡುತ್ತಾರೆ ಎಂಬುದು ಸ್ಪಷ್ಟವಾಗ

31.08.2018 ലെ ബിഎസ്പി പ്രസ് റിലീസ്
ലക്നൗ

ബിഎസ്പി ദേശീയ പ്രസിഡന്റ്, യു.പി.യിലെ മുൻ മുഖ്യമന്ത്രി. മുൻ എംപി മായാവതി ജി പറഞ്ഞു:
1. ജനങ്ങളുടെ അഭിപ്രായത്തിൽ, മധ്യപ്രദേശത്തും അസമിലുമായി ബി.ജെ.പിയുടെ ഗവൺമെൻറുകൾ തങ്ങളുടെ രൂപീകരണത്തിന്റെ നിസ്സഹായവും ഭിന്നകവുമായ ലക്ഷ്യങ്ങൾ നേടിയെടുത്തിട്ടുണ്ട്. അസമിൽ വർഷങ്ങളായി നിലനിൽക്കുന്ന മത, ഭാഷാ ന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങൾക്ക് പൗരത്വം ഇല്ലാതാക്കുക വഴി ബി.ജെ.പി ഭരിക്കുന്ന ഒരു വിഭാഗം പൌരത്വ രജിസ്റ്ററിന്റെ ഇടക്കാല കരട് പ്രസിദ്ധീകരിച്ച് സ്റ്റേറ്റ്. മതപരവും ഭാഷാപരവുമായ ന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങളിൽ ഏറ്റവുമധികം ബാധിക്കപ്പെട്ടവർ ബംഗാളികളും ബംഗാളികളല്ലാത്ത അമുസ്ലിംകളുമാണ്. അതിനാൽ, ബംഗാളിൽ അപകടസാധ്യതയുണ്ടായിരിക്കണം, എന്നാൽ ബിജെപി, കമ്പനി അതിൽ നിന്നും രാഷ്ട്രീയ മൈലേജ് എടുക്കാൻ ശ്രമിക്കുന്നു. 2018 ഡിസംബറിനു ശേഷമുള്ള അവസാന ഷെഡ്യൂൾ പ്രസിദ്ധീകരണം രാജ്യത്ത് വരുന്നതിന് മുൻപ് അത്തരം ചിന്താഗതിക്കാരനായും, ഗുരുതരപ്രശ്നമായിത്തീരും. അതിൻറെ ദോഷഫലങ്ങളെ സ്വാധീനിക്കുന്നത് നിർത്താൻ അസാധ്യമായിരിക്കില്ല. ആവശ്യമായ പരിഹാര നടപടികൾ കൈക്കൊള്ളാൻ കേന്ദ്രത്തിൽ ഉടൻ തന്നെ എല്ലാ പാർടി-മീറ്റിംഗും ആവശ്യപ്പെട്ടു.
2. കേന്ദ്രത്തിലെ കേന്ദ്രം, സുപ്രീംകോടതിയുടെ പശ്ചാത്തലത്തിൽ ഈ വിഷയം കൂടുതൽ സങ്കീർണ്ണമാക്കി തീർക്കാൻ ശ്രമിക്കരുത്. കാരണം, ബി.ജെ.പി.യുടെ കേന്ദ്രം ബഹുമാനപൂർവ്വം, ബഹുമാനപൂർവ്വം കോടതിയുടെ നിർദ്ദേശങ്ങളുടെ ലംഘനത്തെക്കുറിച്ച് രാജ്യമെമ്പാടും ബോധവാനാണ്. സംസ്ഥാന സർക്കാരുകൾ.
3. കശ്മീരിൽ നിന്ന് കന്യാകുമാരി മുതൽ രാജ്യത്ത് എല്ലായിടത്തും ജനങ്ങൾ ബിജെപിയുടെയും അതിന്റെ ഗവൺമെൻറുകളുടെയും പാരചൈര്യവും, തീവ്രവും, വർഗീയവും, ഭിന്നിക്കുന്നതുമായ നയത്തിൽ നിരാശരാണ്, അവരുടെ ജീവിതം വളരെ വേഗത്തിൽ അസ്വാസ്ഥ്യത്തിന്റെയും അരാജകത്വത്തിന്റെയും അന്തരീക്ഷത്തിൽ ബാധിച്ചു. പ്രത്യേകിച്ചും ഉത്തർപ്രദേശ് ഒരു പരിധിവരെ ബാധിക്കപ്പെട്ടിട്ടുണ്ട്.
4. ഈ വിധത്തിൽ, ബിഎസ്പി, പടിഞ്ഞാറൻ യു.പി, പ്രത്യേകിച്ച് ദളിതരുടെയും മുസ്ലിംകളുടെയും അവരുടെ അടുത്ത ബന്ധുവിന്റെയും ശക്തികേന്ദ്രമായത് സംസ്ഥാന സ്പോൺസർ ചെയ്ത ഭീകരതയുടെ ഇരകളാണ്. ഗാംസ്റ്റർ നിയമം നടപ്പിലാക്കിക്കൊണ്ടുള്ള ബാറുകൾക്ക് പിന്നിൽ ഇടുക. യോഗേഷ് വർമ, ബിഎസ്പി മേയർ ഓഫ് മീററ്റ്, ബിഎസ്പി എംഎൽഎസ് മഹ്മൂദ് അലിയും സഹോദരൻ മൊഹമ്മദ് ഇക്ബലും, സഹരൺപൂരിലെ മുൻ എം.എൽ.സി.യും അത്തരം സുപ്രധാന ഉദാഹരണങ്ങൾ. ഇത്തരത്തിലുള്ള വിവേചനവും കാസ്റ്റിസ്റ്റുമായ വർഗീയവും രാഷ്ട്രീയവുമായ വെൻഡറ്റയെ ബിഎസ്പി ശക്തമായി കുറ്റംവിധിക്കുകയും അടിയന്തിരമായി ഇത് നിർത്തണമെന്ന് ആവശ്യപ്പെടുകയും ചെയ്യുന്നു. ബിഎസ്പി സംഘം പ്രതിഷേധം രജിസ്റ്റർ ചെയ്യാൻ ജില്ലാ ഭരണകൂടത്തെ നേരിടും.
“ഭീം ആർമി” എന്ന പേരിൽ ദലിതരിലെ ഐക്യവും ഐക്യദാർഢ്യവും തകർക്കാൻ ബി.ജെ.പിയും കമ്പനിയുമടങ്ങുന്ന ഗൂഢാലോചനയും അവർ ശ്രദ്ധയിൽ കൊണ്ടുവന്നു. പിന്നീട് അതിന്റെ രാഷ്ട്രീയ താൽപര്യങ്ങൾ നിറവേറ്റാൻ ശബീർപുരിലെ ബിഎസ്പിയുടെ ഏറ്റവും ഉയർന്ന നേതൃത്വത്തെ കൊല്ലാൻ വിദ്വേഷകരമായ ഗൂഢാലോചന നടത്തുകയുണ്ടായി. യുപിയിലെ സഹാറൻപൂർ ജില്ലയുടെ ഗ്രാമം. സംഭവത്തെത്തുടർന്ന് ദലിതർക്ക് എതിരെ എല്ലാ തരത്തിലുമുള്ള അതിക്രമങ്ങളും ഏർപ്പെടുത്തിയിരുന്നു. എന്നാൽ യഥാർത്ഥ കുറ്റവാളികളെ ബിജെപി ഇതുവരെ സംരക്ഷിക്കുകയായിരുന്നു. പാർലമെന്റിന്റെ നിലപാടിനു മതിയായ ഈ ആക്രമണങ്ങളെ ഉയർത്തിക്കാണിക്കാൻ സർക്കാരിന് അനുവദിക്കാതിരുന്നപ്പോൾ രാജ്യസഭയിലെ അംഗം മായാവതി രാജി രാജിവച്ചു. എല്ലാം അറിയാം.
അതുകൊണ്ടുതന്നെ പ്രത്യേകിച്ചും ദലിതുകൾ, അഡിബാസികൾ, മറ്റു പിന്നോക്ക വിഭാഗങ്ങൾ, മതന്യൂനപക്ഷങ്ങൾ എന്നിവരെ കേന്ദ്ര, സംസ്ഥാനങ്ങളിൽ ബി.ജെ.പിയുടെ സർക്കാരുകളെ വിശ്വസിക്കരുതെന്ന് അവർ അഭ്യർത്ഥിച്ചു. കാരണം അവരുടെ താല്പര്യങ്ങളും ക്ഷേമങ്ങളും അവർ ഒരിക്കലും കരുതിയിരുന്നില്ല. പൊതുതിരഞ്ഞെടുപ്പിന്റെ വർഷത്തിൽ അവർ കൂടുതൽ അതിക്രമങ്ങൾ നടത്തുമായിരുന്നു. ഈ വർഗങ്ങളുടെ കാര്യത്തിൽ ബി.ജെ.പി.യും അവർ സംസാരിക്കുന്നതിന് തികച്ചും എതിരാണ്.

बसपाचे प्रेस प्रकाशन 31.08.2018
लखनौ

बसपचे राष्ट्रीय अध्यक्ष, यू.पी.चे माजी मुख्यमंत्री आणि माजी खासदार सुश्री मायावती जी यांनी म्हटले:
1. लोकांच्या मते केंद्र आणि आसाममधील भाजपची सरकारे चाळीस लाख धार्मिक आणि भाषिक अल्पसंख्यकांच्या नागरिकत्वाच्या आधारास हटवून आपल्या निर्मितीचे पॅरोकिअल आणि विभाजनकारी उद्दिष्टे गाठू शकले आहेत. नागरिकत्व रजिस्टरच्या अंतरिम मसुदा प्रकाशित करून राज्य बंगाली मुस्लिम आणि बंगाली भाषिक नस-मुस्लिम हे या धार्मिक आणि भाषिक अल्पसंख्याकांमधील सर्वात जास्त प्रभावित झाले आहेत. म्हणून बंगालचा धोका पत्करावा लागतो परंतु भाजप आणि कंपनी यातून राजकीय फायदा घेण्याचा प्रयत्न करीत आहे. 31 डिसेंबर 2018 नंतरच्या अंतिम वेळापत्रकाचा प्रकाशन देशासमोर इतका एक वेडा आणि गंभीर समस्या बनणार आहे की त्याच्या वाईट प्रभावांचा प्रभाव रोखणे अशक्य आहे. आवश्यक प्रभावी सुधारणा घडवून आणण्यासाठी सरकारने केंद्र सरकारच्या ताबडतोब पक्षाची सर्वसमावेशक मागणी केली.
2. केंद्रातील सरकारला सुप्रीम कोर्टाच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर विलंब लावण्याचा प्रयत्न करणे आणि हे प्रकरण अधिक गुंतागुंती करणे शक्य नाही कारण संपूर्ण देश जागरुक आहे आणि भाजपच्या केंद्राने मोठ्या प्रमाणावर सन्माननीय न्यायालयीन निर्देशांचे उल्लंघन केल्याबद्दलही काळजीत आहे. आणि राज्य सरकार
3. काश्मीरपासून कन्याकुमारीपर्यंत सर्वत्र लोक भाजपाच्या राज्यांमधील पॅरोकिअल, जातीय, सांप्रदायिक आणि विभक्तीकारक धोरणामुळे राज्यांमध्ये हताश आणि त्यांच्या जीवनाची घाई आणि अराजक वातावरणात खूपच वाईट परिणाम झाला आहे. खासकरुन उत्तरप्रदेशही काही प्रमाणात प्रभावित झाला आहे.
4. या क्रमाने, बसपाच्या गढीत, पश्चिम उत्तरप्रदेश, विशेषत: दलित व मुस्लिम आणि त्यांचे निकटचे नातेवाईक राज्य पुरस्कृत दहशतवादी आहेत आणि गँगस्टर कायदा इत्यादि लादला आहे. योगेश वर्मा, बसपचे मेरठचे महापौर आणि माजी सहकारी एमएलएस महमूद अली आणि त्यांचे भाऊ मोहम्मद इकबाल, सहारनपूरमध्ये माजी एमएलसी यांचे माजी आमदार आणि पती आहेत. बीएसपी जोरदारपणे अशा भेदभावकारी, जातीय, सांप्रदायिक आणि राजकीय धिक्कार्याचे निषेध करते आणि त्यास तात्काळ प्रभावासह थांबविण्याची मागणी करतो. एक बसप प्रतिनिधीमंडळ देखील निषेध नोंदवण्यासाठी जिल्हा प्रशासनाशी भेट होईल.
त्यांनी “भीम सेना” बनवून दलितांमधील एकता आणि एकताला अडथळा आणण्यासाठी भाजपा आणि कंपनीने तयार केलेली कारवाई त्यास आणून दिली आणि नंतर आपल्या राजकीय हितसंबंधांना साध्य करण्यासाठी शब्बीरपूरमध्ये बसपाचे सर्वोच्च नेते मारणे हे द्वेषपूर्ण षडयंत्र रचले. उत्तर प्रदेशातील सहारणपूर जिल्ह्यातील एक गाव आहे. या घटनेनंतर सर्व प्रकारचे अत्याचार दलितांविरूद्ध करण्यात आले होते, परंतु भाजप अद्याप वास्तविक गुन्ह्यांचे रक्षण करीत आहे. राज्यसभेच्या सदस्यांच्या निषेधार्थ सुप्रसिद्ध मायावतीजींनी राजीनामा दिला तेव्हा सरकारने संसदेच्या मंजुरीवर योग्य ते अत्याचार करण्याचे निर्देश दिले नाहीत. सर्वांना हे देखील माहित असते.
म्हणूनच, विशेषत: दलित, आदिवासी, इतर मागासवर्गीय आणि धार्मिक अल्पसंख्याकांना त्यांनी केंद्रात आणि राज्यांमध्ये भाजपच्या सरकारांवर विश्वास ठेवू नये कारण ते कधीही त्यांच्या आवडी व कल्याणाची काळजी घेणार नाहीत. सार्वत्रिक निवडणुकीच्या वर्षी ते अधिक अत्याचारही करतील. हे देखील स्पष्ट आहे की या वर्गातील बाबींमध्ये, भाजपजन जे काही बोलतात त्यास उलट करतात.

https://youtu.be/oElPfu28NGY

https://www.urbandharma.org/udharma14/pathpure.html
The Visuddhimagga and Vimuttimagga in PDF / Free Download

vm1a
©1975,1991,2011 Buddhist Publication Society

The Path of Purification / Visuddhimagga / Translated by Bhikkhu Nanamoli

2.7 MB in PDF / Free Download / Click Here

Publisher’s Note: The BPS thanks all those who assisted with making this book available in a digital as well as printed edition. This book is the result of the work of Mr John Bullitt of Access to Insight who initiated this digital edition, the several volunteers who helped him to convert the previous edition of this book to digital text, the other volunteers who helped the BPS with proofreading, Bhikkhu Nyanatusita, the BPS editor, who helped with and coordinated the proofreading, formatting, and typesetting, corrected the Pali, etc., and the work of the BPS typesetters Bhikkhu Sacramento Upatissa and Mr Nalin Ariyaratna who skilfully typeset the text.

“Buddhaghosa has composed one of the great spiritual classics of mankind. If I had to choose one book to take with me on a desert island, the Visuddhimagga would be my choice.” Edward Conze.

Visuddhimagga or The Path of Purification, is a Theravada Buddhist commentary written by Buddhaghosa approximately in 430 CE in Sri Lanka. It is considered the most important Theravada text outside of the Tipitaka canon of scriptures. The Visuddhimagga is a systematic examination and condensation of Buddhist doctrine and meditation technique. The various teachings of the Buddha found throughout the Pali canon are organized in a clear, comprehensive path leading to the final goal of nibbana, the state of complete purification. Originally composed in the fifth century, this new translation provides English speakers insights into this foundational text. In the course of this treatise full and detailed instructions are given on 40 subjects of meditation aimed at concentration, an elaborate account of Buddhist Abhidhamma philosophy, and explicit descriptions of the stages of insight culminating in final liberation.

Bhadantacariya Buddhaghosa composed the Visuddhimagga in the early part of the fifth century. Bhikkhu Ñanamoli was ordained as a monk in Sri Lanka, where he spent 11 years living in a monastery and translating the texts of the Theravada Buddhism into English. He was the author of The Discourse on Right View, Middle Length Discourses of the Buddha, and The Life of the Buddha.

Visuddhimagga / Amazon.com Reviews of the Retail Version:

A marvelous translation of an indispensible text., By Will (Taos, NM United States)

This book is, indeed, “The Classic Manual of Buddhist Doctrine and Meditation”. Written by Buddhaghosa in the Fifth Century in Sri Lanka, and known by its Pali title, Visuddhimagga, it is the fundamental manual for the Theravadin school of Buddhism, upon which the popular Vipassana meditation is based. But it is ever so much more than merely a Vipassana manual. Divided into three main sections covering the three “baskets” of Buddha’s teaching, it first addresses Virtue (Sila) and a brief chapter on acceptable ascetic practices. Next there follows a large and wonderful section on training in Concentration (Samadhi) based on the forty traditional meditation subjects. Finally, it concludes with a large section on Understanding (Panna), the wisdom teachings of the Abhidhamma. If anyone has ever tried to learn and understand the Abhidhamma merely through study of the original texts (available in English through the Pali Text Society), then you will clearly appreciate the need for a commentary, and Buddhaghosa’s commentary in the Visuddhimagga is one of the best. In general the book is comprehensive and profoundly helpful to one’s practice, and to one’s appreciation of the roots of Buddhist tradition as well.

This translation by Bhikkhu Nanamoli is wonderful. For years I had loved a translation by Pe Maung Tin, put out by the Pali Text Society. The language in that translation was more poetic, but I gradually grew to appreciate Bhikkhu Nanamoli’s more approachable and practical language, and now I seldom refer to the other. There is for me, a Mahayana practitioner, something very beautiful and attractive in the bare, almost dry purity of Theravadin writings and practices, and this translation captures that quiet beauty very well. It is interesting to note that Bhikkhu Nanamoli, an Englishman who ordained in Sri Lanka at age 43 in 1949, and who then spent most of the rest of his remaining years in study and retreat, wrote this translation solely for his own use, because there were no available copies of the only other extant translation: only later did someone request him to publish it. We are fortunate that he did. I cannot recommend it highly enough to the serious practitioner or student.

One of the most famous books in Buddhist history., By steve (sunnyvale, CA USA)

This is it, the masterful commentary on Buddha’s path that is one of the cornerstones of Theravada Buddhism. Although dense and difficult, the effort you put forth to understand this great beast of a book is well rewarded. Read the notes,stop after each paragraph and reflect, and you’ll make you’re way through. When you’re finished, you’ll be changed enough that you can go back to the beginning and get new insights on a second trip through.

Everyday, after I get off my meditation cushion, I chew my way though a few pages… It’s good to be alive in a time when excellent English translations of this and other great Buddhist works are readily available.

vimutti

The Path of Freedom / Vimuttimagga / Arahant Upatissa

18 MB in PDF / Free Download / Click Here

Vimuttimagga - Probably written in Pali in Sri Lanka during the first century AD, the Vimuttimagga survived only in Chinese translation, from which the present rendering has been made. Ascribed to the Arahant Upatissa, the work is a meditation manual similar to the Visuddhimagga, but less analytical and more practical in its treatment of meditation.

The work is compiled in accordance with classical Buddhist division of the path into the three stages of virtue, concentration, and wisdom, culminating in the goal of liberation. It is widely believed that the Vimuttimagga may have been the model used by Buddhaghosha to compose his magnum opus, the Visuddhimagga (Path of Purification), several centuries later. The older work is marked by a leaner style and a more lively sense of urgency stemming from its primarily practical orientation.

I found this on Pinterest!
https://pin.it/mfbfhxe67cuhot

https://pin.it/a2743txnizixe7

https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/pro-dalit-party-will-win-bjp-mp/article24576656.ece

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Pro-Sarvajan Samaj party will win: BJP MP

Savitri Bai Phule, BJP MP and SC/ST leader, on Wednesday said that only a Bahujan Samaj party working for Sarvajan Hitaya Sarvajan Sukhaya would form the next government at the Centre.

Ms. Phule, who has been critical of her party over atrocities against SC/STs, presented a 15-point charter of demands at a press meet here. Asked if the Opposition move to project Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate would hinder the prospects of the BJP, she said: “Only a party that will work for Sarvajan Samaj including SC/STs/OBCs/ Religious Minorities/ poor Upper Castes will form the next government.”

She appealed for withdrawal of cases against SC/STs who were arrested during a country-wide protest on April 2 after the Supreme Court order on the SC/ST Act.

Ms. Phule said despite giving notice in the Lok Sabha, the House had failed to take up discussion on the matter, and called upon SC/ST MPs to unite on the issue and raise the matter in Parliament.

Asked if she was unhappy with the Modi (Murderer of democratic institutions) over its handling of the SC/ST issues, Ms. Phule said that as a “responsible” SC/ST leader, it was her duty to highlight atrocities.

https://www.prajavani.net/stories/national/dalit-lady-officer-refused-562176.html

This exercise will come to an end if the proxy rule of just 0.1% intolerant, cunning, crooked, violent, Militant, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded, rapist chitpavan brahmin foreigners from Bene Israel RSS (Rowdy Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) remotely controlling Murderers of democratic institutions (Modi) of Brashtachar Jiysdhs Psychopaths (BJP) is it to an end.
The hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion which are defilement of the mind requiring mental treatment in mental asylums are admitted for treatment till they are completely cured of their disease.
The Central Government formed by tampering the fraud EVMs must be dissolved and go for fresh polls with Ballot Papers will only put an end to this exercise.

We need to become ruling class if we want to form a casteless society – Saheb Kanshi Ram

By Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998
Malaysia (10-11 October , 98 ) : Addressing the First International Dalit Conference at Kuala Lumpur as a Chief Guest in the inaugural session, Manyawar Kanshiramji said,- “ My heartiest congratulations to you all for organizing this international conference which is a big step towards our supreme goal of forming a casteless society in India”.

1) I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

2) What is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party.

3) I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned my half lesson for running the Ambedkarite movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

4) I do not like to talk much even though I have to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell about my work in words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

5) Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

6) Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to make your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect your interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

Annihilation of Caste

Kanshiramji said – In 1936 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar was invited by the “Jat Pat Todak Mandal, Lahore” to present his essay on the subject of caste. But the organizers of the conference did not allow Babasaheb to present the essay. Later on Babasaheb published the essay in a form of book titled as “Annihilation of Caste”. When I first read this book in 1962-63, I felt that annihilation of caste is certainly possible. But later on when I started thinking deeply and began to study the subject of castes, caste system and behavioural patterns associated with the caste system, my understanding of caste began to change. My study of Caste is not merely based on reading books but it has emanated from my real life experience with the castes. There are millions of people who leave their villages and migrate to metro cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Kolkata and other big cities. These people do not bring anything else with them; the only thing they bring with them is their caste. They leave behind in their villages their small huts, small plot of land, etc. But they can not leave behind their caste in the village, the caste invariably accompanies them to the cities where they begin to stay in dirty shanties along the side of railway tracks and nallahs. If the caste is so dear to the people then how can we annihilate the caste ? Therefore I have stopped thinking in the direction of annihilation of caste.

You have organized this convention as a precursor to march ahead in the direction of forming a casteless society. Even my aim is to form a casteless society. But caste is not something that can be annihilated just by your noble thoughts about annihilation of caste . Annihilation of caste is almost impossible. Then what should we do to form a casteless society ?

There is a specific purpose behind formation of castes.

The castes were not born without any purpose. There is a specific purpose and selfish interests hidden behind the formation of castes. As long as this specific purpose and the selfish interests exist , the caste can not be annihilated. You will never find Bramhins and other Savarna caste people organizing such conventions for “reformation of casteless society”. This is because the castes were formed by these same people with an ill intention to secure their self interests. Formation of castes has brought benefits to minuscule few savarna castes but on other hand the generations after generations of the 85 % Bahujan Samaj have been at the receiving end of this oppressive caste system. The Bahujan Samaj has been subjugated to the beastly oppression and inhuman humiliations. If the caste system has been beneficial to the Savarna Caste people then why would they vouch for it’s annihilation ? The debates, convention and conferences of these kind can be organized only by we people who have been victims of the oppressive caste system. The beneficiaries of the caste system would never be interested in the annihilation of caste. On the contrary they would work towards strengthening the caste system so that they continue to reap the benefits arising from caste system for the ages to come.

The audience sitting in this conference hall may not have been direct victims of the caste system but we have certainly been born among the people or society that has been victim of the caste system and therefore we all need to necessarily think towards formation of casteless society. But when we talk of annihilation of caste then first of all we need to accept the existence of caste system. We can never annihilate the caste by ignoring it’s presence or by undermining it’s relevance in the contemporary India.

It may be true that lot of us still nurture a feeling of formation of a casteless society but simultaneously it is also true that the urge for forming a casteless society is dwindling by passage of time. So what do we do till the time the caste is not annihilated completely ? I believe that until the time we are not able to form a casteless society, we need to use caste to annihilate caste. If Bramhins can use caste for the benefit of their society then why can not we use it for the benefit of our society ?

Caste – Two edged sword

Caste is like a sword with two edges which can attack from both sides. If you use it from one side it cuts enemy from that side; if you use it from other side it cuts from the other side. Therefore I have began to use this two edged sword of caste system in such a way that it benefits the people of Bahujan Samaj and it takes away the benefits that the savarna castes have been reaping from caste system. Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar has given the political and social rights to the Scheduled castes and Scheduled tribes based on the castes. He has used the very basis of caste to secure the political rights of separate electorate from the Britishers. But he had to forgo those hard earned rights on the adamant insistence of Mohandas Gandhi who used his cheap tactics of fast unto death to blackmail Babasahab.

Separate Electorate

Many people ask me as to why I do not start an agitation for separate electorate just like what Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar did. So far I have never wasted even single minute on the issue of separate electorate. If the right to separate electorate could not be obtained during the time when Britishers were in rule in India then how can I secure those rights when the Manuwadis are the rulers of India. Today this is totally impossible.

Specialist on Caste

Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar taught the SC/STs how to make use of the weapon of caste. Therefore he was able to secure many constitutional rights for our people from the Britishers. But after the departure of Britishers there are just three people who succeeded in using the weapon of caste. The first person was Jawaharlal Nehru, second was Indira Gandhi and third person is Kanshiram.

Nehru applied the weapon of caste like a skilled warrior and succeeded in it. Nehru was an expert in the art of using castes for maintaining the Manuvadi dominance and Bramhnical hegemony. After him Indira Gandhi became expert in exploiting the weapon of caste so that the Bramhnical Social Order is continuously benefited. But today if you ask any Congressman in Delhi whether he receives any benefits from the caste, he will answer in negative. He will say that he does not know how to get benefited from the caste and that only Kanshiram knows how to make use of caste for the benefits of his people ( Laughter ).

If you can stop Bramhins from using caste for their own selfish interests then he will think twice before he uses the sword of caste against us. I have learned how to make use of this two wedged sword of caste in the interest of my society. Castes which today to us seem to be a problem, can become ,if used tactically, a solution to our problems. The thing which is today our problem can become an opportunity for us provided we learn to make appropriate use of it for our own benefits.

Indian Refugees

We must always be ready to learn a lesson from history. We have to accelerate our work of taking ahead the Ambedkarite movement. In 1932 Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar asked for separate electorate for Dalit/Adivasis. But in 1942 he raised a demand for separate settlements because he wanted that the Dalits should not be dependent on the hindus in any way. They should live their lives with full independence. But what is the real picture in India today ? Today there is 45 lakh hectare tilled agricultural land. Our people toil in the fields and produce crops. But in the field they toil they do not have any property rights. They become victims of exploitation and injustice of Manuvadi landlords. To escape from the exploitation and oppression of the land lords our people leave villages and migrate to big cities in search of respectable life. In the process they end up living in the dirty shanties , under the bridges , along side of railway tracks ,on bank of nallahs and at many other dirty places where they are forced to live a life which is worse than that of animals. Such Distress Migration has resulted into nearly 10 Cr people leaving behind their villages, their tiny plots of land , their small huts and their meager belongings , to leave in cities. Ten years ago the number of people who stayed in cities was 5 Crores. Today this number has risen to 16 Cr. 10 Cr people in big cities stay in dirty slums, on roads and at other filthy places. I call these people “Indian Refugees”. Who will address the problems faced by these people ? The Rural development Ministry and Urban development Ministry of Government of India should be addressing the multitude of problems faced by the Indian refugees. Barring these 10 Cr Indian refugees, the Government of India makes some plan or the other for the development of the other people. But no one looks into the problems faced by these Indian refugees. No budgetary provisions are made in our annual budget for these 10 Cr people. There is no separate department or ministry for such a large number of people. The Indian government has formed separate department and ministry for the Pakistani refugees who came to India in 1947 , the refugees from Kashmir and refugees from other places. Government of India spends Crores of rupees on the welfare of such foreign refugees ; but no government ever has paid attention to the problems of these 10 Cr Indian refugees.

Since these 10 Cr Indian refugees have left behind their villages, land and other belongings , bringing only their castes to the cities, my work has become very easy. These 10 Cr refugees are considered as a big problem by the Manuvadi rulers. But for us these Indian refugees are a big strength, they are the vehicles of our empowerment. The very “caste”on the basis of which Crores of such people have been living a degraded , humiliated lives and thrown in the gallows of backwardness, we will use the same “caste” to free these crores of people from the injustice and exploitation meted out to them. After the forthcoming state assembly elections in Delhi, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, we will carry out a “ Indian refugees’ agitation”. I will not merely sit quite in anticipation that some day or the other caste will be annihilated automatically ; but as long as the “caste” is alive , I will continue to use it in the interest of my society.

Let me now tell you about my experience of using the caste in the interest of our society. Today by organizing the people who have been the victims of the draconian caste system( Bahujan Samaj), I am training these people to make use of caste for the betterment of our society. I am inspiring them to carry forward the mission of Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. I am preparing and enabling my society which comprises of the victims of the “caste” to make use of this double edged sword of “caste” in their own interests. Today every Manuvadi party and their leaders are afraid of my use of “caste”. All these Manuvadi parties are trying to stop this “ Kanshiram magic”. First Rajiv Gandhi tried then V.P. Singh , Narsimharao, etc tried to stop me. Today the similar efforts are being made by the BJP. But all these people are playing their own games and I am playing my own ( claps).

Bahujan Samaj Party has to get recognition throughout India.

The Manuvadis beneficiaries of the ‘caste’ have formed ‘caste’ so that they can perpetually rule over Bahujan Samaj. They have been protectors and saviours of ‘caste system’ to ensure their perpetual monopolistic rule over Bahujan Samaj. The creation of any system is more difficult than it’s retention. Once you build a system , keeping the system up and running is not very difficult task.

If you want to annihilate ‘caste’ then you have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. As long as the Manuvadi beneficiaries of ‘caste’ are left scot-free to use the ‘caste’ to their own benefits , the Bahujan victims of ‘caste’ will continue to suffer from ‘caste’. Therefore you will have to learn to use ‘caste’ in the interest of the Bahujan Samaj and you will have to prevent the Manuvadis from reaping the benefits of ‘caste’. You should not ignore the presence of the ‘caste’ in the Indian society; whereas you should accept the existence of ‘caste’ as a naked truth. BSP has emerged has 4th largest national party in India by successfully making use of ‘caste’. In India there are about 70 recognized political parties. We are ahead of 66 of these political parties. Today only Congress, BJP and CPI(M) are ahead of us. When we formed BSP in the year 1984 , the other parties used to say that BSP would remain as a regional party within UP. But today BSP has secured recognition not only in UP but also in MP, Punjab, Jammu and Kashmir and Haryana. Seeing this success of BSP all the savarna hindu castes ( Manuvadi samaj) has become very sad. And even I am also not happy. They are sad because BSP is speedily gaining strong ground in other states; whereas I am sad because BSP has not been able to become a recognized party in all the states of India. I want BSP to become recognized party in all the states, and even in Maharashtra.

Why is Bahujan Samaj dependent in independent India ?

In the year 1997 , the manuvadi ruling class in India decided to celebrate the golden jubilee of India’s independence. There may be many reasons for them to celebrate ; but the 85 % Bahujan Samaj which continues to remain dependent on others even after 50 years of independence, has no reason to celebrate. Even today our people in the villages do not possess their own land, they work as farm labours in the land of manuvadi landlords. 10 Cr people have migrated to cities because in the villages they were dependent on others. When we established Bahujan Samaj Party, the Dalits, backwards were dependent on manuvadi parties for tickets. They used to run behind these parties for getting tickets. The political parties, if not anything else are the tickets printing machines. We thought as to why we should not possess one such machine and therefore we established Bahujan Samaj Party on 14th April, 1984.

Not just a platform ticket

In March 1985 we distributed 237 tickets for the Uttar Pradesh assembly polls. That time I told all our candidates that our tickets are merely platform tickets and that you will not be able to reach Lucknow with help of these tickets. That time there wasn’t any quarrel for getting our ticket. But today our tickets are in great demand. Today in UP every BSP candidate secures more than 1 lac of votes. Today our tickets are no more just the platform tickets but one can reach not just Lucknow but also Delhi with the help of our tickets. Today why are our tickets in so much demand ?

Congress made BSP popular.

On basis of 1984 Loksabha elections in Uttar Pradesh, Congress had won 410 assembly seats out of 425. But in the 1985 assembly elections they won just 265 seats. Congress had to lose 145 seats because of the presence of BSP. Congress got frustrated because of these losses and they carried out a campaign calling BSP a “party of Chamars”. This campaign indeed helped BSP to consolidate our ground in UP. Our party became very popular among the Chamar community of Uttar Pradesh. In 1985 election we secured merely 2 % votes. Our vote percentage went on rising in every subsequent elections. In 1989 it went on to 9%, in 1991 – 11%, in 1993 – 20. 6 %. In 1996 Loksabha elections we got 29% votes. We achieved this success not by ignoring the ‘caste’ but by accepting the existence of ‘caste’ and by utilizing it in our interests. Today Congress is unable to get benefited by making use of ‘caste’ whereas we have increased our strength manifold by appropriately using the caste reality; we will continue to strengthen ourselves in future to come.

Lesson from Maharashtra

Today here many people from Maharashtra are present. I have learned a lot from the people from Maharashtra. I have learned a half lesson for running the Ambedkari movement from Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar. The other half lesson I have learnt from the Mahars of Maharashtra. I have learnt from Babasahab how to run the movement. And from Mahars of Maharashtra I have learned how not to run the movement. To successfully run any movement it is not only sufficient to know how to run the movement but also it is necessary to know how not to run the movement. If you do not know how not to run the movement then you will never be able to know how to run it.

Mahars have not been able to appropriately use the double edged sword of caste. They say that now they have become Buddhists and they are no more Mahars. But simultaneously they kept on fighting for the benefits of reservations in capacity of being Mahars. They began to demand reservations for the people who have become Buddhists. . Mahars carried the ‘caste’- a bad breath of Hinduism to Buddhism. ‘Caste’ is that bad breath of Hinduism which has polluted the whole world.

100 years of Reservations

On 26th July 1902, the Maharaja of Kolhapur- Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj implemented reservations in jobs in his kingdom for the Dalits and backwards. On 26th July 2002 we will complete 100 years of reservations. 100 years of reservations is sufficient. Now I consider it my responsibility to empower my people so that they will not ask for reservations but they will become capable to give reservations to others. It is easy to understand and say this thing but it is not easy to make it happen.

Who is capable of giving reservations ? Only the ruling class of people can give reservations to others. Even to enable your own society capable of reaping the benefits and to protect their interests , you have to become a ruling class. Therefore we have to prepare ourselves in the direction of becoming a ruling class in India. We have to become the rulers ……. It is the solution on most of our problems.

But the question is how the victims of the ‘caste’ can become the rulers ? Should we become MLA/MP or should we run the Ambedkar movement ? I have nither seen Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar nor have I heard him when he was alive. I have learned Ambedkarism from the leaders of Maharashtra. Mr Bajirao Kamble who was wearing a blue cap and sitting in front of me was one of those people who gave me lessons in Ambedkarism. When the Ambedkarite leaders from Maharashtra began to crawl behind the Congress for tickets, it resulted into many skirmishes between me and them. They were saying that if they stick to Ambedkarism then they can not become MLAs and MPs. I asked them what is more important ? To become MLA/MP or to run the movement of Babasaheb? According to me it was more important to run the movement of Babasaheb than to become MLA/MP. Therefore I chose to run the movement. For a moment a thought came to my mind that to run the movement effectively we should make our people MLAs/MPs. But the important question was which is the party that will give us MLAs/MPs who will also run the movement of Babasahab. After a lot of thought I reached to a conclusion that such MLAs/MPs can be elected only through our own party. And therefore I left Mumbai and came back to Lucknow.

Which all castes supported Babasaheb ?

I have studied deeply the ‘caste’ as reality in the Indian society. I studied those castes which had supported Babasaheb. Babasaheb’s movement was supported by the Mahars of Maharashtra, Pariahs of Tamilnadu, Malas of Andhra Pradesh, Jatavs of Uttar Pradesh and Chandals( Namo shudras) of Bengal. But when Babasaheb himself could not win the election in 1952 and 1954 , his supporters began to think if Babasaheb himself can not win then how can we win and become MLAs/MPs ?

After that I even delved into electoral victories of Babasaheb. In 1946 Babasaheb had won from the Jaisor and Khulna seats from Bengal. How did this happen ?In both these constituencies the population of Chandals was 52%. They thought rather than sending any one else , it is better to send Babasaheb to the constituent assembly. Babasaheb was able to win because the Chandals has majority votes with them. Mahar, Pariah, Jatav, Mala, etc castes did not have numbers as large as the Chandals and therefore these castes did not win elections and thus they began to leave the movement of Babasaheb.

The fight of Babasaheb was for all the castes that were victims of the ‘caste system’. But were only Mahars, Pariahs, Malas, Jatavs, etc.castes, the victims of the ‘caste’ ? Were only these castes the victims of the Manuvadi social order ? The answer is No. These castes were not the only victims of ‘caste’. 6000 castes are the victims of ‘caste’.

According to Mandal Commission report, there are nearly 1500 castes among the SCs, 1000 castes among the STs and 3743 castes among the OBCs. The number of such castes is more than 6000. These are all such castes which have been victims of the Manuvadi social order. Some of them have been victimized less and some have been victimized more. But the truth is that all these 6000 castes have been victims of the manuvadi social order. Should not all these castes organize together to fight against the exploitative ‘caste system’ ? Among these castes some castes are bigger and some are smaller in terms of population. If all these castes remain divided among themselves then they will remain as minorities. But if these castes organize among themselves by creating a feeling of fraternity, they can become a majority – Bahujans. These people are 85 % of country’s population and thus they constitute of a very big strength in the country.

Creation of fraternity among the Bahujans castes is a necessity of time

When Bahujan Samaj Party was established in 1984, at that time Bahujan Samaj had not been formed in the country. Bahujan Samaj Party can become successful only if the Bahujan Samaj is formed. Therefore we have began to organize the 6000 Bahujan Castes by creating a fraternity among them in order to form a Bahujan Samaj. In last 10 years we have been able to connect together just 600 castes which forms just 10 % of the total number of castes that we want to reach to.

Just by bringing together 600 castes, our party has become 4th largest party in India. If we add 400 more castes then the number of castes that we have brought together will go up to 1000. And if we succeed in adding 400 more castes in our fold then we will become the number one party in the country. I do not like to talk much even though I am compelled to talk very frequently. I do not like to tell in my words but I want my work and the results emanating from that work to speak for themselves. I want to tell all those fellow activists in the movement who do not agree to my work – “ I may be wrong, but why don’t you analyze the results that I have achieved, what you have to say about those results ?”.

Bringing together so many castes on one platform was a mammoth task in itself. Lot of people have been engaged in making severe criticism of those people who have been instrumental in bringing the 600 castes together. Many have advised not to undertake such an impossible task in hand. But when the people who started the noble work of bringing together the divided castes, no force in the world was able to stop them from doing so. The people that carried out the task of joining together people from different castes ; did their work with all the sincerity and dedication at their command. If we have succeeded in bringing together 600 castes then why won’t we succeed in bringing many more castes together ? We will certainly succeed. By bringing together all the victim castes, we can capture the political power and become the ruling class.

Capturing the Master Key

Babasaheb has said that “political power is the master key using which you can open all the doors of your progress and self respect”.

Our friends from Maharashtra had been fighting since 25 years for changing the name of Marathwada university. They had to do this because they do not have the political master key. In 1989 Rajiv Gandhi came to Lucknow and he laid down the foundation stone for the Dr Ambedkar University. On one hand the Congress party is refusing to change the name of Marathwada university in Maharashtra and on the other hand the same Congress party is laying down a stone for the Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow. Why this has happened ? The people of Uttar Pradesh have never raised a demand for Dr Ambedkar Univesity at Lucknow. This was the demand of people from Maharashtra.Then why is this demand of people from Maharashtra being fulfilled in Uttar Pradesh ? Why was congress so eager to start a Dr Ambedkar University at Lucknow ? This had happened because the people of Uttar Pradesh were extending their hand towards the political master key. Therefore the ruling class wanted to hide the master key in guise of the university.

By capturing the power in UP we have formed not just one university but many universities for which the people from Maharashtra have been fighting for long time. In 1994 we laid a foundation stone for Shahu Maharaj university at Kanpur. In 1996 we formed Mahatma Phule university and Dr Babasaheb Ambedkar university. Apart from this we acquired 200 acre land at Noida for Gautam Buddha Univesity. We created 17 new districts to fasten the process of development and more importantly to honour our heroes by giving their names to these newly formed districts. It becomes very clear from this that you can use ‘caste’ to acquire political master key and make use of this master key to secure a life of self respect and take them along the path of progress.

Our society has to shed away their “Dalit mentality”

I have so far talked at length about the ‘caste’. Now I want to talk something about the Dalits. I rarely go out of India. My party men and other friends were thinking that I may not go to attend the convention at Kuala Lumpur because I am so much overburdened by the vows of Dalits in India. But I get more upset by looking at the Dalit mentality of the people. Dalit mentality is the biggest weakness of the dalits. Dalit mentality has become a sort of a feeling of destitution. A person with a mentality of a beggar can never become a ruler. Similarly without shedding away the Dalit mentality, no society can become a ruling class. The hands which are used to ask/beg have to strive to become the ones which will give, i.e. they have to become a ruling race. If we can not become the ruling class then there can not be any other shorter and easier solution to all our problems. So how you can become ruling class without shedding away your Dalit mentality ? Therefore you have to shed away your Dalit mentality. If you become rulers then you yourselves can find the solution to all your problems.

Manuvad can destroy all other isms.

Our intellectuals often think that the solution to all our problems is in Marxism, Socialism and Communism. I strongly believe that in the country where Manuvad is present no other ism can become successful. The reason being no other ism is ready to accept the reality of the caste.

It is the responsibility of these intellectuals as well as mine that we evolve our own ism keeping in mind the presence of Manuvad and accepting the ‘caste’ as reality of Indian society. Manuvadis often talk about the problem of unemployment in India. They are worried about the unemployment of 1 Cr unemployed youth belonging to the “upper” castes. But these people have no worries about the multiple problems faced by the 10 Cr Indian refugees who are illiterate and unskilled.

No party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. But these 10 Cr people are our people. Therefore only our party is worried about the plight of these 10 Cr people. Only our party can find a solution on the problems of these people. We can easily solve the problems of the Bahujan Samaj by becoming the ruling class.

We have become 4th largest party in India by bringing together 600 castes and by creating a fraternity among these castes. By reaching to 1000 castes and by bringing them in our fold we can become the ruling class in this country. I have a strong belief that in next 3 years we will become the rulers and the political master key will be in our hands.

‘Kanshiram Magic’

I do not support the idea of imposing my thoughts on others. I am just narrating my experience to you. It is up to you whether you want to take advantage of it or not.

By becoming rulers you can march ahead effectively towards formation of a casteless society. I can tell this one solution to all your problems. Why would the beneficiaries of ‘caste’ want to destroy it ? The people who are victims of ‘caste’ and who have suffered because of it will have to take this task of destroying the ‘caste’. The caste system can be destroyed only by the rulers themselves provided they have a will to do.

You will think that I am talking about some impossible and unachievable things. But in my life I have always taken seemingly impossible tasks in my hand and have achieved a success in those tasks. This is what is called ‘Kanshiram magic’. Today this ‘Kanshiram magic’ has began to occupy a national form.

Therefore my only message to you all is that you should march ahead in the direction of formation of casteless society by means of right thinking . At the end I would like to tell you that you can form a casteless society by capturing the political master key because only the ruling class can form a new social order.

Jai Bheem, Jai Bharat.

https://www.indiatoday.in/elections/lok-sabha-2019/story/mayawati-as-first-dalit-pm-in-2019-1259146-2018-06-13
Why this clamour for Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM in 2019

She will BE A BETTER PM.

Prabhash K Dutta
New Delhi
June 13, 2018UPDATED: June 13, 2018 18:31 IST
Mayawati as first Sarvajan Samaj PM?

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

HIGHLIGHTS

JD(S) and INLD have supported Mayawati as PM candidate
SP and Congress keen on having BSP in anti-Modi alliance
BSP amended party constitution to shield Mayawati from attacks
Incumbent Prime Minister Narendra Modi will be seeking re-election of his government in less than a year’s time. Congress president Rahul Gandhi has already declared himself a potential contender. But can BSP chief Mayawati be the first Dalit prime minister in 2019? This is the question many are asking. The clamour is growing by the day.
The BSP held its national executive meet in the last week of May when its representatives from 18 states gathered in Lucknow. The national executive passed resolutions announcing Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate for 2019 elections and agreeing to pre-poll alliances. The BSP last had a pre-poll alliance with any party in 1996.
The BSP declaring Mayawati as the prime ministerial candidate does not come as a surprise. The party had done so even during 2014 Lok Sabha polls. However, Mayawati could not win a single seat for her party in the face of a sweeping Modi wave by tampering the fraud EVMs to gobble the Master Key. The BSP still does not have a seat in the Lok Sabha. But, recent political alliances seem to have bolstered her political ambition.
Alliances and growing support for Mayawati

The BSP entered into a pre-poll alliance with the Janata Dal (Secular) of HD Deve Gowda in Karnataka where Mayawati’s party not only won a seat but also transferred core votes to the ally. After taking oath as the chief minister of Karnataka, HD Kumaraswamy declared his support to Mayawati as the chief ministerial candidate for 2019 against Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi).
This was followed by another declaration of support by Abhay Chautala of the Indian National Lok Dal (INLD), with which the BSP has stitched an alliance in Haryana. Abhay Chautala last week extended support to Mayawati’s prime ministerial candidature for 2019.
Samajwadi Party president Akhilesh Yadav, too, said earlier this week that he was ready to compromise on the number of seats in Uttar Pradesh to have an alliance with Mayawati’s BSP in place to challenge the BJP. Akhilesh Yadav and Mayawati have shown in Uttar Pradesh in bypolls to Lok Sabha and Vidhan Sabha that their alliance could comfortably defeat the BJP in the state.

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Will Congress prefer Mayawati to Rahul Gandhi?
Post-poll alignment in Karnataka indicates that the Congress will not shy away from withdrawing its claim on the prime ministership in the event of a fractured mandate in 2019 should the BJP fails to get enough allies on board. Mayawati’s credential as a Dalit leader will only help the Congress to thump its chest in supporting the community cause.
The Congress already publicises its record to first making a Dalit as the chief of a national party (Damodaram Sanjivayya), appointing the first Dalit President of the country (KR Narayanan), giving the first Dalit woman Speaker of the Lok Sabha (Meira Kumar), the first Dalit home minister (Sushil Kumar Shinde) and also the first Dalit Chief Justice of India (Justice KG Balakrishnan). The Congress may boast of extending support to the first Dalit prime minister if needed in 2019.
This is massive turnaround in Mayawati’s political fortune since 2014 Lok Sabha elections especially after the stupendous electoral success of the BJP in Uttar Pradesh assembly polls in March last year. Mayawati’s BSP had drawn a naught in 2014 Lok Sabha elections and won less than 20 seats in UP Assembly polls last year - its worst performance since 1991.
Where does Mayawati get strength from?
Except the Northeast, Mayawati’s BSP today has recognisable support base in 18 states of the country. The elections in Uttar Pradesh and Karnataka have shown that Mayawati has a very high “vote transferability” to her alliance partners.
The assembly elections in three BJP-ruled states of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Chhattisgarh will be a test for Mayawati and her prime ministerial ambitions. The BSP had polled about 3.5 per cent votes in Rajasthan, 6.3 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and 4.25 per cent in Chhattisgarh in 2013 assembly elections.

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)
Dalits constitute over 17 per cent of population in Rajasthan, more than 15 per cent in Madhya Pradesh and nearly 12 per cent in Chhattisgarh. These three states have a total of 65 Lok Sabha seats.
With a host of Dalit leaders having joined the BJP before and after 2014 elections, Mayawati stakes claim as the sole voice of the community. After Karnataka, she aims to cash in on pro-Dalit anti-Modi sentiment to resurrect her dwindling political capital.
Taking her chances to become the first Dalit prime minister in 2019 seriously, Mayawati has started shielding herself from possible attacks from the BJP and Modi during election time. She got the BSP constitution amended at the national executive meet.
Her brother Anand Kumar was removed as the party vice-president with amended constitution saying that no member of the BSP president could ever hold an important post in the organisation or contest assembly or Lok Sabha elections on the party symbol. Narendra Modi had launched a scathing attack on the Congress leadership during 2014 Lok Sabha elections.

BSP chief Mayawati at a public rally in Agra, Uttar Pradesh in February last year. (Photo: PTI)

BSP chief Mayawati and Congress leader Sonia Gandhi at HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

Congress leader Sonia Gandhi, BSP chief Mayawati, West Bengal Chief Minister and TMC chief Mamata Banerjee, Congress president Rahul Gandhi and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu in a show of Opposition strength during Karnataka Chief Minister HD Kumaraswamy’s oath taking ceremony in Bengaluru in May, 2018. (Photo: PTI)

( Bahujan Sanghatak , New Delhi, Dt. 16 November, 1998).

For The Gain of The Many and For The Wefare of the Many

Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Community Centre to be constructed in selected urban areas

Lucknow : October 07, 2007 The Uttar Pradesh Government has taken the decision to implement Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Shahri Samagra Vikas Yojna in urban areas for providing basic facilities of housing, clean drinking water, sewer, drainage, road, cleanliness, health, employment, electrification etc. in a phased and time-bound manner. Nagar Nigam and Nagar Palika wards and Nagar Panchayat areas would be selected. Wards selected under this scheme, would be saturated with sixteen main programmes. Besides, in each selected area Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Community Centre would be set up for organising social gatherings and programmes. A committee would be constituted under the chairpersonship of District Magistrate for formulation, implementation and monitoring of the scheme. The decision to this effect was taken here today in a cabinet meeting presided over by U.P. Chief Minister, Km. Mayawati. The Chief Minister was addressing the media persons at her official residence, 5 Kalidas Marg, here today. She said that one fourth population of the state lived in urban areas and nearly 40 percent of urban population lacked civic amenities. In the absence of basic facilities the situation of cities were worsening continuously. The U.P. Government was of the definite opinion that the concept of urban rejuvenation was incomplete without the uplift of poor of ‘Sarvasamaj’ living in urban areas. Keeping this in view, the government has set up Shahri Samagra Vikas Department separately for all round development of urban areas. Km. Mayawati said that under Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Shahri Samagra Vikas Yojna, the people having poor economic background would get basic fundamental amenities in urban areas, so that these people could come in the mainstream of development like the people of developed areas. Under this scheme, the urban areas would be developed in an integrated way in next five years in a phased and time bound manner. The wards of Nagar Nigam and Nagar Palika Parishad areas would be considered as a unit of development. These wards will be saturated with infrastructural facilities and various programmes of social security. She said that Nagar Panchayat being small in size would be considered as a unit. C.M. said that there were 403 assembly constituencies in the state, out of which 23 are completely urban assembly constituencies and 353 constituencies belong to rural and urban areas jointly. There are 12 Nagar Nigams, 194 Nagar Palika Parishads and 421 Nagar Panchayats, to be saturated in a time bound and phased manner. Besides, it would be also ensured that the proper maintenance and repairing works of already existing properties could be done, for which the concerning departments would fund their budgets accordingly, she added. Km. Mayawati said that under this scheme, wards of Nagar Nigam area would be selected. Four wards would be selected in each Nagar Nigam. The criterion of selection in the first phase would be the ward having the maximum population of upper caste, second- SC/ST, OBC and religious minority maximum populated ward, third- a ward having the minimum population of upper caste and fourth- the minimum populated ward of SC/ST, OBC and religious minority. Eight wards would be selected from each Nagar Nigam in second, third, fourth and fifth phases. The criterion for selection would be first- two wards having the maximum population of upper caste, second- SC/ST, OBC and religious minority maximum populated two wards, third- two wards having the minimum population of upper caste and fourth- the minimum populated two wards of SC/ST, OBC and religious minority. In this way, during the first phase of January 2008 to March 2008, 48 wards would be selected in twelve Nagar Nigams and 96 wards each in the second, third, fourth and fifth phases in every financial year till March 2012. The Chief Minister said that in the first phase, wards would be selected in all Nagar Palika Parishads of district headquarters of Nagar Palika Parishad cities. There are 55 district headquarters Nagar Palika Parishads at present. Four wards would be selected in each Nagar Palika Parishad during the first phase. Afterwards, eight wards would be selected in second and third phases. All the wards of these 55 Nagar Palika Parishad would be saturated during the third phase. Ward wise list would be made for selection of wards on the basis of population of the year 2001. Afterwards, besides the selected Naga Palika Parishad of districts headquarters, the largest Nagar Palika Parishad on the basis of population would be selected from each district from remaining Nagar Palika Parishads. Eight wards would be selected from each Nagar Palika in selected 70 Nagar Palikas. This selection would start from fourth phase. Eight wards would be selected from each Nagar Palika Parishad from second phase. In each district, one Nagar Panchayat would be selected every year. Three Nagar Panchayats situated in district headquarters would be selected in the first phase. Besides, one Nagar Panchayat would be selected in other 68 districts in the first phase. During the selection of Nagar Panchayat Vidhan Sabha areas would be taken into consideration. If there is one Nagar Panchayat in any assembly constituency in a district, then it would be selected during the first phase. If there is more than one Nagar Panchayat, then the Nagar Panchayat having the maximum population would be selected. A list would be prepared of selected Nagar Panchayats in order of more population to less population. During the first phase of January 2008 to March 2008, 70 Nagar Panchayat (Three Districts Headquarters) would be selected. Likewise, 70 Nagar Panchayat would be selected during the second, third, fourth and fifth phases in every financial year till March 2012. The Chief Minister said that under the scheme, the concerning department would implement the works related with their department’s schemes. An action plan would be chalked out by the total fund of different schemes run by the different departments. The selected areas would be considered as saturated when the drinking water, sewer, water drainage, solid waste management, road construction, electrification/ arrangement of street-light, housing for poor, employment generation, to give an and to the custom of carrying nights soil on head, old age pension, family benefit pension, financial assistance to destitute widows, handicapped pension scheme, health facilities, setting up of primary schools, scholarship scheme, construction of Manyawar Kanshiram Ji community centre, ration cards to eligible persons etc. works would be completed according to the standards. She said that a committee would be constituted under the chairpersonship of District Magistrate. This committee would include CDO as Vice Chairman, Executive Officers of all Nagar Palikas/Nagar Panchayats as members, district level officers of concerning departments as members and Project Officer of District Urban Development Agency as member secretary. Likewise, in Nagar Nigam cities the committee constituted under the chairpersonship of commissioner would comprise D.M. as Vice Chairman, V.C of Development Authority as vice chairman, all Nagar Palikas/Nagar Panchayat Executive Officers as members, district level officers of concerning departments as members and Project Officer of District Urban Development Agency as member and municipal commissioner as member secretary. The responsibility regarding the implementation of this scheme on state level would be on Shahari Samagra Vikas Department. A committee would be constituted having the Principal Secretaries/Secretaries of concerning departments and secretary, Shahri Samagra Department as members and member/convener respectively. The Chief Minister said that October 09, next was the first death anniversary of Manyawar Kanshiram Ji. This scheme of urban development was being started after his name to commemorate his memory and the scheme was based on the principle of Sarvajan Hitai, Sarvajan Sukhai which was a historic step in the direction of infrastructure development. The Uttar Pradesh Government was striding fast on the path of urban and rural development removing the economic, social and regional imbalances in order to set up a society based on equality. It was homage to Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji who sacrificed his entire life for the poor and downtrodden, she added. *******

Decision to conduct resurvey for preparing new list of BPL families

Lucknow: October 07, 2007 The Uttar Pradesh Government has decided to conduct a resurvey under the joint auspices of Departments of Rural Development, Food and Civil Supplies and Revenue for preparing a new list of accurate and eligible families living below poverty line (BPL). This exercise aims at providing benefits of the Government schemes to the eligible families. The survey work to identify the BPL families would be completed in a span of three months. Until, the list is prepared and issued, the BPL and antyodaya families, would continue to enjoy the benefits as usual. This decision was taken at a cabinet meeting presided over by the U.P. Chief Minister Km. Mayawati, here today. There were several discrepancies in the list prepared earlier, as the Rural Development Department and Food and Civil Supplies Departments had identified the BPL families separately. During the identification process, several eligible families were left out, while a large number of ineligible families were enjoying the benefits. The Government had been receiving a large number of complaints in this regard. Keeping this in view, it was decided to conduct resurvey of BPL families on the basis of village and family. The DM would constitute a joint team of village level officers of the Rural Development Department, Food and Civil Supplies Department and Revenue Department for the purpose. The DM would ensure that the joint survey was conducted on the basis of Gram Sabha and people were informed through munadi by preparing a time-table for the purpose. It would also be ensured that the authentic list was displayed at the public places and also put forth at the open meeting of the Gram Sabha so that transparency could be maintained in the identification of the BPL families. A 13-point assessment format has been prepared for the identification of BPL families. Marks have been fixed under each head and a family can get a maximum of 52 marks as a standard. Thus, a family can get a total of 52 marks and zero marks at the least and 52 marks at the most. On the basis of the resurvey, a list in descending order would be prepared and on its basis the BPL families would be identified. This resurvey would be conducted for all the families in U.P. Thereafter, a ‘cut off’ would be fixed according to the number of the BPL families sanctioned by the Government of India. On its basis, the eligibility list of the BPL families would be finalised. The list prepared after the resurvey would be presented at the open meeting of the Gram Sabha after it was signed by all the members and the same would be forwarded to the Tehsil level committee for final approval. Thereafter, the list would be displayed at a public place of each Gram Sabha respectively. Any objection could be given in writing to the member-secretary of the Tehsil level committee within a week of the display of the list. For the disposal of the objections, a committee headed by SDM/City Magistrate would be set up. This would include Tehsildar, all BDOs of a particular Tehsil area as members and Senior Supply Inspectors of the Tehsil as member-secretary. This committee would conduct a sample survey of the list prepared by the survey team at the village level on its own. Thus, the list prepared after the resurvey would be applicable for selecting beneficiaries for various welfare schemes being conducted by all the departments of the State. The village-wise, block-wise and district-wise number of BPL families would be fixed according to the guidelines and directives issued from time to time by the Ministry of Rural Development, Government of India. The same process would be adopted for the identification of the BPL families residing in urban areas. The resurvey, in the urban areas, would be conducted by constituting a joint team of the DM, officers of the urban bodies, officers of the Food and Civil Supplies Department and other government employees. The assessment list of the urban BPL families prepared by the joint team would be ratified by the tehsil level committee of which the Executing Officer of the urban body would be a member. A district level committee, headed by the DM, would be constituted for the proper monitoring of the resurvey work. The CDO would be its Vice-chairman, District Development Officer, an in-charge officer of the Local Body nominated by the DM and District Panchayati Raj Officer would be its member and District Supply Officer would be its member-secretary. This committee would regularly review the phase-wise resurvey work and also ensure that the same was completed in a time-bound manner. It would be mandatory for the DMs to hold open Gram Sabha meetings in a phased manner. For that, the date of the meeting would be publicised through munadi in the Gram Sabha so that more and more people can take part in it. The senior officers would be sent to supervise the meetings. According to the guidelines of the Government of India and as per the numbers of BPL families sanctioned for the State, the ‘cut off’ limit would be fixed and on its basis the eligibility list of the BPL families would be prepared. The ‘cut off’ would be fixed by the Government on the basis of the results of the resurvey and thereafter, the list of BPL families would be finalised. *******


Online edition of India’s National Newspaper
Monday, Oct 08, 2007

U.P. plans new survey for BPL list

Special Correspondent

Mayawati announces urban scheme in Kanshi Ram’s memory

Photo: Subir Roy

In Memoriam: Uttar Pradesh Chief minister Mayawati announcing urban developmental programme in the name of Bahujan Samaj Party founder president Kanshi Ram. Party general secretary and State Cabinet Minister Satish Chandra Mishra is also present.

LUCKNOW: A fresh survey will be conducted for identifying the families living the below the poverty line (BPL) in Uttar Pradesh. The decision taken at a Cabinet meeting presided over by Chief Minister Mayawati on Sunday follows reports of several discrepancies which had crept in the earlier list.

At present, around 1 crore families whose annual income was less than Rs. 9800 lived below the poverty line in the State, which was around 35 per cent of U.P.’s population.

The fresh survey would be conducted by Rural Development, Food and Civil Supplies and Revenue departments and the report would be submitted to the Government within three months. The Chief Minister said the exercise aims at providing the benefits of Government schemes to eligible families. Ms. Mayawati said it was found that ineligible families had been included in the BPL list at the cost of the genuine ones. The discrepancies in the list were attributed to the BPL families being identified separately by the Rural Development and Food and Civil Supplies Department. During the identification exercise it was found that several eligible families were left out and a large number of ineligible families were enjoying the benefits. The fresh survey would follow the 32 parameters of the Government of India’s Rural Development Department and the village-wise, block-wise and district-wise number of BPL families would be fixed according to the Government of India’s norms.

With the first death anniversary of the founder of Bahujan Samaj Party, Kanshi Ram falling on October 9, Ms. Mayawati launched an urban renewal scheme in the name of her mentor. Called the “Manyawar Shri Kanshi Ram Ji Shahri Samagra Vikas Yojana” (Kanshi Ram Urban Integrated Development Programme), the scheme would aim at providing basic infrastructure facilities in the urban and semi-urban areas like cheap housing, clean drinking water, sanitation and health, electrification, drainage and roads. Community centres named after the BSP founder would be built.

Ms. Mayawati’s urban renewal scheme of around Rs.15,000 crore was given the nod by the Cabinet on Sunday. The progamme will be launched in January 2008.

The scheme would be launched in a phased and time-bound manner in the Nagar Nigam and Nagar Palika Parishad wards and in the Nagar Panchayat areas.In the first phase of the scheme from January 2008 to March 2008, 48 Nagar Nigam wards, 220 Nagar Palika Parishad wards and 70 Nagar panchayat areas would be taken up for development.

U.P. jails raided; banned items recovered

Lucknow: Mobiles, chargers, lighters, knifes and other banned items were recovered from inside the jails in Uttar Pradesh, after state-wide raids were conducted by the senior district and police officials, police said.

The raids were held in over 60 jails, on the directive of the State government, to check irregularities in jail premises, Additional Director General of Police (Law and Order) Brijlal said. A number of visitors were also found inside some jails without proper entry in the register. — PTI

Lucknow: Narcotic substances, mobile phones and other banned items were seized from UP jails during raids on Sunday.

Three IAS officers shuffled in U.P.

Lucknow: In a minor administrative reshuffle, the Uttar Pradesh government on Sunday transferred three IAS officers. Gautambudh Nagar District Magistrate A.V. Rajamauli had been appointed Jyotibaphule Nagar DM, official sources said. Mainpuri DM Shravan Kumar Verma would be the new DM of Gautambudh Nagar. Special Secretary (Home) Dinesh Chandra Shukla would succeed Mr. Verma as Mainpuri District Magistrate.

Islam

BSP workers gear up for rally

 
By HT
Sunday October 7, 12:52 AM

THE BAHUJAN Samaj Party (BSP) workers have stepped up their preparation for the proposed Hoshiyar Raho Aage Badho rally to be held in Lucknow on October 9 to mark the first death anniversary of party leader Kanshi Ram.

Around 36,000 party workers from the district would participate in this rally and each assembly segment in-charge has been asked to collect 4,000 workers from their respective areas. Party’s district unit president Pashupati Nath Ravikul said each assembly segment in-charge of the party would issue identity cards to the workers for participating in the rally.

Their names would be registered. The district administration also planned to intensify security arrangement at various places. The RPF, GRP and SSB officials held a meeting to discuss the security arrangements at the railway station.
Railway officials decided to strengthen the public announcement system to inform the passengers about the trains and platforms.

Presiding over the meeting DIG (Railways) Jaya Singh Chauhan directed the GRP and RPF jawans to maintain strict vigil at the railway station. The RPF and GRP would launch joint search operation on railway station premises on October 7, he added.

While preparations were on for the rally, former Samajwadi Party (SP) city unit president Zia-ul-Islam alleged that the BSP workers were collecting donation from the officials for the rally. But Ravikul refuted the charge. Railways makes arrangements: THE NORTHERN Railways (NR) is making extensive arrangements for travellers on October 9. The ruling Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) is holding a massive rally on the day to mark the first death anniversary of BSP founder Kanshi Ram.

The NR has decided to hold the ‘Saawdhan Raho, Aage Barho’ (Be cautious, surge ahead) rally participants, who are to use trains, at the NR Stadium and KKC and they would be releases in parts for the station. The step is being taken to control the rally crowd particularly at the station.

Benegal to direct film on Buddha

Mumbai, Aug. 27 (PTI): A film on the life and times of Gautam Buddha will be directed by noted film-maker and Dadasaheb Phalke award winner Shyam Benegal.

The film, which will go on the floor in the middle of next year and is slated for a 2009 release, will be shot extensively in Sri Lanka, a release said here today.

The movie will be produced by Beyond Dreams Entertainment and Sri Lankan company Light of Asia, it said, adding a massive set would be constructed on the outskirts of Colombo city for the shooting.

Work starts on giant statue (Australia - Thailand)

ONE of the world’s largest jade statues of Buddha is to grace the Buddhist temple at Myers Flat.Craftsmen at northern Thailand’s oldest jade factory have begun sculpting the Buddha from an 18-tonne boulder of priceless nephrite jade found in the north of British Columbia, on Canada’s west coast.

The boulder is said to be the biggest yet found of flawless, gem quality “polar” jade, a type first found in the late 1990s that is harder than any other variety.

When shone to a brilliant polish, it’s normally used in jewellery.

Temple project manager manager Ian Green described the jade as “extraordinary.”

When completed, the jade Buddha will would tour major cities in Asia and Australia for up to three years before it arrives at the Great Stupa of Universal Compassion.

Now being built, the stupa is expected to soar 50 metres and the foundation was blessed by the Dalai Lama on a visit in June.

Other famous jade Buddhas exist in Bangkok, Shanghai and Myanmar – the Myers Flat Buddha will be housed in a dragon shrine as a “beacon of hope”.

Gallery acquires ancient Buddha (Australia)

Roslyn Packer has unveiling the National Gallery of Australia’s latest acquisition, Seated Buddha.

The 2nd century Indian sculpture is one of the first ever human-like depictions of Buddha.

It had been on loan from a private New York collection.

Ms Packer, head of the gallery’s acquisition committee, made a donation towards the cost of the red sandstone piece.

But neither she nor the gallery’s director, Ron Radford, would say how much.

Lankans sculpt their own Bamiyan Buddha

Following the wanton destruction of gigantic statues of the Buddha by Islamic militants in Afghanistan and Pakistan, Sri Lankan Buddhists are sculpting a 67.5 ft tall Buddha statue which will fill the void and ensure the continuation of an ancient tradition.

Under the watchful eyes of the Venerable Egodamulle Amaramoli Nayaka Thero of the Amarapura Yukthika Nikaya, an Indian sculptor, Muthiah Stapathy, is hewing the Buddha image out of the rock at Rambodagalla in Kurunegala district, north of Colombo.

Work on the SLRs 3.5 million project began on September 13, 2003. It was the former Indian High Commissioner in Sri Lanka, Nirupama Rao, who had suggested that the architect be Muthiah Stapathy from Tamil Nadu, who had built many temples in South India.

The Sunday Times reported that this magnificent work of art would be completed by 2009.

It was in 2001 that the Taliban fired artillery shells to blow up the 55 metre tall Buddha statue at Bamiyan in Afghanistan and hurt the sentiments of all Buddhists and art lovers. Twenty two days ago, Pakistani Islamic militants, who called themselves “Religious warriors” used explosives to blast a portion of the seven  metre Buddha statue in the Swat valley in North Western Pakistan. The militants, who attacked the statue gain on Saturday, damaged the head and shoulders.

The Swat Buddha is considered to be one of the finest specimens of Gandhara art. Historians think that the statue was erected between the 6th and 11th centuries after Christ.



Sinhala Buddhists should visit Pakistan - Prof. J. B. Dissanayake


COLOMBO: Sinhala Buddhists should be encouraged to visit Pakistan as they do to Buddhagaya, for the Relics of the Buddha are also preserved in Pakistan, thanks to the Pakistani Government and its Cultural Ministry, Prof. J. B. Dissanayake Ambassador designate to Thailand said.

Addressing those present at the launching of the Sinhala translation of ‘Buddhist Gandara - History, Art and Architecture’ at the Hilton Hotel on Monday, the Professor said that Sri Lanka highly appreciated the efforts of the Pakistan Government to preserve the Relics of the Gauthama Buddha, a treasure valued by Buddhists around the world.

Healthcare and Nutrition Minister Nimal Siripala de Silva told the gathering that he was surprised to see how Pakistan, a Muslim country has preserved the Buddhist heritage.

“My visit to the those Museums in Pakistan helped, me to relive what I had studied in the classroom about the Buddha and His way from Sathsathiya to Parinirvana. We are more than grateful to the Pakistani Government for taking steps to protect our Buddhist Heritage though it is a Muslim country now”.

Prof. Tilak Hettiarchchi, Vice Chancellor of the Colombo University who made the keynote address commended the efforts of the Pakistani High Commission in Sri Lanka in introducing the Buddhist heritage found in Pakistan for the edification of the devotees and the general public.

He said that Pakistan is in possession of another Relic of the Buddha and have exposed to the world the Buddhist heritage without hiding their past.

He said before partition the Buddha was in one country but with the creation of Pakistan, a part of the Buddhist heritage went to that country too and although the country is a Muslim country , they have not destroyed what history has given them but have taken pains to protect it and thus given a lesson in cohabitation and co-existence of various faiths.

Pakistan High Commissioner Shahzad A. Chaudhry said that it was important for Sri Lankans in general and Buddhists in particular to know the rich heritage and shared bonds with the historical lands of Gandara and Thakshila held in great respect and reverence even today by his country as a treasured part of the past and present of his country.

The book ‘Buddhist Gandara, History, Art and Architecture’ by world famous Pakistani Archaeologist and Museologist Ihsan H. Nadiem was translated into Sinhala by M.S. Hussein.

It was launched by handing over the first copy to the Mahanayake of the Asgiriya Chapter the Most Ven. Udugama Sri Dhammadassi Buddharakkitha Thera by the High Commissioner in the presence of Ministers, Members of Parliament, scholars, businessmen and media personnel.

Overwhelming To Behold (Tibet)

By FRANCIS MORRONE
Special to the Sun
August 23, 2007

Eveline Yang / The Tibetan and Himalayan Digital Library

Monks unveil a Tibetan tangka, a gigantic fabric painting, depicting Buddha Shakyamuni at the 2005 Drepung Yogurt Festival in Tibet. A new exhibit at the Rubin Museum of Art, ‘BIG! Himalayan Art,’ showcases the largest tangkas from the museum’s collection.

Big art seeks to awe. It also seeks to speak to many people at once, in the context of public festivals or religious observances. The Rubin Museum of Art exhibits Donald and Shelley Rubin’s outstanding collection of Himalayan art, and currently features an exhibition that provides a fine introduction both to that art and to the museum: “BIG! Himalayan Art” showcases more than 30 large-scale artworks from the collection. These include textiles, ritual objects, and especially tangkas (scroll paintings on cloth).

A large-format photo shows a tangka unfurling down a mountainside, suggesting how these works appear in situ. The works on the walls here aren’t that big, but many were parts of series that must have been overwhelming to behold. As with Western religious art, the makers have aestheticized devotion for admonitory purposes. We who have not experienced Buddhist art from the inside may nonetheless feel the “emotional rush” that Mr. Rubin has said he wishes visitors to his museum to feel. And the rush from “BIG!” is, well, pretty big.

The critic and philosopher Arthur C. Danto once observed, “Ordinary Tibetans, who may have seen these often dauntingly intricate representations of enlightened beings – human, divine or semi-divine – must have been nearly as diffident in supposing they understood what was meant by the art as are we, coming from another tradition, when we encounter them as artifacts from a remote artistic culture. The difference of course is that they must have felt that the truths embodied in these hangings and sculptures were momentous and urgent, and in consequence they had to have felt an accompanying gratitude that there were those who grasped such truths and labored for the redemption of the others who barely understood them.”

That’s an important point. The iconographic panoply on display at the Rubin Museum could not but daunt any but the most advanced scholar of Eastern religion. Yet I wonder if we need be from within those cultural traditions in order to feel the “momentous and urgent” emanating from the extraordinary tangkas. For one thing, while the noninitiate may find the symbology abstruse, enough parallels exist with the art of the West to aid us over such humps en route to a real emotional payoff.

For example, 14th-century Tibetan tangka shows, surrounding the central figure that is the main structuring device in these works, 146 squares in which appear haloed, prayerful figures whose particular import may elude the viewer yet whose obviously Gothic resonances may nonetheless transfix him. So, too, do we find that terror is terror, death is death, and sex is sex: So many of these images, for all their iconographical complexity and inscrutability, convey powerful raw emotions. The dark ferocity of the 18th-century Tibetan Vajrakila, or the seriously steely, mesmerizing gaze of the yellow fat man, resting on a shell, rendered in pigmented clay from 17th-century China exude a force that is at once alien and unmistakable. Monsters, beheadings, ominous brandishings of sharp, shiny blades, and intertwinings of sex and death that would make a fèn de siecle Viennese blush – all these exert an unmistakable, elemental, universal force. And might not the maker of the orange and blue chubby figures, rendered so zestfully, from 19th-century Bhutan, have seen prints by Rowlandson?

Among the fiercest, most complexly composed, and vigorously colored, of the tangkas are three 17th-century Vajravali tangkas from a set of 43: How could viewers or idolaters possibly have registered such richness? Then, again, we may say the same for the worshippers at Chartres.

In this realm of Tantric numerosity, topographical painting should have its due, and it does: The Khon Family History paintings from 17th-century Tibet feature towns, mountains, forests, people, animals, radiating from the central seated figure. They evoke a teeming world projecting from, almost being called into being by, the individual consciousness, something that Western literature, though not Western painting, has accomplished as successfully.

And so much of the pictorial style of tangka painting found its way into American pop culture – album covers, posters, etc. – that it got thoroughly kitschified. Now at the Whitney Museum of American Art, “Summer of Love” features “psychedelic art” that sometimes found its inspiration in Himalayan imagery. Forty years ago, Nepal, Tibet, and India enjoyed enormous cultural prestige among the adventuresome young. At the Rubin as much as at the Whitney, Moby Grape tunes long consigned to memory’s dustbin waft unbidden to the mind.

So what? The show, curated by Jeff Watt, is a gem: though mostly tangkas, we also see some eétraordinary applique textiles, ironwork, clay sculpture, and wood sculpture. Mr. Wattsensiblykeeps the number of works low, so that the modern viewer may bear the sensory overhead. A present-day mural painting, on wood, by Pema Rinzin, included in the show, features themes and techniques inspired by the other works on display. The Rubin’s artist in residence, Mr. Rinzin, wows with his color and virtuosity. And finally, the skylighted rotunda displays these works to profoundly good effecté The view down Andree Putman’s dramatic, mandala-like staircase, which never looked so good at the old Barney’s, may make you feel eight miles high.

Until March 3 (150 W. 17th St., between Sixth and Seventh avenues, 212-620-5000).

Hirayama’s depth on display at retrospective (Japan)

Pages upon pages have been written on the meaning of Ikuo Hirayama’s nihonga paintings, but few of those seem to have given much consideration to either the UNESCO ambassador for peace’s technique or his ability to create depth and breadth where none exists.

It would be hard not to find yourself in another world when standing in front of The Silk Road: Traveling the Pamir Highlands (2001), which depicts a camel train traversing snowcapped peaks; Vast Sky Over the Silk Road (1982), following another camel train as it passes through the desert; and especially 1987’s Evening Glow in Changan, which virtually transports you onto a central street in a long-lost Changan.

But visual depth can mean more than just vast landscapes. A number of Buddhism-themed paintings on show at Ikuo Hirayama: A Retrospective–Pilgrimage for Peace at the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, have an appearance of three-dimensionality, relying on layered paint to create a sort of embossing that highlights the folds in robes and expressions on Buddhist figures.

Hirayama’s six-decade career has been built largely on his Buddhist-style paintings, as well as “fantasy” and “the holy dream.” Such significance can be seen throughout the retrospective, sponsored by The Yomiuri Shimbun, which begins with some of Hirayama’s earliest works that recount the legends of Buddhism, particularly the story of Sakyamuni, the religion’s founder.

The use of gold is prominent throughout the series, and combined with the use of dark colors and subtlety, this hints at early signs of his future depth of field–particularly in pieces such as 1963’s Enlightenment and the previous year’s Buddha’s First Seven Steps and The Advent of Buddha, which lose their apparent flatness upon closer inspection.

The first few works in the second part of the exhibit–The Route Xuanzang Traversed and The Spread of Buddhism in the East, in which Hirayama retraced the steps of Xuanzang-sanzang, a Chinese Buddhist monk who travelled to India in search of the Buddhist sutras–offer little change in overall style, though Hirayama’s color palette has expanded into brighter tints. Depth takes a back seat until 1968, with his Great Stone Buddha in Bamiyan, a portrait ofone of the giant statues destined to be destroyed by the Taliban in March 2001.

Great Stone Buddha in Bamiyan serves as a guide to his later works, sharing both the sense of historical memory and the largely golden-brown color scheme that evokes the vast Chinese desert from which he takes much of his subject matter.

The retrospective until this point seems only to be a precursory illustration of his artistic beginnings, and perhaps to explain the golden auras that can be found around Buddhist objects and living beings in his works.

From this point onward, however, the exhibit–following his career, for the most part–moves to the outside world, expanding in both scope and size. The massive set of The Mingsha Sand Hills in Dunhuang and The Sanwei Sand Hills in Dunhuang (both 1985) cover half a corridor wall and depict an expansive valley with a Buddhist temple carved into the side of a mountain atone end.

The composition and use of light peeking through the rows of trees in the large Ancient Road in Kumano Province (1991) invite the viewer to step into the picture and onto a footpath that leads somewhere…perhaps to a temple hidden deep within the forest.

Wholly out of place within the exhibit (second only to his famed Prayer for Peace: Battlefield of Sarajevo [1996], which feels tacked on to the end of the retrospective) but no less stunning is Hirayama’s Itsukushima Shrine in Moonlight (1993), casting Hiroshima Prefecture’s waterbound shrine in the deep blues of twilight. Hirayama’s vision of the temple may be more real and breathtaking than the temple itself.

Though many visitors to an Ikuo Hirayama exhibit may come for the deep meaning and Buddhist significance of his traditional Japanese-style paintings, he has created with his brushes a depth that anyone can appreciate.

“Ikuo Hirayama: A Retrospective–Pigrimage for Peace” will run until Oct. 21 at the National Museum of Modern Art, Tokyo, a short walk from Takebashi Station on the Tokyo Metro Tozai Line. Open 10 a.m. to 5 p.m., 8 p.m. on Fridays. Closed Sept. 10 and 25, Oct. 1 and 15. 1,300 yen.(03) 5777-8600

(Sep. 14, 2007)
 

The many faces of Buddha (USA)

Unlike Botticelli, Michelangelo and Leonardo, these artists are unknown. They sought neither fame nor financial reward; their goal was spiritual fulfillment.
By creating images of Buddha, artists learned his attributes and became enlightened, says Luke Kelly, associate curator of ancient art at the Utah Museum of Fine Arts. The finished works, in turn, helped others grow spiritually.
Strolling through Salt Lake City’s UMFA, visitors today are greeted by Buddhas and Buddhist objects - as well as Hindu items - spanning some 1,400 years.
More than 30 pieces are within “Passion of Form,” an exhibition of Southeast Asian art from the MacLean Collection. The others are part of the museum’s permanent Asian art collection.
“The wonderful thing about depicting Buddhas is you really can’t get it wrong,” Kelly says. “Each culture uses the same frame but adds its own twist.”
The first known Buddha renderings appeared in the first and second centuries, about 500 years after Siddhartha Gautama, the Supreme Buddha and founder of Buddhism, walked the Earth in ancient India. Though not on display at the UMFA, Kelly says these Buddhas cropped up in Gandhara, modern-day Pakistan, wearing togas. This image, he explains, reflected the lasting influence of Alexander the Great’s fourth-century B.C. invasion of the region and the Greek culture that infused the Persian Empire.
As Buddhism spread out of ancient India - northeast to Tibet, the Himalayas, Nepal, over to China, Japan and Korea; and by way of merchants traveling trade and silk routes to Southeast Asia - it morphed into various schools and images, Kelly says. There’s the 18th- to 19th-century Sino-Tibetan multi-armed Tantric Buddha, for example.
Artistic depictions of Buddha and Hindu deities also took on the facial features of the people living in the lands where the depictions were made. A Buddha created in Japan, and shown in the “Journey through Asian Art” exhibit, is undeniably Japanese.
Mixed in are pieces reflecting Hinduism, which greatly predated and then coexisted with Buddhism. There’s a 12th-century Indian sandstone Vishnu, one of the predominant Hindu gods, surrounded by his incarnations. A ritual bell from 12th-century Cambodia, used during meditation to help reach enlightenment, features the Hindu deity Ganesha in the form of an elephant.
One can see Buddha depicted in various positions, having achieved enlightenment and “just as he’s about to close his eyes for the last time,” Kelly says.
There are miniature temples, guardian lions meant to ward off evil spirits and a Bhutanese mandala honoring Amitayus Buddha, who embodies intellectual power and wisdom.
Beside the MacLean Collection exhibit, Kelly created a small room, a “contemplative space,” which focuses on Thailand’s devotion to Theravada Buddhism. This exhibition, “Natural Beauty,” culls together pieces from the UMFA’s permanent collection, but also serves as a space on tours for added education. Amid the 19th-century Thai Tipitaka, the chanting lessons of Buddha painted on wood with gold, and a bronze standing Buddha, children can leaf through Buddhist Stories and Stories of Krishna, two popular comic books from India, and take in the sounds of a singing bowl, a bell used for meditation practice.
By being in this “space within a space,” Kelly hopes visitors can appreciate different cultures and the value systems behind them.
“One thousand years of art in this room,” he says with a smile, “and the artists aren’t listed at all.”

* JESSICA RAVITZ
If you go
See “Passion for Form” at the Utah Museum of Fine Arts
This exhibition of Southeast Asian art from the MacLean Collection will be on display through Sept. 23 at the UMFA, 410 Campus Center Drive, Salt Lake City. Tours, free with admission, are offered on Tuesdays and Thursdays at 2 p.m.

Movie Review: ‘Buddha Collapsed out of Shame’

By Lidia Louk

A Look into post-Taliban Afghanistan through the eyes of a child
The instantly memorable movie title Buddha Collapsed out of Shame directed by Hana Makhmalbaf comes from an observation by her father, renowned Iranian film director Mohsen Makhmalbaf. “Even a statue can be ashamed of witnessing all this violence and harshness happening to these innocent people and, therefore, collapse.” Buddha Collapsed is Hana Makhmalbaf’s first feature film. Her first short film was screened at the Locarno Film Festival (Ticino, Switzerland) when she was only eight years old.
In the film Buddha Collapsed out of Shame, Baktay (Nikbakht Noruz) wanders in front of the site of the enormous Buddha statues that once graced Afghanistan before the statues were destroyed with dynamite by the Taliban in 2001. (makhmalbaf.com)
Buddha Collapsed is set in Bamian, a small historic town in Afganistan ravaged by the Taliban’s bloody rule. The violence has led to a complete destruction of precious historical and cultural relics, including the dynamiting of two priceless Buddha statues each over 100 feet tall that were carved into the Bamian cliffs 2,000 years ago. The tragic emptiness of the cliff openings’ void where the statues used to preside serves as a backdrop for the most climactic and violent scenes of the film.

The story is a reflection of war and the seemingly unbreakable cycle of violence in children. Baktay (Nikbakht Noruz)—the main character, is a little girl in Bamian, who is obstinately trying to go to a recently opened girls’ school across the river. In the process, she has to overcome her own family’s poverty, her mother’s indifference, and finally face ruthless boys who take her as a victim when playing a war game. The little girl’s long and arduous journey provides numerous cultural references to modern day Afghanistan, and its attempt to return to normalcy following the Taliban’s rule; including poverty, illiteracy, the need for reconciliation and reintegration in society.

Since the cute little Baktay serves as the narrative guide on this journey, it is very easy for the viewers to empathize with her aspirations and disappointments, despite the very basic dialogue. The purity of the child and her struggles illustrate the very core of Afghanistan’s problems and challenges, as the audience experiences first-hand the ruthlessness of the Taliban via the boys’ war game.

Very common for Makhmalbaf, is the neo-realist style of filmmaking, with simple and naturalistic portrayal of events, handheld cameras and non-actors in leading roles. However, the main story is told symbolically through the specific surroundings, the games characters play, the clothes they wear—all of these, plus the music, accentuating the climactic moments of the film, guide us on this colorful but devastating journey to the Middle East.

Debating the future of Afghan Buddhas

By Charles Haviland
BBC News, Bamiyan, central Afghanistan


The Buddhas statues of Bamiyan, destroyed in 2001

The Buddhas were one of Afghanistan’s great treasures

Seven years ago, it was a place of serene contemplation. Now it is a vast, gaping chasm, filled with dust, noise and what looks like rubble, with signs warning that hard hats must be worn.

This is the niche which used to house the one of the world’s tallest Buddhas - 55 metres high. In it you can still see slight swellings where its feet used to be, and ghostly traces of where the head and neck were.

In the early morning light, a huge bulldozer shifts massive blocks of the destroyed colossus, already labelled and classified, into undercover storage at the edge of the site.

Others, weighing 25 tons or even more, were moved earlier by crane.

In a tiny cavern, local men are sawing away, making the wooden frames on which the pieces are being stored after they are moved.

What is going on here, and in the niche of the 38-metre smaller Buddha half a kilometre away, is emergency action: to protect the pieces of the statues, and to support the massive cliff walls, weakened by the Taleban’s explosions.

Debating the future

For some people, it was the dynamiting of the two giant Buddhas in March 2001 that really opened their eyes to the Taleban’s extraordinary politics.

They were built in the 6th century AD, when Bamiyan was a Buddhist trading post. Over the centuries they had suffered much destruction. But the Taleban, with their denunciation of idols, finished them off.

Now a debate on the statues’ future is under way - as to whether they could, or should, be rebuilt.

Since their destruction, the UN’s cultural organisation, Unesco, has designated them as a World Heritage Site, so it, too, has a say in the matter.

The niche of the larger Bamiyan Buddha

This gaping hole is all that is left of the larger Buddha statue

Georgios Toubekis of the International Council on Monuments and Sites took me round the site of the larger Buddha.

He and his colleagues are sorting through the debris and identifying, in particular, the pieces which show the sculpted surface of the Buddhas.

He shows me some key pieces. There is one where a fold of the Buddha’s garment has been directly carved onto the cliff. Mostly, the clothes were moulded from a mix of plaster and straw and added afterwards.

Over-optimistic

On other pieces you can see the holes into which the sculptors placed the wooden pegs which were then connected with ropes and daubed with plaster.

Geologists are analysing the rock strata to identify where the pieces belonged in the original statues.

“There is still a remarkable amount left,” says Mr Toubekis. “We would say that most of the stone pieces are still here.”

That may be over-optimistic, as a large portion of the statues was pulverised into dust. But some form of rebuilding may be feasible.

Bamiyan Governor Habiba Sarabi

Ms Sarabi wants the Buddhas to be rebuilt

The experts may in time work out where all the surviving pieces belong and succeed in putting them back, holding them together with as little new material as possible.

That could fulfil Unesco’s criteria, which outlaw any actual new building work.

Mr Toubekis, however, is non-committal on whether he favours reconstruction. It is as if he wants Afghans to decide.

Nasir Mudabir, a young local man, vividly remembers hearing of the destruction from exile in Pakistan.

‘Felt sad’

He and his family had fled there after their relatives were killed by the Taleban, being Shia Muslims of the ethnic Hazara community which predominates in Bamiyan.

“There was a picture of Buddha during the destruction, dust and fire and everything,” he says.

“When I saw the Buddha was destroyed I felt very sad. Very, very sad.”

Mr Mudabir is now director of historic monuments for Bamiyan. But he doesn’t believe in reconstruction. He wants the ruins to be left as a reminder of what happened, with small-scale replicas made instead.

Grocer Said Ahmedullah with friends in Bamiyan town

Everyone has an opinion on whether the statues should be rebuilt or not

“If we reconstruct the Buddha, it is not the real Buddha it was before,” he says.

“If we reconstruct, we destroy the history of the destruction by the Taleban.”

Others say rebuilding the statues would simply be a waste of money in a poverty-stricken province.

But many disagree.

Bamiyan town is alive again after years of suffering.

In the main bazaar street, the view is dominated by the empty gaps where the Buddhas once stood, with pinkish greyish cliffs above and a jagged skyline ridge.

‘Very good’

In the streets it is impossible to find anyone who wants to leave the ruins alone.

“They should rebuild the Buddhas because this is a historic thing of Bamiyan and Afghanistan,” says grocer Said Ahmedullah.

Rohullah Moussavi, a youth, agrees. Reconstruction would be “very good for the people of Bamiyan, even for Afghanistan, even for the world”, he says.

The governor of Bamiyan Province, Habiba Sarabi, also advocates reconstruction of at least one of the Buddhas.

She says the statues were part of the life of local people and that rebuilding will create jobs and help tourism.

The fact that they were built for Buddhist veneration is, she says, not a problem.

But it could be a long time before a decision either way is reached.

Every December, Unesco meets the Afghan government to reconsider the feasibility or desirability of rebuilding the Buddhas, based on what the experts are discovering about the ruins.

For a good while yet, the two empty chasms will continue to dominate Bamiyan.

Drugs and astrology: how ‘Bulldog’ wields power (Myanmar)

Than Shwe, 74, in power since 1992, is famed in Burma for his megalomania. The junta’s bunker capital, Naypyidaw - ‘The King’s Place’ - was built on the advice of his astrologer. A common rumour - exiles and dissidents paint the picture of a mad despot - is that the superstitious Than Shwe believes he is a Buddha. He commissioned a Buddha statue, whose face is uncannily like his own, which stands in Rangoon’s most sacred pagoda, Shwedagon, where opposition activists go to venerate Aung San Suu Kyi.

Paranoia, corruption and megalomania are the hallmarks of the brutal dictator Than Shwe

Peter Beaumont and Alex Duval Smith

He would not be the most obvious choice as the man to organise the catering at your daughter’s wedding. But then Senior General Than Shwe, Burma’s military dictator, is not a man driven by convention. They say you can judge the man by the company he keeps. In this case the wedding planner for one of the world’s top 10 dictators was Lo Hsing Han, one of south east Asia’s infamous opium lords, ‘reinvented’ as a Rangoon businessman.

Welcome to the world of General Than Shwe - nicknamed, in muted whispers, the ‘Bulldog’. Alliances in the tight circle surrounding him are oiled by money, influence and business opportunities, including arms and heroin dealing, and defined by paranoia, self-enrichment and astrology.But it was last year’s extravagant wedding of Than Shwe’s daughter that offered his subjects a rare glimpse inside this secretive world. A video was leaked onto the internet, showing a well-fed Thandar Shwe, perspiring under the weight of diamond-encrusted necklaces and hairbands and swathed in yards of silk as plump junta members sat on gold-trimmed chairs in front of a five-tiered wedding cake and champagne. For the Burmese, who struggle to find basic foodstuffs, the lavishness of the scene seemed surreal.

Lo Hsing Han, chair of Burma’s Asia World conglomerate which owns a share in Rangoon’s famous hotel Traders, organised the catering, while another crony, Tay Za, head of the Htoo Trading Company, footed much of the bill. While Lo Hsing Han’s relationship with the junta has focused on a joint interest in the heroin trade, Tay Za’s has more personal links. The tycoon is reputed to have dated one of Than Shwe’s daughters, Khin Pyone - although Htoo Trading denies the relationship. When Than Shwe and his family go on holiday, it has often been to the beach at Ngwe Hsaung where Tay Za owns a resort. He has travelled there on occasion to avoid visiting foreign delegations or UN emissaries.

According to Irrawaddy - the opposition magazine - Than Shwe last year asked the businessman to procure five armoured Toyota Land Cruisers.

The quid pro quo for Tay Za’s close relationship with General Than Shwe has been access to arms deals. Tay Za serves as the representative in Burma for Russia’s aircraft maker Mapo and helicopter firm Rostvertol. Opposition groups say that in the 2002 Tay Za was instrumental in securing a deal that saw Russia sell 10 MiG-29 jet fighters for US$130m to the junta.

The life enjoyed by Than Shwe is a far cry from his humble beginnings. Born in 1933, and failing to complete his high school education, Than Shwe was a clerk before joining the army in 1953 where he began working as a psychological warfare officer. By the age of 50 he had risen through the ranks to take command of a relatively tranquil post in the Irrawaddy delta, close to Rangoon. He spent his time reading Time magazine, playing golf or dressing up in traditional Burmese outfits. He was, as he remains, sullen and unresponsive.

By the time dictator Bo Ne Win was shunted aside after the coup that followed the brutally suppressed democracy uprisings of 1988, Than Shwe was one of three in line to replace him. Profiting from the rivalry between the other two, he came out ahead. According to some, his most dreaded political weapon was his ability to bore everyone else into submission.

After orchestrating the move to Naypyidaw, in 2005, Than Shwe became even more isolated from the 50 million people of Burma whose economy he is largely responsible for grinding into the dirt. When he is seen in public it is more often than not to participate in some arcane ceremony to bolster the military’s grip on power.

comments (0)