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2441 Wed 15 Nov 2017 LESSON Lessons From Gautama Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life Tipitaka >> Sutta Pitaka >> Digha Nikaya in 23) Classical English,23) Classical Afrikaans-Klassieke Afrikaans,3) Classical Albanian -Klasike Shqiptare,4) Classical Amharic -ጥንታዊ አማርኛ,5) Classical Arabic-الكلاسيكية الأمهرية 6) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,7) Classical Azerbaijani-Klassik azərbaycanlı
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2441 Wed 15  Nov 2017 LESSON

Lessons From Gautama Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

Tipitaka >> Sutta Pitaka >> Digha Nikaya

in 23) Classical English,23) Classical Afrikaans-Klassieke Afrikaans,3) Classical Albanian -Klasike Shqiptare,4) Classical Amharic -ጥንታዊ አማርኛ,5) Classical Arabic-الكلاسيكية الأمهرية

6) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,7) Classical Azerbaijani-Klassik azərbaycanlı

you ever wondered why all the statues that you see of the Buddha show
him as calm, cool and smiling? Well, because Gautam Buddha had found the
secrets of life by discovering the harsh realities of life. He had his
ego completely annihilated and found the
beauty of present moments. To be calm and cool like him, you will have to take in a few of his observations about life. Here you go…

1. “Three things cannot be hidden: the sun, the moon and the truth.”

Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

No matter how much
you try to conceal the truth, it will be known one day or the other.
It’s foolish to cover up lies because the truth reveals itself in the
most honest way.

2. “You will not be punished for your anger; you will be punished by your anger.”

Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

Anger is a lethal weapon. Apart from slaying the enemy, it also slays you. When you’re angry,
your words deceive you and they hurt others. Therefore, it’s advisable
to remain silent and not speak when something annoys you.

3. “You can search throughout the entire
universe for someone who is more deserving of your love and affection
than you are yourself, and that person is not to be found anywhere. You,
yourself, as much as anybody in the entire universe, deserve your love
and affection.”

Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

often expect to receive love and affection from others. In that
process, we start neglecting ourselves. We try too hard to get
attention. However, we forget that loving one’s own self comes before
loving others. You cannot love selflessly, until and unless you
understand yourself.

4. “We are shaped by our thoughts; we become what we think. When the mind is pure, joy follows like a shadow that never leaves.”Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life
message here is to think happy thoughts that will keep you happy
throughout the day. Being optimistic is better than having negative
thoughts. Seeing the glass half-full is a way better perspective than
seeing the glass half empty.

5. “You only lose what you cling to.”
Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

attached to a thing is the biggest mistake we can make in our lives. It
is when we get too dependent on it that we start losing it.

“Believe nothing, no matter where you read it, or who said it, no
matter if I have said it, unless it agrees with your own reason and your
own common sense.”Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

an enlightening quote! Here, Buddha wants us to learn from our own
experiences and not from the reviews of others. What suits one person
may not necessarily suit another.

7. “Physical charms attract the eyes, goodness attracts the mind.”

Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

looks are an asset - however, a good character is an identity. It’s
completely wrong to judge someone only by their looks and not by their

“Just as on a rubbish heap swept up on a main road a purely fragrant,
delightful lotus might there spring up, even so amidst those rubbish
heaps (of men) does the savaka of the
Perfectly Enlightened One outshine in insight the blind puthujjana”Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

if you’re surrounded by filth, but you’re strong enough to resist the
bad, you will grow like a lotus in a mud lake. If you’re a student, with
hard work, you will outshine all other ordinary students.

9. “When you like a flower, you just pluck it. But when you love a flower, you water it daily.Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

Buddha teaches us the difference between love and lust. In love, you nurture a relationship. In lust, you only satisfy your physical needs.

10. “A jug fills drop by drop.”
Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

small is the mantra for finishing big. It doesn’t matter if your start
is a small attempt. If you keep at it steadily, you will achieve what
you want to one day.

11. “It is better to travel well than to arrive.”
Lessons From Gautam Buddha That Will Help You Win At Life

is one big journey and you’re a traveller. It’s better to live and
travel well, than thinking about the future and losing your peace of
mind. Living the fullest in the present is the best way to enjoy life,
rather than living in the past or the future.
Digha Nikaya 9 Pottapada Sutta - About States of Consciousness Part 1

Tipitaka >> Sutta Pitaka >> Digha Nikaya

Digha Nikaya

The Digha Nikaya (”Collection of Long Discourses”) is the first of the five nikayas (collections) in the Sutta Pitaka. Some of the most commonly referenced suttas from the Digha Nikaya include the Maha-parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), which described the final days and death of the Buddha, the Sigalovada Sutta (DN 31) in which the Buddha discusses ethics and practices for lay followers, and the Samaññaphala (DN 2), Brahmajala Sutta
(DN 1) which describes and compares the point-of-view of Buddha and
other ascetics in India about the universe and time (past, present, and
future); and Potthapada Sutta (DN 9), which describe the benefits and practice of samatha meditation (calm meditation).

The Digha Nikaya consists of 34 discourses, broken into three vaggas (groups):
23) Classical Afrikaans
23) Klassieke Afrikaans

2441 Wo 15 Nov 2017 LES

">Digha Nikaya

Die Digha Nikaya (”Collection of Long Discourses”) is die eerste van die vyf nikayas (versamelings) in die Sutta Pitaka. Sommige
van die mees bekende suttas uit die Digha Nikaya sluit in die
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), wat die laaste dae en die dood van die
Boeddha, die Sigalovada Sutta (DN 31) beskryf waarin die Boeddha die
etiek en praktyke vir leke bespreek
en die Samanaphaphala (DN 2), Brahmajala Sutta (DN 1) wat die standpunt
van Boeddha en ander asketika in Indië oor die heelal en tyd (verlede,
hede en toekoms) beskryf en vergelyk;
en Potthapada Sutta (DN 9), wat die voordele en praktyk van samatha meditasie (kalm meditasie) beskryf.
Die Digha Nikaya bestaan ​​uit 34 diskoerse, verdeel in drie vaggas (groepe):

Aflaai / Sien Engelse Vertaling
Oorspronklike Pali Weergawe


Die Afdeling Moraliteit (13 suttas)

    Brahmajala Sutta (1) “The Great Net” of die universele net (van
die wêreld) waarin alle wesens soos vis en die 62 ketterse vorme van
spekulasie aangaande die wêreld en die self onderrig deur ander
onderwysers van die tyd gevang word.
Samannaphala Sutta (2) “The Fruits of the Hermit Life”. Die Boeddha verduidelik aan koning Ajatasattu die voordele om by
die Boeddhistiese Orde aan te sluit en die lewe van die wêreld te
Ambattha Sutta (3) Geboorte trots en sy val. ‘N Dialoog met Ambattha op kaste. Bevat verwysing na die legende van King Okkaka, die tradisionele stigter van die Sakya-stam.
Sonadanda Sutta (4) Dialoog met die Brahmin Sonadanda oor die eienskappe van die ware brahmin.
Kutadanta Sutta (5) Dialoog met die Brahmin Kutadanta veroordeel diere offer.
Mahali Sutta (6) Dialoog met Mahali op deva soos visie en gehoor en die bereiking van volle verligting.
Jaliya Sutta (7) Oor die aard van die lewensbeginsel in vergelyking met die liggaam.
Kassapasihanada Sutta (8) ‘n Dialoog met die naakte asket Kassapa teen selfverlies.
Potthapada Sutta (9) ‘n Bespreking met Potthapada oor die aard van
die siel, waarin die Boeddha die vraag stel om irrelevant te wees en
nie bevorderlik te wees vir verligting nie.
Subha Sutta (Digna Nikaya) (10) ‘n Diskoers, toegeskryf aan Ananda, oor gedrag, konsentrasie en wysheid.
Kevaddha Sutta (11) Die Boeddha weier om ‘n bhikkhu toe te laat om ‘n wonderwerk uit te voer. Verhaal van die monnik wat die devas (gode) besoek het om hulle te bevraagteken.
Lohicca Sutta (12) Dialoog met die Brahmin Lohicca oor die etiek van onderrig.
Tevijja Sutta (13) Oor die nutteloosheid van ‘n kennis van die Vedas as middel om metgeselskap met Brahma te bereik.

Die Groot Divisie (10 suttas)

    Maha-padana Sutta (14) Die Sublieme Verhaal van die Boeddha Gotama en sy ses voorgangers; ook die diskoers op die Buddha Vipassi; sy afkoms van die Tusita-hemel tot aan die begin van sy missie.
Maha-nidana Sutta (15) Op die ketting van oorsaak en teorieë van die siel.
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (16) Die Groot Diskoers van die rekord van die oorgang van die Tathagata na Parinibbana.
Maha Sudassana Sutta (17) Die Groot Koning van Glorie. Die verhaal van ‘n vorige bestaan ​​van die Boeddha, as koning Sudassana. Vertel deur die Boeddha op sy sterfbed.
Janavasabha Sutta (18) Die Boeddha hou verband met die verhaal van die Yakkha Janavasabha aan die mense van Nadika.
Maha Govinda Sutta (19) Die hemelse musikant Pancasikha hou
verband met die verhaal van Maha Govinda aan die Boeddha, wat verklaar
dat hy self Maha Govinda was.
Maha-samaya Sutta (20) Die Devas van die Pure Abode en hul evolusie.
Sakkapanha Sutta (21) Sakka, die heer van devas besoek die
Boeddha, en leer van hom dat alles wat ontstaan ​​het ook onderhewig is
aan ontbinding.
Maha-satipatthana Sutta (22) Diskoers oor die vier groot meditasies, op die liggaam, gevoelens gedagtes en gemoedstoestande. Met ‘n kommentaar op die vier waarhede.
Payasi Sutta (23) Payasi betwis wedergeboorte / reïnkarnasie en beloning van aksies (kamma / karma) maar ervaar dit self.


Die Patika-afdeling (11 suttas)

    Patika Sutta (24) Storie van die dissipel wat ander onderwysers
volg, want die Boeddha werk nie wonderwerke of leer die oorsprong van
dinge nie.
Udumbarikasihanada Sutta (25) Die Boeddha bespreek ascetisme met die asketiese Nigrodha.
Cakkavattisihanada Sutta (26) Die verhaal van die universele
koning, die korrupsie van morele en hul herstel, en die koms van die
toekoms Boeddha Metteya.
Agganna Sutta (27) ‘n Bespreking oor kaste, en ‘n uiteensetting
oor die ontstaan ​​van dinge (soos in Sutta 24) tot by die ontstaan
​​van die vier kaste.
Sampasadaniya Sutta (28) ‘n Dialoog van die Boeddha met Sariputta,
wat die Onderrig van die Boeddha beskryf en sy geloof in hom beweer.
Pasadika Sutta (29) Die Delectable Discourse. Diskoers van die Boeddha op die perfekte en onvolmaakte onderwyser.
Lakkhana Sutta (30) Op die 32 punte van ‘n Groot Man.
Sigalovada Sutta (31) Die Sigala homily oor die pligte van die huiseienaar aan die ses klasse persone.
Atanatiya Sutta (32) Op die Vier Groot Konings en hul spel vir beskerming teen die kwaad.
Sangiti Sutta (33) Sariputta beskryf die beginsels van die Onderrig in tien numeriese groepe.
Dasuttara Sutta (34) Sariputta beskryf die leerstelling in tienvoudige reeks.

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3) Classical Albanian
3) Klasike Shqiptare

2441 Wed 15 Nov 2017 MËSIM

">Digha Nikaya

Digha Nikaya (”Koleksioni i Diskurse të gjata”) është i pari nga pesë nikayas (koleksionet) në Sutta Pitaka. Disa
nga suttet më të zakonshme të referuara nga Digha Nikaya përfshijnë
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), e cila përshkruan ditët e fundit dhe
vdekjen e Budës, Sigalovada Sutta (DN 31), në të cilën Buda diskuton
etikën dhe praktikat për shtrimin
dhe Samaññaphala (DN 2), Brahmajala Sutta (DN 1), e cila përshkruan dhe
krahason pikëpamjen e Budës dhe asketëve të tjerë në Indi për universin
dhe kohën (e kaluara, e tashmja dhe e ardhmja);
dhe Potthapada Sutta (DN 9), të cilat përshkruajnë përfitimet dhe praktikën e meditimit samatha (meditim i qetë).
Digha Nikaya përbëhet nga 34 diskurse, të thyer në tri grupe (grupe):

Shkarko / Shikoni përkthimin në anglisht
Versioni origjinal Pali


Divizioni lidhur me moralin (13 suttas)

    Brahmajala Sutta (1) “Rrjeti i Madh” ose rrjeti universal (i
botës), në të cilin kapen të gjitha qeniet si peshqit dhe 62 format
heretike të spekulimeve në lidhje me botën dhe vetë mësohen nga mësuesit
e tjerë të kohës.
Samannaphala Sutta (2) “Frutat e Jetës Hermit”. Buda shpjegon mbretit Ajatasattu përparësitë e bashkimit me Urdhrin Budist dhe heqjen dorë nga jeta e botës.
Ambattha Sutta (3) Krenaria e lindjes dhe rënia e saj. Një dialog me Ambattha mbi kastën. Përmban referencë ndaj legjendës së mbretit Okkaka, themeluesit tradicional të fisit Sakya.
Sonadanda Sutta (4) Dialogu me Brahmin Sonadanda mbi karakteristikat e brahmanit të vërtetë.
Kutadanta Sutta (5) Dialogu me Brahmin Kutadanta që dënon sakrificën e kafshëve.
Mahali Sutta (6) Dialogu me Mahalin në deva si vizioni dhe dëgjimi dhe arritja e ndriçimit të plotë.
Jaliya Sutta (7) Për natyrën e parimit të jetës në krahasim me trupin.
Kassapasihanada Sutta (8) Një dialog me asketin e zhveshur Kassapa kundër vetëvendosjes.
Potthapada Sutta (9) Një diskutim me Potthapada mbi natyrën e
shpirtit, në të cilën Buda thotë se pyetja është e parëndësishme dhe nuk
ndihmon në sqarimin.
Subha Sutta (Digna Nikaya) (10) Diskursi, i atribuar Anandës, mbi sjelljen, përqendrimin dhe urtësinë.
Kevaddha Sutta (11) Buda refuzon të lejojë një bhikkhu të kryejë një mrekulli. Historia e murgut që vizitoi devasit (hyjnitë) për t’i pyetur ata.
Lohicca Sutta (12) Dialogu me Brahmin Lohicca mbi etikën e mësimdhënies.
Tevijja Sutta (13) Për kotësinë e një njohurie të Vedas si mjet për të arritur shoqërimin me Brahmin.


Divizioni i Madh (10 suttas)

    Maha-Padana Sutta (14) Historia Sublime e Buda Gotama dhe gjashtë paraardhësit e tij; gjithashtu Diskursin në Buda Vipassi; prejardhje nga qielli Tusita deri në fillimin e misionit të tij.
Maha-nidana Sutta (15) Në Zinxhirin e Shkaktimit dhe teorive të shpirtit.
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (16) Diskursi i Madh i shënimit të kalimit të Tathagata në Parinibbana.
Maha Sudassana Sutta (17) Mbreti i Madh i Lavdisë. Historia e ekzistencës së mëparshme të Budës, si Mbreti Sudassana. I thënë nga Buda në shtratin e vdekjes së tij.
Janavasabha Sutta (18) Buda e tregon historinë e yakkha Janavasabha tek populli i Nadikës.
Maha Govinda Sutta (19) Muzikanti qiellor Pancasikha tregon
historinë e Maha Govindës tek Buda, i cili thotë se ai vetë ishte Maha
Maha-samaya Sutta (20) Deva e banesës së pastër dhe evolucioni i tyre.
Sakkapanha Sutta (21) Sakka, zotëria e devas viziton Budën dhe
mëson prej tij se çdo gjë që e ka origjinën është gjithashtu subjekt i
Maha-satipatthana Sutta (22) Diskutim mbi Katër Meditimet e Madhe, në trup, ndjenja mendimet dhe gjendjet e mendjes. Me një koment mbi Katër të Vërtetat.
Payasi Sutta (23) Payasi konteston rilindjen / rimarrjen dhe shpërblimin e veprimeve (kamma / karma), por e përvojon atë vetë.


Divizioni i Patikës (11 suttas)

    Patika Sutta (24) Tregimi i dishepujve që ndjek mësuesit e tjerë, sepse Buda nuk bën mrekulli ose mëson origjinën e gjërave.
Udumbarikasihanada Sutta (25) Buda diskuton asketizmin me Nigrodhën asketike.
Cakkavattisihanada Sutta (26) Tregimi i mbretit universal,
korrupsioni i moralit dhe restaurimi i tyre, dhe ardhja e Budës Metteya
të ardhshme.
Agganna Sutta (27) Një diskutim mbi kastën dhe një ekspozitë mbi
origjinën e gjërave (si në Sutta 24) deri në origjinën e katër kasteve.
Sampasadaniya Sutta (28) Një dialog i Budës me Sariputtën, i cili përshkruan Mësimdhënien e Budës dhe pohon besimin e tij në të.
Pasadika Sutta (29) Diskursi i këndshëm. Diskursi i Budës mbi mësuesin e përkryer dhe të papërsosur.
Lakkhana Sutta (30) Në 32 shenjat e një Njeriu të Madh.
Sigalovada Sutta (31) Sigala predikonte për detyrat e të zotit të shtëpisë në gjashtë klasat e personave.
Atanatiya Sutta (32) Për Katër Mbretërit e Madh dhe magjia e tyre për mbrojtje nga e keqja.
Sangiti Sutta (33) Sariputta përshkruan parimet e mësimdhënies në dhjetë grupe numerike.
Dasuttara Sutta (34) Sariputta përshkruan doktrinën në seri të dhjetëfishta.…
New Ethiopian Classical Music - ቀበጥባጣ ወጣት

New Ethiopian Classical Music - ቀበጥባጣ ወጣት
4) Classical Amharic
4) ጥንታዊ አማርኛ

2441 እ. 15 ኖቬምበር 2017 ትምህርት

">ዳጄ Nikaya

ዳጊ ናዚ (”የረጅም ጊዜ ንግግሮች ስብስብ”) በሶታ ፓፒካ ከሚገኙት አምስት ናኪዎች (ስብስቦች) ውስጥ የመጀመሪያው ነው. ከዱጋ
ናዚዎች በጣም የተለመዱ ሰሃቦች የቡድኑ ፓትሮልቫዳ ሱት (DN31) የመጨረሻውን ቀን እና ሞት የሚገልጹትን የ
Maha-ibinibbana Sutta (DN 16) አጠቃቀላትን ያጠቃልላል. በዚያ ላይ ግን ቡድሃ ስነ-ምግባሮችን እና
እና የሳኡማን ፔፋላ (ዲን 2), ብራህማሃ ሰዋው (DN 1) ስለ ህዋና እና ስለ ጊዜ (የቀድሞ, የአሁንና
የወደፊቱን) ስለ ህንድ እና ስለ ሌሎች ባህሪያት የሚገልፀውን እና የሚያብራራውን እና ያነፃፅራል.
እና የፕሮቴስታንት ማሰላሰል ጥቅሞች እና ተግባራት የሚገልጹ (የረጋ ጸልት).
ዳጉ Nikaya 34 የተሰጡ ንግግሮችን ያካተተ በሶስት ቫጋግዶች የተገነባ ነው.

የእንግሊዝኛ ትርጉምን አውርድ / ይመልከቱ
የመጀመሪያው የፐዪ ቨርዥን


ሥነ ምግባርን በተመለከተ ያለው ክፍል (13 ስታትስ)

    ብራህማሃ ሰዋው (1) “ታላቁ መረብ” ወይም ዓለማቀፉ መረብ (ዓለማቀፍ), እንደ ዓሣዎች ያሉን ፍጥረቶች
ሁሉ እና ስለ 62 ጊዜያዊ አስተሳሰብ እና ስለዚሁም በሌሎች ጊዜያት ለሌሎች አስተማሪዎች ስለሚያስተምረው የራዕማችን
ሳማኒፋፋ ሱት (2) “የሂትሪት ህይወት ፍሬዎች”. ቡድሀ ለንጉስ ካስታታቱ የቡድሂስት ትዕዛዝን አባል መሆን እና የአለምን ሕይወት መተው ጥቅም አለው.
አምባታ ቁርአን (3) የትውልድ ሀረግ እና መውደቅ. በሟችነት ከአምባተ ተነጋገሩ. የኪካ ጎሳ ባህላዊ መሥራች የሆነውን የንጉስ ኦካካ አፈ ታሪክ መጥቀሻን ይዟል.
ሶላዳ ዱንሳ (4) ከብራህማን ሶናዳንዳ ከእውነተኛው ብልህ ባህሪ ጋር የተደረገ ውይይት.
ካታታንታ ሱት (5) ከበሽታ ኩታታታታን ጋር የተደረገውን የእንስሳት መስዋዕትን ያወግዛል.
መሐሊ ሱታ (6) እንደ ማህሌይ ራዕይ እና መስማት እንዲሁም እንደ ሙሉ መገለጥ መድረስ.
ጄሊያ ሱት (7) ስለ ሰውነት አንፃር ሲነፃፀር በተፈጥሮ ህግ መሰረት.
ካሳፒያሀና ሳተታ (8) ራሱን ራሰ-ንገሲ ከማድረግ እራቃዊው ካሳፓ ጋር የሚደረግ ውይይት.
ፐተፓዳ ሱትራ (9) ከፓትፓዳ ጋር የተደረገ ውይይት በቅዱስ መንፈሱ ላይ የተወያየበት, ቡድሃው ጥያቄው ዋጋ የሌለው እና ለዕውቀት ብቁ አይደለም.
ሱሃ ሳት (ዲና Nikaya) (10) ለኑና, በአኗኗር, በትኩረት እና በጥበባቸው የተሰራ ንግግር ነው.
ክዋደሃ ሱትሕ (11) ቡድሀ አንድ ተዓምር ተአምር እንዲያከናውን አይፈቅድም. ወደ አላህ ለመጉላተል (አማልክቶች) የጠየቀ መነኩሴ ታሪክ.
Lichicca Sutta (12) የማስተማር ሥነ ምግባርን በተመለከተ ከብራህሙ ሎኪካ ጋር መነጋገር.
ቲቫጄጃ ሱትባ (13) ስለ ቬዳ ማወቅ ከእባቡ ጋር ያለው ግንኙነት ከብራራ ጋር ወዳጅነት ለመመሥረት ነው.


ትልቁ ክፍል (10 ስታትስ)

    Maha-padana Sutta (14) የቡድሃው ጎዱና እና የስድስቱ ቀዳሚዎቹ ታሪክ የቡድሀ ቪፒሲ ንግግሮች; ከቱሳ ሰማይ ወደ ተልኮ ተልእኮው እስከሚጀምርበት ጊዜ ድረስ.
Maha nidana Sutta (15) በመሰንበቻ ሰንሰለት እና በነፍስ ንድፈ ሃሳቦች ላይ.
ታላቁ ፓንያ-ፓሚናባ ሰታር (16) ታላቁ የቲታካን መዘክር ለፓሪናባና ስለመዘገቡት ታላቁ ንግግር.
ማህሃ ደሳሳ ሳተታ (17) ታላቁ የክብር ንጉሥ. ስለ ቡድሃ ቀድሞ የነበረ የንጉስ ታሪክ, እንደ ንጉሥ ዳሳሳ ንጉሥ. በቡድል በሞቱ አልጋ ላይ ተናገረ.
ጃቫሳባህ ሳታ (18) ቡድሀ የያከካ ጃቫሳባህን ታሪክ ለናዲካ ሕዝብ ይናገራል.
መሃ ጎኖኛ ሱትካ (19) ሰማያዊው ሙዚቀኛ ፓንሻሺሃ መሀው ጎቪንዳን ከቡድሃ ታሪክ ጋር በማያያዝ እርሱ እርሱ ማህዋቪንዳ እንደሆነ ይናገራል.
Maha-samaya Sutta (20) The Pure Abode ባህር እና የዝግመተ ለውጥ አማራጮች.
ሳክካፒሳህ ሱትባ (21) የሰካኪ ጌታ (ሰ.ዐ.ወ) ቡድሀን ጎበኘው እና ከእሱ የመጣ ማንኛውም ነገር መበታተን እንደነበረ ይማራል.
መሐመድ Satipatthana Sutta (22) በአራቱ ታላላቅ ልምምዶች, በአካል, በስሜቶች እና በአዕምሮ ደረጃ ላይ የተደረገው ንግግር. ስለ አራቱ ሐቆች አስተያየት በመስጠት.
Payasi Sutta (23) Payasi እንደገና መወለድን / ዳግም መወለድን እና የድርጊቶችን ሽልማት (ካማ / ካርማ) ይከራከራል ነገር ግን እራሱን ይመለከታሉ.


ፓቲካ ክፍል (11 ስታትስ)

    ፓቲካ ሱት (24) ቡዱክ ሌሎች ተዓምራትን ስለማይሠራ ወይም ስለ ሌሎች ነገሮች ስለማስተማር ሌላ መምህራን የሚከተል ደቀመዝሙር ታሪክ.
ኡድቡከኪካሳሕነህ ሰንዳ (25) Buddhaማከ ተቀኔኬቲክ ከትክክለኛው የኒግሮዳ ትምህርት ጋር ያብራራል.
ካክቻትቲሺሃሃ ሳውታ (26) የአለማቀፍ ንጉሠ ነገስታት, የሞራል ስብዕና እና የተሃድሶ መበላሸት, እና የወደፊቱ ቡድሀ መምጣትን መምጣት.
አጌጋንሳ ስተዳ (27) ስለ ወፍጮዎች እና ስለአዱስ ነገሮች መጀመር (በሱሳ 24 ላይ እንደሚታየው) እስከ አራቱ መጫወቻዎች መነሻነት.
ሰፓስታዳኒ ሱት (28) የቡድሃ ውይይት የዞንፑተታ የቡድሃን ትምህርት የሚያብራራ እና በእሱ ላይ እምነት እንዳለው ይገልጻል.
ፓሳዲካ ሱት (29) በጣም ደስ የሚል ንግግር. ስለ ፍፁም እና ፍጹም ያልሆነ አስተማሪ ላይ የቡድዩ ንግግር.
ላካካን ሱት (30) በታላቁ ሰው 32 ምልክቶች ላይ.
ሲጋሎቮዳ ሰታ (31) የሲጋላ ኸጣብ በቤቱ ባለቤቶች የቤት ስራዎች ላይ ለስድስት የሰዎች ክፍፍል ያቀርባል.
(32) በአራቱ ግዛቶች እና ከክፉ ጥበቃ ለመከላከል አሻገራቸው.
ዚሪቲ ሰት (33) ሶላይተታ የማስተማሪያ መርሆችን በአሥር የምድብ ቡድኖች ይዘረዝራል.
ዱሳተህ ሱት (34) ጽንፈህ ዶክትሪን በአሥር ተከታታይ ስብስቦች ያብራራል.
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5) Classical Arabic
5) الكلاسيكية الأمهرية

2441 الأربعاء 15 نوفمبر 2017 ليسون

">ديغا نيكايا

ديغا نيكايا (”مجموعة من الخطابات الطويلة”) هو الأول من نيكاياس خمسة (مجموعات) في سوتا بيتاكا. بعض
من الأكثر شيوعا سوتاس المشار إليها من ديغا نيكايا تشمل مها-بارينيبانا
سوتا (دن 16)، الذي وصف الأيام الأخيرة والموت من بوذا، سيغالوفادا سوتا
(دن 31) الذي يناقش بوذا الأخلاق والممارسات لوضع
2)، براهماغالا سوتا (دن 1) الذي يصف ويقارن وجهة نظر بوذا وغيرها من
الزهد في الهند حول الكون والوقت (الماضي والحاضر والمستقبل).
و بوتابابادا سوتا (دن 9)، والتي تصف فوائد وممارسة التأمل ساماثا (التأمل الهدوء).
يتكون ديغا نيكايا من 34 الخطابات، مقسمة إلى ثلاثة فاغاس (مجموعات):

تحميل / عرض الترجمة الإنجليزية
النسخة بالي الأصلي


أما الشعبة المعنية بالأخلاقيات (13 سوتاس)

    براهماجالا سوتا (1) “الشبكة العظيمة” أو الشبكة العالمية (من
العالم)، التي يتم فيها القبض على جميع الكائنات مثل الأسماك و 62 أشكال
الهرطقة من التكهنات حول العالم وذاتيا تدرس من قبل المعلمين الآخرين في
ذلك الوقت.
سامانافالا سوتا (2) “ثمار حياة الهرميت”. يشرح بوذا للملك أجاتاساتو مزايا الانضمام إلى النظام البوذي والتخلي عن حياة العالم.
أمباتا سوتا (3) فخر الولادة وسقوطها. حوار مع أمباتيا على الطائفة. يحتوي على إشارة إلى أسطورة الملك أوكاكا، المؤسس التقليدي لعشيرة ساكيا.
سوناداندا سوتا (4) حوار مع البراهمة سوناداندا على خصائص البراهمة الحقيقية.
كوتادانتا سوتا (5) حوار مع البراهمة كوتادانتا يدين التضحية الحيوانية.
ماهالي سوتا (6) حوار مع ماهالي على ديفا مثل الرؤية والسمع وتحقيق التنوير الكامل.
جاليا سوتا (7) على طبيعة مبدأ الحياة بالمقارنة مع الجسم.
كاساباسيهانادا سوتا (8) حوار مع كاسابا عارية الزاهد ضد الذات التوفي.
بوتهابادا سوتا (9) مناقشة مع بوتهابادا على طبيعة الروح، التي بوذا تنص على أن المسألة غير ذات صلة ولا تفضي إلى التنوير.
سوبها سوتا (ديغنا نيكايا) (10) خطاب، نسب إلى أناندا، حول السلوك والتركيز والحكمة.
كيفادا سوتا (11) بوذا يرفض السماح للبيكخو لأداء معجزة. قصة الراهب الذي زار ديفاس (الآلهة) لاستجوابهم.
لوهيكا سوتا (12) حوار مع براهمة لوهيكا على أخلاقيات التدريس.
تيفيجيا سوتا (13) على جدوى معرفة الفيدا كوسيلة لتحقيق الرفقة مع براهما.

قسم كبير (10 سوتاس)

    مها-بادانا سوتا (14) قصة سامية من بوذا غوتاما وأسلافه الستة. أيضا الخطاب حول بوذا فيباسي؛ هبوطه من السماء توسيتا إلى بدء مهمته.
مها نيدانا سوتا (15) على سلسلة من الضرب والنظريات الروح.
مها-بارينيبانا سوتا (16) الخطاب الكبير من سجل تمرير تاثاجاتا إلى بارينيبانا.
مها سوداسانا سوتا (17) ملك العظيم المجد. قصة وجود سابق لبوذا، الملك سوداسانا. قال من قبل بوذا على وفاته السرير.
جانافاسابها سوتا (18) بوذا يتصل قصة ياخها جانافاسابها لشعب ناديكا.
مها غوفيندا سوتا (19) الموسيقار السماوي بانكاسيخا يتصل قصة مها جوفيندا لبوذا، الذي يقول انه هو نفسه مها جوفيندا.
مها-سمايا سوتا (20) ديفاز من دار نقية وتطورها.
ساكابانها سوتا (21) ساكا، رب ديفا يزور بوذا، ويتعلم منه أن كل ما ينشأ هو أيضا عرضة للحل.
مها-ساتيباتانا سوتا (22) الخطاب على تأملات كبيرة أربعة، على الجسم، والمشاعر الأفكار وحالات العقل. مع تعليق على أربع حقائق.
باياسي سوتا (23) النزاعات باياسي ولادة جديدة / التناسخ ومكافأة الإجراءات (كاما / الكرمة) ولكن يختبر ذلك بنفسه.


قسم باتيكا (11 سوتاس)

    باتيكا سوتا (24) قصة التلميذ الذي يتبع المعلمين الآخرين لأن بوذا لا يعمل المعجزات أو تعليم أصل الأشياء.
أودومباريكاسيهانادا سوتا (25) يناقش بوذا الزهد مع نيغرودها الزهد.
كاكافاتيسيهانادا سوتا (26) قصة الملك العالمي، فساد الأخلاق وترميمها، ومجيء المستقبل بوذا ميتيا.
أغانا سوتا (27) مناقشة حول الطائفة، ومعرض على أصل الأشياء (كما هو الحال في سوتا 24) وصولا الى أصل الطبقات الأربعة.
سامباسادانيا سوتا (28) حوار بوذا مع ساريبوتا، الذي يصف تدريس بوذا ويؤكد إيمانه به.
باساديكا سوتا (29) الخطاب ديلكتابل. خطاب بوذا على الكمال والمعلم ناقصة.
لاكخانا سوتا (30) على 32 علامات رجل عظيم.
سيغالوفادا سوتا (31) سيغالا العظة على واجبات رب الأسرة إلى ست فئات من الأشخاص.
أتاناتيا سوتا (32) على الملوك الأربعة الكبرى ونوباتهم للحماية ضد الشر.
سانجيتي سوتا (33) ساريبوتا يحدد مبادئ التدريس في عشر مجموعات العددية.
داسوتارا سوتا (34) ساريبوتا يحدد العقيدة في سلسلة عشرة أضعاف.…
Relaxing Armenian music with duduk

• Hovern enkan - A cool breeze is blowing - Gevorg Dabagian 0:01 - 4:31 • Amen aravot - Every morning - Gevorg Dabagian…
6) Classical Armenian
6) դասական հայերեն

2441 Չոր 15 Նոյ 2017 ԴԱՍ

">Դիգա Նիկայա

The Digha Nikaya («Հավաքածուների երկար հավաքածու») առաջին հինգ nikayas (հավաքածուներ) է Sutta Pitaka. Digha
Nikaya- ի ամենատարածված ուղեցույցներից մի քանիսը ներառում են
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), որը նկարագրում է Բուդդայի վերջնական
օրերը եւ մահը, Sigalovada Sutta (DN 31), որտեղ Բուդդան քննարկում է
էթիկայի եւ պրակտիկայի մասին
եւ Samaññafala (DN 2), Brahmajala Sutta (DN 1), որը նկարագրում եւ
համեմատում է Բուդդայի եւ Հնդկաստանի այլ ասպեկտների տեսակետը տիեզերքի եւ
ժամանակի մասին (անցյալ, ներկա եւ ապագա);
եւ Potthapada Sutta (DN 9), որոնք նկարագրում են սամաթայի խորհուրդը (հանգիստ խոհեր):
Digha Nikaya- ն բաղկացած է 34 դիսկուրսներից, որոնք բաժանված են երեք վագգաների (խմբերի).

Բեռնել / դիտել անգլերեն թարգմանությունը
Original Pali տարբերակը


Բարոյականության մասին բաժինը (13 suttas)

    Brahmajala Sutta (1) «Մեծ ցանցը» կամ համաշխարհային ցանցը, որում
բռնում են բոլոր ձուկները, ինչպես ձկան եւ մյուս ժամանակաշրջանի այլ
ուսուցիչների կողմից ուսուցանվող աշխարհին վերաբերող շահարկումների 62
գաղափարական ձեւերը:
Samannaphala Sutta (2) «Հերմիտի կյանքի պտուղները»: Բուդդան բացատրում է թագավոր Ահաթաթաթուն Բուդդիստական ​​հրամանին միանալու եւ աշխարհի կյանքից հրաժարվելու առավելությունները:
Ambattha Sutta (3) Ծնունդը հպարտություն եւ անկում: Ամբատթայի հետ երկխոսություն կաստակի մասին: Պարունակում է Սաքսի կլանի ավանդական հիմնադիր Օկկակաի լեգենդի մասին:
Sonadanda Sutta (4) Երկխոսություն Brahmin Sonadanda- ի հետ `ճշմարիտ բրահմինի բնութագրիչներով:
Kutadanta Sutta (5) Երկխոսություն Brahmin Kutadanta- ի հետ, դատապարտելով կենդանիների զոհաբերությունը:
Mahali Sutta (6) Երկխոսություն Mahali- ի հետ, դեւայի տեսիլքի եւ լսողության պես եւ լիարժեք լուսավորության ձեռքբերում:
Ջալյա Սուտտա (7) Կյանքի սկզբունքի բնույթով, մարմնի համեմատ:
Kassapasihanada Sutta (8) Քեսապա մերձեցման հետ երկխոսություն ինքնասպանությունների դեմ:
Potthapada Sutta (9) Խոսքը Potthapada- ի հետ հոգու բնության մասին,
որի մասին Բուդդան ասում է, որ հարցը անտեղի է եւ ոչ թե նպաստող
Subha Sutta (Digna Nikaya) (10) Քննարկում, որը վերաբերում է Անանդային, վարքի, համակենտրոնացման եւ իմաստության մասին:
Kevaddha Sutta (11) The Buddha հրաժարվում է թույլ bhikkhu կատարել հրաշք: Մահմեդի պատմությունը, ով այցելել էր դավաններին (աստվածներին), հարցականի տակ դնելու համար:
Lohicca Sutta (12) Երկխոսություն Brahmin Lohicca- ի ուսուցման էթիկայի մասին:
Tevijja Sutta (13) Վեդասի գիտելիքի անարդյունավետության մասին, որպես Brahma- ի հետ ընկերակցությանը հասնելու միջոց:

The Large Division (10 suttas)

    Maha-padana Sutta (14) Բուդդա Գոթմանի եւ նրա վեց նախորդների գերագույն պատմությունը. ինչպես նաեւ Բուդդա Վիպասսի մասին զրույցը. նրա ծագումը Տուսիտայի երկնքից մինչեւ իր առաքելության մեկնարկը:
Maha-nidana Sutta (15) Կախարդության շղթայի եւ հոգու տեսությունների մասին:
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (16) Տաթագաթայի Փարինիբբանայի անցնելու մասին արձանագրության մեծ ելույթը:
Maha Sudassana Sutta (17) Փառքի Մեծ Թագավորը: Բուդդայի նախկին գոյության պատմությունը, որպես Սուդասան թագավոր: Բուդդայի խոսքով, մահվան մահճակալում:
Janavasabha Sutta (18) Բուդդա պատմում է Յակհա Յանավասաբայի պատմությունը Նադիկայի ժողովրդին:
Մահա Գովինդա Սուտտա (19) Երկնային երաժիշտ Պանկասխա պատմում է Մահա
Գովինդայի պատմությունը Բուդդա, որը հայտարարում է, որ ինքն էր Մահա
Maha-samaya Sutta (20) Մաքուր բնակավայրի Devas եւ դրանց էվոլյուցիան:
Sakkapanha Sutta (21) Սաքկա, դավոսի տերը այցելում է Բուդդա եւ
սովորում է նրան, որ ամեն ինչ, որ ծագում է, նույնպես ենթակա է լուծարման:
Maha-satipatthana Sutta (22) Զրույցը չորս Մեծ Մեդիտացիաների մասին, մարմնի վրա, զգացմունքների մտքերն ու մտքի վիճակները: Մեկնաբանելով Չորս ճշմարտությունները:
Payasi Sutta (23) Payasi վեճերը վերածնունդը / reincarnation &
պարգեւատրում գործողությունների (kamma / karma), բայց դա զգում է իրեն:


The Patika Division (11 suttas)

    Patika Sutta (24) Աշակերտի պատմությունը, ով հետեւում է մյուս
ուսուցիչներին, քանի որ Բուդդան չի աշխատում հրաշքներ կամ սովորեցնում է
իրերի ծագումը:
Udumbarikasihanada Sutta (25) The Buddha քննարկում asceticism հետ ասացվածքի Nigridha.
Cakkavattisihanada Sutta (26) Համընդհանուր թագավորի պատմությունը,
բարոյականության կոռուպցիան եւ դրանց վերականգնումը եւ ապագայի Բուդդա
Մետտայի գալուստը:
Agganna Sutta (27) Քաստի մասին քննարկում եւ բաների ծագման մասին ցուցադրություն (ինչպես Sutta 24-ում) `չորս կրեդիտների ծագումը:
Sampasadaniya Sutta (28) Բուդդայի երկխոսությունը Sariputta- ով, որը նկարագրում է Բուդդայի ուսմունքը եւ հաստատում է իր հավատը:
Պասադիկա Սուտտա (29) The Delectable Discourse. Բուդդայի ելույթը կատարյալ եւ անկատար ուսուցչի վրա:
Lakkhana Sutta (30) Մեծի 32 նշանների վրա:
Սիգալովադա Սուտտան (31) Սիգալան հպարտանում է մարդկանց վեց դասերին տանտիրոջ պարտականությունների վրա:
Atanatiya Sutta (32) Չորրորդ Մեծ Թագավորության եւ նրանց հեգնանքով, չարիքից պաշտպանվելու համար:
Սանգիթի Սուտտա (33) Սարիփուտտան դասավանդում է տասը թվային խմբերի ուսուցման սկզբունքները:
Dasuttara Sutta (34) Sariputta ուրվագծում վարդապետությունը տասնապատիկ շարքի.…
Kucelere su sepmishem piano version

Azeri music
7) Classical Azerbaijani
7) Klassik azərbaycanlı

2441 Çar 15 Noyabr 2017 DERS

">Digha Nikaya

Digha Nikaya (”Uzun Məsləhətlər toplusu”) Sutta Pitaka-da beş nikayanın (kolleksiyaların) birincisi. Digha
Nikayadan ən çox istinad edilən bəzi suttalar Buddanın son günlərini və
ölümünü təsvir edən Maha-parinibbana Sutta (DN 16), Buddanın etikası və
tətbiqləri müzakirə etdiyi Sigalovada Sutta (DN 31)
və Samañnaphala (DN 2), Brahmajala Sutta (DN 1), Hindistanda Buddha və
digər astsetiklərin nöqteyi-nəzərini kainat və zaman (keçmiş, indiki və
gələcək) ilə müqayisə edir;
və samatha meditasiyasının faydalarını və təcrübəsini təsvir edən Potthapada Sutta (DN 9).
Digha Nikaya, üç vaggaya (qruplara) bölünmüş 34 söhbətdən ibarətdir:

İngilis dili tərcüməsi yükləyin
Orijinal Pali versiyası


Ahlaka dair bölmə (13 suttas)

    Brahmajala Sutta (1) Balıq kimi bütün canlıları və dünyanın digər
müəllimləri tərəfindən öyrədilmiş dünyadakı spekülasiyaya dair
spekülasyonların 62 fəlsəfi formasını tutan “Böyük Net” və ya universal
Samannaphala Sutta (2) “Hermit Həyatının Meyvələri”. Budda King Ajsatattuya Buddist Sifarişinə qoşulma və dünyanın həyatından imtina üstünlüklərini izah edir.
Ambattha Sutta (3) Doğum və qürur gururu. Ambatta ilə caste haqqında dialoq. Sakya qəbiləsinin ənənəvi qurucusu Kral Oxkanın əfsanəsinə istinad edir.
Sonadanda Sutta (4) Brahmin Sonadanda ilə əsl brahmin xüsusiyyətləri ilə dialoq.
Kutadanta Sutta (5) Brahmin Kutadantan ilə heyvanlar qurbanlarını qınayır.
Mahali Sutta (6) Görmə və eşitmə və tam maariflənmə bacarığı kimi Mahali ilə dialoq.
Jaliya Sutta (7) Bədənə nisbətən həyat prinsipi xarakteri haqqında.
Kassapasihanada Sutta (8) Çıplak ascetic Kassapa ilə özünü öldürmə qarşı dialoq.
Potthapada Sutta (9) Buddanın məsələni alakasız və maarifləndirməyə imkan vermədiyi ruhun təbiəti ilə Potthapada ilə müzakirə.
Subha Sutta (Digna Nikaya) (10) Ananda davranışları, konsentrasiyası və hikməti ilə əlaqəli bir söz.
Kevaddha Sutta (11) Buddha bhikhunun bir möcüzə göstərməsinə icazə verməyini istəmir. Onları soruşmaq üçün devasları (tanrılar) ziyarət edən keşişin hikayəsi.
Lohicca Sutta (12) Brahmin Lohicca ilə dialoq.
Tevijja Sutta (13) Vedaların biliklərinin Brahma ilə ünsiyyətə gəlməsi vasitəsi kimi faydasız olması.

Böyük Şöbə (10 suttas)

    Maha-padana Sutta (14) Buddha Gotama və onun altı sələfinin ən böyük hekayəsi; həmçinin Buddha Vipassi haqqında söhbət; onun Tusita cənnətindən onun vəzifəsinin başlanmasına qədər çıxması.
Maha-nidana Sutta (15) Kəsin zənciri və ruhun nəzəriyyəsi.
Maha-parinibbana Sutta (16) Tathagata’nın Parinibbana geçişinin böyük bir söylemi.
Maha Sudassana Sutta (17) Şöhrətin Böyük Kralı. Buddanın əvvəlki varlığının hekayəsi, King Sudassana kimi. Buddan onun ölüm yatağında söylədilər.
Janavasabha Sutta (18) Buddha yakkha Janavasabha’nın hekayəsini Nadika xalqına aid edir.
Maha Govinda Sutta (19) Səmavi musiqiçi Pancasikha, Maha Govinda
ilə Maha Govinda olduğunu ifadə edən Buddanın hekayəsini izah edir.
Maha-samaya Sutta (20) Pure Abode Devas və onların inkişafı.
Sakkapanha Sutta (21) Deva lordu Sakka Buddanı ziyarət edir və ondan öyrənir ki, başlayan hər şey də həll olunsun.
Maha-satipatthana Sutta (22) Dörd Böyük Meditasiyalara, bədənə, duyğuların düşüncələrinə və düşüncələrinə dair söhbət. Dörd həqiqət haqqında bir şərh ilə.
Payasi Sutta (23) Payasi, yenidən doğma / reenkarnasyon və
hərəkətlərin mükafatlandırılması (kamma / karma) ilə qarşılaşır, ancaq
özünü yaşayır.


The Patika Division (11 suttas)

    Patika Sutta (24) Digər müəllimləri təqib edən şagirdin hekayəsi, çünki Budda möcüzə yaratmır və ya şeylərin kökünü öyrədir.
Udumbarikasihanada Sutta (25) The Buddha ascetic Nigridha ilə astsetizm müzakirə edir.
Cakkavattisihanada Sutta (26) Ümumdünya kralın hikməti, əxlaqın pozulması və bərpası və gələcək Buddha Metteya gəlməsi.
Agganna Sutta (27) Kast üzərində müzakirə və əşyaların mənşəyi
haqqında bir sərgi (Sutta 24 kimi) dörd kastonun mənşəyinə qədər aşağı
Sampasadaniya Sutta (28) Buddha Tədrisini təsvir edən və onun imanını təsdiqləyən Sariputta ilə dialoq.
Pasadika Sutta (29) The Delectable Discourse. Mükəmməl və imperfect müəllimə Buddan söhbət.
Lakkhana Sutta (30) Böyük bir adamın 32 qeydində.
Sigalovada Sutta (31) The Sigala şəxsən altı şagirdlərin ev sahibinin vəzifələri haqqında.
Atanatiya Sutta (32) Dörd Böyük Padşahlar və onların pisliyindən qorunmaq üçün onların sehrinə.
Sangiti Sutta (33) Sariputta Tədrisin prinsiplərini on ədədi qrupda təsvir edir.
Dasuttara Sutta (34) Sariputta on dəfə qatdakı doktrinasını əks etdirir.

Exceptionally Talented Blind Guy Became A Professional Surfer

Adorable Koko The Gorilla Adopted Two Kittens
Amdavadis4Ever@yahoogroups.comAmdavadis4Ever@yahoogroups.comAmdavadis4Ever@yahoogroups.comping pong bounce…/why-abba-must…/article20376164.ece

[Seeding is just one of the many barriers that the ABBA has created in
the smooth functioning of the PDS. The ABBA requires that family members
be enrolled for Aadhaar and correct seeding. At the time of purchase,
the ABBA requires power supply, a functional PoS machine, mobile and
Internet connectivity, State and Central Identities Data Repository
(CIDR) servers to be ‘up’, and for fingerprint authentication to be

What most people don’t realise is that the ABBA
has no role in reducing corruption. If the ABBA helps reduce corruption,
it might be worth fixing these failures. Quantity fraud is the practice
of cheating on quantities sold. Neither seeding nor the ABBA can stop
quantity fraud. In a survey in Jharkhand, dealers continue to swindle
people by cutting up to a kg of their grain entitlement despite
successful ABBA authentication. Identity fraud, for example in the form
of duplicate ration cards, only requires Aadhaar-seeding; the ABBA is
unnecessary. Two caveats on seeding: it can be foolproof against
identity fraud only in a universal system. More seriously, it raises
privacy issues.
Further, in Aadhaar’s rulebook for example, an
elderly person asking a neighbour to fetch their grain would count as
identity fraud. In fact, it is flexibility that is lost when the ABBA is
made mandatory.]…/why-abba-must…/article20376164.ece


Why ABBA must go

Reetika Khera

NOVEMBER 13, 2017 00:00 IST
UPDATED: NOVEMBER 13, 2017 03:33 IST

Aadhaar-based Biometric Authentication does nothing in the battle against graft — there are better alternatives

In a sickening way, October 2017 was like October 2002.

Fifteen years ago, in Rajasthan’s Baran and Udaipur districts, there
was a spate of starvation deaths. The government of the time made up
fanciful stories to deny that the deaths had anything to do with hunger
or government failure.

In October 2017, the death of an
11-year-old Dalit child, Santoshi Kumari, of Jharkhand, was widely
reported. She had been pleading with her mother to give her rice as she
slipped into unconsciousness and lost her life. The government insists
that she had malaria but in video testimonies, her mother, Koyli Devi,
says she had no fever. After Santoshi’s death, more hunger deaths have
been reported, of which at least one, Ruplal Marandi, is related to the
government’s Aadhaar experiment.

The starvation deaths in 2002
became the springboard for positive action on many fronts, which
included the passing of judicial orders and even political action. Since
then, there has been a perceptible improvement in programmes of social
support including, but not limited to, the Public Distribution System
(PDS). In Baran, it led to a recognition of the vulnerability of the
Sahariyas — a tribal community in Baran — and a special PDS package
consisting of free pulses and ghee being announced.

action is required today. Instead, the government remains in denial. The
Food Ministry in Delhi issued an order in late October that is silent
on the crucial issue of reinstating wrongly cancelled ration cards and
makes token concessions (with no guarantee of implementation).

Targets and the reality

For months, the Central government has been insisting on 100% Aadhaar
“seeding” across schemes such as the PDS, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and pensions. Seeding refers to the
practice of entering Aadhaar numbers for each household member on the
ration card. It is a pre-requisite for the Aadhaar-based Biometric
Authentication (ABBA) system, the practice of using an electronic point
of sale (PoS) machine to authenticate each transaction. The government
has made seeding and the ABBA mandatory in the PDS. As explained below,
the distinction between seeding and the ABBA is important.

their zeal to achieve 100% Aadhaar-seeding targets, some field
functionaries just deleted the names of those who did not submit Aadhaar
details. Others waited till the deadline and then struck off names. The
government claims that all of these were “fake”, detected due to
Aadhaar, thus saving crores of rupees. Santoshi’s family was one such
example. According to the State Food Minister, their ration card was
cancelled in July because they failed to seed it with Aadhaar.

Exclusions are not savings

Some people blame the aggrieved for failing to seed Aadhaar. But many
of them are unaware of the seeding requirement. When pensions in
Jharkhand suddenly stopped for many pensioners, they had no idea why. No
one had told them about Aadhaar. In some cases, the middlemen had
seeded it wrongly. Others still had tried repeatedly and failed. Seeding
is not as simple as it sounds.

Seeding is just one of the many
barriers that the ABBA has created in the smooth functioning of the PDS.
The ABBA requires that family members be enrolled for Aadhaar and
correct seeding. At the time of purchase, the ABBA requires power
supply, a functional PoS machine, mobile and Internet connectivity,
State and Central Identities Data Repository (CIDR) servers to be ‘up’,
and for fingerprint authentication to be successful.

Marandi’s family passed the first two hurdles, enrolment and seeding,
but was tripped at the last stage by the ABBA. For no fault of his own,
the Marandi family was excluded from the PDS. His daughter told
journalists that he had died of hunger as the family could not collect
rations because of a biometric mismatch at the PDS shop.

There is
enough evidence to show that the ABBA does not work. The Finance
Ministry’s latest Economic Survey, based on micro-studies, reports high
biometric failure rates.

In Rajasthan, government data for the
past year show that around 70% of cardholders are able to use the system
successfully. The rest have either been tripped up by one of the ABBA
hurdles or, less likely, they did not attempt to buy PDS grain. In
Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, the ABBA’s poster child States, it is used
to disburse MGNREGA wages and pensions: biometric failure rates are
between 8 and 14%. In some months, one in four pensioners returns

A case against ABBA

What most people don’t
realise is that the ABBA has no role in reducing corruption. If the ABBA
helps reduce corruption, it might be worth fixing these failures.
Quantity fraud is the practice of cheating on quantities sold. Neither
seeding nor the ABBA can stop quantity fraud. In a survey in Jharkhand,
dealers continue to swindle people by cutting up to a kg of their grain
entitlement despite successful ABBA authentication. Identity fraud, for
example in the form of duplicate ration cards, only requires
Aadhaar-seeding; the ABBA is unnecessary. Two caveats on seeding: it can
be foolproof against identity fraud only in a universal system. More
seriously, it raises privacy issues.

Further, in Aadhaar’s
rulebook for example, an elderly person asking a neighbour to fetch
their grain would count as identity fraud. In fact, it is flexibility
that is lost when the ABBA is made mandatory.

Thus, each month,
people are being forced to cross five meaningless hurdles in the form of
electricity, functional PoS, connectivity, servers and fingerprint
authentication in order to have access to their ration. Failing any one
hurdle even once causes anxiety in subsequent months. Think of the ATM
running out of cash, post-demonetisation, just when it was your turn.
The resultant anxiety defeats the very purpose of such forms of social
support. Failure in consecutive months leads to people giving up
entirely. They stop trying. States such as Rajasthan were planning to
treat such households as dead or non-existent.

The ABBA must be
withdrawn immediately from the PDS and pensions in favour of alternative
technologies such as smart cards. This will allow us to keep the baby
(offline PoS machines with smart cards) and throw out the bathwater
(Internet dependence and biometric authentication).

If the
government continues to insist on the ABBA, there is only one conclusion
that can be drawn. That it is actively trying to sabotage the PDS,
which, quite literally, is a lifeline for the poor.

Reetika Khera is Associate Professor (Economics) at the Indian Institute of Technology Delhi

Peace Is Doable

Aadhaar-based Biometric Authentication does nothing in the battle against graft — there are better alternatives…/supreme-court-diminished-judici…/

Supreme Court, diminished
The judiciary has created a crisis of institutional credibility for itself

Written by Pratap Bhanu Mehta |

Published:November 14, 2017 12:39 am

The Supreme Court of India is facing its worst crisis of credibility
since the Emergency. With an occasional exception, the quality of the
court’s reasoning, the inconstancy of its judgment, the abdication of
its constitutional role in some cases, and its overreach in others, are
already denting its authority. But the institutional crisis that the
Supreme Court has now created for itself will puncture more holes in the
authority that it so valiantly tried to exert. It will also create the
conditions under which it will be easier to legitimise diluting judicial

The current crisis was occasioned by an order
passed by Justice J Chelameswar to constitute a five-judge bench in a
petition filed by CJAR that demanded that a SIT be constituted to look
into an alleged corruption scandal pertaining to a case involving a
medical college. There are two issues: Can the chief justice be part of
the hearing, since the scandal allegedly implicates a judgment the CJI
wrote, even though he has not been named in the FIR? Second, could a
constitution bench be constituted bypassing the chief justice in
violation of the current procedure through which such benches are
constituted? This is not the place to recount the ugly sequence of
events that transpired. But consider the different ways in which the
judiciary has now rendered itself vulnerable.

First, there is the
vulnerability that arises from the CBI itself. There are issues of
corruption in the courts. The judiciary has failed to find a mechanism
to deal with allegations of corruption within its ranks. Every justice
in the court needs to be above suspicion. But a lot of care needs to be
exercised so that the anti-corruption measures taken do not undermine
the independence of the judiciary. This is not a very popular thing to
say, but we should also consider the possibility that the threat of
being investigated by the CBI, or speculative naming (or suggestion in a
CBI report), can itself also be an instrument of seeking recusals or
undermining the independence of judges, as is sometimes done with other
government officials. This subtle institutional challenge to the
judiciary is not outside of the realm of possibility. More than the
conduct of Justices Misra and Chelameswar, the judiciary will have to
think of how it will deal with instances where the Chief Justice of
India or other justices becomes hostage to possible CBI innuendo.

The challenge of fighting corruption in the judiciary will be this: How
do you do this in a way that does not make the judiciary vulnerable to
implicit blackmail and leads to undermining its independence? But a
clamour for reforms that undermine independence in the name of
accountability will be a natural consequence of the current chain of
It is precisely because such a danger looms that the
judiciary’s conduct needs to be above board. And here, the judiciary has
made itself doubly vulnerable. A court carves out its authority by the
compelling character of its reasoning on behalf of constitutional
We have had a succession of chief justices who have failed
to exercise intellectual leadership and the present chief justice is no
exception. It is not difficult to understand the chief justice’s
consternation. He has not been named in an FIR, and the prospect of a
CJI’s integrity being questioned on the basis of an unaccountable CBI is
not a prospect we should relish. He was also institutionally humiliated
by one of his brother justices, who disregarded existing court
procedure and appointed a constitutional bench. But notwithstanding
this, this is clearly a chief justice who seemed not to understand the
concept of conflict of interest. He let his consternation on a
procedural matter get the better of his judgment in a cringingly
unbecoming way. He also gave the impression of not giving counsel a
proper hearing. In the way he has constituted benches, he has also shown
deep distrust in the capabilities of his senior colleagues. By setting
himself up as a judge in his own cause and setting up a bench whose
composition looks arbitrary, he has undermined the authority of the

But Justice Chelameswar’s order setting up a
five-judge bench also made the judiciary vulnerable. Surely, there were
better ways of securing the recusal of the chief justice and setting up a
bench in a way that did not depart from existing court procedure or
humiliate the chief justice. The danger is that the pursuit of justice
and the need to project virtue often results in a grandstanding in its
own right. Rather than build a robust judicial consensus, judges project
their own individual heroism.

Between a chief justice who does
not recognise conflict of interest, and justices who think the only
recourse is public grandstanding, the judiciary will not be able to
survive. Many learned counsel have defended Justice Chelameswar’s move
by invoking Article 142 that gives judges the power to do whatever it
takes to secure justice. But the use of Article 142 has also become a
sign of immense judicial indiscipline, where judges can easily ride
roughshod over other procedural proprieties.

Taken together, both
the chief justice’s and the judge’s conduct highlights one obvious
fact: There is no Supreme Court left any more. In expanding its powers,
the Supreme Court first replaced the rule of law with the rule of the
court (they are not the same thing); now the rule of court has been
replaced with the anarchic will of individual judges. The Supreme Court
has effectively ended an institution. There is no real command structure
left. On procedural matters, whether it is protocols for appointing
judges, or handling conflicts of interest, the court is all over the

Communication between judges seems to have broken down to
the point where the senior leadership of the court is incapable of
getting together and coming up with common sense procedural solutions to
cases like this. The distrust amongst judges, as evident in the ways
benches are being constituted, seems extraordinarily high. And the sense
of injured virtue amongst individual judges seems to be trumping any
consideration of the reputation of the judiciary as a whole.

There are lots of legal nuances to the case at hand. But the court’s
loss of external credibility combined with internal anarchy does not
bode well for Indian democracy. Instead of becoming a constitutional
lodestar in our turbulent times, the court has itself become a
reflection of the worst rot afflicting Indian institutions.

The writer is vice-chancellor, Ashoka University. Views are personal

Peace Is Doable

The judiciary has created a crisis of institutional credibility for itself

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This is the gravest crisis the judiciary and the legal profession have ever faced in India
The events of November 10 in the Supreme Court show its unwillingness
to even address the most basic questions of institutional integrity.

by Alok Prasanna Kumar
Published Yesterday · 06:30 pm

This is the gravest crisis the judiciary and the legal profession have ever faced in India

November 10, 2017, witnessed a gross and unconscionable abuse of power
by the Chief Justice of India, Justice Dipak Misra, unparalleled in the
history of the Supreme Court of India. As other commentators have
pointed out (here, here, here and here) it is, if not the lowest, then
certainly one of the lowest points in the history of an institution that
ordinary citizens of India look up to. The credibility of the
institution, built up over several decades, already under stress in the
last few years, crumbled in two hours of high drama. It is important to
remember how we got here, why the Chief Justice of India’s actions are
so unpardonable and why things may never be the same again.

Sequence of events
The immediate sequence of events leading up to the events of November
10, 2017 are detailed here, but some more background is needed to
understand it fully. The story really starts with the Central Bureau of
Investigation’s arrest of a hawala operator who led them eventually to a
retired judge of the Orissa High Court, IM Quddusi who, it was claimed,
had taken money from a medical college with a promise to help them get a
favourable judgement from the Supreme Court on the question of
permissions to admit students for the 2017-’18 academic year from the
Medical Council of India.

The Campaign for Judicial
Accountability and Reforms led by Prashant Bhushan and later, Kamini
Jaiswal, filed a petition asking for a Supreme Court monitored
supervision of this ongoing investigation into possible judicial
corruption. On Thursday, a bench led by Justice J Chelameswar directed
that a Constitution bench be formed of five senior-most judges to deal
with Jaiswal’s petition. The order said that the bench should consist of
the five senior-most judges of the Supreme Court. But on Friday, this
order was nullified by a fresh Constitution bench led by Misra and a new
bench set up by him.

The medical college in question, run by
Prasad Education Trust, had approached the Supreme Court earlier this
year in a case which was heard by a bench of Misra, Justice Amitava Roy
and Justice AM Khanwilkar. It cannot be missed that both Justices Roy
and Khanwilkar were also on the “Constitution Bench” that Misra set up
on Friday.

It is true that the names of Misra or his two
colleagues on the bench are not mentioned in the first information
report filed by the CBI. But we must remember that according to the
judgement of the Supreme Court of India in K Veeraswami v Union of
India, no complaint can be made against a judge of the Supreme Court
without the written permission of the Chief Justice of India, and if the
complaint is about the Chief Justice of India, then permission has to
be obtained from such judge or judges of the Supreme Court as the Union
Government sees fit. The CBI thus could not, by itself, have named any
Supreme Court judge in the FIR, without the government taking the
requisite permissions.

The alleged offence of bribery of a public
official does not actually name a specific public official yet. The
investigations have not made any progress on the involvement of any
sitting Supreme Court judge, yet. It is public knowledge that the writ
petition filed by the other accused, for permission, was heard by Misra,
Roy and Khanwilkar on July 26 and an order was passed on August 1,
asking for a fresh decision to be taken regarding permission denied to
petitioner colleges. Crucially, it was heard as part of a batch of
matters challenging decisions of the Union Government and the committee
overseeing the functioning of the Medical Council of India in respect of
permission given to medical colleges.

The obvious questions
arise: Would it not be the most logical thing to do to include the above
judges in the ongoing investigation, after going through the proper
procedures? Does this not warrant an inquiry into the functioning of the
Supreme Court? Is it not reasonable to investigate if the alleged
bribery in the Prasad Education Trust case was a one-off or could there
be more such cases? Would it not have advisable for Misra to have
welcomed such a probe as it would have once and for all cleared all

These questions have no answers and thanks to Misra’s actions on Friday, the truth looks further away than ever.

While Chelameswar’s orders early listing of the petitions by CJAR and
Kamini Jaiswal and reference to the Constitution Bench of five
senior-most judges were debatable, they did not per se cause any
prejudice to anyone, and may have been warranted to ensure that justice
was not only done but seen to be done.

Natural justice
Chief Justice of India, like the Chief Justice of any High Court is the
“Master of the Rolls” – the judge with the power to decide the roster of
the court: who hears which case and when. This was never in dispute.
The “order” passed by the “Constitution Bench” reiterating the legal
position makes no reference to the facts which prompted these
proceedings. The writ petition was filed given that Misra’s conduct was
in question and, when it came to a judicial inquiry about the same, he
cannot be allowed to be a judge in his own cause. This cardinal
principle of natural justice, the cornerstone of any independent and
impartial judiciary, and one which courts in common law jurisdictions
have recognised for over 400 years was violated with impunity. While the
order cites case-law and precedent to assert his powers as a master of
the rolls, it does not, even in passing, address the argument made by
Prashant Bhushan and the petitioners that Misra, as Chief Justice of
India, should have recused from hearing this case.

Misra also
deliberately avoided including any of the next six senior-most judges in
the “Constitution Bench” he set up, suggesting that he had either no
faith in his fellow judges to be neutral and impartial in this matter or
he feared any neutrality and impartiality in this matter. Neither bodes
well for the judiciary.

There have been past instances where the
Chief Justice’s conduct was in question before the concerned High Court
or the Supreme Court. A writ of quo warranto was filed in the Madras
High Court alleging that the then Chief Justice S Ramachandra Iyer had
given a wrong date of birth and should have retired earlier. He was
forced to resign before the case was decided but the case was listed and
heard before another judge without any interference on his part.
Likewise, all the four so-called judges’ cases did not feature the Chief
Justice of India since the powers of the office were in question, and
it may be recalled that Justice AR Dave had to recuse from the bench
hearing the challenge to the National Judicial Appointments Commission,
as he had become part of the commission whose validity has been

Uncertain future
On matters of integrity and
accountability, the judiciary has always asked the public to trust them.
Judges appoint judges. Judges decide whether judges face any
consequences for misconduct. Judges decide whether judges have committed
an impeachable offence. Judges decide whether judges will be named in a
criminal offence. At all times, the claim has been raised that the
institution of the judiciary is too precious, too fragile and too
important to allow anyone but judges to safeguard it. What Misra’s
actions show is that judges don’t trust other judges to safeguard the
institution of the judiciary, and more importantly, the public cannot
trust the judges to safeguard the institution either.

Just as
shameful is the role of several advocates who had gathered in Court No 1
of the Supreme Court on Friday. They had nothing to do with the case
and represented no parties. They, including some executive members of
the Supreme Court Bar Association, behaved in a despicable manner – all
in the defence of a judge trying desperately to hold on to his authority
in the face of serious questions on his integrity. Whatever may have
been the merits of Justice Chelameswar choosing to hear the case and
referring it to a Constitution bench, it was incumbent upon Misra’s
bench to have not permitted advocates to disparage him thus in open
court and show such open disrespect to their colleagues.

This is
the gravest crisis the judiciary and the legal profession have ever
faced in India. Both have been beset by problems, big and small over the
years. What the events of Friday show is the institution’s
unwillingness to even address the most basic questions of institutional
integrity. It would be a mistake to see this as just Misra exceeding his
powers as the Chief Justice of India. He had the help and support of
several judges on the bench. He had the active connivance of members of
the Bar with many years of standing in the profession. How can the
public possibly retain any shred of faith in the honesty and neutrality
of the judiciary when the highest judicial body and the highest judicial
authority does something like this?

Alok Prasanna Kumar is
Senior Resident Fellow, Vidhi Centre for Legal Policy. He is also a
Member of the Executive Committee of the Campaign for Judicial
Accountability and Reforms.

events of November 10 in the Supreme Court show its unwillingness to
even address the most basic questions of institutional integrity.

more astonishing is the amount of money involved. Collectively, the
amount claimed as agricultural income was Rs 84,742 crore (average
amount per assessee Rs 19.lakh) in 2010. If that made you gasp, watch
the amount declared for 2011. It jumped to (hold your breath) Rs
19,971,098 crore (Rs 3,040 lakh average per assessee) in 2011. It did
not stop at this level. It climbed further to Rs 67,431,358 crore
(average Rs 8,300 lakh) in 2012.
The collective amount for the three
years comes to an astounding Rs 86,486,197 crore (Rs 865 lakh crore).
It is astounding, because the GVA (gross value added) for the country
was only Rs 8,546,552 crore, Rs 9,084,369 crore and Rs 9,727,490 for
2010, 2011, and 2012, respectively. The total GVA for the three years
together comes to Rs 27,358,411 crore.
What this means is that the
total agricultural income filed with the IT authorities was three times
the total GVA for the three years. If only 2011 and 2012 are taken into
account, agricultural income declared was almost 5 times the GVA for
those two years. Preposterous! That effectively means that agricultural
income was even greater than India’s GDP or GVA! Unbelievable!]

India’s farms report income greater than our GDP! Target them in the war on black money
The opposition is baying for the government’s blood over demonetisation
and GST. The first is done and over with. But its effects are not yet
over. The second has been modified to assuage large sections of the

RN Bhaskar

RN Bhaskar

opposition is baying for the government’s blood over demonetisation and
GST. The first is done and over with. But its effects are not yet over.
The second has been modified to assuage large sections of the

The government continues to insist that
demonetisation will help curb black money. Maybe it will. The money that
has been put into bank accounts (since very few of high value notes got
‘impounded’ or cancelled by the government) will help the government
track down accounts which saw a surge in deposits. That will enable the
tax authorities to track down the sources of these deposits.

According to media reports, attributed to highly placed tax authorities,
more than Rs 2 lakh was deposited in over 60 lakh bank accounts
post-demonetisation. The total amount involved is over Rs 7.34 lakh
crore. These accounts are now under scrutiny.

Religare Enterprises Q2 loss narrows to Rs 31 crore
Judiciary’s independence can’t be at mercy of CBI or police: Supreme Court
Gawahati High Court rejects APSC chairman’s bail plea
8 lakh or 60 lakh?

That may be so. However, there are good reasons to believe that the
Finance Ministry could haul up bigger fish by just scrutinizing some 8
lakh accounts, instead of pursuing 60 lakh accounts.

These are
the people who submitted agricultural income tax returns in 2011-2013
(see chart alongside). Watch the table closely. The total number of
returns filed and which showed agricultural income surged from 425,085
in 2011, to 656,944 in 2011. This number climbed further in 2012 to
812,426 in 2012.


But more astonishing is the
amount of money involved. Collectively, the amount claimed as
agricultural income was Rs 84,742 crore (average amount per assessee Rs
19.lakh) in 2010. If that made you gasp, watch the amount declared for
2011. It jumped to (hold your breath) Rs 19,971,098 crore (Rs 3,040 lakh
average per assessee) in 2011. It did not stop at this level. It
climbed further to Rs 67,431,358 crore (average Rs 8,300 lakh) in 2012.

The collective amount for the three years comes to an astounding Rs
86,486,197 crore (Rs 865 lakh crore). It is astounding, because the GVA
(gross value added) for the country was only Rs 8,546,552 crore, Rs
9,084,369 crore and Rs 9,727,490 for 2010, 2011, and 2012, respectively.
The total GVA for the three years together comes to Rs 27,358,411

What this means is that the total agricultural income
filed with the IT authorities was three times the total GVA for the
three years. If only 2011 and 2012 are taken into account, agricultural
income declared was almost 5 times the GVA for those two years.
Preposterous! That effectively means that agricultural income was even
greater than India’s GDP or GVA! Unbelievable!

But that is what
the numbers say. Some taxmen tried to pass this off as data-entry
errors. But that is implausible. This is because any income over Rs 20
lakh has to be fed into the income tax servers directly by the
assessees. If the figures are wrong, the assessees should be hauled up
and penalised for wrongful entries. The entries should then be cancelled
and treated as null and void. Else, they should be prosecuted and fined
for concealment of income. Neither has happened. The Finance Ministry
is silent about this. So are the income tax authorities.

In fact,
the income tax on such declarations could be large enough to account
for almost 100 years of total taxes collected. That could actually make
Prime Minister Modi’s plan for giving money back to tax payers a

The genesis

The genesis of these discoveries lies
in a series of accidents. The first figure that emerged was a
mind-boggling amount of Rs 2,000 lakh crore. This was almost two and a
half times the Rs 865 lakh crore given in the table alongside. This
figure emerged in an affidavit filed by a retired Income Tax (IT)
officer — Vijay Sharma.

He had filed an RTI (Right to
Information) request with the income tax department for the amounts
declared as agricultural income. He claimed that he had indicated an
exponential increase in agricultural income from 2004 to 2013, touching a
total of almost Rs 2,000 lakh crore for 6.57 lakh individual assessees
in 2011. He then asked for the top 100 names of the people who had filed
such returns.

His RTI request was denied. He then decided to
file a public interest litigation (PIL) petition with the Patna High
Court in Bihar. This matter was duly reported by media in March 2016.
The court was supposed to hear the petition in April in that year
itself. But the courts, too, have been silent on this matter.

Almost simultaneously, the income tax department gave out a different
set of figures (see table 1) which was dutifully reported by the media.

At the same time, thanks to the PIL before Patna High Court, the CBDT –
on 10 March 2016 — sent out a circular to all its officers to verify
INCOME/97/2015-16) A copy of this letter can be downloaded here. It
confirmed that there had been a surge in agricultural-income returns. It
also attempts to suggest a way to wriggle out of this mess.

And this brings us back to demonetisation. Remember, demonetisation
involved just Rs 15.4 lakh crore. The total currency in circulation is
under Rs 20 lakh crore. And Rs 865 lakh crore was many times these

Why agricultural income?

Of course, the one
question that automatically arises is – why is the focus on agricultural
income so crucial? The reason is simple. Agricultural income is tax
exempt, provided it is declared as agricultural income with the tax
authorities. That has given rise to several theories. Someone possibly
tipped off some of the most powerful people in India during 2010.
Maybe, there was an amnesty scheme round the corner. Maybe, there was an
assurance that no questions would be asked. But that is all pure
speculation. But the numbers that appeared in the media, and through the
tax authorities could not have been speculation. One cannot imagine
the entire country getting into a speculative mood simultaneously, all
of a sudden.

The tax-free nature of agricultural income has made
this the favourite method many politicians are said to use to convert
their illegally gotten wealth into legitimate income. That is why
agriculture is often referred to as a laundromat. Some of the
politicians have disclosed figures that defy reasoning. Even if the
most productive field were to be used for growing the most lucrative
crop, incomes of those levels would just not be possible.

the income tax department – and the Finance Ministry – have kept silent
on scrutinizing these returns. More painfully, even the judiciary has
not asked questions. Had it done so, the PIL filed by Sharma would have
been heard, and the truth would have come out. One way or the other,
the ghost of huge agricultural incomes would have been put to rest.

Strangely, even the opposition parties have chosen to stay quiet about this.

I call this a collusive silence. Nothing makes sense for now.

So we return to the question everyone has been asking. Will
demonetisation root out black money? Maybe, yes. But only if the
problem of agricultural income is addressed first.

(The author is Consulting Editor with Moneycontrol)

Peace Is Doable…/story-ftqgJmHeeYpT1kxZkH9Vp…

[Tewari further said, “We would like to inform the government that
there is a certain timetable to the Parliament. It is structured in a
manner whereby the budget, monsoon and winter sessions can happen. What
is it that the government is so scared of that it is running away from
convening Parliament?” he asked.]…/story-ftqgJmHeeYpT1kxZkH9Vp…

Hold winter session of Parliament immediately: Congress tells PM Modi, BJP
The Congress-led opposition plans to raise issues like demonetisation,
GST, the Kashmir situation, and the Doklam standoff with China.

INDIA Updated: Nov 13, 2017 23:33 IST

HT Correspondent
Hindustan Times, New Delhi

The Congress asked the BJP-led government if it was scared of facing the opposition on issues such as note ban and GST.
The Congress asked the BJP-led government if it was scared of facing the opposition on issues such as note ban and GST.

The Congress demanded on Monday that the BJP-led NDA government
immediately convene the winter session of Parliament, asking if it was
scared of facing the opposition on issues such as note ban and the Goods
and Services Tax (GST).

“Why is the BJP government not convening
the winter session of Parliament? We would like to ask Prime Minister
Narendra Modi if the Cabinet Committee on Parliamentary Affairs (CCPA)
has met. What are its recommendations? And if it has not met, why so?”
asked Congress spokesperson Manish Tewari.

He said assembly elections should not become “an excuse” for the government in “running away from facing” Parliament.

The government had considered calling a short session after the second phase of polling in Gujarat ends on December 14.

Tewari further said, “We would like to inform the government that there
is a certain timetable to the Parliament. It is structured in a manner
whereby the budget, monsoon and winter sessions can happen. What is it
that the government is so scared of that it is running away from
convening Parliament?” he asked.

The Congress-led opposition
plans to raise issues such as the anniversary of demonetisation, how it
impacted the economy, the “completely failed” implementation
of the GST, the situation in Jammu and Kashmir, and the Doklam standoff with China.

Peace Is Doable

Congress-led opposition plans to raise issues like demonetisation, GST,
the Kashmir situation, and the Doklam standoff with China.

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2440 Tue 14 Nov 2017 LESSON Tripitaka in 23) Classical English,94) Classical Tajik-Шветсия классикӣ,95) Classical Tamil-செம்மொழி தமிழ்,96) Classical Telugu- క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు,97) Classical Thai-ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก,98) Classical Turkish-Klasik Türk,99) Classical Ukrainian -Класична українська,100) Classical Urdu- کلاسیکی اردو 101) Classical Uzbek- klassik o’zbek,102) Classical Vietnamese-Tiếng Việt cổ điển,103) Classical Welsh-Cymraeg Clasurol,104) Classical Xhosa- IsiXhosa isiXhosa,105) Classical Yiddish- קלאסישע ייִדיש 106) Classical Yoruba-Yoruba Yoruba,107) Classical Zulu- I-Classical Zulu,
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2440 Tue 14  Nov 2017 LESSON


in 23) Classical English,94) Classical Tajik-Шветсия классикӣ,95) Classical Tamil-செம்மொழி தமிழ்,96) Classical Telugu- క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు,97) Classical Thai-ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก,98) Classical Turkish-Klasik Türk,99) Classical Ukrainian -Класична українська,100) Classical Urdu- کلاسیکی اردو
101) Classical Uzbek- klassik o’zbek,102) Classical Vietnamese-Tiếng Việt cổ điển,103) Classical Welsh-Cymraeg Clasurol,104) Classical Xhosa- IsiXhosa isiXhosa,105) Classical Yiddish- קלאסישע ייִדיש

106) Classical Yoruba-Yoruba Yoruba,107) Classical Zulu- I-Classical Zulu,

The Tipitaka (Pali ti, “three,” + pitaka, “baskets”),
or Pali canon, is the collection of primary Pali language texts which
form the doctrinal foundation of Theravada Buddhism. The Tipitaka and
paracanonical Pali texts (commentaries, chronicles, etc.) together
constitute the complete body of classical Theravada texts.

Pali canon is a vast body of literature: in English translation the
texts add up to thousands of printed pages. Most (but not all) of the
Canon has already been published in English over the years. Although
only a small fraction of these texts are available on this website, this
collection can be a good place to start.

The three divisions of the Tipitaka are:

Vinaya Pitaka
The collection of texts concerning the rules of conduct governing the
daily affairs within the Sangha — the community of bhikkhus (ordained
monks) and bhikkhunis (ordained
    nuns). Far more than merely a list of rules, the Vinaya Pitaka also
    includes the stories behind the origin of each rule, providing a
    detailed account of the Buddha’s solution to the question of how to
    maintain communal harmony within a large and diverse spiritual
Sutta Pitaka
    collection of suttas, or discourses, attributed to the Buddha and a few
    of his closest disciples, containing all the central teachings of
    Theravada Buddhism. (More than one thousand sutta translations are
    available on this website.) The suttas are divided among five nikayas (collections):

        Digha Nikaya — the “long collection”
        Majjhima Nikaya — the “middle-length collection”
        Samyutta Nikaya — the “grouped collection”
        Anguttara Nikaya — the “further-factored collection”
        Khuddaka Nikaya — the “collection of little texts”:
            Sutta Nipata
            Nettippakarana (included only in the Burmese edition of the Tipitaka)
            Petakopadesa (  ”   ”  )
            Milindapañha (  ”   ”  )

Abhidhamma Pitaka
    collection of texts in which the underlying doctrinal principles
    presented in the Sutta Pitaka are reworked and reorganized into a
    systematic framework that can be applied to an investigation into the
    nature of mind and matter.


Silk Roads Sites in TajikistanAssumption Cathedral and Monastery of the town-island of Sviyazhsk (Russian Federation)
Silk Roads Sites in Tajikistan

UNESCO World Heritage Centre

94) Classical Tajik

94) Шветсия классикӣ

2438 окт 12 Nov 2017 Дараҷа


Тититака (Паллик, “се” + “питака”, “асп”),
ё Pali canon, маҷмӯи матнҳои ибтидоии Pali аст, ки
ки дар бораи дину мазҳаб ва мазҳаби ҳанафӣ Тититака ва
матнҳои порчаҳои порнографӣ (тафсирҳо, рӯзномаҳо ва ғайра) якҷоя бо матни пурраи матнҳои классикии Theravada.

Дар бораи мо
Пи-пиан як ҷисми зиёди адабиёт аст: тарҷумаи англисӣ
матнҳо ба ҳазорҳо саҳифаҳои чопшуда илова мекунанд. Аксари (вале на ҳама)
Канон аллакай дар давоми сол дар забони англисӣ чоп шудааст. Гарчанде
Ин танҳо як фраксияи хурди ин матнҳо дар ин вебсайт дастрас аст
ҷамъоварӣ метавонад ҷои хубе бошад.

Се қисмҳои Tipitaka инҳоянд:

Виня Питака
Ҷамъоварии матнҳо оид ба қоидаҳои рафтори ҳаррӯзаи идоракунии
рӯзона дар ҳудуди Сангаро - ҷамоати биҳиштҳо (репрессияҳо) ва bhikkhunis
нусхабардорӣ). Бештар аз рӯйхати қоидаҳо, Vinaya Pitaka низ бештар
Ҳикояҳои пас аз пайдоиши ҳар як қоида, таъмин намудани а
Чорабинии муфассали ҳалли Будда ба савол оиди чӣ гуна аст
ҳамоҳангии коммуналӣ дар дохили як рӯҳияи калон ва гуногун
Ситта Питака
Дар бораи мо
ҷамъоварии сутунҳо, ё феҳристҳо, ки ба Буддо ва чанд нафаре дода шудааст
аз шогирдони наздиктаре, ки таълимоти асосии марказиро дар бар мегирад
Буддизм аст. (Бештар аз як ҳазор сайти sutta мебошанд
ки дар ин саҳифа дастрас аст.) Саттҳо аз панҷ ниқоб (ҷамъоварӣ) тақсим мешаванд:

        Digha Nikaya - “ҷамъоварии тӯлонӣ”
Majjhima Nikaya - “ҷамъоварии миёна”
Саммита Никила - “ҷамъоварии гурӯҳӣ”
Ангушара Никаа - “ҷамъоварии минбаъда”
Ходдаки Никия - “маҷмӯи матнҳои хурд”:
Сутта Нипата
Nettippakarana (танҳо дар нашрияи Бурмеси Тититакаро дохил карда шудааст)
Petakopadesa (”")
Milindapañha (”")

Абхиёамма Питака
Дар бораи мо
ҷамъоварии матнҳо, ки дар он принсипҳои асосие,
ки дар Sutta Pitaka муаррифӣ шудаанд, аз нав кор мекунанд ва аз нав ташкил карда мешаванд
чаҳорчӯби системавӣ, ки метавонанд ба тафтишот истифода шаванд
табиати фикр ва мавзӯъ.

South Indian culture refers to the culture of the South Indian states of Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana…
amazing fact about tamil culture

Facts about tamil natrajar temple….for more facts visit

தமிழ்த் தேசியம்

TAMIL culture:
the Heart of
Tamil National Consciousness









Nadesan Satyendra

“There is no doubt that the culture of the Tamils belongs to
the great and immortal treasures of the world’s civilisation…”  Dr. Kamil.V. Zvelebil

“.. It is the fight for national
existence which sets culture moving and opens to it the doors of
It is at the heart of national consciousness that international
consciousness lives and grows. And this two-fold emerging is ultimately
the source of all culture…”

Frantz Fanon at the
Congress of Black African Writers, 1959

“..மொழியும் கலையும் கலாசாரமும் வளம் பெற்று வளர்ச்சியும் உயர்ச்சியும்
அடையும பொழுதே தேசிய இனக் கட்டமைப்பு இறுக்கம் பெறுகின்றது. பலம்
பெறுகின்றது. மனித வாழ்வும் சமூக உறவுகளும் மேன்மை பெறுகின்றது. தேசிய
நாகரிகம் உன்னதம் பெறுகின்றது..”

Velupillai Pirabakaran

 ”I do not want my
house to be walled in on all sides and my windows to be stuffed. I want
the cultures of all lands to be blown about my house as freely as
possible. But I refuse to be blown off my feet by any of them. Mine is not
a religion of the prison house. It has room for the least among God’s
creatures, but is proof against the insolent pride of race, religion or
Mahatma Gandhi

What is Tamil culture? The attempt
to define, often results in sweeping
generalisations - and sweeping generalisations end up as meaningless clichés.

In early 1996, in the Tamil Circle, a series of articles written by C.Kumarabharathy of
Wellington, New Zealand looked at Tamil culture from the standpoint of an expatriate Tamil
in an emerging post modern world. His reflections
provided food for thought.

“..We tend to think (implicitly), that culture is embodied in Bharatha Natyam, Film Songs,
Films, Dramas and having thus externalised “Culture”, we then send our children
to ’study’ them. This way, parents ‘make up’ for their supposed lack of culture, by the
alleged accomplishments of the children. It is generally, not clear to us, that behaviour,
our conflicts and relationships also form the bedrock of culture. The dance and songs are
external manifestations of this inwardness…”

The external manifestations of Tamil culture may be found in the songs and dances, in
the cuisine and dress forms, in the customs and rituals of the Tamil people. But, as
always, the external and the internal go together. The earliest literature that we have in
Tamil, the Eight Anthologies,
was itself classified into two main groups: ‘internal’ (aham) and ‘external’ (puram).

Gellner remarks:

“Definitions of culture…. in the anthropological rather than the normative
sense, are notoriously difficult and unsatisfactory. It is probably best to approach this
problem by using this term without attempting too much in the way of formal definition,
and looking at what culture does.” (Professor Ernest Gellner, Cambridge
University - Nations and Nationalism, Basil Blackwell, 1983)

“…culture consists in the way analogies are drawn between
things; in the way certain thoughts are used to think others; in figure of speech, in
which a term is transferred to something it does not literally apply to… Culture
consists in the images that make imagination possible, in the media with which we mediate
experience. All the artefacts we make and the relationships we enter into, have in that
sense ‘cultural’ consequences, for they give form and shape to the way we think about
other artefacts, other relationships…”

If culture is the distilled essence of the way of life of a people, then, in the case
of the Tamil people, the distillation process has covered a time span of more than two
thousand years. And, today, the Tamil people, living in many lands and across distant seas
acquire strength from the richness of their own cultural heritage - not only because that
that culture has something to do with their own roots and their way of life but also
because they believe that that culture has a significant contribution to make to the

Five decades ago, Czech
Professor Dr. Kamil.V. Zvelebil writing in
‘Tamil Culture’ made an appeal under the heading “The Tamil
Contribution to World’s Civilisation”. He said:

“There is no doubt that the culture of the Tamils belongs to the
great and immortal treasures of the world’s civilisation.

From my own experience,
however, I can say that even those who claim to have a wide outlook and deep education,
both Indians and Europeans, are not aware of this fact. And it is the task of the Tamils
themselves, and of those sympathetic mlecchas who try to interpret Tamil culture, to
acquaint the world’s cultural public with the most important contributions of Tamil
culture to the world’s civilisation.

As far as literary works are concerned, it is necessary before all to make them
accessible to a wide public of readers by means of artistic translations into the worlds
great languages; with regard to works of arts and architecture, it is necessary to make
them a common treasure of the world with the help of publications giving detailed and
perfect reproductions. This may be achieved through the UNESCO as well as through the work
of individual scholars and local Institutions; this should also be one of the main tasks
of the Academy of Tamil Culture.

The following works of art and literature are among the most remarkable contributions
of the Tamil creative genius to the world’s cultural treasure and should be familiar to
the whole world and admired and beloved by all in the same way as the poems of Homer, the
dramas of Shakespeare, the pictures of Rembrandt, the cathedrals of France and the
sculptures of Greece:

1. The ancient Tamil lyrical poetry compiled in ‘The Eight Anthologies’; this poetry is so
unique and vigorous, full of such vivid realism and written so masterfully that it can be
compared probably only with some of the pieces of ancient Greek lyrical poetry;

2. The Thirukural, one of the great books of the
world, one of those singular emanations of the human heart and spirit which preach
positive love and forgiveness and peace;

3. The epical poem
Cilappathikaram, which by
its “baroque splendour’, and by the charm and magic of its lyrical parts belongs to
the epic masterpieces of the world;

4. The school of
Bhakti both
and Saiva, which is one of those most sincere
and passionate efforts of man to grasp the Absolute; and its supreme literary expression
in the works of
Nammalwar and

5. The philosophical system of
Saiva Sidhdhantha,
a system, which may be ranked among the most perfect and cleverest systems of human

6. The South Indian bronzes of the Chola period,
those splendid and amazing sculptures belonging to the best creations of humanity,

7. The Dravidian temple architecture, of which the
chief representatives are perhaps the temples of
Chidambaram and

These seven different forms of contribution without which the
world would be definitely less rich and less happy, should engage the immediate attention
of all who are interested in Tamil culture; they should all dedicate their time and
efforts to make known (and well and intimately known) to the whole of the world these
heights of Tamil creative genius.” (Tamil Culture - Vol. V, No. 4. October,

To those contributions listed by Professor Zvelbil, may be added the Classical
Dance of the Ancient Tamils - the Bharatha Natyam
and the poetic works of 
Maha Kavi
Subramaniya Bharathy
and Kaviyarasu Kannadhasan, which
being recognised today as ranking with the best in the world. 

Professor Kamil Zvelebil’s words in 1956 that
“it is the task of the Tamils themselves… to acquaint the world’s cultural public
with the most important contributions of Tamil culture to the world’s civilisation”,
continue to retain their power to influence and inspire more than forty years later.

And, today, the internet and the world wide web have rendered that task,
hopefully, less difficult. The “Pongal-2000″ Project of the Institute of Asian Studies (Madras),
the Institute for
Indology and Tamil Studies of the University of Cologne
and the University of
California-Berkeley and Project Madurai
launched by Dr.Kalyanasundaram, serve as
examples of that which can be achieved on the web. 

But culture is not something from top to down.

 ”…I don’t believe culture can be done top down. You have to
have a really energetic, organic and powerful culture and to do that, the
only way is bottom up. If you try to encourage creativity through camps,
workshops and courses, you will get only technicians because that is how you
train technicians, not thinkers…”Cultivating culture from the bottom up, Lung Ying-tai,

Again, Partha Chatterjee has pointed out the dilemma faced by the

“Nationalism denied the alleged inferiority of the colonised people; it also
asserted that a backward nation could ‘modernise’ itself while retaining its cultural
identity. It thus produced a discourse in which, even as it challenged the colonial claim
to political domination, it also accepted the very intellectual premises of ‘modernity’ on
which colonial domination was based. How are we to sort out these contradictory elements
in nationalist discourse?.. how does one accept what is valuable in another’s culture
without losing one’s own cultural identity?”. (Partha Chatterjee, Nationalist Thought & the Colonial World - A
Derivative Discourse
- UNU & Zed, 1986)

How does one accept what is valuable in another’s culture without losing one’s own
cultural identity? The cultural identity of a people and their political freedom go hand
in hand.

Frantz Fannon was right to point out in the
Reciprocal Bases of National Culture and the Fight for

“The nation is not only the
condition of  culture, its fruitfulness, its continuous renewal, and
its deepening. It is also a necessity. It is the fight for national
existence which sets culture moving and opens to it the doors of
creation. Later on it is the nation which will ensure the conditions
and framework necessary to culture. The nation gathers together the
various indispensable elements necessary for the creation of a
culture, those elements which alone can give it credibility,
validity, life and creative power. In the same way it is its
national character that will make such a culture open to other
cultures and which will enable it to influence and permeate other
cultures. A non-existent culture can hardly be expected to have
bearing on reality, or to influence reality.”

It is only in freedom that the exchange between different cultures will remain
voluntary and not enforced.
In the longer term, it is true that the growth of
nationalism will lead to a voluntary pooling of sovereignties, in a regional, and
ultimately in a world context - but the crucial element must remain the voluntariness
of the process.

“Nationalism is first and foremost a state of mind, an act
of consciousness .. the mental life of man is as much dominated by an ego-consciousness as
it is by a group consciousness. Both are complex states of mind at which we arrive through
experiences of differentiation and opposition, of the ego and the surrounding world, of
the we group and those outside the group .

It is a fact often commented upon that this growth of nationalism
and of national sectionalisms happened at the very same time when international relations,
trade, and communications were developing as never before; that local languages were
raised to the dignity of literary and cultural languages just at the time when it seemed
most desirable to efface all differences of language by the spread of world languages.

This view overlooks the fact that that very growth of nationalism all over the earth,
with its awakening of the masses to participation in political and cultural life, prepared
the way for the closer cultural contacts of all the civilisations of mankind, at the same
time separating and uniting them.” (Hans Kohn: The Idea of
, A Study of its Origins and Background. New York. 1944)

The effort to acquaint the world of the important
contributions of Tamil culture, is not the expression of an exaggerated nationalism.
At the same time, we are not unmindful of Thomas Macaulay and
his notorious efforts at cultural imperialism

“The languages of Western Europe civilised Russia. I cannot doubt
that they will do for the Hindoo what they have done for the Tartar
… We must at present do our best to form a class who may be
interpreters between us and the millions whom we govern; a class of
persons, Indian in blood and colour, but English in taste, in opinions,
in morals, and in intellect.”
Thomas Macaulay - Minute on Indian Education,

Frantz Fannon’s words in
and Culture
are apposite

 ”…nations that
undertake a
colonial war
have no concern for the confrontation of cultures. War is a
gigantic business and every approach must be governed by this datum. The
enslavement, in the strictest sense, of the native population is the prime
necessity…It is not possible to enslave men without logically making them
inferior through and through. And racism is only the emotional, affective, sometimes
intellectual explanation of this inferiorization…”

culture is a culture of great antiquity and it has made, and will continue to make, a rich
contribution to world civilisation. That is not to say that Tamils do not need to address the
evils of the caste system that has divided
as a people. They do. And it is not to say that Tamils do not need to address
the evils perpetuated on women in their society.
They do. Professor
Hart was right to
point out in the Forum on Brahminism & the Tamil Nation

“..Yes, of course Brahmins have had their own political agenda to
push. They have been responsible for many things that I feel are
entirely unconscionable. But is this any different from the other
high castes? I have heard many many stories of high non-Brahmin castes
killing and abusing Dalits. You can’t blame the Brahmins for this. In
fact, the most pernicious example of the caste system was in the
Tamil areas of Sri Lanka, where there are virtually no Brahmins and never have been….Tamil culture has not suffered because of one group. It
has suffered because of the caste system and
because of its treatment of
… Let’s promote inter caste marriage,
let’s get rid of dowry
and give women independence and self-respect, and above all, let’s
avoid a victimization complex which only plays into the hands of those
who have a vested interest in continuing the inequities that exist in
Tamilnad. If every Brahmin were to disappear from Tamilnad, the Dalits
and others who are exploited would
benefited not one iota…”  

Tamils have gained, and continue to
gain, by their interaction with other peoples and other cultures - particularly those of
the Indian sub continent. No people are an island unto themselves. Chauvinism
does not advance the culture of a people. The words of the Tamil poet Kanniyan Poongundran in
(Poem 196), written two thousand years, serve as a useful
reminder of the truth of that which Frantz Fannon wrote - “..It is at the heart of national consciousness that international
consciousness lives and grows. And this two-fold emerging is ultimately
the source of all culture…”.

To us all towns are one, all men our kin.
Life’s good comes not form others’ gift, nor ill
Man’s pains and pains’ relief are from within.   
Death’s no new thing; nor do our bosoms thrill
When Joyous life seems like a luscious draught.   
When grieved, we patient suffer; for, we deem
This much - praised life of ours a fragile raft   
Borne down the waters of some mountain stream
That o’er huge boulders roaring seeks the plain   
Tho’ storms with lightnings’ flash from darken’d skies
Descend, the raft goes on as fates ordain.   
Thus have we seen in visions of the wise ! -
We marvel not at greatness of the great;
Still less despise we men of low estate.

- English Translation by Rev.
G.U.Pope in Tamil Heroic Poems:

Definitions of Culture - John H. Bodley
Topical: Culture consists of everything on a
list of topics, or categories, such as social
organization, religion, or economy
Historical: Culture is social heritage, or
tradition, that is passed on to future generations
Behavioral: Culture is shared, learned human
behavior, a way of life
Normative: Culture is ideals, values, or rules
for living
Functional: Culture is the way humans solve
problems of adapting to the environment or living
Mental: Culture is a complex of ideas, or
learned habits, that inhibit impulses and distinguish
people from animals
Structural: Culture consists of patterned and
interrelated ideas, symbols, or behaviors
Symbolic: Culture is based on arbitrarily
assigned meanings that are shared by a society

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95) Classical Tamil
95) செம்மொழி தமிழ்

2440 TUE 14 நவ 2017 லெஸ்சன்


திபிக்டாக்கா (பாலி டி, “மூன்று”, + பட்டுகா, “கூடை”),
அல்லது பாலி கேனான், இது முதன்மை பாலி மொழி நூல்களின் தொகுப்பாகும்
த்ரவாடா புத்தமதத்தின் கோட்பாட்டு அடித்தளமாக அமைகிறது. திபிட்டா மற்றும்
பராகுவானிய பாலி நூல்கள் (வர்ணனைகள், நாளிதழ்கள், முதலியன) ஒன்றாகச் சேர்ந்து தெய்வராடா நூல்களின் முழு உடலமைப்பாகவும் உள்ளன.

பாலி கேனான் என்பது ஒரு பரந்த இலக்கியம்: ஆங்கில மொழிபெயர்ப்பு
நூல்கள் ஆயிரக்கணக்கான அச்சிடப்பட்ட பக்கங்களுக்கு வரை சேர்க்கின்றன. பெரும்பாலான (ஆனால் அனைத்து இல்லை)
கேனான் ஏற்கனவே ஆண்டுகளில் ஆங்கிலத்தில் வெளியிடப்பட்டுள்ளது. என்றாலும்
இந்த நூல்களில் ஒரு சிறிய பகுதி மட்டுமே இந்த வலைத்தளத்தில் கிடைக்கிறது
சேகரிப்பு தொடங்க ஒரு நல்ல இடம் இருக்க முடியும்.

திப்புடகாவின் மூன்று பிரிவுகளும் பின்வருமாறு:

வினயா பிடாக்கா
Sangha க்குள் தினசரி விவகாரங்களை நிர்வகிக்கும் நடத்தை விதிகள் பற்றிய தொகுப்பு - பைக்கஸ் சமூகம் (ஆட்கடத்தல்) மற்றும் பைக்ஹூனிஸ்
சந்நியாசிகள்). வெறுமனே விதிகள் பட்டியலை விட, வினயா பிடாக்காவும் கூட
ஒவ்வொரு ஆட்சியின் தோற்றத்துக்கும் பின்னால் உள்ள கதைகள் அடங்கும், ஒரு
கேள்விக்கு பதில் புத்தரின் தீர்வு பற்றிய விரிவான கணக்கு
ஒரு பெரிய மற்றும் வேறுபட்ட ஆவிக்குள்ளான இனவாத இணக்கத்தை பராமரிக்க
சுட்டா பிடாக்கா
புத்தர் மற்றும் ஒரு சிலருக்குக் கூறப்படும் சுடர்கள், அல்லது சொற்பொழிவுகளின் தொகுப்பு
அவரது நெருங்கிய சீடர்கள், அனைத்து மத்திய போதனைகள் அடங்கும்
தேரவாடா புத்தமதம். (ஆயிரம் க்கும் மேற்பட்ட சத்தா மொழிபெயர்ப்புகள்
இந்த வலைத்தளத்தில் கிடைக்கும்.) சுடசுகள் ஐந்து நிக்காக்களால் (தொகுப்புகள்) பிரிக்கப்படுகின்றன:

        டிகா நிகாயா - “நீண்ட சேகரிப்பு”
மஜ்ஜிஹிமா நிகாயா - “நடுத்தர நீளம் சேகரிப்பு”
Samyutta Nikaya - “குழுவாக சேகரிக்கப்பட்ட தொகுப்பு”
அங்கட்டுரா நிகாயா - “மேலும்-காரணமான சேகரிப்பு”
குடுக நிக்காயா - “சிறிய நூல்களின் தொகுப்பு”:
சுட்டா நிப்பாடா
நெட்டிப்பகாரன (டிபிகாக்கின் பர்மிய பதிப்பில் மட்டுமே உள்ளடக்கப்பட்டது)
பெட்ரோக்கோபாடா (”")
மிலிடப்பன்ஷா (”")

அபிதாம்மா பிடாக்கா
நூல்களின் தொகுப்பு, இதில் அடிப்படை கோட்பாடுகள் உள்ளன
சுத்தா பிட்டாகாவில் வழங்கப்பட்ட ஒரு மறுசீரமைப்பு மற்றும் மறுசீரமைப்பு செய்யப்பட்டது
திட்டமிடப்பட்ட கட்டமைப்பானது ஒரு விசாரணைக்கு பயன்படுத்தப்படலாம்
மனது மற்றும் பொருளின் தன்மை.

Culture of Andhra Pradesh

  1. Culture of Andhra Pradesh state in India has many aspects to it.

    Andhra Pradesh’s cultural history can be summarised under the
    sections of Art, Architecture, Literature, Cuisine, Clothing, Religion /
    Philosophy and Language.

    Hanuman and Ravana in Tholu Bommalata, the shadow puppet tradition of Andhra Pradesh, India


    Religion and philosophy

    contributions can be classified into four distinct eras. Ancient Hindu
    traditions of Andhra Pradesh, Medieval Buddhist traditions, Modern
    Islamic-Hindu fusion traditions and the currently emerging
    Hindu-Christian fusion traditions. Dharanikota, Nagarjuna Konda
    monasteries and the associated literary contributions stand as a
    testaments to Andhra Pradesh’s central role in the evolution of Ashokan
    Buddhism. Tirupati, the associated religious traditions of Lord Venkateswara as a personification of the merger of various Shivite and Vaishavite Hindu traditions stands as a testament to the rich and progressive religious-philosophical schools of Andhra Pradesh. The contributions of Andhra Religious traditions to Bhakti Movement (Fusion movement for Islamic, Hindu and Buddhist Traditions) inspired numerous world-renowned modern secular philosophers like Jiddu Krishnamurti
    to draw on this rich and progressive intellectual tradition of religion
    and philosophy. A living history of this rich tradition is daily
    visible in the lives of the people of this region and historic snap
    shots are frozen into stone at various times on the walls of these
    temples: Telugu arts and literature are an embodiment of this vibrant philosophical tradition.

    Andhra Pradesh is home to Hindu saints of all castes. An important figure is, Sant Yogi Potuluri Veerabrahmam was a Viswa Brahmin that even had a Brahmin, Sudhra, Harijan and Muslim disciples.[1] Fisherman Raghu was also a Sudra.[2] Sant Kakkayya was a chura (cobbler) Harijan saint.

    Several important Hindu modern-day saint are from Andhra Pradesh. These include Nimbarka who founded Dvaitadvaita, Mother Meera who advocated Indian independence and Aurobindo Mission, Sri Sathya Sai Baba and Swami Sundara Chaitanyanandaji.

    His Holiness Swami Sundara Chaitanyanandaji was born on 25 December
    1947 in Kattubadipalem village, Nellore District, Andhra Pradesh.

    Pilgrimages in Andhra

    Sacred Tirumala Temple

    Tirupati or Tirumala
    is a very important pilgrimage for Hindus throughout India. It is the
    richest pilgrimage center in World. Its main temple is dedicated to the
    god Venkateswara.

    Simhachalam is another very popular pilgrimage of national importance. Simhachalam is said in mythology to be the abode of the savior-god Narasimha, who rescued Prahlada from abusive father Hiranyakasipu.

    Srisailam is another center is national importance. It is dedicated mainly to Lord Shiva. It is one of the locations of the various Jyotirlingams. The Skanda Purana
    has a chapter called “Srisaila Kandam” dedicated to it, which points to
    the ancient origin. This is confirmed also by the fact that Tamil
    saints of the past millennia have sung praises of this temple. It is
    said that Adi Sankara visited this temple and at that time he composed his “Sivananda Lahiri“. Shiva’s sacred bull Vrishabha is said to have performed penance at the Mahakali temple till Shiva and Parvati appeared before him as Mallikarjuna and Brahmaramba. The temple is one of the 12 hallowed jyotirlingas; Lord Rama himself installed the Sahasralinga, while the Pandavas lodged the Panchapandava lingas in the temple courtyard.


    (lit. “stories of the Lord”), otherwise called Katha Kalakshepa is a
    form of Hindu religious discourse, also known as Katha (storytelling)
    format, in which the story teller explores a religious theme, usually
    the life of a saint or a story from an Indian epic.

    Harikatha was originated in Harikatha Kalakshepam is most prevalent in Andhra Pradesh even now along with Burra katha. Haridasus going round villages singing devotional songs is an age-old tradition during Dhanurmaasam preceding Sankranti festival. Ajjada Adibhatla Narayana Dasu with his Kavyas and Prabandhas has made Harikatha a special art form.


    Cultural institutions

    Andhra Pradesh has many museums, including the Archaeological Museum at Amaravati near Guntur City that features relics of nearby ancient sites, the Salar Jung Museum in Hyderabad, which features a varied collection of sculptures, paintings, and religious artifacts, the Visakha Museum in Visakhapatnam, which displays the history of the pre-Independence Madras Presidency in a rehabilitated Dutch bungalow and Victoria Jubilee Museum in Vijayawada, which has a nice collection of ancient sculptures, paintings, idols, weapons, cutlery, and inscriptions.

    Other cultural elements

    Kondapalli toys at a house in Vijayawada

    Bapu’s paintings, Nanduri Subbarao’s Yenki Paatalu (Songs on/by a washerwoman called Yenki), mischievous Budugu (a character by Mullapudi), Annamayya’s songs, Aavakaaya (a variant of mango pickle in which the kernel of mango is retained), Gongura (a chutney from Roselle plant), Atla Taddi (a seasonal festival predominantly for teenage girls), banks of river Godavari, Dudu basavanna (The ceremonial ox decorated for door-to-door exhibition during the harvest festival Sankranti) have long defined Telugu culture. The village of Durgi is known for originating stone craft, carvings of idols in soft stone that must be exhibited in the shade because they are prone to weathering.


    are two distinct and rich architectural traditions in Andhra Pradesh.
    The first traces back to the building of the city of Amaravathi under
    Satavahanas. This unique style of architecture emphasises the use of
    intricate and abstract sculpture with inspiration from religious themes.
    The second tradition draws on the enormous granite and lime stone
    reserves of the region and is reflected in the various temples and forts
    built over a very long period of time.


    Main article: Telugu literature

    As an ancient language, Telugu has a rich and deep literary culture. Nannaya, Tikkana, Yerrapragada, Srinatha, Molla (poet), and Tarikonda Venkamamba
    made Telugu language “The Italian of the East” - lingua franca for
    religious, musical composition and philosophy. The contributions of Charles Phillip Brown, Vemana, Sri Sri (writer) and Viswanatha Satyanarayana
    made Telugu a vibrant and evolving modern language. The contributions
    of various Telugu/Tamil/Sanskrit grammarians to the formalisation of
    English Grammar gave Telugu Literary traditions a truly global reach.

    Telugu literature is highly influenced by Sanskrit literature and Hindu scriptures. Nannayya, Tikkana, and Yerrapragada form the trinity who translated the great epic Mahabharatha into Telugu. Bammera Potana is another great poet from vontimitta (kadapa dist) famous for his great classic Sri Madandhra Maha Bhagavatamu, a Telugu translation of ‘Sri Bhagavatam’ authored by Veda Vyasa in Sanskrit. Nannayya derived the present Telugu script (lipi) from the old Telugu-Kannada script. Emperor Krishna Deva Raya wrote and also made the famous statement : “Desha Bhashalandu Telugu lessa
    meaning “Telugu is the sweetest amongst all Indian languages”.
    Philosophical poems by Yogi-Vemana are quite famous. Modern writers
    include Jnanpith Award winners Sri Viswanatha Satya Narayana and Dr. C. Narayana Reddy. Revolutionary poets like SriSri and Gaddar are popular.


    Main article: Andhra cuisine

    Mango Pickle Home Made Style

    Andhra Pradesh culinary traditions are some of the richest in the
    world. Bandhar Laddu, Avakaya, Gongura, Pulusu, pappu charu, jonna kudu,
    bobbattu, kaza, arisa ..etc. draw on the spices, fruit and vegetable
    harvests of the region. Various sauces and ancient bread making
    techniques that use a very diverse and rich variety of pulses are a
    testament to ancient Telugu culinary innovation. It is rumored that
    Roman king Nero lamented Romans paying more to the Chili farmers of
    Andhra Pradesh than to Roman treasury as taxes during the effort to
    rebuild Rome after the great fire. It is documented that he banned all
    imports from Andhra Pradesh during Rome rebuilding era. Andhra Pradesh
    spice traders and their ancient global trading traditions are considered
    the precursors to modern option-and-derivatives pricing models for
    commodities. Rich wine making traditions are evident in the Taati kallu
    and Etha Kallu produced by the region to this day.

    The cuisine of Andhra Pradesh is reputedly the spiciest of all Indian cuisine. There are many variations to the Andhra cuisine depending on caste, geographical regions, traditions etc. Pickles and chutneys, called pachadi in Telugu
    are particularly popular in Andhra Pradesh and many varieties of
    pickles and chutneys are unique to the state. Chutneys are made from
    practically every vegetable including tomatoes, brinjals, and roselle (Gongura). The mango pickle Aavakaaya is probably the best known of the Andhra pickles.

    Rice is the staple food
    and is used in a wide variety of ways. Typically, rice is either boiled
    and eaten with curry, or made into a batter for use in a crepe-like dish called attu (pesarattu) or dosas.

    Meat, vegetables, and greens
    are prepared with different masalas into a variety of strongly flavored
    dishes.The Indian Cuisine has its unique style and tradition.

    Performing arts

    Annamayya, Tyagaraja, Kuchipudi summarise the rich artistic traditions of Andhra Pradesh. Contributions of Annamacharya and Tyagaraja
    to the “grammar of sound” made Telugu language the preferred language
    of composition for Carnatic Music and made Andhra Pradesh the mother of
    all modern music. Their influence not only on Carnatic but global
    classical music and the organisation of sound as a medium of emotional
    resonance has no parallel in human history. Kuchipudi
    as a refinement of the ancient art of Bharathanatyam, and in the
    context of the unique religious and cultural traditions of Andhra
    Pradesh stands on par with all the great global traditions of Classical


    Main article: Kuchipudi

    Kuchipudi, the traditional dance of Andhra Pradesh

    Jayapa Senani (Jayapa Nayudu) is the first person who wrote about the dances prevalent in Andhra Pradesh.[3]
    Both Desi and Margi forms of dances have been included in his Sanskrit
    treatise ‘Nritya Ratnavali’. It contains eight chapters. Folk dance
    forms like Perani, Prenkhana, Suddha Nartana, Carcari, Rasaka, Danda
    Rasaka, Shiva Priya, Kanduka Nartana, Bhandika Nrityam, Carana Nrityam,
    Chindu, Gondali and Kolatam are described. In the first chapter the
    author deals with discussion of the differences between Marga and Desi,
    Tandava and lasya, Natya and Nritta. In the 2nd and 3rd chapters he
    deals with Angi-kabhinaya, Caris, Sthanakas and Mandalas. In the 4th
    Chapter Karnas, angaharas and recakas are described. In following
    chapters he described the local dance forms i.e. Desi Nritya. In the
    last chapter he deals with art and practice of dance.

    Classical dance in Andhra can be performed by both men and women; however women tend to learn it more often. Kuchipudi is the state’s best-known classical dance forms of Andhra Pradesh. The various dance forms that existed through the states’ history are Chenchu Bhagotam, Kuchipudi, Bhamakalapam, Burrakatha, Veeranatyam, Butta bommalu, Dappu, Tappeta Gullu, Dhimsa, and Kolattam.


    Bobbili Veena is from Andhra Pradesh

    The state has a rich musical heritage. Many legends of the Carnatic music including two among Trinity of Carnatic music (Thyagaraja and Syama Sastri) were of Telugu descent. Other composers include Annamacharya, Kshetrayya, and Bhadrachala Ramadasu.

    Folk songs are also popular in the rural areas of the state.


    Main article: Telugu Cinema


    Pradesh is home to some of the finest historical cloth making/fashion
    and dying traditions of the world. Its rich cotton production, with its
    innovative plant dye extraction history stand next to its diamond
    mining, pearl
    harvesting and jewelry traditions to form an impressive fashion
    tradition that has stood the test of time. The ancient Golconda mine is
    the mother of the numerous legendary gems such as the Koh-i-Noor and Hope Diamond.
    Andhra Pradesh had a virtual monopoly in the global jewelry industry
    till 1826 (founding of the diamond mines in Rhodesia- Africa) and eight
    of the 10 most valuable jewelry pieces on earth today trace their
    history back to Andhra Pradesh. Langa-Voni (Half saree), Sarees made in
    Kalamkari, Bidri, Nirmal paintings, fascinating weaves from Pochampalli,
    Gadwal, Venkatagiri are the result of this time tested (3000 year)
    fashion tradition. Vaddaanam, Aravanke, Kashulahaaram, Buttalu and
    various standard gold jewelry designs are fine examples of this
    continuously evolving ancient tradition.


  2. “Archived copy”. Archived from the original on 2008-11-20. Retrieved 2008-11-29.

  3. “Stories of Bhaktas - Fisherman Raghu -”.

  4. Ntitya Ratnavali
96) Classical Telugu
96) క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు

2440 TUE 14 Nov 2017 లెసన్


ది టిపిటకా (పాలి టి, “మూడు,” + పిట్టాకా, “బాస్కెట్”),
లేదా పాలి కానన్, ప్రాధమిక పాలి భాషా గ్రంధాల సేకరణ
తెరవాడ బౌద్దమతం యొక్క సిద్ధాంత పునాదిని ఏర్పరుస్తుంది. ది టిపిటకా మరియు
పారాకోనానికల్ పాలి గ్రంథాలు (వ్యాఖ్యానాలు, గ్రంథాలు, మొదలైనవి) కలిసి శాస్త్రీయ తెరరడ గ్రంథాల యొక్క పూర్తి భాగం.

పాలి కానన్ అనేది సాహిత్యంలోని ఒక విస్తారమైన భాగం: ఆంగ్ల అనువాదంలో
పాఠాలు వేల సంఖ్యలో ముద్రిత పేజీలను కలిగి ఉంటాయి. చాలా (కానీ అన్ని కాదు) యొక్క
కానన్ ఇప్పటికే సంవత్సరాల్లో ఆంగ్లంలో ప్రచురించబడింది. అయితే
ఈ వచనంలోని చిన్న భాగం మాత్రమే ఈ వెబ్సైట్లో అందుబాటులో ఉంది
సేకరణ ప్రారంభించడానికి ఒక మంచి ప్రదేశం.

టిపిటాకా యొక్క మూడు విభాగాలు:

వినయ పిటకా
Sangha లోపల రోజువారీ వ్యవహారాలపై ప్రవర్తన నియమావళికి సంబంధించి
పాఠాలు సేకరించడం - భిక్షస్ (ఆర్డినడ్ సన్యాసులు) మరియు భిక్ఖునిస్ సమాజం
సన్యాసినులు). నియమాల జాబితాకే కాకుండా, వినాయ పిటకా కూడా చాలా ఎక్కువ
ప్రతి నియమం యొక్క మూలం వెనుక ఉన్న కథలను కలిగి ఉంటుంది, ఇది ఒక
ప్రశ్నకు బుద్దుడి పరిష్కారం యొక్క వివరణాత్మక ఖాతా
ఒక పెద్ద మరియు విభిన్న ఆధ్యాత్మిక లోపల మత సామరస్యాన్ని సంరక్షించడానికి
సుత్త పిటాకా
బుద్ధుడికి మరియు కొంతమందికి ఆపాదించబడిన సంతకాలు, లేదా సంభాషణల సేకరణ
తన సన్నిహిత శిష్యుల యొక్క అన్ని కేంద్ర బోధనలను కలిగి ఉంది
తెరవాడ బౌద్ధమతం. (వెయ్యి కంటే ఎక్కువ సుత్త అనువాదాలు ఉన్నాయి
ఈ వెబ్ సైట్ లో లభ్యమవుతుంది.) సుటాలు ఐదు నికెలలో (సేకరణలు) విభజించబడ్డాయి:

        దిఘా నికాయ - “సుదీర్ఘ సేకరణ”
మజ్జిమ నికాయా - “మధ్య నిడివి సేకరణ”
Samyutta Nikaya - “గుంపు సేకరణ”
అంగటార నికాయ - “మరింత-కారణాల సేకరణ”
ఖుడ్కా నికాయ - “చిన్న గ్రంధాల సేకరణ”:
సుత్తా నిపాత
నట్టిపకరాణ (టిపిటాకా యొక్క బర్మీస్ ఎడిషన్లో మాత్రమే చేర్చబడింది)
పెటాకోపెడా (”")
మిలిందాపంచ (”")

అభిధమ్మ పిటకా
గ్రంధాల సేకరణలో అంతర్లీన సిద్దాంత సూత్రాలు
సుత్త పిటాకా లో సమర్పించబడినవి ఒక పునర్నిర్మాణం మరియు పునర్వ్యవస్థీకరించబడ్డాయి
విచారణకు వర్తింపజేసే క్రమబద్ధమైన ఫ్రేమ్వర్క్
మనస్సు మరియు పదార్థం యొక్క స్వభావం.

    Buddhism in Thailand is largely of the Theravada school, which is followed by 93.6 percent of the population. Buddhism in Thailand has also become integrated with folk religion[1] as well as Chinese religions from the large Thai Chinese population.[2] Buddhist temples in Thailand are characterized by tall golden stupas, and the Buddhist architecture of Thailand is similar to that in other Southeast Asian countries, particularly Cambodia and Laos, with which Thailand shares cultural and historical heritage.

    Buddhism is believed to have come to what is now Thailand as early as 250 BCE, in the time of Indian Emperor Ashoka. Since then, Buddhism has played a significant role in Thai culture and society. Buddhism and the Thai monarchy has often been intertwined, with Thai kings historically seen as the main patrons of Buddhism in Thailand. Although politics and religion were generally separated
    for most of Thai history, Buddhism’s connection to the Thai state would
    increase in the middle of the 19th century following the reforms of King Mongkut, that would lead to the development of a royally backed sect of Buddhism and increased centralization of the Thai Sangha under the state.

    Thai Buddhism is distinguished for its emphasis on short term ordination for every Thai man and its close interconnection with the Thai state and Thai culture. The two official branches, or Nikayas, of Thai Buddhism are the royally backed Dhammayuttika Nikaya and the larger Maha Nikaya.


    Historical background

    Thai depiction of Maitreya Bodhisattva. 8th century CE

    Early traditions

    Some scholars believe that Buddhism must have been flowing into Thailand from India at the time of the Indian emperor Ashoka of the Maurya Empire and into the first millennium after Christ.[3] During the 5th to 13th centuries, Southeast Asian empires were influenced directly from India and followed Mahayana Buddhism. The Chinese pilgrim Yijing noted in his travels that in these areas, all major sects of Indian Buddhism flourished.[4] Srivijaya to the south and the Khmer Empire to the north competed for influence and their art expressed the rich Mahāyāna pantheon of bodhisattvas.
    From the 9th to the 13th centuries, the Mahāyāna and Hindu Khmer Empire
    dominated much of the Southeast Asian peninsula. Under the Khmer
    Empire, more than 900 temples were built in Cambodia and in neighboring

    After the decline of Buddhism in India, missions of Sinhalese monks gradually converted the Mon people and the Pyu city-states from Ari Buddhism to Theravāda and over the next two centuries also brought Theravāda Buddhism to the Bamar people, Thailand, Laos and Cambodia, where it supplanted previous forms of Buddhism.[5] Theravada Buddhism was made the state religion only with the establishment of the Sukhothai Kingdom in the 13th century.[6]

    13th–19th centuries

    Thai novice monks

    The details of the history of Buddhism in Thailand from the 13th to
    the 19th century are obscure, in part because few historical records or
    religious texts survived the Burmese destruction of Ayutthaya, the capital city of the kingdom, in 1767. The anthropologist-historian S. J. Tambiah, however, has suggested a general pattern for that era, at least with respect to the relations between Buddhism and the sangha
    on the one hand and the king on the other hand. In Thailand, as in
    other Theravada Buddhist kingdoms, the king was in principle thought of
    as patron and protector of the religion (sasana) and the sangha, while
    sasana and the sangha were considered in turn the treasures of the
    polity and the signs of its legitimacy. Religion and polity, however,
    remained separate domains, and in ordinary times the organizational
    links between the sangha and the king were not close.[6]

    Replica of Ashok pillar
    at Wat Umong in Chiang Mai, Thailand, 13th century. Shows the
    establishment of Buddhism by Lanna Dynasty’s King Mangrai in northern

    Among the chief characteristics of Thai kingdoms and principalities
    in the centuries before 1800 were the tendency to expand and contract,
    problems of succession, and the changing scope of the king’s authority.
    In effect, some Thai kings had greater power over larger territories,
    others less, and almost invariably a king who sought successfully to
    expand his power also exercised greater control over the sangha. That
    control was coupled with greater support and patronage of the
    ecclesiastical hierarchy. When a king was weak, however, protection and
    supervision of the sangha also weakened, and the sangha declined. This
    fluctuating pattern appears to have continued until the emergence of the
    Chakri Dynasty in the last quarter of the 18th century.[6]

    Modern era

    Buddhist monk chants paritta to a group of Siamese women in 1900.

    By the 19th century, and especially with the coming to power in 1851 of King Mongkut, who had been a monk
    himself for twenty-seven years, the sangha, like the kingdom, became
    steadily more centralized and hierarchical in nature and its links to
    the state more institutionalized. As a monk, Mongkut was a distinguished
    scholar of Pali Buddhist scripture. Moreover, at that time the
    immigration of numbers of monks from Burma was introducing the more
    rigorous discipline characteristic of the Mon sangha. Influenced by the
    Mon and guided by his own understanding of the Tipitaka, Mongkut began a
    reform movement that later became the basis for the Dhammayuttika order
    of monks. Under the reform, all practices having no authority other
    than custom were to be abandoned, canonical regulations were to be
    followed not mechanically but in spirit, and acts intended to improve an
    individual’s standing on the road to nirvana but having no social value
    were rejected. This more rigorous discipline was adopted in its
    entirety by only a small minority of monasteries and monks. The Mahanikaya
    order, perhaps somewhat influenced by Mongkut’s reforms but with a less
    exacting discipline than the Dhammayuttika order, comprised about 95
    percent of all monks in 1970 and probably about the same percentage in
    the late 1980s. In any case, Mongkut was in a position to regularize and
    tighten the relations between monarchy and sangha at a time when the
    monarchy was expanding its control over the country in general and
    developing the kind of bureaucracy necessary to such control. The
    administrative and sangha reforms that Mongkut started were continued by
    his successor. In 1902 King Chulalongkorn (Rama V, 1868–1910) made the
    new sangha hierarchy formal and permanent through the Sangha Law of
    1902, which remained the foundation of sangha administration in modern
    While Buddhism in Thailand remained under state centralization in the
    modern era, Buddhism experienced periods of tight state control and
    periods of liberalization depending on the government at the time.


    See also: Thai folklore

    Detail of the entrance gate of Wat Phra That Lampang Luang

    Three major forces have influenced the development of Buddhism in Thailand. The most visible influence is that of the Theravada school of Buddhism, imported from Sri Lanka.
    While there are significant local and regional variations, the
    Theravada school provides most of the major themes of Thai Buddhism. By
    tradition, Pāli is the language of religion in Thailand. Scriptures are recorded in Pāli, using either the modern Thai script or the older Khom
    and Tham scripts. Pāli is also used in religious liturgy, despite the
    fact that most Thais understand very little of this ancient language.
    The Pāli Tipiṭaka
    is the primary religious text of Thailand, though many local texts have
    been composed in order to summarise the vast number of teachings found
    in the Tipiṭaka. The monastic code (Pātimokkha) followed by Thai monks is taken from the Pāli Theravada Canon.

    The second major influence on Thai Buddhism is Hindu beliefs received from Cambodia, particularly during the Sukhothai Kingdom.
    Hinduism played a strong role in the early Thai institution of
    kingship, just as it did in Cambodia, and exerted influence in the
    creation of laws and order for Thai society as well as Thai religion.
    Certain rituals practiced in modern Thailand, either by monks or by
    Hindu ritual specialists, are either explicitly identified as Hindu in
    origin, or are easily seen to be derived from Hindu practices. While the
    visibility of Hinduism in Thai society has been diminished
    substantially during the Chakri Dynasty, Hindu influences, particularly shrines to the god Brahma, continue to be seen in and around Buddhist institutions and ceremonies.

    A bhikkhu chants evening prayers inside a monastery located near the town of Kantharalak, Thailand

    Folk religion—attempts to propitiate and attract the favor of local spirits known as phi—forms
    the third major influence on Thai Buddhism. While Western observers (as
    well as Western-educated Thais) have often drawn a clear line between
    Thai Buddhism and folk religious practices, this distinction is rarely
    observed in more rural locales. Spiritual power derived from the
    observance of Buddhist precepts and rituals is employed in attempting to
    appease local nature spirits. Many restrictions observed by rural
    Buddhist monks are derived not from the orthodox Vinaya, but from taboos derived from the practice of folk magic. Astrology, numerology, and the creation of talismans
    and charms also play a prominent role in Buddhism as practiced by the
    average Thai—practices that are censured by the Buddha in Buddhist texts
    (see Digha Nikaya 2, ff).

    Additionally, more minor influences can be observed stemming from contact with Mahayana
    Buddhism. Early Buddhism in Thailand is thought to have been derived
    from an unknown Mahayana tradition. While Mahayana Buddhism was
    gradually eclipsed in Thailand, certain features of Thai Buddhism—such
    as the appearance of the bodhisattva Lokeśvara
    in some Thai religious architecture, and the belief that the king of
    Thailand is a bodhisattva himself—reveal the influence of Mahayana

    Budai, Wat Don Phra Chao, Yasothon, Thailand

    The only other bodhisattva prominent in Thai religion is Maitreya, often depicted in Budai form, and often confused with Phra Sangkajai (Thai: พระสังกัจจายน์),
    a similar but different figure in Thai Buddhist folklore. Images of one
    or both can be found in many Thai Buddhist temples, and on amulets as
    well. Thai may pray to be reborn during the time of Maitreya, or
    dedicate merit from worship activities to that end.

    In modern times, additional Mahayana influence has stemmed from the presence of Overseas Chinese
    in Thai society. While some Chinese have “converted” to Thai-style
    Theravada Buddhism, many others maintain their own separate temples in
    the East Asian Mahayana tradition. The growing popularity of Guanyin, a form of Avalokiteśvara, may be attributed to the Chinese presence in Thailand.

    Government ties

    While Thailand is currently a constitutional monarchy, it inherited a strong Southeast Asian tradition of Buddhist kingship
    that tied the legitimacy of the state to its protection and support for
    Buddhist institutions. This connection has been maintained into the
    modern era, with Buddhist institutions and clergy being granted special
    benefits by the government, as well as being subjected to a certain
    amount of government oversight. Part of the Coronation of the Thai monarch includes the king proceeding to the chapel royal (the Wat Phra Kaew) to vow to be a “Defender of the Faith” in front of a chapter of monks including the Supreme Patriarch of Thailand.[citation needed]

    In addition to the ecclesiastic leadership of the sangha, a
    secular government ministry supervises Buddhist temples and monks. The
    legal status of Buddhist sects and reform movements has been an issue of
    contention in some cases, particularly in the case of Santi Asoke,
    which was legally forbidden from calling itself a Buddhist
    denomination, and in the case of the ordination of women attempting to
    revive the Theravada bhikkhuni lineage have been prosecuted for attempting to impersonate members of the clergy.[citation needed]

    To obtain a passport for travel abroad, a monk must have an official letter from Sangha Supreme Council
    granting the applicant permission to travel abroad; Buddhist monk
    identification card; a copy of House/Temple Registration; and submit any
    previous Thai Passport or a certified copy thereof.[7]

    In addition to state support and recognition—-in the form of formal
    gifts to monasteries made by government officials and the royal family
    (for example, Kathin)—-a
    number of special rights are conferred upon Buddhist monks. They are
    granted free passage on public transportation, and most train stations
    and airports have special seating sections reserved for members of the
    clergy. Conversely, ordained monastics are forbidden from standing for
    office or voting in elections.

    Calls for state establishment

    2007, calls were made by some Thais for Buddhism to be recognized in
    the new national constitution as a state religion. This suggestion was
    initially rejected by the committee charged with drafting the new
    This move prompted a number of protests from supporters of the
    initiative, including a number of marches on the capital and a hunger
    strike by twelve Buddhist monks.[9] Some critics of the plan, including scholar and social critic Sulak Sivaraksa,
    have claimed that the movement to declare Buddhism a national religion
    is motivated by political gain, and may be being manipulated by
    supporters of ousted Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.[9]

    The Constitution Drafting Committee later voted against the special
    status of Buddhism, provoking the religious groups. The groups condemned
    the Committee and the constitution draft.[10] On August 11, Sirikit,
    the Queen of Thailand, expressed her concern over the issue. According
    to her birthday speech, Buddhism is beyond politics. Some Buddhist
    organizations announced a halt to the campaigns the next day.[11]

    Government service

    law directly prohibits a member of the Buddhist institutions, such as a
    monk, a novice and a nun, from being a candidate in an examination for
    recruitment of government officers. Though both the Council of Ministers and the Sangha Supreme Council,
    the supervising body of the Thai Buddhist communities, have ordered
    such prohibition on grounds of appropriateness, according to the
    Memorandum of the Cabinet’s Administrative Department No. NW98/2501
    dated 27 June 1958 and the Order of the Sangha Supreme Council dated 17
    March 1995.[12]


    members of the Buddhist community and the communities of other
    religions are not entitled to elect or be elected as a holder of any
    government post. For instance, the 2007 constitution of Thailand disfranchises “a Buddhist monk, a Buddhist novice, a priest or a clergy member” (Thai: “ภิกษุ สามเณร นักบวช หรือนักพรต”).[13]

    The Sangha Supreme Council also declared the same prohibition, pursuant to its Order dated 17 March 1995.[14] At the end of the Order was a statement of grounds given by Nyanasamvara, the Supreme Patriarch. The statement said:

    The members of the Buddhist community are called samaṇa, one who is pacified, and also pabbajita,
    one who refrains from worldly activities. They are thus needed to
    carefully conduct themselves in a peaceful and unblamable manner, for
    their own sake and for the sake of their community. … The seeking of
    the representatives of the citizens to form the House of Representatives
    is purely the business of the State and specifically the duty of the
    laity according to the laws. This is not the duty of the monks and
    novices who must be above the politics. They are therefore not entitled
    to elect or be elected. And, for this reason, any person who has been
    elected as a Representative will lose his membership immediately after
    becoming a Buddhist monk or novice. This indicates that the monkhood and
    noviceship are not appropriate for politics in every respect.[14]

    When a monk or novice is involved in or supports an election of any
    person…, the monk or novice is deemed to have breached the unusual
    conduct of pabbajita and brought about disgrace to himself as
    well as his community and the Religion. Such a monk or novice would be
    condemned by the reasonable persons who are and are not the members of
    this Religion. A pabbajita is therefore expected to stay in
    impartiality and take a pity on every person…without discrimination.
    Moreover, the existence of both the monks and the Religion relies upon
    public respect. As a result, the monks and novices ought to behave in
    such a way that deserves respect of the general public, not merely a
    specific group of persons. A monk or novice who is seen by the public as
    having failed to uphold this rule would then be shunned, disrespected
    and condemned in various manners, as could be seen from many examples.[14]

    Under the NCPO

    Buddhism in Thailand came under significantly higher state control following the 2014 coup d’état. After seizing power the military junta, the National Council for Peace and Order
    (NCPO), set up a National Reform Council with a religious committee led
    by former Thai senator Paiboon Nititawan and former monk Mano Laohavanich. The calls for reform were spearheaded by right-wing activist monk Phra Buddha Issara, who had close ties with junta leader Prayut Chan-o-Cha,[15] and was known for leading the protests in Bangkok that led to the coup.[16][17][18]

    State influence over several aspects of Thai Buddhism increased under the NCPO. The NCPO has proposed requiring temples to open their finances to the public[19] and requiring monks to carry smart cards to identify their legal and religious backgrounds.[20][21] The junta’s new constitution also states that the Thai government is to directly support Theravada Buddhism specifically.[22][23]

    In 2016, Phra Buddha Issara requested the Department of Special Investigation (DSI) investigate the assets of Thailand’s leading monks, the Sangha Supreme Council.[16][24] This resulted in an alleged tax evasion scandal against Somdet Chuang, the most senior member of the council who was next in line to become Supreme Patriarch. Although prosecutors eventually decided not to charge Somdet Chuang,[25]
    the incident postponed his appointment and led to a change in the law
    that allowed the Thai government to bypass the Sangha Supreme Council
    and appoint the Supreme Patriarch directly.[26][27] This allowed the ruling junta to effectively handpick Thailand’s Supreme Patriarch.[28][29][26] In 2017, Somdet Chuang’s appointment was withdrawn, with a monk from the Dhammayuttika Nikaya appointed instead. The appointment was made by King Rama X, who chose the name out of one of five given to him by NCPO leader Prayut Chan-o-Cha.[30][26][28]

    In February 2017, the junta used article 44, a controversial section in the interim constitution, to replace the head of the National Office of Buddhism with a DSI official.[31]
    The DSI official, Pongporn Pramsaneh, vowed to reform Thailand’s more
    than 40,000 temples by forcing them to open their finances to the
    public. However, in August 2017, the junta removed him from the post
    after religious groups called on the government to fire him because of
    his reform plans.[32]

    Ordination and clergy

    A Buddhist monk reciting prayers in Thailand.

    Buddhist monk receiving food from villagers

    The funeral pyre at Wat Chedi Luang, Chiang Mai, for Chan Kusalo, the patriarch of northern Thailand

    Like in most other Theravada
    nations, Buddhism in Thailand is represented primarily by the presence
    of Buddhist monks, who serve as officiants on ceremonial occasions, as
    well as being responsible for preserving and conveying the teachings of
    the Buddha.

    During the latter half of the 20th century, most monks in Thailand began their careers by serving as temple boys (Thai: เด็กวัด dek wat, “children of the wat“).
    Temple boys are traditionally no younger than eight and do minor
    housework. The primary reason for becoming a temple boy is to gain a
    basic education,
    particularly in basic reading and writing and the memorization of the
    scriptures chanted on ritual occasions. Prior to the creation of
    state-run primary schools in Thailand, village temples served as the
    primary form of education for most Thai boys. Service in a temple as a
    temple boy was a necessary prerequisite for attaining any higher
    education, and was the only learning available to most Thai peasants.
    Since the creation of a government-run educational apparatus in
    Thailand, the number of children living as temple boys has declined
    significantly. However, many government-run schools continue to operate
    on the premise of the local village temple.

    Boys now typically ordain as a sāmaṇera or novitiate monks (Thai: สามเณร samanen, often shortened to nen Thai: เณร). In some localities, girls may become sāmaṇerī. Novices live according to the Ten Precepts but are not required to follow the full range of monastic rules found in the Pātimokkha. There are a few other significant differences between novices and bhikkhus.
    Novices often are in closer contact with their families, spending more
    time in the homes of their parents than monks. Novices do not
    participate in the recitation of the monastic code (and the confessions
    of violations) that take place on the uposatha
    days. Novices technically do not eat with the monks in their temple,
    but this typically only amounts to a gap in seating, rather than the
    separation observed between monks and the laity. Novices usual ordain
    during a break from secular schooling, but those intending on a
    religious life, may receive secular schooling at the wat.

    Child monks in Thailand

    Young men typically do not live as a novice for longer than one or two years. At the age of 20, they become eligible to receive upasampada,
    the higher ordination that establishes them as a full bhikkhu. A novice
    is technically sponsored by his parents in his ordination, but in
    practice in rural villages the entire village participates by providing
    the robes, alms bowl, and other requisites that will be required by the
    monk in his monastic life.

    Temporary ordination is the norm among Thai Buddhists. Most young men traditionally ordain for the term of a single vassa or rainy season (Thai phansa).
    Those who remain monks beyond their first vassa typically remain monks
    for between one and three years, officiating at religious ceremonies in
    surrounding villages and possibly receiving further education in reading
    and writing (possibly including the Khom or Tai Tham alphabets
    traditionally used in recording religious texts). After this period of
    one to three years, most young monks return to lay life, going on to
    marry and begin a family. Young men in Thailand who have undergone
    ordination are seen as being more suitable partners for marriage;
    unordained men are euphemistically called ‘unripe’, while those who have
    been ordained are said to be ‘ripe’. A period as a monk is a
    prerequisite for many positions of leadership within the village
    hierarchy. Most village elders or headmen were once monks, as were most
    traditional doctors, spirit priests, and some astrologists and fortune
    tellers.[citation needed]

    Monks who do not return to lay life typically specialize in either
    scholarship or meditation. Those who specialize in scholarship typically
    travel to regional education centers to begin further instruction in
    the Pāli language and the scriptures, and may then continue on to the
    major monastic universities located in Bangkok.
    The route of scholarship is also taken by monks who desire to rise in
    the ecclesiastic hierarchy, as promotions within the government-run
    system is contingent on passing examinations in Pāli and Dhamma studies.[citation needed]

    The Thai tradition supports laymen to go into a monastery, dress and
    act as monks, and study while there. The time line is based on threes,
    staying as a monk for three days, or three weeks, or three months or
    three years, or example of three weeks and three days. This retreat is
    expected of all male Thai, rich or poor, and often is scheduled after
    high school. Such retreat brings honor to the family and blessings
    (merit) to the young man. Thai make allowances for men who follow this
    practice, such as holding open a job.[citation needed]


    The Thai media often reports on Buddhist monks behaving in ways that
    are considered inappropriate. There have been reports of sexual assault,
    embezzlement, drug-taking, extravagant lifestyles, even murder.
    Thailand’s 38,000 temples, populated by 300,000 monks, are easy targets
    for corruption, handling between US$3 to 3.6 billion yearly in
    donations, mostly untraceable cash.[33]
    In a case that received much media attention, Luang Pu Nen Kham
    Chattiko was photographed in July 2013 wearing Ray-Ban sunglasses,
    holding a Louis Vuitton bag full of US dollars, and “…was later found
    to be a trafficker of methamphetamines, an abuser of women and the lover of a pregnant fourteen-year-old.”[34]

    There have been cases when influential monks were persecuted and
    jailed by the Thai government, through verdicts later declared moot or
    subject of controversy. The most well-known case in Thailand is that of
    Phra Phimontham, the then abbot of Wat Mahadhatu, well known in Thailand for having introduced the Burmese Satipatthana meditation method to Thailand. In 1962, during the Cold War, he was accused of collaboration with Communist rebels and being a threat to national security, and was fully defrocked
    and jailed. In fact, the government persecuted him because of his
    political views and promotion of changes in the Sangha. Phra Phimontham
    had a strong pro-democratic stance, which did not agree with the regime
    of that time, and the palace. Furthermore, Phra Phimontham was part of
    the Maha Nikaya fraternity, rather than the Dhammayuttika fraternity, which the government and monarchy historically have preferred. Phra Phimontham was likely to become the next Supreme Patriarch.[35][36] For this reason, his treatment has been described by Thai scholars as a ’struggle between patriarchs’ (Thai: ศึกสมเด็จ), referring to the political objective to disable him as a candidate.[37]
    After four years, when the country changed its government, Phra
    Phimontham was released from prison when a military court decided he had
    not been involved in collaboration with communists after all.
    Afterwards, he ordained again and eventually regained his former status,
    though he continued to be discredited.[38][39][35]

    Buddhadasa Bhikkhu was subject to similar allegations from the Thai government, and so was Luang Por Phothirak, the founder of Santi Asoke.
    Luang Por Pothirak was eventually charged of altering the Vinaya and
    defrocked. A recent example is Phra Prajak Kuttajitto, an environmentalist monk critical of government policies, who was arrested and defrocked.[35]

    In 1999[40][41] and again in 2002,[42][43] Luang Por Dhammajayo, the then abbot of Wat Phra Dhammakaya,
    was accused of charges of fraud and embezzlement by the Thai media and
    later some government agencies when donations of land were found in his
    name. Wat Phra Dhammakaya denied this, stating that it was the intention
    of the donors to give the land to the abbot and not the temple, and
    that owning personal property is common and legal in the Thai Sangha.[44][45][46] Widespread negative media coverage at this time was symptomatic of the temple being made the scapegoat for commercial malpractice in the Thai Buddhist temple community[47][48] in the wake of the 1997 Asian financial crisis.[49][50] The Sangha Supreme Council declared that Luang Por Dhammajayo had not broken any serious offenses against monastic discipline (Vinaya).[51] In 2006, the Thai National Office for Buddhism cleared the Dhammakaya Foundation and Luang Por Dhammajayo of all accusations[52] when Luang Por Dhammajayo agreed offer all of the disputed land to the name of his temple.[53]

    In March 2016, Thai police formally summoned then Acting Supreme
    Patriarch Somdet Chuang Varapunno, after he refused to answer direct
    questions about his vintage car, one of only 65 made. The car was part of a museum kept at Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen
    in Bangkok, but has now been seized by police investigating possible
    tax evasion. The Somdet reportedly transferred ownership of the vehicle
    to another monk after the scandal broke. He refused to answer police
    questions directly, insisting that written questions be sent to his
    lawyer. He did say that the car was a gift from a follower.[54]

    Analysts from different news outlets have pointed out that the
    actions of the Thai government towards Wat Paknam Bhasicharoen may have
    reflected a political need to control who should be selected as the next
    Supreme Patriarch, since the Somdet had already been proposed as a candidate by the Sangha Supreme Council. Selecting him would mean a Supreme Patriarch from the Maha Nikaya fraternity, rather than the Dhammayuttika fraternity, which historically has always been the preferred choice by the Thai government and the monarchy.[36]
    In fact, Somdet Chuang’s nomination was postponed and eventually
    withdrawn after the Thai government changed the law in December 2016 to
    allow King Vajiralongkorn to appoint the Supreme Patriarch directly,
    with Prime Minister Prayuth O Chan-o-cha countersigning, leading to the appointment of a monk from the Dhammayuttika fraternity instead.[55][56] The Thai government cited several reasons for this, including the car.[57][58]
    At the end of the same year, however, prosecutors decided not to charge
    Somdet Chuang, but to charge his assistant-abbot instead, and another
    six people who had part in importing the vintage car.[59]
    In February 2016, in a protest organized by the National Centre for the
    Protection of Thai Buddhism, a Red Shirt-oriented network, the example
    of Phra Phimontham was also cited as demands were made for the Thai
    government to no longer involve itself with the selection of the next
    leader of the Sangha.[60][61]

    Reform movements

  • The Dhammayuttika Nikaya (Thai: ธรรมยุตนิกาย) began in 1833 as a reform movement led by Prince Mongkut, son of King Rama II of Siam.
    It remained a reform movement until passage of the Sangha Act of 1902,
    which formally recognized it as the lesser of Thailand’s two Theravada
    Mongkut was a bhikkhu under the name of Vajirañāṇo for 27 years
    (1824–1851) before becoming King of Siam (1851–1868). In 1836 he became
    the first abbot of Wat Bowonniwet Vihara.
    After the then 20-year-old prince entered monastic life in 1824, he
    noticed what he saw as serious discrepancies between the rules given in
    the Pāli Canon
    and the actual practices of Thai bhikkhus and sought to upgrade
    monastic discipline to make it more orthodox. Mongkut also made an
    effort to remove all non-Buddhist, folk religious, and superstitious elements which over the years had become part of Thai Buddhism.[63] Dhammayuttika monks were expected to eat only one meal a day (not two) that was to be gathered during a traditional alms round.
  • The Dhammakaya Movement is a Thai Buddhist tradition which was started by Luang Pu Sodh Candasaro in the early 20th century.[64] The tradition is revivalist in nature and practices Dhammakaya meditation.
    The movement opposes traditional magical rituals, superstition, folk
    religious practices, fortune telling and giving lottery numbers, and
    focuses on an active style of propagating and practicing meditation.
    Features of the tradition include teaching meditation in a group,
    teaching meditation during ceremonies, teaching meditation
    simultaneously to monastics and lay people, teaching one main meditation
    method and an emphasis on lifelong ordination.[38]
  • The Santi Asoke (Thai: สันติอโศก “Peaceful Asoka“)
    or Chao Asok (”People of Asoka”) was established by Phra Bodhirak after
    he “declared independence from the Ecclesiastical Council (Sangha) in
    Santi Asoke has been described as “a transformation of the “forest
    monk” revival of [the 1920s and 1930s]” and “is more radical [than the
    Dhammakaya Movement] in its criticism of Thai society and in the details
    of its own vision of what constitutes a truly religiomoral community.”[64]
  • The Sekhiya Dhamma Sangha are a group of activist monks focusing on
    modern issues in Thailand (i.e.,deforestation, poverty, drug addiction,
    and AIDS). The group was founded in 1989 among a growth of Buddhist
    social activism in Thailand in the latter half of the 20th century.
    While criticized for being too concerned and involved with worldly
    issues, Buddhist social activists cite duty to the community as
    justification for participation in Engaged Buddhism[66]

Position of women

Although women in Thailand traditionally cannot ordain as bhikkhuni, they can choose to take part in quasi-monastic practices at temples and practice centers as maechi.

Unlike in Burma and Sri Lanka, the bhikkhuni
lineage of women monastics was never established in Thailand. Women
primarily participate in religious life either as lay participants in
collective merit-making rituals or by doing domestic work around
temples. A small number of women choose to become maechi, non-ordained religious specialists who permanently observe either the Eight or Ten Precepts.
Maechi do not receive the level of support given to bhikkhu and their
position in Thai society is the subject of some discussion.

Recently, there have been efforts to attempt to introduce a bhikkhuni
lineage in Thailand as a step towards improving the position of women
in Thai Buddhism. The main proponent of this movement has been Dhammananda Bhikkhuni.[67] Unlike similar efforts in Sri Lanka, these efforts have been extremely controversial in Thailand.[68]
Women attempting to ordain have been accused of attempting to
impersonate monks (a civil offense in Thailand), and their actions have
been denounced by many members of the ecclesiastic hierarchy.

In 1928 a secular law was passed in Thailand banning women’s full ordination in Buddhism. Varanggana Vanavichayen became the first female monk to be ordained in Thailand in 2002.[69] Some time after this the secular law was revoked. On 28 February 2003,[70] Dhammananda Bhikkhuni received full monastic ordination as a bhikkhuni of the Theravada tradition in Sri Lanka, making her the first modern Thai woman to receive full ordination as a Theravada bhikkhuni.[71][72][73] She is Abbess of Songdhammakalyani Monastery, the only temple in Thailand where there are bhikkhunis.[74] It was founded by her mother, Voramai, a Mahayana bhikkhuni, in the 1960s.[67]

No one denies that men and women have an equal chance to attain
enlightenment. In Mahayana Buddhism, practised in Taiwan, mainland
China, Hong Kong and Tibet, female ordinations are common, but in
countries that adhere to the Theravada branch of the religion, such as
Sri Lanka, Thailand, and Myanmar, women were banned from becoming
ordained about eight centuries ago, “for fear that women entering
monastic life instead of bearing children would be a disruption of
social order”, according to Kittipong Narit, a Buddhist scholar at
Bangkok’s Thammasat University.[34]

Most objections to the reintroduction of a female monastic role hinge
on the fact that the monastic rules require that both five ordained
monks and five ordained bhikkhunis be present for any new bhikkhuni
ordination. Without such a quorum, critics say that it is not possible
to ordain any new Theravada bhikkhuni. The Thai hierarchy refuses to
recognize ordinations in the Dharmaguptaka
tradition (the only currently existing bhikkhuni ordination lineage) as
valid Theravada ordinations, citing differences in philosophical
teachings and (more critically) monastic discipline.

See also


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  • สุวิดา แสงสีหนาท, นักบวชสตรีไทยในพระพุทธศาสนา พลังขับเคลื่อนคุณธรรมสู่สังคม, ศูนย์ส่งเสริมและพัฒนาพลังแผ่นดินเชิงคุณธรรม, 1999, page 45-6 (in Thai)

  • Gemma Tulud Cruz (May 14, 2003). “Bhikkhunis: Ordaining Buddhist Women”. National Catholic Reporter. Retrieved September 25, 2014. She had to be ordained in Colombo, Sri Lanka…

    1. David N. Snyder, Ph.D. “Who’s Who in Buddhism”. Retrieved May 17, 2008.


    • McCargo, Duncan (2012), “The Changing Politics of Thailand’s Buddhist Order”, Critical Asian Studies, Routledge, 44 (4), doi:10.1080/14672715.2012.738544, ISSN 1467-2715
    • Scott, Rachelle M. (2009), Nirvana for Sale? Buddhism, Wealth, and the Dhammakāya Temple in Contemporary Thailand, Albany: State University of New York Press, ISBN 978-1-4416-2410-9

    Further reading

  • Buswell, Robert E., ed. (2004). “Thailand”, in Encyclopedia of Buddhism. Macmillan Reference USA. pp. 830–836. ISBN 0-02-865718-7.
  • Jerryson, Michael K. (2012). Buddhist Fury: Religion and Violence in Southern Thailand. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-979329-7.
  • Kabilsingh, Chatsumarn (1991). Thai Women in Buddhism. Parallax Press. ISBN 0-938077-84-8.
  • Tambiah, Stanley (1970). Buddhism and the Spirit Cults in North-East Thailand. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-09958-7.
  • McCargo, D (2009). Thai Buddhism, Thai Buddhists and the southern conflict, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 40 (1), 1-10
  • McCargo, D (2012). The changing politics of Thailand’s buddhist order, Critical Asian Studies 44 (4), 627-642
  • Terwiel, B.J. (May 1976). “A Model for the Study of Thai Buddhism”. Journal of Asian Studies. 35 (3): 391–403. doi:10.2307/2053271. JSTOR 2053271.
  • Na-rangsi, Sunthorn (2002). “Administration of the Thai Sangha” (PDF). The Chulalongkorn Journal of Buddhist Studies. 1 (2): 59–74. Archived from the original (PDF) on February 27, 2012.

    Thai culture goes digital…/135…/thai-culture-goes-digital
    Thai culture goes digital

    Please credit and share this article with others using this link:…/135…/thai-culture-goes-digital. View our policies at and © Post Publishing PCL. All rights reserved.
    Thai art and culture now available on a phone. (Photos courtesy of
    Fine Arts Department) Visiting historical museums and official cultural
    websites in Thailand was boring in the past, but not anymore….

    Please credit and share this article with others using this link:…/135…/thai-culture-goes-digital. View our policies at and © Post Publishing PCL. All rights reserved.

    historical museums and official cultural websites in Thailand was
    boring in the past, but not anymore. In accordance with the government’s
    Thailand 4.0 policy, the Ministry of Culture has upgraded art and
    cultural learning sources, with Culture…

    97) Classical Thai
    97) ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก

    2440 TUE 14 พ.ย. 2017 บทเรียน


    พระไตรปิฎก (ปาลีที “สาม” + พิคากา “ตะกร้า”),
    หรือ Pali canon คือชุดของภาษาหลักของภาษาบาลีซึ่ง
    เป็นรากฐานหลักของพระพุทธศาสนาเถรวาท พระไตรปิฎกและ
    (พงศาวดาร, ฯลฯ ) ร่วมกันเป็นร่างที่สมบูรณ์ของตำราเถรวาทคลาสสิก

    บาลีแคนนอนเป็นวรรณกรรมที่กว้างใหญ่: แปลภาษาอังกฤษเป็นภาษาอังกฤษ
    ข้อความเพิ่มได้ถึงหลายพันหน้าพิมพ์ มากที่สุด (แต่ไม่ใช่ทั้งหมด) ของ
    Canon ได้รับการตีพิมพ์เป็นภาษาอังกฤษเป็นเวลาหลายปีแล้ว แม้ว่า
    มีเพียงส่วนเล็ก ๆ ของตำราเหล่านี้ที่มีอยู่ในเว็บไซต์นี้เท่านั้น

    สามส่วนของ Tipitaka คือ:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    การเก็บรวบรวมตำราเกี่ยวกับหลักธรรมในการกำกับดูแลกิจวัตรประจำวันภายในภิกษุณี - ชุมชนของภิกษุสงฆ์และพระภิกษุสงฆ์
    แม่ชี) ไม่ใช่แค่กฎกติกาเท่านั้นที่ Vinaya Pitaka
    รวมถึงเรื่องราวเบื้องหลังต้นกำเนิดของแต่ละกฎการให้ a
    Sutta Pitaka

    พุทธศาสนาเถรวาท (แปลสุลต่านมากกว่าหนึ่งพันคำ
    มีอยู่ในเว็บไซต์นี้) บทประพันธ์แบ่งออกเป็นห้ากลุ่ม (กลุ่ม) nikayas:

            Digha Nikaya - “คอลเลกชันยาว”
    Majjhima Nikaya - “คอลเลกชันขนาดกลาง”
    Samyutta Nikaya - “กลุ่มการเก็บรวบรวม”
    พระนครศรีอยุธยา - “สะสมเพิ่มเติม”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - “ชุดของตำราเล็ก ๆ น้อย ๆ “:
    Sutta Nipata
    Nettippakarana (รวมเฉพาะในฉบับภาษาพม่าของพระไตรปิฎก)
    เพชรบูรณ์ (”")
    Milindapañha (”")


    นำเสนอใน Sutta Pitaka ถูกนำมาใช้ใหม่และจัดระเบียบใหม่ไว้ใน a


    influence had already begun to be felt in Ottoman music towards the
    middle of the 19th century. These increased towards the end of the
    century, and led to efforts to change Ottoman music from monodic to

    With the declaration of the republic in 1923, Cemal Reşid (REY), who
    was then studying music in Europe, returned to Turkey and began to teach
    at a music school established in Istanbul. At the same time, a number
    of talented young people were sent by the republic to various cities in
    Europe to study music. After they returned to Turkey, the group that
    would later be called ‘Türk Beşleri’ (The Turkish Five) and which
    prepared the groundwork for Modern Polyphonic Turkish Music, emerged.
    The common aim of the group was to use the traditional themes of
    traditional Turkish music together with the values of Western classical
    music that they had studied to produce a new polyphonic structure. In
    later stages, every composer who amed at a more contemporary sound
    interpreted the colours and mystery of popular melody in his own way,
    and instead of merely treating well-known popular melodies they began to
    achieve syntheses by means of abstraction.

    The Turkish Five consisted of; Cemal Reşit REY, Ulvi Cemal ERKİN,
    Hasan Ferit ALNAR, Ahmet Adnan SAYGUN and Necil Kazım AKSES. Later,
    others produced and are still producing works in the same field,
    including; Nuri Sami KORAL, Kemal İLERİCİ, Ekrem Zeki ÜN and Bülent
    TARCAN of the second generation, Sabahattin KALENDER, Nevit KODALLI,
    Ferit TÜZÜN, İlhan USMANBAş, Bülent AREL and İlhan MİMAROĞLU of the
    third, and Muammer SUN, Cenan AKIN, Cengiz TANÇ, Kemal SÜNDER, İlhan
    BARAN, Yalçın TURA and Ali Doğan SİNANGİL of the fourth. An increasing
    number of other composers after that last generation continue to write
    works. The current number has now reached around 60.

    Source: Republic of Turkey Ministry of Culture and Tourism

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    98) Classical Turkish
    98) Klasik Türk

    2440 Tue 14 Kasım 2017 DERS


    Tipitaka (Pali ti, “üç,” + pitaka, “sepet”),
    veya Pali canon, birincil Pali dil metinlerinin koleksiyonudur;
    Theravada Budizm’in doktrin temelini oluşturmaktadır. Tipitaka ve
    paracanonik Pali metinleri (yorumlar, tarih yazanları, vb.) birlikte klasik Theravada metinlerinin bütününü teşkil eder.

    Pali canon geniş bir edebiyat gövdesidir: İngilizce çeviri
    metinler binlerce basılı sayfaya kadar ekleyin. Çoğu (ancak hepsi değil)
    Canon, yıllardır İngilizce olarak zaten yayınlandı. olmasına rağmen
    Bu metinlerin sadece küçük bir kısmı bu sitede mevcuttur;
    Koleksiyon başlatmak için iyi bir yer olabilir.

    Tipitaka’nın üç bölümü vardır:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Sangha’daki günlük meseleleri yöneten davranış kurallarına ilişkin
    metinlerin toplanması - bikik’te (vasiyetnameli rahipler) ve bikikimler
    rahibeler). Vinaya Pitaka, sadece bir kurallar listesi değil, aynı zamanda
    her kuralın kökeninin ardındaki hikayeleri içerir;
    Buda’nın çözümünün ayrıntılı hesabı nasıl sorulacağı sorusuna
    toplumsal uyumun geniş ve çeşitli bir maneviyat içinde korunması
    Sutta Pitaka

    Buda’ya ve bir kaç kişiye atfedilen suttalar veya söylemlerin toplanması
    En yakın öğrencilerinden, tüm merkez öğretilerini içeren
    Theravada Budizmi. (Birden fazla binlerce sutta tercüme vardır.
    Bu suttalar beş nikayaya bölünmüştür (koleksiyonlar):

            Digha Nikaya - “uzun koleksiyon”
    Majjhima Nikaya - “orta boy koleksiyon”
    Samyutta Nikaya - “gruplanmış koleksiyon”
    Anguttara Nikaya - “daha ileri kalitede koleksiyon”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - “küçük metinler koleksiyonu”:
    Sutta Nipata
    Nettippakarana (yalnızca Tipitaka’nın Burma sürümünde yer almaktadır)
    Petakopadesa (”")
    Milindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka

    temel doktriner ilkelerin bulunduğu metinlerin toplanması
    Sutta Pitaka’da sunularak yeniden düzenlenip bir
    bir soruşturma için uygulanabilir sistematik çerçeve
    Zihin ve maddenin doğası. - Ukraine Channel

    Since Ukraine is geographically located between Europe and Asia, much of
    its culture exhibits both Eastern and Western influences. Over the
    years it has been invariably influenced by movements such as those
    brought about during the Byzantine Empire and the Renaissance. Today,
    the country is somewhat culturally divided with the western regions
    bearing a stronger European influence and the eastern regions showing a
    strong Russian influence.

    It is interesting to note that Communist rule in Russia
    had quite a strong effect on the art and writing of Ukraine. During the
    late 1920s and early 1930s, the Soviet authorities began enforcing the
    socialist realism art style in Ukraine. This style dictated that all
    artists and writers glorify the Soviet Regime with their talents.
    However, it wasn’t long before the Soviet Union collapsed and artists
    and writers again became free to express themselves as they wanted.
    Unfortunately the collapse of the union also brought about a decrease in
    government subsidies. Writers chose to emulate the styles used in the
    11th and 13th centuries, while artists expanded their horizons trying new techniques, subject matters and styles.

    Ukrainian culture is richly embedded in ancient traditions. Even today
    many historical songs such as the dumy and the playing of the kobza –
    which was popular during the 16th century – is still enjoyed. However, music
    has also come a long way since then and Polissia magic pop and Kolomiya
    rap have gained popularity. The culture scene has also seen a
    resurgence of Cossack songs and song poetry. There are also a number of cultural festivals such as the Tavriya Games which are most popular.

    The Ukrainian people also enjoy their culture in the form of traditional
    dances and dance games. Many of these originated in rural Cossack
    villages and some of the oldest dances can be traced back to ancient
    cults. Traditionally many of these dances were performed only by males
    or females, but today both sexes sometimes mix and enjoy the dance
    together. Appreciation for these dances is usually kept alive by Ukrainian dance troupes.

    Many people do not know that the tradition of the Easter egg had it’s
    beginnings in the Ukraine. In times gone by (and still sometimes today)
    these eggs were drawn on with wax to create patterns. Dye was then added
    to give the eggs their delightful colors – the dye not affecting the
    wax coated parts of the egg. Once the whole egg was dyed, the wax was
    removed leaving only the colorful pattern. The tradition is thousands of
    years old and predates the arrival of Christianity in the country.
    While Christian interpretations of this practice abound, many Ukrainians
    still believe that the egg has immense power and releases the earth
    from the restraints of winter. Even the designs have meaning and the
    eggs are usually given as gifts or used as decorations.

    Ukrainians celebrate a number of holidays, namely Christmas, Easter,
    Whitsuntide, New Years and Ivana Kupala (St John’s Eve). They also hold
    a festival every autumn to celebrate the end of the harvest. While some
    of these festivals are celebrated world wide, Ukrainians have their
    very own way of observing them. Ukrainian culture is very interesting
    and there is so much to say on the matter that it cannot be discussed
    fully here. The best way to find out more is to visit the country and
    learn from the locals.

    99) Classical Ukrainian

    99) Класична українська

    2440 TUE 14.11.2010 УРОК


    Тіпітака (Паліті, “три”, “Пітака”, “кошики”),
    або Палі канон, являє собою сукупність первинних текстів мови Палі, які
    складають доктринальний фундамент буддизму Тіравади. Типітака і
    параканонічні тексти Палі (коментарі, літописи тощо) разом складають повне тіло класичних текстів Теревади.

    Палі канон - це величезна кількість літератури: в англійському перекладі
    тексти додаються до тисяч друкованих сторінок. Більшість (але не всі)
    Канон уже кілька років публікується англійською мовою. Хоча
    лише невелика частка цих текстів доступна на цьому веб-сайті, це
    колекція може бути гарним місцем для початку.

    Три дивізії Типитака:

    Віная Пітака
    Збірник текстів, що стосуються правил поведінки, що регулює
    повсякденні справи всередині сангхи - спільноти бхікхусів (висвячених
    монахів) та бхікхуні (рукоположені
    черниці) Набагато більше, ніж просто список правил, також Віня Питака
    включає в себе історії походження кожного правила, забезпечуючи a
    докладний розповідь про рішення Будди питанням, як це зробити
    підтримувати комунальну гармонію в межах великого і різноманітного духовного
    Сутта Пітака
    збір суттів або дискурсів, що відносяться до Будди та декількох
    з його найближчих учнів, що містять всі центральні вчення
    Теравадський буддизм. (Перекладено понад тисячу суттів
    доступні на цьому веб-сайті.) Сути діляться між п’ятьма нікавами (збірками):

            Діга Нікая - “довга колекція”
    Майжимі Нікія - “колекція середньої довжини”
    Самютта Ніка - “згрупована колекція”
    Ангутара Ніка - “далі-факторизована колекція”
    Худжак Ніка - це “збірка маленьких текстів”:
    Сутта Ніпата
    Nettippakarana (включений тільки в бірманське видання Типітака)
    Петакопедеза (”")
    Міліндапанья (”")

    Абідхамма Пітака
    збірник текстів, в яких лежать основні догматичні принципи
    представлені в Sutta Pitaka, переробляються і реорганізуються в a
    систематичні рамки, які можуть бути застосовані до розслідування в
    природа розуму і матерії.…/idara/UrduAdabKeMashhoorAfsanay.html

    Home >> Prose >> Classic Urdu Literature


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    100) Classical Urdu

    100) کلاسیکی اردو

    2440 نمبر 14 نومبر 2017 سبق


    ٹپکٹکا (پال تے، “تین،” + pitaka، “ٹوکری”)،
    یا پالی کینن، بنیادی پالی زبان نصوص کا مجموعہ ہے
    تھراواڈا بدھ مت کے نظریاتی بنیاد تشکیل دیں. ٹپکٹکا اور
    paracanonical پال متن (تبصرے، تعریف، وغیرہ) ایک ساتھ ساتھ کلاسیکی تھراوا متن کے مکمل جسم کا قیام.

    پالی کینن ادب کا ایک وسیع جسم ہے: انگریزی ترجمہ میں
    ہزاروں طباعت شدہ صفحات تک متن شامل ہیں. سب سے زیادہ (لیکن سب نہیں)
    کینن پہلے سے ہی سالوں میں انگریزی میں شائع کیا گیا ہے. اگرچہ
    ان نصوصوں کا صرف ایک چھوٹا سا حصہ اس ویب سائٹ پر دستیاب ہے
    مجموعہ شروع کرنے کے لئے ایک اچھی جگہ ہوسکتی ہے.

    ٹپٹکا کے تین حصے ہیں:

    ونیا پٹاکا
    سنگھ کے اندر روزانہ معاملات کو منظم کرنے کے طریقوں سے متعلق مضامین کا مجموعہ - بھیکخس (مختار راہ) اور بھیکخونیز (کمیونٹی)
    نون). صرف قوانین کی ایک فہرست سے زیادہ، Vinaya Pitaka بھی
    ہر قاعدہ کی اصل کے پیچھے کی کہانیاں شامل ہیں، ایک فراہم کرنے میں
    کس طرح کے سوال کے بوہھا کے حل کا تفصیلی اکاؤنٹ
    بڑے اور متنوع روحانی کے اندر سماجی ہم آہنگی برقرار رکھو
    سوٹا پٹاکا
    سوٹ کا مجموعہ، یا حوصلہ افزائی، بھوہ اور چند افراد کو منسوب کیا گیا ہے
    ان کے قریبی شاگردوں میں سے، تمام مرکزی تعلیمات شامل ہیں
    تھراواڈا بدھ مت (ایک ہزار سے زائد سوٹ ترجمہ ہیں
    اس ویب سائٹ پر دستیاب ہے.) سوٹ پانچ نکایوں (مجموعہ) میں تقسیم کیے گئے ہیں:

            دوگا نککا - “طویل مجموعہ”
    مججما نککا - “درمیانی لمبائی کا مجموعہ”
    سامیوتا نکیا - “گروپ گروپ”
    Anguttara Nikaya - “مزید فکسڈ مجموعہ”
    کھڈکا نککا - “چھوٹا سا نصوصوں کا مجموعہ”:
    سوٹ نیپتا
    نیٹپوکاکانا (صرف ٹپکٹکا کے برمی ایڈیشن میں شامل ہیں)
    Petakopadesa (”")
    ملندپنپن (”")

    ابھارہما پٹاکا
    مضامین کا مجموعہ جس میں بنیادی عقیدہ اصول ہیں
    سوٹا پٹاکا میں پیش کیا گیا ہے اور پھر اس میں دوبارہ منظم کیا جاتا ہے
    ایک تحقیقاتی فریم ورک جو تحقیقات میں لاگو کیا جا سکتا ہے
    دماغ اور معاملہ کی نوعیت.

    Traditional Uzbek Music
    Uzbek Music

    Traditional Uzbek music has ancient sources. Folklore Uzbek music which came from the people is divided into many genres.

    Among them are lullabies and children’s songs as well as ritual,
    work, daily life songs, songs-dialogues, dancing and lyric fados.

    Uzbekistan musical instruments
    Uzbekistan musical instruments
    Uzbekistan musical instruments

    Classical Uzbek music is makom – a special musical genre, which is
    characterized by drawling touching performance. Many lines of the poets
    of the East (Jami, Navoi, Fuzuly, Hafiz, Uvaisi, Nadira, Mukimi Ogahi,
    etc.) were put to this music. The UNESCO has included “shashmakom”,
    traditional Uzbek and Tajik music in the List of masterpieces of oral,
    intangible cultural heritage of the mankind.

    The diversity of folk instruments also confirms the wealth of Uzbek
    musical tradition: bowed - gidjak, kobuz, setor and sato; fretted -
    dombra, dutar tanbur, ud and rubab; stringed hammered string - chang;
    wind-reed - sibizik, bulaman, surnay and koshnay; wind flute - nai and
    gadjir; brass - karnay; drums - doira, nagora,, chindaul, safail, koshuk

    101) Classical Uzbek

    101) klassik o’zbek

    2440 TUE 14 Noyabr 2017 Dars


    Tipitaka (Pali ti, “uch,” + pitaka, “savat”),
    yoki Pali kanoni, asosiy Pali tilidagi matnlar to’plamidir
    Theravada buddizm ta’limotini tashkil etadi. Tipitaka va
    Paracanonical Pali matnlari (sharhlar, xronikalar va boshqalar) birgalikda klassik Theravada matnlarini to’liq tashkil etadi.

    Pali kanonasi adabiyotning keng javharidir: inglizcha tarjimada
    matnlar minglab bosma nashrga qo’shiladi. Ko’p (lekin barchasining) ko’pi
    Kanon allaqachon ingliz tilida nashr etilgan. Garchi
    ushbu matnlarning faqat kichik qismini ushbu veb-saytda topishingiz mumkin
    to’plamni boshlash uchun yaxshi joy bo’lishi mumkin.

    Tipitakaning uchta bo’limi quyidagilardir:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Sxaxadagi kunlik ishlarni tartibga soluvchi qoidalarga tegishli
    bo’lgan matnlar to’plami - bxikhus (tanlangan monaxlar) va bxixxunlar
    rohiblar). Faqatgina qoidalar ro’yxatidan ham ko’proq, Vinaya Pitaka ham
    har bir qoidaning kelib chiqishi ortidagi hikoyalarni o’z ichiga oladi
    Buddani qanday hal qilish masalasiga oid batafsil hisobotini
    keng va turli xil ma’naviy jihatdan kommunal uyg’unlikni saqlash
    Sutta Pitaka
    Sulton to’plamlari yoki Buddaga va bir necha kishilarga tegishli so’zlashuvlar
    Uning barcha eng muhim ta’limotlarini o’z ichiga olgan eng yaqin shogirdlari
    Theravada buddizm. (Bir mingdan ziyod sutta tarjimasi bor
    Ushbu saytda beshta nikayalar (to’plamlar) o’rtasida bo’linadi:

            Digha Nikaya - “uzoq kollektsiya”
    Majjima Nikaya - “o’rta o’lchov to’plami”
    Samyutta Nikaya - “guruhlangan to’plam”
    Anguttara Nikaya - “keyinchalik aniqlangan to’plam”
    Xuddaka Nikaya - “kichik matnlar to’plami”:
    Sutta Nipata
    Nettippakarana (faqat Tipitakaning Birma nashriga kiritilgan)
    Petakopedia (”")
    Milindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    asosiy tushunchalar asos bo’lgan matnlarni to’plash
    Sutta Pitakada namoyish etilgan va qayta ishlangan
    sistematik doirada tekshirish uchun qo’llanilishi mumkin
    ong va moddaning tabiati.



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    Published on Feb 25, 2013  

    is a high quality, glossy city magazine in English targeting expat
    residents, travellers and English speaking Vietnamese in Ho Chi Minh
    Content includes travel, fashion, food, dining out and features
    about life and people in Ho Chi Minh City.

    102) Classical Vietnamese
    102) Tiếng Việt cổ điển

    2440 TUE 14 tháng 11 năm 2017 LESSON


    Kinh Tipitaka (Pali ti, “ba”, “pitaka”, “giỏ hàng”),
    hay Pali canon, là bộ sưu tập các bản văn nguyên bản tiếng Pali
    hình thành nên nền tảng giáo lý của Phật giáo Nguyên Thủy. Tipitaka và
    các kinh văn Pali (parakaninical pali) (các bài bình luận, biên niên
    sử, v.v.) cùng nhau tạo thành toàn bộ cơ thể của các văn bản cổ điển

    Pali canon là một bộ sách rộng lớn: trong bản dịch tiếng Anh
    văn bản thêm lên đến hàng ngàn trang in. Hầu hết (nhưng không phải tất cả)
    Canon đã được xuất bản bằng tiếng Anh qua nhiều năm. Mặc dù
    chỉ có một phần nhỏ các văn bản này có sẵn trên trang web này, điều này
    bộ sưu tập có thể là một nơi tốt để bắt đầu.

    Ba bộ phận của Tipitaka là:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Bộ sưu tập các văn bản liên quan đến các quy tắc về công việc điều
    hành công việc hàng ngày trong Tăng đoàn - cộng đồng của các tỳ khưu và
    các tỳ khưu ni
    ni). Không chỉ đơn thuần là một quy tắc, Vinaya Pitaka cũng
    bao gồm các câu chuyện đằng sau nguồn gốc của mỗi quy tắc, cung cấp một
    giải thích chi tiết về giải pháp của Đức Phật cho câu hỏi làm thế nào để
    duy trì sự hài hòa của cộng đồng trong một tinh thần đa dạng và đa dạng
    cộng đồng.
    Sutta Pitaka
    tập hợp các kinh điển, hoặc các bài thuyết giảng, do Đức Phật và một số ít
    các môn đồ gần nhất của Ngài, chứa đựng tất cả các giáo lý trung tâm của
    Phật giáo Theravada. (Hơn một nghìn bản kinh là
    có trên trang web này). Các kinh điển được chia thành năm bộ nikayas (bộ sưu tập):

            Digha Nikaya - “bộ sưu tập dài”
    Majjhima Nikaya - bộ sưu tập “trung bình”
    Samyutta Nikaya - “bộ sưu tập tập hợp”
    Anguttara Nikaya - “bộ sưu tập thực tế hơn”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - “Bộ sưu tập các bài viết nhỏ”:
    Pháp pháp
    Kinh Nipata
    Trị liệu
    Phật pháp
    Nettippakarana (chỉ có trong ấn bản Miến Điện của Tipitaka)
    Petakopadesa (”")
    Milindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    tập hợp các văn bản trong đó các nguyên tắc cơ bản
    được trình bày trong Sutta Pitaka được làm lại và tái tổ chức thành một
    khuôn khổ có hệ thống có thể được áp dụng cho một cuộc điều tra về
    bản chất của tâm và vật chất.

    Castles & Welsh heritage

    Whichever bit of Wales you head for, you’ll find yourself within easy
    distance of the world’s finest castles and awe-inspiring landmarks.
    There are over 600 of them, from Roman times to millionaires’ follies of
    the 19th century, making Wales the castle capital of Europe. Each has its special story.

    What would you like to do?

    Click on an icon below for more information

    Laugharne Castle in the snow, Carmarthenshire

    10 walks through history

    Come for heritage and scenery on these ten short walks on the Wales Coast Path.

    Ffestiniog & Welsh Highland Railways

    Steam trains of Wales

    A journey on board a narrow gauge steam train is the best way to enjoy the landscape of Wales

    Young boy and girl at Llancaiach Fawr

    Llancaiach Fawr

    The Neale family from Saffron Walden in Essex, visit Llancaiach Fawr Manor and discover what family life was like in 1645.

    Pembroke Castle

    Traditions and history

    All about the traditions and history of the Welsh nation.

    Medieval fantasy

    King Arthur’s Wales

    Plan your own early medieval adventure by visiting our ancient hill forts and standing stones.

    The River Dee passing under the Pontcysyllte Aqueduct, Dee Valley

    Pontcysyllte Aqueduct

    The dramatic Pontcysyllte Aqueduct is an engineering marvel and a World Heritage Site.

    103) Classical Welsh

    103) Cymraeg Clasurol

    2440 TUE 14 Tach 2017 LESSON


    Y Tipitaka (Pali ti, “three,” + pitaka, “baskets”),
    neu Pali canon, yw’r casgliad o destunau iaith cynradd Pali sydd
    yn ffurfio sylfaen athrawiaethol Bwdhaeth Theravada. Y Tipitaka a
    mae’r testunau Pali paracanyddol (sylwebaeth, cronelau, ac ati) gyda’i
    gilydd yn ffurfio corff cyflawn testunau Theravada clasurol.

    Corff canolog o lenyddiaeth yw canali Pali: yn cyfieithu Saesneg y
    mae testunau’n ychwanegu at filoedd o dudalennau printiedig. Y rhan fwyaf (ond nid pob un) o’r
    Mae Canon eisoes wedi’i gyhoeddi yn Saesneg dros y blynyddoedd. Er
    dim ond ffracsiwn bach o’r testunau hyn sydd ar gael ar y wefan hon, mae hyn
    gall casglu fod yn lle da i ddechrau.

    Y tair rhanbarth o’r Tipitaka yw:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Casgliad o destunau sy’n ymwneud â’r rheolau ymddygiad sy’n rheoli
    materion dyddiol yn y Sangha - cymuned bikkhus (mynachod ordeiniedig) a
    bhikkhunis (ordeiniwyd
    mynyddoedd). Yn llawer mwy na dim ond rhestr o reolau, y Vinaya Pitaka hefyd
    yn cynnwys y straeon y tu ôl i darddiad pob rheol, gan ddarparu a
    Rhowch fanylion manwl i ateb y Bwdha i’r cwestiwn o sut i
    cynnal cytgord gymunedol mewn ysbrydol mawr ac amrywiol
    Sutta Pitaka
    casgliad o suttas, neu ddadleuon, sy’n cael eu priodoli i’r Bwdha ac ychydig
    o’i ddisgyblion agosaf, yn cynnwys holl ddysgeidiaeth canolog
    Bwdhaeth Theravada. (Mae mwy na mil o gyfieithiadau sutta
    ar gael ar y wefan hon.) Mae’r suttas wedi’u rhannu ymhlith pum nikayas (casgliadau):

            Digha Nikaya - y “casgliad hir”
    Majjhima Nikaya - y “casgliad hyd canol”
    Samyutta Nikaya - y “casgliad grŵp”
    Anguttara Nikaya - y “casgliad pellach”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - y “casgliad o destunau bach”:
    Sutta Nipata
    Nettippakarana (a gynhwysir yn unig yn rhifyn Burmese o’r Tipitaka)
    Petakopadesa (”")
    Milindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    casgliad o destunau lle mae’r egwyddorion athrawiaethol sylfaenol
    a gyflwynir yn y Sutta Pitaka yn cael eu hail-weithio a’u had-drefnu i mewn i
    Fframwaith systematig y gellir ei gymhwyso i ymchwiliad i’r
    natur meddwl a mater.
    Inline image 1

    Culture of South Africa


    four major ethnic divisions among Black South Africans are the Nguni,
    Sotho, Shangaan-Tsonga and Venda. The Nguni represent nearly two thirds
    of South Africa’s Black population and can be divided into four distinct
    groups; the Northern and Central Nguni (the Zulu-speaking peoples), the
    Southern Nguni (the Xhosa-speaking peoples), the Swazi people from
    Swaziland and adjacent areas and the Ndebele people of the Northern
    Province and Mpumalanga. Archaeological evidence shows that the
    Bantu-speaking groups that were the ancestors of the Nguni migrated down
    from East Africa as early as the eleventh century.

    Language, culture and beliefs:

    Xhosa are the second largest cultural group in South Africa, after the
    Zulu-speaking nation. The Xhosa language (Isixhosa), of which there are
    variations, is part of the Nguni language group. Xhosa is one of the 11
    official languages recognized by the South African Constitution, and in
    2006 it was determined that just over 7 million South Africans speak
    Xhosa as a home language. It is a tonal language, governed by the noun -
    which dominates the sentence.

    Missionaries introduced the Xhosa
    to Western choral singing. Among the most successful of the Xhosa hymns
    is the South African national anthem, Nkosi Sikele’ iAfrika (God Bless Africa). It was written by a school teacher named Enoch Sontonga
    in 1897. Xhosa written literature was established in the nineteenth
    century with the publication of the first Xhosa newspapers, novels, and
    plays. Early writers included Tiyo Soga, I. Bud-Mbelle, and John Tengo Jabavu.

    and legends provide accounts of Xhosa ancestral heroes. According to
    one oral tradition, the first person on Earth was a great leader called
    Xhosa. Another tradition stresses the essential unity of the
    Xhosa-speaking people by proclaiming that all the Xhosa subgroups are
    descendants of one ancestor, Tshawe. Historians have suggested that
    Xhosa and Tshawe were probably the first Xhosa kings or paramount
    (supreme) chiefs.

    The Supreme Being among the Xhosa is called uThixo or uQamata.
    As in the religions of many other Bantu peoples, God is only rarely
    involved in everyday life. God may be approached through ancestral
    intermediaries who are honoured through ritual sacrifices. Ancestors
    commonly make their wishes known to the living in dreams. Xhosa
    religious practice is distinguished by elaborate and lengthy rituals,
    initiations, and feasts. Modern rituals typically pertain to matters of
    illness and psychological well-being.

    The Xhosa people have
    various rites of passage traditions. The first of these occurs after
    giving birth; a mother is expected to remain secluded in her house for
    at least ten days. In Xhosa tradition, the afterbirth and umbilical cord
    were buried or burned to protect the baby from sorcery. At the end of
    the period of seclusion, a goat was sacrificed. Those who no longer
    practice the traditional rituals may still invite friends and relatives
    to a special dinner to mark the end of the mother’s seclusion.

    Male and female initiation in the form of circumcision is practiced among most Xhosa groups. The Male abakweta
    (initiates-in-training) live in special huts isolated from villages or
    towns for several weeks. Like soldiers inducted into the army, they have
    their heads shaved. They wear a loincloth and a blanket for warmth, and
    white clay is smeared on their bodies from head to toe. They are
    expected to observe numerous taboos (prohibitions) and to act
    deferentially to their adult male leaders. Different stages in the
    initiation process were marked by the sacrifice of a goat.

    ritual of female circumcision is considerably shorter. The intonjane
    (girl to be initiated) is secluded for about a week. During this period,
    there are dances, and ritual sacrifices of animals. The initiate must
    hide herself from view and observe food restrictions. There is no actual
    surgical operation.


    they speak a common language, Xhosa people belong to many loosely
    organized, but distinct chiefdoms that have their origins in their Nguni
    ancestors. It is important to question how and why the Nguni speakers
    were separated into the sub-group known today. The majority of central
    northern Nguni people became part of the Zulu kingdom, whose language
    and traditions are very similar to the Xhosa nations - the main
    difference is that the latter abolished circumcision.

    In order to
    understand the origins of the Xhosa people we must examine the
    developments of the southern Nguni, who intermarried with Khoikhoi and
    retained circumcision. For unknown reasons, certain southern Nguni
    groups began to expand their power some time before 1600. Tshawe founded
    the Xhosa kingdom by defeating the Cirha and Jwarha groups. His
    descendants expanded the kingdom by settling in new territory and
    bringing people living there under the control of the amaTshawe.
    Generally, the group would take on the name of the chief under whom they
    had united. There are therefore distinct varieties of the Xhosa
    language, the most distinct being isiMpondo (isiNdrondroza).
    Other dialects include: Thembu, Bomvana, Mpondimise, Rharhabe, Gcaleka,
    Xesibe, Bhaca, Cele, Hlubi, Ntlangwini, Ngqika, Mfengu (also names of
    different groups or clans). 

    Unlike the Zulu and the Ndebele in
    the north, the position of the king as head of a lineage did not make
    him an absolute king. The junior chiefs of the various chiefdoms
    acknowledged and deferred to the paramount chief in matters of ceremony,
    law, and tribute, but he was not allowed to interfere in their domestic
    affairs. There was great rivalry among them, and few of these leaders
    could answer for the actions of even their own councillors. As they
    could not centralise their power, chiefs were constantly preoccupied
    with strategies to maintain the loyalties of their followers.

    Cape Nguni of long ago were cattle farmers. They took great care of
    their cattle because they were a symbol of wealth, status, and respect.
    Cattle were used to determine the price of a bride, or lobola, and they
    were the most acceptable offerings to the ancestral spirits. They also
    kept dogs, goats and later, horses, sheep, pigs and poultry. Their chief
    crops were millet, maize, kidney beans, pumpkins, and watermelons. By
    the eighteenth century they were also growing tobacco and hemp.

    this stage isiXhosa was not a written language but there was a rich
    store of music and oral poetry. Xhosa tradition is rich in creative
    verbal expression. Intsomi (folktales), proverbs, and isibongo
    (praise poems) are told in dramatic and creative ways. Folktales relate
    the adventures of both animal protagonists and human characters. Praise
    poems traditionally relate the heroic adventures of ancestors or
    political leaders.

    As the Xhosa slowly moved westwards in groups,
    they destroyed or incorporated the Khoikhoi chiefdoms and San groups,
    and their language became influenced by Khoi and San words, which
    contain distinctive ‘clicks’.

    Europeans who came to stay in South
    Africa first settled in and around Cape Town. As the years passed, they
    sought to expand their territory. This expansion was first at the
    expense of the Khoi and San, but later Xhosa land was taken as well. The
    Xhosa encountered eastward-moving White pioneers or ‘Trek Boers’ in the
    region of the Fish River. The ensuing struggle was not so much a
    contest between Black and White races as a struggle for water, grazing
    and living space between two groups of farmers. 

    Nine Frontier Wars
    followed between the Xhosa and European settlers, and these wars
    dominated 19th century South African History. The first frontier war
    broke out in 1780 and marked the beginning of the Xhosa struggle to
    preserve their traditional customs and way of life.  It was a struggle
    that was to increase in intensity when the British arrived on the scene.

    Xhosa fought for one hundred years to preserve their independence,
    heritage and land, and today this area is still referred to by many as
    Frontier Country. 

    During the Frontier Wars, hostile chiefs forced
    the earliest missionaries to abandon their attempts to ‘evangelise’
    them. This situation changed after 1820, when John Brownlee founded a
    mission on the Tyhume River near Alice, and William Shaw established a
    chain of Methodist stations throughout the Transkei.

    denominations followed suit. Education and medical work were to become
    major contributions of the missions, and today Xhosa cultural
    traditionalists are likely to belong to independent denominations that
    combine Christianity with traditional beliefs and practices. In addition
    to land lost to white annexation, legislation reduced Xhosa political
    autonomy. Over time, Xhosa people became increasingly impoverished, and
    had no option but to become migrant labourers. In the late 1990s, Xhosa
    labourers made up a large percentage of the workers in South Africa’s
    gold mines.

    The dawn of apartheid in the 1940s marked more changes
    for all Black South Africans. In 1953 the South African Government
    introduced homelands or Bantustans, and two regions ‘Transkei and
    Ciskei’ were set aside for Xhosa people. These regions were proclaimed
    independent countries by the apartheid government. Therefore many Xhosa
    were denied South African citizenship, and thousands were forcibly
    relocated to remote areas in Transkei and Ciskei.

    The homelands were abolished with the change to democracy in 1994 and South Africa’s first democratically elected president was African National Congress (ANC) leader, Nelson Mandela, who is a Xhosa-speaking member of the Thembu people.

    104) Classical Xhosa
    104) IsiXhosa isiXhosa

    2440 UKUBA 14 Novemba 2017 ISIFUNDO


    I-Tipitaka (Pali ti, “emithathu,” + pitaka, “iibhasikiti”),
    okanye i-canon ye-Pali, kukuqokelela kweetekisi zeelwimi zasePalami eziphambili
    yakha isiseko semfundiso yeTheravada Buddhism. ITipitaka kunye
    imibhalo yeParaconicalical (iincwadana, imibhalo, njl. njl) kunye kunye neqela elipheleleyo leetekisi zeTheravada.

    I-canon ye-Pali ibininzi leencwadi: ngokuguqulela isiNgesi
    iindinyana zongeza kumawaka amaphepha apapashwe. Uninzi (kodwa akusiyo yonke)
    I-Canon sele ishicilelwe ngesiNgesi malunga neminyaka. Nangona
    Iqhezu elincinci lale mibhalo iyafumaneka kule website, oku
    ukuqokelela kungaba yindawo efanelekileyo yokuqala.

    Amacandelo amathathu eTipitaka:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Ukuqokelela kweetekisi malunga nemithetho yokuziphatha elawula
    imicimbi yemihla ngemihla ngaphakathi kwe-Sangha - uluntu lwasebhikkhus
    (amagosa amiselweyo) kunye ne-bhikkhunis
    nondla). Kude ngaphezu kweluhlu lwemithetho, iVinaya Pitaka nayo
    iquka amabali emva komvelaphi wolawulo ngalunye, ukubonelela
    Inkcazo ecacileyo yesisombululo sikaBuddha kumbuzo wokuba njani
    kugcinana ngokuvisisana koluntu phakathi kwemeko enkulu kunye neyohlukeneyo yokomoya
    Sutta Pitaka
    ukuqokelela i-suttas, okanye iintetho, ezibangelwa uBuddha kunye nabambalwa
    kubafundi bakhe abasondeleyo, equle yonke imfundiso ephakathi
    UbuBuddha beTheravada. (Iinguqu ezingaphezu kwewaka ze-sutta ziguqulelwe
    ziyafumaneka kule website.) I-suttas yahlula phakathi kwama-nikayas amahlanu (iqokelelo):

            I-Digha Nikaya - “iqoqo elide”
    Majjhima Nikaya - “ukuqokelela ubude obuphakathi”
    I-Samyutta Nikaya - “iqoqo leqoqo”
    I-Anguttara Nikaya - “ukuqokelela okuqhubekayo”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - “ukuqokelela kweetekisi ezincinane”:
    Sutta Nipata
    I-Nettippakarana (ifakwe kuphela kwisiNgesi saseBurma seTipitaka)
    I-Petakopadesa (”")
    IMilindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    ukuqokelelwa kweetekisi apho imigaqo-siseko yemfundiso
    esetyenziswe kwi-Sutta Pitaka yenziwa kwakhona kwaye ihlelwa kwakhona kwi-a
    isakhelo esimiselweyo esingasetyenziselwa uphando kulo
    uhlobo lwengqondo nomba.

    105) Classical Yiddish
    105) קלאסישע ייִדיש

    2440 טו 14 נאוועמבער 2017 לעסאַן


    די טייפּיטהאַ (פּאַלי טי, “דרייַ,” + פלייש, “קערב”),
    אָדער פּאַלי קאַנאָן, איז די זאַמלונג פון ערשטע פּאַלי שפּראַך טעקסץ וואָס
    פאָרעם די דאָקטרינאַל יסוד פון טהעראַוואַדאַ בודדהיסם. די טיפּפי און
    די פּאַראַקאַנאַניקאַל פּאַלי טעקסץ (קאָממונאַריעס, כראָניקלעס, אאז”ו
    ו) צוזאַמען קאַנסטאַטוט די גאַנץ גוף פון קלאסישע טהעראַוואַדאַ טעקסץ.

    פּאַלי קאַנאָן איז אַ וואַסט גוף פון ליטעראַטור: אין ענגליש איבערזעצונג די
    טעקסטן לייגן אַרויף צו טויזנטער פון געדרוקט בלעטער. רובֿ (אָבער ניט אַלע) פון די
    קאַנאָן האט שוין ארויס אין ענגליש איבער די יאָרן. כאָטש
    בלויז אַ קליין בראָכצאָל פון די טעקסטן זענען בנימצא אויף דעם וועבזייַטל, דאָס
    זאַמלונג קענען זיין אַ גוט פּלאַץ צו אָנהייבן.

    די דריי דיוויזשאַנז פון די Tipitaka זענען:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    די זאַמלונג פון טעקסטן וועגן די כּללים פון פירונג גאַווערנינג די
    טעגלעך ענינים אין די סאַנגהאַ - די קהל פון בהיקקהוס (אָרדיינד מאָנקס)
    און בהיקכיניס (אָרדיינד
    נאַנז). פיל מער ווי בלויז אַ רשימה פון כּללים, די ווינייַיאַ פּיטאַקאַ אויך
    כולל די געשיכטע הינטער דער אָנהייב פון יעדער הערשן, פּראַוויידינג אַ
    דיטיילד חשבון פון די בודאַ לייזונג צו די קשיא פון ווי צו
    טייַנען כלל האַרמאָניע ין אַ גרויס און דייווערס רוחניות
    Sutta Pitaka
    זאַמלונג פון סאַטאַס, אָדער דיסקאָורסעס, אַטריביאַטאַד צו די בודאַ און אַ ביסל
    פון זיין קלאָוסאַסט תלמידים, מיט אַלע די הויפט לערנונגען פון
    טהעראַוואַדאַ בודדהיסם. (מער ווי 1,000 סאַטאַ איבערזעצונגען זענען
    בנימצא אויף דעם וועבזייַטל.) די סאַטאַס זענען צעטיילט צווישן פינף ניקייאַס (זאַמלונגען):

            Digha Nikaya - די “לאַנג זאַמלונג”
    מאַדזשדזשהימאַ ניקאַדזשאַ - די “מיטל-לענג זאַמלונג”
    סאַמויטאַ ניקאַדזשאַ - די “גרופּט זאַמלונג”
    אַנגוטטאַראַ ניקייַאַ - די “ווייַטער-פאַקטאָרעד זאַמלונג”
    כודאַקאַ ניקאַדזשאַ - די “זאַמלונג פון קליין טעקסץ”:
    Sutta Nipata
    נעטטיפּפּאַקאַראַנאַ (אַרייַנגערעכנט בלויז אין די בורמעסע אַדישאַן פון די טיפּיטהאַ)
    פּעטאַקאָפּאַדעסאַ (”")
    מילינדאַפּ () “

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    זאַמלונג פון טעקסטן אין וואָס די אַנדערלייינג דאָקטרינאַל פּרינציפּן
    דערלאנגט אין די סאַטטאַ פּיטאַקאַ זענען ריווערקט און ריאָרגאַנייזד אין אַ
    סיסטעמאַטיק פריימווערק וואָס קענען זיין געווענדט צו אַ ויספאָרשונג אין די
    נאַטור פון גייַסט און ענין.

    106) Classical Yoruba

    106) Yoruba Yoruba

    2440 TUE 14 Oṣu kọkanla 2017 Ọkọ


    Tipitaka (Pali ti, “mẹta,” + pitaka, “agbọn”),
    tabi Canon Pali, ni gbigba awọn ọrọ ede Gẹẹsi akọkọ ti
    bẹrẹ ipilẹṣẹ ẹkọ ti Theravada Buddhism. Tipitaka ati
    awọn ọrọ odi ti parakanonical (awọn asọtẹlẹ, awọn itan, ati be be lo) papọ jẹ ẹya pipe ti awọn ọrọ Theravada lasan.

    Pali Canon jẹ ẹya ara-iwe ti o tobi: ni itumọ ede Gẹẹsi
    awọn ọrọ fi kun si ẹgbẹẹgbẹrun awọn oju iwe ti a tẹjade. Ọpọ (ṣugbọn kii ṣe gbogbo) ti
    Canon ti tẹlẹ ṣe atejade ni ede Gẹẹsi lori awọn ọdun. Biotilejepe
    nikan ida diẹ ninu awọn ọrọ wọnyi wa lori aaye ayelujara yii, eyi
    gbigba le jẹ aaye ti o dara lati bẹrẹ.

    Awọn ipin mẹta ti Tipitaka ni:

    Vinaya Pitaka
    Awọn gbigba awọn ọrọ nipa awọn ofin ti iwa ti o n ṣakoso awọn
    igbesi aye ojoojumọ laarin Sangha - agbegbe ti awọn bhikkhus (awọn
    alakoso ti a ti paṣẹ ati bhikkhunis)
    Awọn ifiranṣẹ). Pelu diẹ sii ju awọn akojọ awọn ofin lọ, Vinaya Pitaka tun
    pẹlu awọn itan lẹhin ibẹrẹ ti ofin kọọkan, pese a
    alaye ti o jẹ alaye ti Buddha ká ojutu si ibeere ti bi o si
    ṣetọju isokan ni awujọ laarin ẹmi nla ti o yatọ
    Sutta Pitaka
    gbigba ti awọn suttas, tabi awọn apejuwe, ti a sọ si Buddha ati awọn diẹ
    ti awọn ọmọ-ẹhin rẹ to sunmọ julọ, ti o ni gbogbo awọn ẹkọ pataki ti
    Awọn Buddhist Theravada. (Ọpọlọpọ awọn iyatọ sutta jẹ
    wa lori oju-iwe ayelujara yii.) Awọn suttas ti pin si awọn mẹẹdọta marun (awọn akopọ):

            Digha Nikaya - “gbigba pipẹ”
    Majjhima Nikaya - awọn “agbedemeji ipari”
    Samyutta Nikaya - “akojọpọ akojọpọ”
    Anguttara Nikaya - awọn “afikun-factored collection”
    Khuddaka Nikaya - awọn “gbigba awọn ọrọ diẹ”:
    Sutta Nipata
    Aabo oju-iwe
    Nettippakarana (eyiti o wa ninu Tipitaka ti Burmese nikan)
    Petakopadesa (”")
    Milindapañha (”")

    Abhidhamma Pitaka
    gbigba ti awọn ọrọ inu eyiti awọn agbekalẹ doctrine doctrinal ti o wa labẹ
    gbekalẹ ni Sutta Pitaka ti wa ni atunṣe ati tunṣe sinu sinu
    ilana ti aifwyita ti a le lo si iwadi kan sinu
    iseda ti okan ati ọrọ.

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