LESSON 33 DHAMMA NIBBANA PART IV The Third Noble Truth 18 09 2010 FREE ONLINE eNālandā Research and Practice UNIVERSITY
EDUCATE (BUDDHA)! MEDITATE (DHAMMA)! ORGANISE (SANGHA)!
WISDOM IS POWER
Awakened One Shows the Path to Attain Ultimate Bliss
Anyone Can Attain Ultimate Bliss Just Visit:
§ Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar , Indian scholar, philosopher and architect of Constitution of India, in his writing and speeches
Philosophy and Comparative Religions;
International Relations and Peace Studies;
Business Management in relation to Public Policy and Development Studies;
Languages and Literature;
and Ecology and Environmental Studies
NIBBANA PART IV- The Third Noble Truth
· The Third Noble Truth
· dukkha nirodho ariya sacca
“Among whatever qualities there may be, fabricated or unfabricated, the quality of dispassion — the subduing of intoxication, the elimination of thirst, the uprooting of attachment, the breaking of the , the destruction of , dispassion, cessation, the realization of — is considered supreme. Those who have confidence in the quality of dispassion have confidence in what is supreme; and for those with confidence in the supreme, supreme is the result.”
“Monks, the ending of the effluents is for one who knows & sees, I tell you, not for one who does not know & does not see. For one who knows what & sees what is there the ending of effluents? ‘Such is form, such its origination, such its disappearance. Such is feeling, such its origination, such its disappearance. Such is perception, such its origination, such its disappearance. Such are fabrications, such their origination, such their disappearance. Such is consciousness, such its origination, such its disappearance.’ The ending of the effluents is for one who knows in this way & sees in this way.
“The knowledge of ending in the presence of ending has its prerequisite, I tell you. It is not without a prerequisite. And what is its prerequisite? Release… Release has its prerequisite, I tell you. It is not without a prerequisite. And what is its prerequisite? Dispassion… Disenchantment… Knowledge & vision of things as they actually are present…… Pleasure… Serenity… Rapture… Joy… Conviction… Stress… Birth… Becoming… Clinging… … Feeling… Contact… The six sense media… Name-&-form… Consciousness… Fabrications… Fabrications have their prerequisite, I tell you. They are not without a prerequisite. And what is their prerequisite? …
“Just as when the gods pour rain in heavy drops & crash thunder on the upper mountains: The water, flowing down along the slopes, fills the mountain clefts & rifts & gullies. When the mountain clefts & rifts & gullies are full, they fill the little ponds. When the little ponds are full, they fill the big lakes… the little rivers… the big rivers. When the big rivers are full, they fill the great ocean. In the same way:
fabrications have ignorance as their prerequisite,
consciousness has fabrications as its prerequisite,
name-&-form has consciousness as its prerequisite,
the six sense media have name-&-form as their prerequisite,
contact has the six sense media as its prerequisite,
feeling has contact as its prerequisite,
has feeling as its prerequisite,
clinging has as its prerequisite,
becoming has clinging as its prerequisite,
birth has becoming as its prerequisite,
have birth as their prerequisite,
conviction has stress & suffering as its prerequisite,
joy has conviction as its prerequisite,
rapture has joy as its prerequisite,
serenity has rapture as its prerequisite,
pleasure has serenity as its prerequisite,
has pleasure as its prerequisite,
knowledge & vision of things as they actually are present has as its prerequisite,
disenchantment has knowledge & vision of things as they actually are present as its prerequisite,
dispassion has disenchantment as its prerequisite,
release has dispassion as its prerequisite,
knowledge of ending has release as its prerequisite.”
“From the remainderless fading & cessation of that very ignorance, there no longer exists [the sense of] the body on account of which that pleasure & pain internally arise. There no longer exists the speech… the intellect on account of which that pleasure & pain internally arise. There no longer exists the field, the site, the dimension, or the issue on account of which that pleasure & pain internally arise.”
“And what is the noble method that is rightly seen and rightly ferreted out by discernment? There is the case where a disciple of the noble ones notices:
When this is, that is.
From the arising of this comes the arising of that.
When this isn’t, that isn’t.
From the cessation of this comes the cessation of that.
“In other words:
“From ignorance as a requisite condition come fabrications. From fabrications as a requisite condition comes consciousness. From consciousness as a requisite condition comes name-and-form. From name-and-form as a requisite condition come the six sense media. From the six sense media as a requisite condition comes contact. From contact as a requisite condition comes feeling. From feeling as a requisite condition comes . From as a requisite condition comes clinging/sustenance. From clinging/sustenance as a requisite condition comes becoming. From becoming as a requisite condition comes birth. From birth as a requisite condition, then old age and death, sorrow, lamentation, pain, distress, and despair come into play. Such is the origination of this entire mass of .
“Now from the remainderless fading and cessation of that very ignorance comes the cessation of fabrications. From the cessation of fabrications comes the cessation of consciousness. From the cessation of consciousness comes the cessation of name-and-form. From the cessation of name-and-form comes the cessation of the six sense media. From the cessation of the six sense media comes the cessation of contact. From the cessation of contact comes the cessation of feeling. From the cessation of feeling comes the cessation of . From the cessation of comes the cessation of clinging/sustenance. From the cessation of clinging/sustenance comes the cessation of becoming. From the cessation of becoming comes the cessation of birth. From the cessation of birth, then old age and death, sorrow, lamentation, pain, distress, and despair all cease. Such is the cessation of this entire mass of .
“This is the noble method that is rightly seen and rightly ferreted out by discernment.”
- Heartland CM gets a pat for Ayodhya
New Delhi, Sept. 17: The Centre is confident the Mayavati government will be able to maintain peace in Uttar Pradesh after the Ayodhya verdict on September 24.
In an indirect pat on the back for the state government, Union home ministry officials appear upbeat about her administration’s preparedness to handle law and order problems in the aftermath of the Allahabad High Court ruling.
The P. Chidambaram-headed ministry has taken note of Mayavati’s ability to handle the situation so far. Sources pointed out that she has refrained from making public statements or indulging in grandstanding in the run-up to next Friday’s verdict.
Mayavati’s silence and behind-the-scenes activities to push her administration into taking precautionary steps have also contributed to the confidence.
“We do not foresee any problems. The administration is on its toes. Local peace committees at the village and mohalla (neighbourhood) levels are continuously holding meetings,” said a senior official.
As a result of the meetings, an understanding between leaders and members of the two communities has gained ground that further legal avenues, such as an appeal in the Supreme Court, are open whichever way the verdict goes, the official said.
The Centre is sending 40 companies of paramilitary forces, less than a tenth of the 630 demanded by the state. The official said, however, that more forces could be dispatched two to three days before the verdict.
The ministry is considering an advisory to the media — similar to the one issued days before the threat by a US pastor to burn copies of the Quran on 9/11 — not to beam visuals or interviews that may inflame passions.
The verdict comes barely 10 days before the October 3 opening ceremony of the Commonwealth Games, a showpiece event tied to the country’s pride that could be besmirched if communal trouble erupts.
But Mayavati’s actions appear to have calmed such fears. Her public conduct is in sharp contrast to then chief minister Mulayam Singh Yadav’s grandstanding days before BJP leader L.K. Advani’s Rath Yatra was to reach Ayodhya in October 1990. Mulayam had boasted that not even a bird can enter the town, let alone kar sevaks.
Advani was put under house arrest by then Bihar chief minister Lalu Prasad before he could reach Ayodhya, but Mulayam’s aggressive posturing provoked kar sevaks and polarised people. On October 30, 1990, Mulayam’s police opened fire on kar sevaks in Ayodhya, an action that helped the BJP win power in the state in 1991.
With less than a week to go for the verdict on the Babri mosque demolition case, security has been beefed up in Uttar Pradesh’s Ayodhya city.
Paramilitary forces have been deployed at various sensitive areas after a special meeting was called in Lucknow on Tuesday.
“We are enhancing the security arrangements. We have the force ready with us. The CRPF (Central Reserve Security Force), PAC (Provincial Armed Constabulary), Civil Police, are being deployed,” said R. K. S. Rathor, Senior Superintendent of Police (SSP), Ayodhya.
“The force is ample in number. And with the help of the people, we have conducted meetings, the people have cooperated, there is a good security arrangement and harmony,” he added.
Madan Mohan Das, a chief priest of the Nirmohi Akhara, a Hindu religious school that is also one of the key parties in the Babri Mosque-Ram Janmabhoomi title suit, said they are hoping for a favourable verdict, and they get to construct the temple.
“Sri Ramanandi Nirmohi Akhara that has been fighting this case since ages, it is fighting with dignity, humility and patience. Since the beginning, Nirmohi Akhara’s stand has been that it (the disputed land) should remain with them. We hope the Nirmohi Akhara builds the temple with the support of our Hindu brothers and other people of faith,” said Das.
On Thursday, the Nirmohi Akhara, filed a fresh application seeking 10 days time to reach an out-of-court compromise on the Babri mosque case.
“We have been fighting this case since a very long time. We have always respected the judgments that have been given till now. Nirmohi Akhara is still talking about (out-of-court) settlement; it does not want any violence or any communal tension. We all are God’s creations and everyone prays in their own ways. Everybody is entitled to pray according to their principles,” said Das. By Amit (ANI)
Noida park: environmental clearance not required: UP to SC
PTI | 09:09 PM,Sep 17,2010
The apex court had on August 13 wanted to know from the Centre under which category of Environment Assessment Notification the project could be put. It is examining whether Uttar Pradesh government’s project falls under the category of Building and Construction Project or Township and Area Development Project. The project, which covers 20,000 sq meter, comes under the first category while those using 1,50,000 sq meter falls under the second. The apex court had also sought the Centre’s response to the suggestion that guidelines should be laid down for giving environmental clearance to projects in the vicinity of urban forests like Noida park and Siri Fort in the national capital. Uttar Pradesh government had said Noida authorities were ready to reduce the concrete area of the park where statues and memorials of Dalit leaders have been installed. It has come out with the proposal to reduce the concrete area to 35 per cent of the total park land area of 34 hectares used in the construction activities. The state government had said 65 per cent area would be planted with trees. Earlier, the Centre had said it could not grant environmental clearance for construction of statues and memorials for Dalit leaders at a park in Noida if Uttar Pradesh government does not take measures for the area’s ecological restoration. In an affidavit, MoEF had said that given the complex nature of the project and its adverse impact on surrounding biodiversity and its proximity to Okhla bird sancturay, it will not grant the clearance. The Expert Appraisal Committee (EAC) of the Ministry, which reviewed the three environment impact assessment reports prepared by UP government, has also suggested certain measures to be taken by the state for getting clearance to the Rs 650-crore project. MoEF had, during the proceedings on July 21, sought time to examine the reports prepared by UP government saying they were not concurring with each other. The expert bodies appointed by the state government had conducted three studies after the apex court stayed construction work at the park. The UP government had claimed the stay on construction work was causing to it a loss of Rs three lakh everyday. PTI RKS
BJP had lost power to resurgent Bahujan Samaj Party while forming governments subsequently in collaboration with the BSP but each time it aligned with Mayawati’s party, its graph plunged.
A curious “low phase” has followed the announcement of September 24, 2010 as the date for the Allahabad (Lucknow bench) High Court decision on the consolidated Ayodhya title suit. While Muslims have consistently favoured judicial adjudication of the title dispute, the difference this time is the strikingly moderate tone adopted by the Hindutva parivar. Forget ratcheting up passions or revving into an overdrive on agitational or celebratory programmes, the Bharatiya Janata Party and its ideological mentor have consciously eschewed provocative postures.
The parivar could have used the run-up to the verdict to resurrect the fire-and-brimstone imagery of Ayodhya. The BJP has been in desperate need of something, anything, to stir up its dormant workforce. The party has been hankering for an issue that would sharpen its fighting reflexes and revive its electoral fortunes. It could have seized the upcoming verdict as just that issue.
And yet the responses of the BJP and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh suggest a definite shying away from the kind of reckless, fire-spewing politics that has been their hallmark up until now. The decision as of now is that any programme that follows from the verdict will be spearheaded by the sants and mahants, with the BJP conspicuously taking a backseat. The BJP has refused to be rushed into making comments or announcements. Sushma Swaraj’s single refrain thus far has been “all comments after the judgment.”
The RSS has similarly avoided inflammatory rhetoric. At a recent meet with Delhi-based women journalists, the Sangh chief, Mohan Bhagwat, went through the motions, said the expected things about a “grand temple” at the Ram Janmabhoomi and so forth but, very significantly, added that either way the aggrieved party would appeal to the Supreme Court. As the countdown to the verdict began, the parivar further softened its stand. “There will be no knee-jerk reaction if the decision goes against us. We will decide on the future course of action while respecting the court judgment,” said a senior RSS functionary.
The phrases and words used here — “no knee-jerk reaction,” “respect for court verdict,” etc. — would be unfamiliar to those who have tracked the parivar’s evocative vocabulary through the tortuous course of the Ayodhya movement. Indeed, in the past, if anyone so much as uttered the word “court”, parivar affiliates, including the BJP, would erupt in rage, arguing that there was no question of the court deciding on the whys and wherefores of the Ram temple. This, despite the contrarian position held by parties to the dispute.
Reacting to applications in the High Court for the deferment of the verdict, the Hindu Mahasabaha, one of the parties to the dispute, said earlier this week: “It appears that the present application [for deferment] has been filed by some disgruntled elements who do not believe in the majesty of law for their personal gains.”
No longer a political weapon
To the Sangh, it did not matter that other Hindu organisations held a different view. It held steadfastly to the “no-interference-by-the-court” position, which only suggests that within the larger parivar, there has been a more realistic re-appraisal of the pros and cons of taking the Ayodhya movement forward. The decision to go easy on the melodrama appears to be rooted in the following reasons. With the protagonists of the Ayodhya cause badly dispersed and some going into virtual oblivion, the movement has lost its fire. Secondly, while Ayodhya may still have a certain resonance with the Sangh rank and file, it has long since ceased to be a political weapon that the BJP can exploit. Finally, the BJP has to reckon with allies who are increasingly impatient with its temple pro-activism. It just cannot lose more members from the already haemorrhaging National Democratic Alliance.
Consider the current status of the Ayodhya warriors. At age 83, Lal Krishna Advani, who flagged off the movement with his rousing “do or die” speeches from atop the Ram rath is a shadow of his fiery Ayodhya persona. His authority and powers have drastically diminished after he led the BJP to defeat in 2009. Kalyan Singh, the “hero” of December 6, 1992, is a parody of himself, having waltzed in and out of the BJP, and repeatedly altered and re-altered his position on the temple. There cannot be a more clinching evidence of his irrelevance than the monumental flopping of his September 16 “show of strength” in the temple town.
Sadhvi Rithambhara of the ek dhakka aur do (give another push to the Babri Masjid) fame is languishing in an ashram somewhere. Uma Bharti whose joyous pose with Murli Manohar Joshi became the piece-de-resistance of December 6, 1992, has to be hunted with a microscope. Vinay Katiyar, the irrepressible founding chief of the “forever-in-battle mode” Bajrang Dal, has moved to a senior position in the BJP and has acquired an elegant facebook profile. His last entry in this unrecognisable avatar was an earnest appeal for a negotiated settlement outside the court, with “respect for the court judgment” added as a bonus. “We would respect the court judgment. The party in whose favour the verdict comes would sit quiet while the other moves the Supreme Court,” he said.
An entire generation has grown up since the Babri Masjid was brutally torn down in 1992. This generation has no institutional memory of the movement, its muscular build-up and its cataclysmic end. Liberalisation and high-tech have sharpened the entrepreneurial instincts of the merchant class that formed the BJP’s core vote. It would want a grand Ram temple but not at the cost of its flourishing businesses. At the Haridwar Khumbh Mela in January-February this year, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad drew up a blue-print for a programme of mass participation ahead of the title suit verdict. Under the plan, VHP and RSS workers were to drum up support for the Ram Mandir through signature collection, visits to individual homes and recitation of the Hanuman chalisa at 8,000 selected temples across the country.
This writer visited a sample temple in Delhi’s Shalimar Bagh to find almost no interest in the VHP’s programme. Devotees were at prayer as usual, most of them unaware that there was a sub-text to the Hanuman chalisa they were chanting. A gentleman introduced by a VHP office-bearer ended up praising Sonia Gandhi and Manmohan Singh. There was broad support for the mandir but it was muted and it was clear enough that nobody had the stomach for another “fight to the finish” war.
Even assuming there is a re-awakening of Hindu passions post the verdict, the question arises: Who will lead the mass movement? Ms Swaraj and Arun Jaitley are superb parliamentarians, with an unmatched ability to argue their case and demolish their opponents. But it is difficult to see either of them wade through the slush in Ayodhya and recreate the heady days of the rath yatra. It is even more difficult to picture the gregarious Nitin Gadkari in the role of a Ram champion waging a righteous war.
This is besides the waning political appeal of Ayodhya, demonstrated in election after election. The BJP won its last State election in Uttar Pradesh in 1991 — 19 years ago. Within a year of the homicidal 1992 attack on the Babri Masjid, BJP had lost power to resurgent Bahujan Samaj Party while forming governments subsequently in collaboration with the BSP but each time it aligned with Mayawati’s party, its graph plunged.
Ayodhya continued to matter in the Lok Sabha elections until 1998 — when the BJP reached its peak. However, 1998 was a watershed year for the party in another respect too. It formed a government at the Centre with a dozen or so allies who insisted that the BJP put Ayodhya on the back burner. With Ayodhya gone into hibernation, the BJP took a further tumble in U.P. In the 2009 general election, it finished last in its favourite State.
Passions can get out of hand, and one would have to be very brave to predict with any certainty that the parivar cadre will restrain their emotions when the verdict is actually delivered. Violence on that day cannot be ruled out. But equally the BJP must be aware that each time it experiments with sectarianism, it gains a few hardline supporters but loses far more of the electorally crucial middle ground.
The party was badly isolated in December 1992. It watched half of the NDA walk out in the years after Gujarat 2002. And post Kandhamal, it lost the support of the valued Biju Janata Dal, and came close to losing the Nitish Kumar-led Janata Dal (United), currently its largest partner. The JD(U) and the BJP are jointly fighting the Bihar elections scheduled to start next month. And if there is one thing Mr. Kumar will absolutely not have, it is any kind of adventurism on Ayodhya. He said as much to Mr. Jaitley: “The court verdict must be accepted. Any aggrieved party can move the higher court.”
Since the BJP and the RSS are talking the same language today, they have an added responsibility to keep Ayodhya and India trouble free in the coming days.