It was enacted when the provisions of the existing laws (such as the
Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 and Indian Penal Code) were found to
be inadequate to check these crimes (defined as ‘atrocities’ in the
Act).[1]
Recognising the continuing gross indignities and offences against
Scheduled Castes and Tribes, the Parliament passed the ‘Scheduled Castes
and Schedule Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989.
The preamble of the Act also states that the Act is:
- “to prevent the commission of offences of atrocities against
the members of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, to provide for Special
Courts for the trial of such offences and for the relief and
rehabilitation of the victims of such offences and for matters connected
therewith or incidental thereto.”
Thus objectives of the Act clearly emphasise the intention of the
government to deliver justice to these communities through proactive
efforts to enable them to live in society with dignity and self-esteem
and without fear or violence or suppression from the dominant castes.
The practice of untouchability, in its overt and covert form was made a
cognizable and non compoundable offence, and strict punishment is
provided for any such offence.
The SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 with
stringent provisions was enacted on 9 September 1989. Section 23(1) of
the Act authorises the Central Government to frame rules for carrying
out the purpose of the Act. Drawing power from this section, the
Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules of 1995 were framed.[2] The rules for the Act were notified on 31 March 1995.
The purpose of the Act was to help the social inclusion of Dalits
into Indian society, but the Act has failed to live up to its
expectations admitted by the Union Minister for Home Affairs in
parliament on 30 August 2010 (quoted below).[3].
A number of cases of misuse of this Act has been reported from
different parts of the country as mentioned in the Supreme Court verdict
of 20 March 2018. In this verdict, the Supreme Court of India banned
immediate arrest of a person accused of insulting or injuring a
Scheduled Caste/Scheduled Tribe member to protect innocents from
arbitrary arrest.
In August, 2018, the parliament of India passed the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Bill,
2018, to bypass the ruling of the Supreme Court of India laying down
procedures for arrests under the Act. The bill inserts section 18A (1)
(a) in the 1989 Act, that says a “preliminary enquiry shall not be
required for registration of an FIR against any person.” The Bill also
inserts Section 18A (1) (b), which says “the investigating officer shall
not require approval for the arrest, if necessary, of any person
against whom an accusation of having committed an offence under this Act
has been made and no procedure, other than that provided under this Act
or the Code, shall apply.”
The act violates “basic principles of liberty and accountability” after
the amendments. According to a plea filed in the Supreme Court, “the
Supreme Court cannot remain a mute spectator to the abuse of law as we
are living in a civilised society and there were many growing instances
of misuse of this act. The new law could be used to harass citizens by
arresting them on the basis of mere allegations. The amendment excludes
Section 438 of CrPC, violates constitutional mandate under Articles 14
and 21.” The amendments rule out any provision for anticipatory bail for
a person accused of atrocities against SC/STs, notwithstanding any
court order.
Historical sketch
The
post-Independence era was marked by frequent instances of atrocities
springing up across the country: for example, the assassination of the
young, educated Dalit leader Emmanuel Sekaran in Tamil Nadu for defying
the untouchability-based interdicts on Scheduled Castes (SCs, also
called Dalits), which resulted in the Ramanathapuram riots of 1957; the
Kilavenmani massacre of 42 Dalits in 1968 in Tamil Nadu; the gruesome
killing of Dalit Kotesu in Kanchikacherla in 1969 in Andhra Pradesh; the
killings of 10 Scheduled Tribes (STs, also called Adivasis, literally
‘first dweller’) by police in connection with a land dispute in
Indravalli in Andhra Pradesh in 1978. All such events shook the then
national leadership. Hence, under pressure from Dalit MPs, the
Government of India started monitoring atrocities against SCs from 1974,
and in the case of STs from 1981 onwards, with special focus on murder,
rape, arson and grievous hurt.
Atrocities continued to rise with ferocity and frequency – for
example, in Bihar the massacres of SCs at Belchi in 1979 and at Pipra in
1980; in Uttar Pradesh the massacre following a SC bridegroom riding on
horseback at Kafalta in 1980; in Madhya Pradesh the killing of Bacchdas
in Mandsaur district in 1982; in Bihar the killing in police firing on
15 STs at Banjhi in Sahibganj district in 1985. In all such cases, the
Indian State at both the national and state levels avoided addressing
basic contradictions, vulnerabilities and causative factors; the
treatment was mainly symptomatic and palliative instead of the required
radical solutions. Under continued pressure from Dalit MPs and political
leaders, the magnitude and gravity of the problem was finally
recognised by Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. In his Independence Address
on 15 August 1987, he announced that an Act would be passed, if
necessary, to check atrocities.[4]
Necessity
Atrocities rooted in caste system
A study conducted by the National Commission for SCs and STs in 1990 on Atrocities on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes: Causes and Remedies
pointed out various causal factors for atrocities: land disputes; land
alienation; bonded labour; indebtedness; non-payment of minimum wages;
caste prejudice and practice of untouchability; political factions on
caste lines; refusal to perform traditional works such as digging burial
pits, arranging cremations, removing carcasses of dead animals and
beating drums; etc. The deep root for such atrocities is traceable to
the caste system, which “encompasses a complete ordering of social
groups on the basis of the so-called ritual purity. A person is
considered a member of the caste into which s/he is born and remains
within that caste until death….”[5]
Considered ritually impure, SCs have been physically and socially
excluded from mainstream society, denied basic resources and services,
and discriminated against in all areas of life. Accordingly, they face
various forms of exploitation, insults and violence, as well as
degrading practices of untouchability. The Scheduled Tribes were equally
exploited on grounds of not falling within the caste system but having a
distinct culture and worldview of their own. “Women belonging to these
castes and tribes bore double burden. They were exploited by caste and
gender, and were vulnerable and powerless against sexual exploitation.”[6]
Continuing widespread prevalence
Despite
the right to non-discrimination on the basis of race or caste enshrined
in Article 15 of the Indian Constitution, discrimination against SCs
and STs is pervasive. Though abolished and forbidden by Article 17, the
practice of ‘untouchability’ persists due to its systemic character.
Hence, the Indian Parliament enacted the Untouchability Offences Act
1955, which underwent amendment and renaming in 1976 to become the
Protection of Civil Rights (PCR) Act. Under this Act, ‘untouchability’
as a result of religious and social disabilities was made punishable.
However, due to legal loopholes, the levels of punishments being less
punitive as compared to those of the IPC, and the law and order
machinery being neither professionally trained nor socially inclined to
implement such social legislation, a more comprehensive and more
punitive Act was required to protect SCs and STs from violence committed
by other communities. This gave rise to the SC/ST (PoA) Act 1989.
Objectives
The
basic objective and purpose of this more comprehensive and more
punitive piece of legislation was sharply enunciated when the Bill was
introduced in the Lok Sabha:
Despite various measures to improve the socio-economic conditions of
the SCs and STs, they remain vulnerable… They have in several brutal
incidents, been deprived of their life and property… Because of the
awareness created… through spread of education, etc., when they assert
their rights and resist practices of untouchability against them or
demand statutory minimum wages or refuse to do any bonded and forced
labour, the vested interests try to cow them down and terrorise them.
When the SCs and STs try to preserve their self-respect or honour of
their women, they become irritants for the dominant and the mighty…
Under the circumstances, the existing laws like the Protection of
Civil Rights Act 1955 and the normal provisions of the Indian Penal
Code have been found to be inadequate to check and deter crimes against
them committed by non-SCs and non-STs… It is considered necessary that
not only the term ‘atrocity’ should be defined, but also stringent
measures should be introduced to provide for higher punishment for
committing such atrocities. It is also proposed to enjoin on the States
and Union Territories to take specific preventive and punitive measures
to protect SCs and STs from being victimized and, where atrocities are
committed, to provide adequate relief and assistance to rehabilitate
them.[7]
The objectives of the Act, therefore, very clearly emphasise the
intention of the Indian state to deliver justice to SC/ST communities
through affirmative action in order to enable them to live in society
with dignity and self-esteem and without fear, violence or suppression
from the dominant castes.[8]
The Supreme Court of India too reiterated the significance and importance of the Act:[9]
Salient features
The
provisions of SC/ST Act and Rules can be divided into three different
categories, covering a variety of issues related to atrocities against
SC/ST people and their position in society.
- The first category contains provisions of criminal law. It
establishes criminal liability for a number of specifically defined
atrocities, and extends the scope of certain categories of penalizations
given in the Indian Penal Code (IPC).
- The second category contains provisions for relief and compensation for victims of atrocities.
- The third category contains provisions that establish special authorities for the implementation and monitoring of the Act.
The salient features of the Act are
- Creation of new types of offences not in the Indian Penal Code (IPC) or in the Protection of Civil Rights Act 1955 (PCRA).
- Commission of offences only by specified persons (atrocities can be
committed only by non-SCs and non-STs on members of the SC or ST
communities. Crimes among SCs and STs or between STs and SCs do not come
under the purview of this Act).
- Defines various types of atrocities against SCs/STs (Section 3(1)i to xv and 3(2)i to vii).
- Prescribes stringent punishment for such atrocities (Section 3(1)i to xv and 3(2)i to vii).
- Enhanced punishment for some offences (Section 3(2)i to vii, 5).
- Enhanced minimum punishment for public servants (Section 3(2)vii).
- Punishment for neglect of duties by a public servant(Section 4).
- Attachment and forfeiture of property (Section 7).
- Externment of potential offenders (Section 10(1), 10(3), 10(3)).
- Creation of Special Courts (Section 14).
- Appointment of Special Public Prosecutors (Section 15).
- Empowers the government to impose collective fines (Section 16).
- Cancellation of arms licences in the areas identified where an
atrocity may take place or has taken place (Rule 3iii) and seize all
illegal fire arms (Rule 3iv).
- Grant arms licences to SCs and STs (Rule 3v).
- Denial of anticipatory bail (Section 18).
- Denial of probation to convict (Section 19).
- Provides compensation, relief and rehabilitation for victims of
atrocities or their legal heirs (Section 17(3), 21(2)iii, Rule 11,
12(4)).
- Identification of atrocity prone areas (Section 17(1), 21(2)vii, Rule 3(1)).
- Setting up deterrents to avoid committing of atrocities on the SCs amongst others (Rule 3i to 3xi).
- Setting up a mandatory, periodic monitoring system at different levels (Section 21(2)v):
-
-
- District level (Rule 3xi, 4(2), 4(4), 17).
- State level (8xi, 14, 16, 18).
- National level (Section 21(2), 21(3), 21(4)).
Together with the rules, it provides a framework for monitoring the
state response to the atrocities against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes. According to the Act and Rules, there are to be monthly reports
(from the District Magistrates), quarterly review meetings at the
district level by the District Monitoring and Vigilance Committee (DVMC)
and half yearly reviews by a 25-member State Monitoring and Vigilance
Committee (SVMC) the chaired by the Chief Minister. The performance of
every Special Public Prosecutor (SPP) will also have to be reviewed by
the Director of Public Prosecutions (DPP) every quarter. Annual reports
have to be sent to the central government by 31 March every year.
The Act and Rules are a potent mechanism and precision
instruments that can be used in tandem with the Right To Information
(RTI) Act 2005 to motivate the state to hold the mandatory meetings and
enforce compliance. A Human Rights Defenders Monitoring Calendar has been developed from the Act and rules to help human rights defenders, and others to clarify the functions and duties of the monitoring authorities (the SVMC and DVMC).
Defining ‘atrocity’
The
term ‘atrocity’ was not defined until this Act was passed by the
Parliament in 1989. In legal parlance, the Act understands the term to
mean an offence punishable under sections 3(1) and 3(2).
In specific terms:
- Atrocity is “an expression commonly used to refer to crimes against Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India”.
- It “denotes the quality of being shockingly cruel and inhumane, whereas the term ‘crime’ relates to an act punishable by law”.[10]
- It implies “any offence under the Indian Penal Code (IPC) committed
against SCs by non-SC persons, or against STs by non-ST persons. Caste
consideration as a motive is not necessary to make such an offence in
case of atrocity”.[11]
- It signifies “crimes which have ingredients of infliction of
suffering in one form or the other that should be included for
reporting”. This is based on the assumption that “where the victims of
crime are members of Scheduled Castes and the offenders do not belong to
Scheduled Castes caste considerations are really the root cause of the
crime, even though caste considerations may not be the vivid and minimum
motive for the crime”.[12]
The Act lists 22 offences relating to various patterns of behaviours
inflicting criminal offences for shattering the self-respect and esteem
of SCs and STs, denial of economic, democratic and social rights,
discrimination, exploitation and abuse of the legal process, etc.[13]
Section 3 of the Act lists the criminal offences and the punishments. It contains:
- 19 offences in their own right (Section 3(1) contains 15
subsections with an equal number of offences. Section 3(2) contains four
subsections with offences)
- two derived offences (sections 3(2)(vi) and 3(2)(vii)). The derived
offences are based on the offences given in the SC/ST Act. They only
come in the picture provided that another offence under the SC/ST Act
has been committed.
- one subsection that increases the punishment for certain offences under the IPC (Section 3(2)(v)).
These protections can be broadly divided into protection from
- social disabilities (denial of access to certain places and to
use customary passage and to get water from any spring, reservoir or any
other source).
- personal atrocities (forceful drinking or eating of inedible or
obnoxious substance, against stripping, outrage of modesty, sexual
exploitation, injury or annoyance).
- atrocities affecting properties (land, residential premises, existing properties).
- malicious prosecution.
- political disabilities.
- economic exploitation.
The common denominator of the offences is that criminal liability can
only be established if the offence is committed by a person who is not a member of a Scheduled Caste or a Scheduled Tribe against a person who belongs to a Scheduled Caste or a Scheduled Tribe.
Special Courts
For
speedy trial, Section 14 of the Act provides for a Court of Session to
be a Special Court to try offences under this Act in each district. Rule
13(i) mandates that the judge in a special court be sensitive with
right aptitude and understanding of the problems of the SCs and STs.
However, that is seldom the case. Most states have declared a
court as a ’special court’. The hitch is that they are designated courts
(as opposed to exclusive special courts) and so have to hear many other
cases too. Consequently, at any time about 80% of the cases are pending[14]—defeating the very purpose of having special courts in the first place.
Special Court Justice Ramaswamy observed in the case of State of Karnataka v. Ingale[15]
that more than seventy-five percent of the cases brought under the
SC/ST Act end in acquittal at all levels. The situation has not improved
much since 1992 according to the figures given by the 2002 Annual
Report dealing with SC/ST Act (of the Ministry of Social Justice and
Empowerment)[16]
Of the total cases filed in 2002 only 21.72% were disposed of, and, of
those, a mere 2.31% ended in conviction. The number of acquittals is 6
times more than the number of convictions and more than 70 percent of
the cases are still pending.[17]
Inaugurating a two-day annual conference of State Ministers of
Welfare/Social Justice, 8 Sept 2009, Prime Minister Singh expressed
’shock’ that the conviction rate of cases of atrocities against the
SC/STs is less than 30% against the average of 42% for all cognisable
offences under the Indian Penal Code.[18]
And in rape cases the conviction rate is just 2%.[19]
Karnataka has only eight Special courts, though 15 of 30
districts are declared ‘atrocity prone’. Overall conviction rates remain
at or below 5%. Even the few special courts seem to be biased. In 2010,
of the 101 cases disposed of in the Tumkur special court, not one was
convicted. Gulbarga, another atrocity prone district had a conviction
rate of just 2%. 7 districts had a conviction rate of 0% in 2010.[20]
Investigation
According to Rule 7(1)[21]
investigation of an offence committed under the SC/ST Act cannot be
investigated by an officer not below the rank of Deputy Superintendent
of Police (DSP).
Various High Courts have set aside cases based on the above rule. [16]
The rule is to ensure that the investigations are of high quality, and
the assumption is that senior officials would not be as biased, nor as
vulnerable to other pressures, as those in the lower rungs of the police
force.
The Andhra Pradesh High Court, in D. Ramlinga Reddy v. State of AP,[22]
took the position that provisions of Rule 7 are mandatory and held that
investigation under the SC/ST (Prevention of Atrocities) Act has to be
carried out by only an officer not below the rank of DSP. An
investigation carried out and charge sheet filed by an incompetent
officer is more than likely to be quashed. Similarly, the Madras High
Court in M. Kathiresam v. State of Tamil Nadu[23]
held that investigation conducted by an officer other than a DSP is
improper and bad in law and proceedings based on such an investigation
are required to be quashed.
The Courts without taking into consideration the inadequacies of the
State, have been punishing SC/STs (the victims) for the same. Shri
Pravin Rashtrapal, Member of Parliament rightly pointed out that there
are insufficient officers at that level.[24] His statement is supported by the Annual Report of 2005-2006 of Ministry of Home Affairs.[25]
Of the total posts sanctioned by the government under Indian Police
Service (IPS) more than 15 percent of the posts are vacant. This
basically means that there is one IPS officer for 77,000 SC/STs.
In the case of Karnataka, there were no officers of the required
rank in three districts, as admitted by the government at the State
Vigilance and Monitoring Committee (SVMC) in September 2010.[26]
Though officers of higher rank can conduct the investigation (the Act
only says ‘at least of rank’), in practice they seldom do.
Compensation
Atrocities
often take place when persons belonging to the SC ST community do not
fulfill their ‘caste functions’ by doing ritually prescribed ‘unclean’
work or break the caste boundaries such as sitting in the bus or wearing
a turban—often the preserve of the dominant castes. Atrocities are
often a form of ‘collective’ punishment for daring to have even some
semblance of non-dependence which is termed as ‘prosperous’, and the
atrocity is to bring them back into the situation of total dependence
and servitude. The state therefore has the duty to help the community
back on its feet.
In fact, a part of the reason why atrocities are committed is
economic activity. In my experience, I have seen that in some areas, the
Scheduled Caste or the Scheduled Tribe person is prosperous. My
knowledge is mostly about the Scheduled Caste, not about the Scheduled
Tribe. It is because of the economic activity, because of the
enterprise, there are areas where the Scheduled Caste people have also
become prosperous. The Scheduled Caste people are able to build brick
and stone houses. The Scheduled Caste people are able to acquire
vehicles. The Scheduled Caste people are able to dress better, send
their children to better schools. One of the reasons why atrocities take
place in those places is to cripple them economically. Every riot,
every arson case cripples them economically. Therefore, it is important
that the State must immediately rush in social and economic measures for
the rehabilitation of those who have suffered through these atrocities.[27]
The government has prescribed a schedule for compensation[28] under Rule 12.(4)) as Annexure 1 entitled Norms for Relief Amount. This is periodically updated
Record
As
‘police’ and ‘public order’ are state subjects, primary responsibility
for prevention of atrocities and maintenance of law and order rests with
the State Governments. A responsive police administration has always
been recognized as an essential requirement in any society that seeks to
take care of its citizens. Such responsive administration is essential
for prevention of atrocities likely to be inflicted upon SCs and STs by
unscrupulous non-SC/ST elements.
Section 21(1) and (2) of SC/ST (POA) Act, 1989 stipulate that the
State Government shall take all such measures as may be necessary for
its effective implementation. However, despite the Act and Rules, the
situation has not changed much. The incidence of atrocities is actually
increasing, and the implementation of the law leaves much to be desired
as this statement of the Union Minister for Home Affairs shows:
“Madam, I must concede that the statistics do not reflect any decline
in the atrocities. On the contrary, the information compiled by the
Crime Records Bureau shows that the number of cases registered of
atrocities against the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes is, in
fact, on the rise. I have the numbers from 2006 to 2008, subsequent
years are being compiled. Take for example the case of the Scheduled
Castes. The number of cases of atrocities against the Scheduled Castes
registered in 2006 was 26,665. That itself is an understatement. Many of
the cases are simply not registered. In 2007, it was 29,825 and in 2008
it was 33,365. So, this clearly shows the rise in trend.
I can make one or two deductions from this.
- Firstly that there is no let up in the atrocities committed on the Scheduled Castes.
- The other inference one can make is, perhaps, because of the
pressure that is put on the State Governments by the Central Government,
by public opinion and by NGOs, now the States are showing greater
willingness to deal with the problem. Therefore, more cases are being
registered.
[…]
We cannot be happy about the fact that approximately 33,000 cases are
being registered as atrocities against Scheduled Castes in one year.
What makes it even more disturbing is that while so many cases are
registered, the conviction rate hovers around 30%. What makes it doubly
painful is that there is rise in atrocities, but when you try to
prosecute and convict, the conviction rate is only 30%. It was 28%,
31.4% and 32%. Not only are acquittals very high; pendency is about 80%.
[…]
I am afraid that the disposal of the cases is low; the rate of
conviction is low. Therefore, it is fair to conclude that the feeling
amongst the Scheduled Castes and the Schedule Tribes that all these laws
and all these statements, all these pronouncements have really not
brought any relief to them. That feeling is running high and I cannot
but say that feeling is justified.”[14] (p143,144 of the printed text).
23 States have set up SC/ST Protection Cells. Nodal Officers have been appointed in 28 States.[3]
Though the Act and rules are stringent, it is not a deterrent, as
the Minister for Home Affairs P Chidambaram admitted in the Lok Sabha,
referring to the Central Committee monitoring the implementation of the
Act:
A committee under the Chairmanship of the Minister of Social Justice
was set up after the SCs and STs (PoA), 1989 was passed. That Committee
has met, so far, 10 times. The situation in 25 States and 4 Union
Territories were reviewed. That committee has expressed that the most
important areas of concern are the following five:
- firstly, the high rate of acquittal;
- secondly, the high rate of pendency of cases and very low rate of disposal;
- thirdly, inadequate use of the preventive provisions of the Act,
while the punitive provisions are invoked and FIR is registered,
preventive provisions are rarely invoked;
- fourthly, that the committees and other mechanisms provided in the Act have virtually not been put to use; and fifthly,
- the Act itself may not be deterrent, perhaps it is not being as deterrent as we thought it could be.[14]
Drawbacks and lacunae
Bias
Going
through the Indian judicial system is degrading for any Dalit because
of the still existing biases of the court judges. One example is the
conduct of an Allahabad High Court judge who had his chambers “purified”
with water from the ‘ganga jal’ because a Dalit judge had previously
sat in that chamber before him.[29]
Another example is the case of State of Karnataka v. Ingale.[15]
The State of Karnataka had charged five individuals with violating the
SC/ST Act. At trial, four witnesses testified that the defendants had
threatened Dalits with a gun to stop them from taking water from a well.
The defendants told the Dalits that they had no right to take water,
because they were `untouchables’. The trial judge convicted all of the
defendants. On appeal, the Additional Sessions judge confirmed the
conviction of three defendants but acquitted two. On further appeal to
the High Court, the judge acquitted all the defendants after rejecting
testimony of the four Dalit witnesses. The Dalits finally got relief
from the Supreme Court.
Perhaps the most important bias (re implementation of this Act)
is that there is little done to prevent atrocities. Most of the reports
are of what is done after an atrocity has been committed. Few states
have preventive measures in place. The ‘relief’ provided is a pittance
and the confidence of the community is seldom rebuilt.
For some, the low conviction rates are evidence of misuse of the
Act by the SCs and STs to threaten and blackmail other communities.
Actual data on such misuse is not available. However, the acquittal
rates are abnormally high, as acknowledged by the prime minister and
home minister (quoted above). There is also a high rate of FIRs rejected
as being ‘false’ by the police, with 10% of the total cases
investigated in 2016 being closed as ‘false’.[30]
In Karnataka the rejection rate at the police station level (the ‘B’
report that classifies a case as false) was 77% of total cases disposed
off in 2009[31]—so much so that it became a topic for discussion in the SVMC.[32]
This narrative of ‘false cases’ and misuse of the Act also found voice in the March 2018 decision of the Supreme Court in Subhash Kashinath Mahajan v. State of Maharashtra & Anr.
In addition to questioning Section 18 of the Act, which prohibits grant
of anticipatory bail for offences committed under the Act, the court
laid down guidelines, substantially diluting the provisions of the Act.[33]
The court granted additional powers to the investigating officer to
conduct a preliminary inquiry before lodging a complaint. Further,
written permission of the appointing authority for all public officials
and of the District Superintendent of Police for other persons is
required before a complaint is registered.[34][35]
Legal system
The
legal regime is fraught with contradictions. While the legal text is
explicit in seeking remedies, the implementation of the text appears to
evade actual performance. Laws and legal processes are not
self-executing; they depend on the administrative structure and the
judiciary with the anticipation that the social attitudes are driven by
notions of equity, social justice and fair play.[36]
However, the increasingly indifferent responses of those involved in
the implementation of laws protecting the weak, the oppressed and the
socially disadvantaged have persisted over the years and the system has
failed to provide for self-correction. The problem is that the victims
of atrocities suffer not only bodily and mental pain but also feelings
of insecurity and social avoidance which is not present for the victims
of other crimes. If the judge delegated to protect them shows
indifference, it further aggravates their already vulnerable position.
Rehabilitation
According to the preamble of the SC/ST Act, it is an Act to prevent
the commission of offences of atrocities against SC/STS, to provide for
Special Courts for the trial of such offences and for the relief and
rehabilitation of the victims of such offences. The Madhya Pradesh High
Court also had the same view and observed in the case of Dr. Ram Krishna
Balothia v. Union of India[37]
that the entire scheme of the SC/ST Act is to provide protection to the
members of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and to provide for
Special Court and speedy trial of the offences. The Act contains
affirmative measures to weed out the root cause of atrocities, which has
denied SCs and STs basic civil rights.
The Act has addressed the problem the regarding the dispensation of
justice, but what it failed to deal with is the problem of
‘rehabilitation’. There is mention of rehabilitation under Section
21(2)(iii), but there are no provision addressing the same. As it has
been stated earlier that victims of atrocities are on a different level
when compared to victims of other crimes, hence there should be special
provision for the same. According to the report submitted by the
National Commission for Review and Working of the Constitution,[38]
victims of atrocities and their families should be provided with full
financial and any other support to make them economically self-reliant
without their having to seek wage employment from their very oppressors
or classes of oppressors. Also it would be the duty of the state to
immediately take over the educational needs of the children of such
victims and provide for the cost of their food and maintenance.
SCs and STs constitute 68% of the total rural population.
According to the 1991 agricultural census a large number of SCs and STs
are marginal farmers compared to the other sections of the society and
because of this the number of cultivators are going down. In other
words, the landlessness is increasing at a faster rate among SCs and
STs. At the same time, the number of SC and ST workers as agricultural
labourer is increasing at a faster rate when compared to other sections
of the society. This basically implies that after losing their land
holdings, SC and ST cultivators are becoming agriculture labourers. Loss
of land, on the one hand, is caused by atrocities making them more
vulnerable. This in turn fuels and promotes continuance of atrocities
and untouchability.
Marginalisation is one of the worst forms of oppression.[citation needed]
It expels a whole category of people from useful participation in the
society and therefore potentially subjected to material deprivation and
this could even lead to extermination. Moreover, this leads to the state
of powerlessness which perhaps is best described negatively; the
powerless lack authority, status and a sense of self.[39] Moreover, every right has three types of duties[citation needed]—duty to
- Avoid deprivation.
- Protect from deprivation.
- Aid the deprived.
Though the SC/ST Act does cover these duties, and its implementation
is admittedly uneven, it is found wanting most in the third: duty to aid
the deprived. One possible reason could be that the State has to work
through its officials who are drawn from the same oppressive social
strata. Though the Act does mention that officers and other staff
appointed in an area prone to atrocity shall have the right aptitude and
understanding of the problems of the SCs and STs (Rule 13(1))
in practice, these officials often collude with their caste brethren
and even file counter-cases against the victims or their family members.[40]
This means, in addition to the perpetrators getting away with the
original crime, free to further intimidate the victims, the victims are
left helpless—denied the government compensation and assistance to
rebuild their life. They have to go back to the same perpetrator caste
for their livelihood or daily wage labour. Hence, it is necessary to
make the SCs and STs self-dependent.
Lack of awareness
The
statement of object and reason of the SC/ST Act clearly reveals that
the Act, in its letter and spirit, desires that Dalits lead a dignified
life. However, even after 16 years of its existence in the statute book,
it has not shown its desired effect.
The majority of the beneficiaries of this Act are unaware of the
legitimate claims of leading a dignified way of life or are unwilling to
enforce it intensively. Even the Police, prosecutors and judicial
officers are unaware of this Act as was pointed out by Calcutta High
Court in the case of M.C. Prasannan v. State of West Bengal.[41]
Misapplication of the Act by police and the courts aggravates the problem ultimately leads to acquittals.[42]
Some atrocities not covered
Social
and economic boycott and blackmail are widespread. In view of the fact
that the main perpetrators of the crime sometimes co-opt a few SC/STs
with them and take advantage of local differences among the SC/STs and
sometimes they promote and engineer crimes but get them executed by some
members of SC/STs, the Act should be suitably amended to bring such
crimes and atrocities within the purview of the definition of atrocities
under the Act.[38]
Likewise, the Special Courts established under Section 14 of the
Act are required to follow the committal procedure under Cr.P.C. Such an
interpretation prevents the speedy trial envisaged under the Act. The
absence of adequate special courts has resulted in slow disposal of
atrocity cases and a huge backlog.
Empowering provisions
Migration
Under
constitutional provisions, a caste or tribe is notified with reference
to a State or Union territory. Hence a person born in state/UT gets
certificate of SC/ST if his/her father belongs to specified caste/tribe
in that state as SC/ST. On migration to another state, they lose their
SC/ST status for affirmative actions, i.e. benefit of admission in
educational institutes, reservation in government employment etc. but the protection accorded under this Act stays.[citation needed]
Once a person is notified as SC/ST in any state/UT, they are protected
under the SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 throughout
the country, irrespective of whether the particular caste or tribe is
notified in the state/UT where the offence is committed.
Legal aid
Legal aid is available for all victims regardless of financial status. For all others legal aid depends on the financial status.
Civil society response
Monitoring implementation
Comprehensive tools have been developed to monitor the implementation of the Act for each case, and at the district and state levels.
Many civil society organisations (CSOs) started using this Act to
provide some relief to the victims almost immediately. A few Dalit and
human rights organizations took to monitoring violence against the
SC&ST communities, documenting them, publicizing them and also
monitoring the use of the Act in dealing with these crimes. One of the
first to monitor the implementation of this Act was Sakshi in Andhra Pradesh.
The full monitoring of the Act by CSOs is a later phenomenon[43]
and has not matured in that civil society reports on implementation of
the Act (shadow reports to the ones mandated by the Act section 21(4))
are yet to be done.
Annual reports by Citizen’s monitoring committees have been done in Karnataka for 2009 (English), 2010 (English and Kannada) and a combined report for 2011 and 2012 (in English and Kannada(with monitoring tools))
auditing the performance of the State, including the bureaucracy,
judicial system, police and monitoring mechanisms (DVMCs and SVMC).
However, atrocities in the state still continue to rise, and convictions
remain low.
Filing PILs for implementation
Some
organizations also used the provisions of the Public Interest
Litigations (PIL) to demand better implementation under the Act at High
Court level and National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR) in the Supreme Court of India.
National coalition for Strengthening SC&ST PoA Act
On
the 20th anniversary of its enactment, CSOs came together from across
the country to review its implementation and formed the National
Coalition for Strengthening SC & ST Prevention of Atrocities Act Dr
Sirivella Prasad as its National Convener. This coalition took stock of
the implementation of the Act in a “report card”,[44]
analysed the lacunae and suggested a set of amendments for improving
the implementation. State specific “fact sheets” were also made
available for Madhya Pradesh[45] and Bihar.[46]
Many important areas such as social and economic boycotts,
causing hurt, destruction of property, defining the SC communities to
include those who profess a religion other than Hinduism, Sikhism,
Buddhism, and better monitoring mechanisms were identified.[citation needed]
Continuous monitoring
Many organisations continue to monitor the implementation of the Act, and bring out state level reports.
- Himachal Pradesh: Monitoring by Centre for Mountain Dalit Rights
- Karnataka: Monitoring by Committee Monitoring and
Strengthening the POA in Karnataka (CMASK) led by the Karnataka Dalit
Mahilla Vedike (KDMV). State reports are available on the status of
implementation during 2009 (English), 2010 (English and Kannada) and a combined report for 2011 and 2012 (in English and Kannada (with monitoring tools)). Also available in Kannada is the monitoring calendar .
- Tamil Nadu: monitoring by SASY and HRF (Human Rights Advocacy and Research Foundation).
SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Ordinance 2014 (No 1 of 2014)
The Amendment Ordinance 2014
was signed by the president on 4 March 2014 and came into force
immediately. Since it was an ordinance, and was not ratified by (the
next) parliament within six (6) months it lapsed. It was then referred
back to the cabinet.
SCs and STs (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act 2015
This
Act was passed to replace the ordinance of 2014. The bill was
introduced in parliament on 7 July 2014 and referred to the standing
committee on 17 July 2014. Subsequently, it was passed by the Lok Sabha
on 4 August 2015[47] and then by the Rajya Sabha in December of that year.[48]
It is virtually the same as the ordinance, with a few changes to improve efficiency.[citation needed]
The key features of the Amendment Act of 2015 are
Addition of following new category of offences to the existing 19 punishable offences. In addition to the 19 offences listed in the Act, following new offences proposed. To cite a few: tonsuring of head, moustache, or similar acts which are derogatory to the dignity of Dalits and Adivasis; garlanding with chappals; denying access to irrigation facilities or forest rights ; dispose or carry human or animal carcasses, or to dig graves; using or permitting manual scavenging; dedicating Dalit women as devadasi; abusing in caste name; perpetrating witchcraft atrocities; imposing social or economic boycott; preventing Dalit and Adivasi candidates filing of nomination to contest elections; hurting the modesty of Dalit/Adivasi woman by removing her garments; forcing to leave house, village or residence; defiling objects sacred to SCs and STs; touching a women or uses words, acts or gestures of a sexual nature against women.
Addition of IPC offences attracting committed against Dalits or Adivasis as punishable offences under the POA Act. Presently, only those offences listed in IPC as attracting punishment of 10 years or more and committed on Dalits/ Adivasis are accepted as offences falling under the POA Act. A number of commonly committed offences (hurt, grievous hurt, intimidation, kidnapping etc.) are excluded from the Act. This provides loopholes for the perpetrators of crime to escape from being punished for these commonly committed crimes. Therefore, a Schedule of list of IPC offences is provided in the amended act.
Establishment of Exclusive Special Courts and Special Public Prosecutors to exclusively try the offences falling under the POA Act to enable speedy and expeditious disposal of cases. Presently, Special Courts and Public Prosecutors also deal with other cases besides atrocity cases. Consequently, cases are kept pending for long time. Thus victims are denied justice or speedy justice. Establishment of an Exclusive Special Court for one or more districts and Exclusive Public Prosecutor is proposed;
Power of Exclusive Courts to take cognizance of offence and completion of trial in 2 months. Courts so established or specified shall have power to directly take cognizance of offences under this Act and the trial shall, as far as possible, be completed within a period of two months from the date of filing of the charge sheet.
Addition of chapter on the ‘Rights of Victims and Witnesses’. As of now, the Act recognizes a few rights of the victims and witnesses. This is insufficient. Therefore, many other essential rights are covered so as to impose duty and responsibility upon the State for making arrangements for the protection of victims, their dependants and witnesses against any kind of intimidation, coercion or inducement or violence or threats of violence.
Defining clearly the term ‘wilful negligence’ of public servants at all levels, starting from the registration of complaint, and covering aspects of dereliction of duty under this Act. Section 4 of the present Act does not clearly define what constitutes ‘wilful negligence’ of public servants. Hence, ‘wilful negligence’ is defined by listing specific transgressions of law: for example, police officers not putting down accurately in writing the victim’s complaint; not reading out to the victims what has been recorded prior to getting their signature; not registering FIR under the Act; not registering it under appropriate sections of the Act; etc.
Addition of presumption to the offences –If the accused was acquainted with the victim or his family, the court will presume that the accused was aware of the caste or tribal identity of the victim unless proved otherwise.
The Act, Rules and Amendments
- The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 1989 (The Bare Act)
- The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Rules 1995 (Just the Rules)
- Amendments of 8 November 2013 Providing for subdivisional vigilance and monitoring committees and central government nominees at all levels.
- Amendments of 23 June 2014 amending rules and enhancing compensation.
- The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Ordinance of 4 March 2014 (fairly comprehensive overhaul with new sections, chapters and schedules added)
- The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act, 2015
- The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Amendment Act, 2018
16) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা,
কেন্দ্রীয় মন্ত্রীরা টি আর বালু এবং দয়ানীধি মারান তাদের বিরুদ্ধে তফসিলি জাতি ও তফসিলী ট্রাইব (নৃশংসতা প্রতিরোধ আইন, ১৯৮৯) এর অধীনে মামলা করা হয়েছে, রাজ্যসভার সদস্য ও দলীয় সংগঠনের সম্পাদক আর এস ভারঠিকে গ্রেপ্তারের পর শীর্ষ ডিএমকে নেতারা গ্রেপ্তার করেছেন।
১৩ ই মে, জনগণের কাছ থেকে প্রাপ্ত উপস্থাপনা জমা দেওয়ার জন্য মারান ও বালু মুখ্যসচিব কে শানমুগমের সাথে দেখা করেছিলেন। পরে তারা গণমাধ্যমকে বলেছিল যে এই প্রতিনিধি দলটি অবমাননা করেছে এবং নিপীড়িত নাগরিকের মতো আচরণ করেছে।
প্রাক্তন কেন্দ্রীয় মন্ত্রীদের বিরুদ্ধে বেশ কয়েকটি জেলায় বিভিন্ন অভিযোগ দায়ের করা হয়েছে এবং এফআইআরও নথিভুক্ত করা হয়েছে।
এবং এডিএমকে মন্ত্রী দিন্দুগাল শ্রীনীবাসন যিনি একটি তফসিলি বর্ণের ছেলেকে তাঁর চ্যাপেলগুলি সরিয়ে দিতে বাধ্য করেছিলেন।
মন্তব্য
মোহন এসআর
মারান ও বালুকে কেন রেহাই দেওয়া উচিত? উচ্চ পদে থাকা ব্যক্তিদের সমাজের জন্য একটি ভাল উদাহরণ স্থাপন করা উচিত। এভাবে দাদাগিরি করবেন না।
রবি নারায়ণন
টিএন-তে অনেক বিচারক ডিএমকে নিয়োগপ্রাপ্ত। আরও মারণ এবং বালুর সিদ্ধান্তগুলি প্রভাবিত করার জন্য টন অর্থ রয়েছে। মারান যদি এখনও অবৈধ টেলিফোন এক্সচেঞ্জে ধরা না পড়ে, তবে এগুলি তাঁর পক্ষে জুজুবিস। এমকে থেকে শুরু করা পুরো পরিবার টিএন-তে পরজীবী। সারা দেশে আঞ্চলিক বর্ণবাদী দলগুলির কেবল তাদের পরিবারের সদস্যদের সেবা করার জন্য তাদের রাজনৈতিক দল রয়েছে। তারা স্ব স্ব জাতের সাধারণ সদস্যদের সম্পর্কেও বিরক্ত হন।
শ্যাম এস
কিন্তু কেন? ধিরুদারগল মুন্নেত্র কলগম বিচার বিভাগ নিয়ন্ত্রণ করছে ..
“আমরা একাই বর্ণবাদী, সাম্প্রদায়িক এবং পুঁজিবাদী সমর্থক বিজেপিকে গণতান্ত্রিক প্রতিষ্ঠানের মার্ডার দ্বারা পরিচালিত (মোদী) নেতৃত্বাধীন জালিয়াতি ইভিএম / ভিভিপ্যাটগুলিতে টেম্পল করে মাস্টার কী দখল করার পরে এবং রাউদি রাক্ষস স্বয়াম সেবকদের (আরএসএস) পক্ষে নির্বাচনে জিততে পারি। বেন ইস্রায়েলের বিদেশীরা যারা দূর থেকে নিয়ন্ত্রিত হওয়ায় তাদের নিজের মা’র মাংস খাওয়া-দাওয়া, দাস এবং বুট লিকার, চামচাস, চেলাসহ প্রবুদ্ধ ভারত ত্যাগ করতে বাধ্য হতে হবে!
ফ্যাসিবাদী শাসনের খপ্পর থেকে দেশকে মুক্ত করতে প্রস্তুত হন।
আমরা, তফশিলী জাতি, তফসিলি উপজাতি, অন্যান্য পশ্চাৎপদ শ্রেণি ও ধর্মীয় সংখ্যালঘুরা বাবাसाहेब সাহেব ডাঃ ভীমরও আম্বেদকরের অবিরাম সংগ্রাম ও অবিরাম ত্যাগের কারণে ভারতের সংবিধানের আওতাধীন আমাদের অধিকারগুলি সুরক্ষিত করতে সক্ষম হয়েছি। তবে বর্ণ-পূর্বসংশ্লিষ্ট সরকারগুলি আমাদের জনগণের সুবিধার্থে এই অধিকারগুলি কার্যকর করে নি। ফলস্বরূপ, সংবিধানের বিধান থাকা সত্ত্বেও আমাদের আর্থ-সামাজিক অবস্থা আগের মতোই খারাপ ছিল। তাই, বাবসাহেব একটি রাজনৈতিক প্ল্যাটফর্ম এবং একটি নেতৃত্বের অধীনে unitedক্যবদ্ধ হয়ে আমাদের নিজস্বভাবে সরকার গঠনের পরামর্শ দিয়েছিলেন। এই দিক থেকে, তিনি তাঁর জীবনকালীন সময়ে রিপাবলিকান পার্টি অফ ইন্ডিয়া চালু করার বিষয়ে চিন্তাভাবনা করেছিলেন। তবে তিনি সম্ভবত জানেন না যে তিনি তার পরিকল্পনা বাস্তবায়িত করার আগেই এত তাড়াতাড়ি মারা যাবেন। তিনি যে কাজটি পরে মনাওয়ার কাঞ্চি রাম সাহেব দ্বারা সম্পন্ন হয়েছিল তা শেষ করতে পারেন নি।
অরাজনৈতিক পথ: মোনাওয়ার কাঞ্চি রাম সাহেব যখন আম্বেদকবাদী আন্দোলনকে পুনরুজ্জীবিত করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলেন, তখন এই আন্দোলনটি প্রায় বিলুপ্ত হয়েছিল। মানুষ এই আন্দোলনটি প্রায় ভুলে গিয়েছিল। কাঙ্কি রাম সাহেব যে পরিস্থিতিতে যে আম্বেদকরতাবাদী আন্দোলনের ব্যর্থতার কারণ হয়েছিল সে সম্পর্কে গভীর অধ্যয়ন করেছিলেন। তিনি দেখেছিলেন যে, বাবসাহেবের বেশিরভাগ অনুসারী আন্দোলনের বাইরে ছিলেন। তিনি সেই কারণগুলির তদন্ত শুরু করেছিলেন যা বাবাসাহেব আম্বেদকরের মৃত্যুর পরে আন্দোলন বন্ধ করে দেয়। তিনি, পুরোপুরি অধ্যয়ন করার পরে বুঝতে পেরেছিলেন যে বহুজন সমাজের মধ্যে ‘অরাজনৈতিক পথের অভাবের কারণেই আম্বেদকর আন্দোলনের ব্যর্থতা ঘটেছে এবং তাই তিনি অ-ক্রয়যোগ্য’ তৈরি করার জন্য অরাজনৈতিক পথকে শক্তিশালী করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলেন নেতৃত্ব ‘। তিনি বুঝতে পেরেছিলেন যে কেবল শক্তিশালী অরাজনৈতিক পথের সমাজই ‘অ-ক্রয়যোগ্য’ মিশনারি নেতাদের উত্পাদন করবে। এভাবে তিনি শিক্ষিত কর্মচারী ও যুবকদের প্রস্তুত করে সমাজের অরাজনৈতিক পথ প্রস্তুত করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলেন। বহুজন সমাজ পার্টি চালু করার আগে তিনি এসসি / এসটি / ওবিসি এবং ধর্মীয় সংখ্যালঘুদের মধ্যে থেকে শিক্ষিত কর্মচারী ও যুবকদের প্রস্তুত করার জন্য বিএএমসিইএফ এবং ডিএস -4 শুরু করেছিলেন। তিনি বহুজন সমাজের অরাজনৈতিক পথকে শক্তিশালী করতে তাঁর জীবনের সেরা অংশটি উত্সর্গ করেছিলেন।
বাবসাহেব ডঃ আম্বেদকরকে স্বপ্নে দেখে, ময়নোয়ার কাঞ্চি রাম সাহেব রাজনৈতিক দলটি চালু করেছিলেন, নাম, বহুজন সমাজ পার্টি ১৪ ই এপ্রিল, ১৯৮৪ সালে। আমরা, পূর্বপুরুষদের পদক্ষেপ এবং মানোওয়ার কাঞ্চি রাম সাহেবের নির্দেশনা অনুসরণ করে আমাদের গঠন করতে সক্ষম হয়েছি অতীতে উত্তরপ্রদেশে চারবারের জন্য নিজস্ব সরকার। ফলস্বরূপ, আমরা উত্তর প্রদেশে আমাদের মানুষের আর্থ-সামাজিক অবস্থার উন্নতি করতে সক্ষম হয়েছি। আমরা আমাদের মানুষের সাংবিধানিক অধিকার সুরক্ষিত করতে সক্ষম। আমরা আমাদের পূর্বপুরুষদের সম্মানে স্মৃতিসৌধ, মূর্তি এবং পার্কও তৈরি করতে সক্ষম। তবে আমরা অন্য রাজ্যে আমাদের সরকার গঠনে সফল হতে পারিনি। ফলস্বরূপ, আমাদের জনগণের বিরুদ্ধে অত্যাচার অব্যাহতভাবে অব্যাহত রয়েছে। দরিদ্রদের শোষণ শেষ হয়নি।
বিজেপি কর্তৃক ইভিএমের হস্তক্ষেপ: বিএসপিকে পরাস্ত করতে তাদের ইলেক্ট্রনিক ভোটিং মেশিনে (ইভিএম) জালিয়াতির উপায় জালিয়াতি করতে হয়েছিল।
বিজেপি এবং সংস্থাটি সাধারণ নির্বাচনে বিজয়ী হওয়ার জন্য ২০১৪ সালেই ইভিএম ব্যবহার করেছিল। বিএসপি ভেবেছিল যে এটি কংগ্রেসের কেলেঙ্কারী-কলঙ্কিত-কলঙ্কিত-শাসনের বিরুদ্ধে ম্যান্ডেট। তবে মার্চ 2017 সালে অনুষ্ঠিত পাঁচটি রাজ্যের নির্বাচনের ফলাফল বিজেপির ইভিএম কেলেঙ্কারি উন্মোচিত করেছে। তারা পাঞ্জাব, উত্তরখণ্ড, গোয়া এবং মণিপুরে জিততে পারেনি। গোয়া এবং মণিপুরে কংগ্রেস দল বিজেপির উপরে নেতৃত্ব পেয়েছে। তবে বিজেপি নেতারা অন্য বিধায়কদের সরকার গঠন করতে পরিচালিত করেছেন। উত্তরখণ্ডে, এটি কংগ্রেসের অভ্যন্তরীণ কলহ যা বিজেপিকে নেতৃত্ব দিয়েছিল। পাঞ্জাবে, আকালি দলের বিরোধী ব্যবস্থার কারণটি কংগ্রেসকে বিজয় দিয়েছে। বিজেপি, আকালি দলের অংশীদার হয়ে নির্বাচনে হেরে গেল। উপরোক্ত চারটি রাজ্যে তারা ইভিএম নিয়ে কোনও হস্তক্ষেপ করেনি এবং ফলাফল প্রত্যাশিত লাইনে ছিল। তবে উত্তর প্রদেশে, বিজেপি এত বড় ব্যবধানে জয়ের ব্যবধান পাবে বলে কেউ প্রত্যাশা করেছিল না। ইউপি-র সিনিয়র আমলা, যারা সাধারণত ফলাফল আগেই জানতেন, তারা বিএসপি সরকারকে স্বাগত জানাতে প্রস্তুতি নিচ্ছিলেন। ফলাফল ঘোষণার সময় তারা পুরোপুরি অবাক হয়েছিল। সকালে, ফলাফলের প্রবণতাটি দেখে আমি প্রেসে গিয়ে ইভিএম জালিয়াতির বিষয়টি প্রকাশ করেছিলাম। পরে, আমরা ইভিএমের জালিয়াতি এবং ইভিএমের সাথে ভিভিপ্যাটকে অন্তর্ভুক্ত করার জন্য আইনী লড়াইয়ের বিরুদ্ধে দেশব্যাপী সংগ্রামও শুরু করি। সুতরাং, আমরা প্রতিটি পদক্ষেপে বিজেপির মুখোমুখি হচ্ছি।
সাহারানপুরে বিজেপির বিভ্রান্তি: এটি বোঝা যায় যে বিএসপিই একমাত্র বিজেপি শাসকদের আরএসএসের এজেন্ডাকে চ্যালেঞ্জ জানায়। হায়দরাবাদ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ের রোহিত ভেমুলার মৃত্যু হোক, গুজরাটের উনাতে এসসি / এসটি-র বিরুদ্ধে হামলা হোক, মাদিয়া প্রদেশের ভাইপাম কেলেঙ্কারী হোক বা দাদ্রিতে মুসলমানদের লঞ্চ দেওয়া, বিএসপি তীব্র বিরোধিতা করেছিল এবং রাজ্যসভায় তাদের প্রকাশ করেছিল। সুতরাং, বিজেপি নেতারা বস্পের কণ্ঠকে দমিয়ে দেওয়ার পরিকল্পনা করছিলেন। তারা অন্যান্য সম্প্রদায়গুলি থেকে বিএসপিকে আলাদা করার এবং কেবল এসসি / এসটি-তে সীমাবদ্ধ রাখার পরিকল্পনা করছে। সে কারণেই তারা সাহারানপুরে এসসি / এসটি এবং জাট সম্প্রদায়ের মধ্যে সংঘর্ষ তৈরি করতে সক্ষম হয়েছিল। তারা তাদের ষড়যন্ত্রে একটি এসসি / এসটি সংস্থা ব্যবহার করতে সক্ষম হয়। বিএসপি সাহারানপুর সংঘর্ষের পিছনে বিজেপির গেম-পরিকল্পনা স্পষ্টভাবে বুঝতে পেরেছে। বিএসপি তাদের সংসদে ফাঁস করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছে। এমএস মায়াবতী 18 জুলাই, 2017-এ রাজ্যসভায় সাহরণপুর ইস্যুতে বক্তব্য দেওয়ার জন্য নোটিশ দিলে তারা ভয় পেয়েছিল যে তাদের দুষ্টুমি প্রকাশিত হবে এবং তাই তারা আমাকে কথা বলতে দেয়নি। এমনকি মন্ত্রীরাও তাঁর বক্তব্য ঠেকাতে কোরাসটিতে যোগ দিয়েছিলেন। তিনি জনগণের আকাঙ্ক্ষাকে ডেকে আনে এবং তাদের দুর্দশাগুলির প্রতিকারের জন্য সংসদে যান। সাহারানপুরের সাব্বিরপুরের বিষয়টি অত্যন্ত মারাত্মক, যার মধ্যে একটি তফসিলি জাতি মারা গিয়েছিল, বেশ কয়েকজন আহত হয়েছিল এবং তাদের বাড়িঘর পুড়ে গেছে। যদি তাকে তার আক্রান্ত ব্যক্তিদের প্রতি ন্যায়বিচার করতে না দেওয়া হয় এবং তাদের রক্ষা করতে না দেওয়া হয় তবে তিনি কেন সংসদে থাকবেন? বিজেপি লোকেরা তাকে নীরব করার চেষ্টা করতে পারে। কিন্তু তিনি, বাবাসাহেবের কন্যা এবং কাংশী রাম সাহেবের শিষ্য হয়েও কারও কাছে চুপ করে থাকতে পারে না। তিনি ১৯৫১ সালে বাবসাহেব আম্বেদকারের মতো আমার রাজ্যসভার সদস্যপদ পদত্যাগ করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছিলেন। রাজ্যসভা আসনটি ছাড়ার পরে তিনিও তার লোকদের প্রস্তুত করার জন্য পুরো দেশ সফর করার সিদ্ধান্ত নিয়েছেন এবং সকল রাজ্যে আমাদের আন্দোলনকে আরও শক্তিশালী করে তোলার জন্য জোরদার করেছেন আমাদের সরকার গঠন করে শোষণের।
আন্দোলনের সাফল্যে বিশ্বাস রাখুন:
বিএসপি অন্য কোনও দলের উপর নির্ভর না করে তাদের নিজস্ব শক্তিতে সাফল্য অর্জন করবে। আসলে, কেবল বিএসপিই বর্ণবাদী, সাম্প্রদায়িক এবং পুঁজিবাদী বিজেপিকে চ্যালেঞ্জ ও পরাজিত করতে পারে। বিএসপি ছাড়া অন্য কোনও দল বিজেপিকে চ্যালেঞ্জ করার দৃ to় সংকল্প এবং নৈতিকতা পায়নি। আমাদের আন্দোলনের সাফল্যে তাদের বিশ্বাস রয়েছে।
বিএসপির পূর্বপুরুষরা আরও অনেক কঠিন পরিস্থিতির মুখোমুখি হয়েছিল, কিন্তু তারা হারায় নি। বাবসাহেব আম্বেদকর এবং ময়নোয়ার কাঞ্চি রামজি তীব্র চ্যালেঞ্জ ও বিপর্যয়ের মুখোমুখি হওয়ায় তারা হতাশও হননি বা নিরুৎসাহিত হননি। বেহেনজী মিসেস মায়াবতীর দিকে তাকান। আপনি কি আমাকে কখনও হতাশ, দু: খিত ও হতাশ দেখেছেন? প্রতিটি কঠিন পরিস্থিতি তাকে আরও কঠোর করে তুলেছে এবং আরও দৃ determination় সংকল্পের সাথে তাকে এগিয়ে যেতে বাধ্য করেছে। তিনি আন্দোলনকে একা একা এগিয়ে নিয়েছিলেন। তিনি সবসময় তার কাজ উপভোগ। প্রত্যেককে অবশ্যই খুব আনন্দের সাথে কাজ করতে হবে। ভাববেন না যে সাফল্য আনন্দ নিয়ে আসে। অন্যদিকে এটি আমাদের জন্য সাফল্য নিয়ে আসে। প্রত্যেকে অবশ্যই আমাদের সংগ্রামগুলি মহান উদযাপন এবং আনন্দের সাথে বহন করতে হবে। বর্তমান পরিস্থিতি খুব সংকটময় এবং হতাশাজনক দেখতে পারে look তবে আমাদের পরিস্থিতি আমাদের দৃ determination় সংকল্প এবং কঠোর পরিশ্রমের দ্বারা সুবিধাটিকে রূপান্তর করতে পারে।
এনআরআই, সিএএ, এনপিআরের মাধ্যমে চিতপাভান প্রবুদ্ধ ভারত-এর আদিম মুসলমানদের আলাদা করতে চেয়েছিল। তবে এটি কেবল এসসি / এসটিগুলিকে আলাদা করতে হয়েছিল to এখন COVID-19 তাদের সকল রাজ্য, জেলা এবং এমনকি ঘরে ঘরে লক্ষ্মণ রেখা আঁকিয়ে ধর্মীয় সংখ্যালঘু, এসসি / এসটি / ওবিসিগুলিকে মূল স্রোত থেকে বিচ্ছিন্ন করার পক্ষে পরিণত হয়েছে। তবে রাউডি / রাক্ষস স্বয়ামের বেন ইস্রায়েলের চিতপাভান ব্রাহ্মণীদের বিদেশীরা foreigners বিচ্ছিন্ন হয়।
40) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી,
કેન્દ્રીય પ્રધાનો ટી આર બાલુ અને દયાનિધિ મારને તેમની વિરુદ્ધ અનુસૂચિત જાતિ અને અનુસૂચિત જનજાતિ (એટ્રોસિટી નિવારણ અધિનિયમ, 1989) હેઠળ નોંધાયેલા કેસમાં રાજ્યસભાના સભ્ય અને પક્ષના સંગઠન સચિવ આર એસ ભારતીની ધરપકડના પગલે ડીએમકેના ટોચના નેતાઓ.
13 મેના રોજ, મારન અને બાલુએ મુખ્ય સચિવ કે. શનમુગમને મળ્યા હતા જેથી લોકો તરફથી મળેલી રજૂઆતો રજૂ કરવામાં આવી હતી. બાદમાં તેઓએ મીડિયાને કહ્યું કે અધિકારીએ પ્રતિનિધિમંડળનું અપમાન કર્યું છે અને તેમની સાથે દમનકારી નાગરિકોની જેમ વર્તે છે.
પૂર્વ કેન્દ્રીય મંત્રીઓ વિરુદ્ધ અનેક જિલ્લાઓમાં અનેક ફરિયાદો નોંધાઈ છે અને એફઆઈઆર પણ નોંધાઈ છે.
અને એડીએમકે પ્રધાન દંડુગલ શ્રીનિવાસન કે જેમણે અનુસુચિત જાતિના છોકરાને તેની ચppપલ્સ દૂર કરવા દબાણ કર્યું.
ટિપ્પણીઓ
મોહન એસ.આર.
મારન અને બાલુને કેમ બચવા જોઈએ? ઉચ્ચ / હોદ્દા પરની વ્યક્તિએ સમાજ માટે સારું ઉદાહરણ બેસાડવું જોઈએ. આ રીતે દાદાગીરી ન કરવી.
રવિ નારાયણન
ટી.એન. માં ઘણા ન્યાયાધીશો ડીએમકે નિમણૂકો છે. આગળ મારન અને બાલુ પાસે નિર્ણયોને પ્રભાવિત કરવા માટે ટન મની છે. જો મારન હજી પણ ગેરકાયદેસર ટેલિફોન એક્સચેંજમાં પકડાયો નથી, તો તે તેમના માટે જૂજુબી છે. એમ.કે.થી શરૂ થતાં આખું કુટુંબ ટી.એન. પર પરોપજીવી છે. દેશભરમાં પ્રાદેશિક જ્ casteાતિવાદી પક્ષો પાસે તેમના પોતાના રાજકીય પક્ષો હોય છે જે ફક્ત તેમના પોતાના પરિવારના સભ્યોની સેવા માટે હોય છે. તેઓ તેમની જાતિના સામાન્ય સભ્યો વિશે પણ ઓછામાં ઓછા પરેશાન છે.
શ્યામ એસ
પણ કેમ? ધીરુદ્રગલ મુનેત્ર કલાગમ ન્યાયતંત્રને નિયંત્રિત કરી રહ્યા છે ..
“અમે એકલા જાતિવાદી, સાંપ્રદાયિક અને મૂડીવાદી ભાજપને પડકાર આપી શકીએ છીએ અને લોકશાહી સંસ્થાઓના મર્ડર (મોદી) ના નેતૃત્વમાં છેતરપિંડી ઇવીએમ / વીવીપીએટીમાં ચેડાં કરીને માસ્ટર કી ગબડ્યા પછી અને રાઉડી રક્ષા સ્વયં સેવકો (આરએસએસ) વતી ચૂંટણીઓ જીતી શકીએ. બેન ઇઝરાઇલના વિદેશી લોકો કે જેમણે તેમની માતાના માંસ ખાનારાઓ, ચોર, ગુલામો અને બૂટ લિકર, ચામચાઓ, ચેલાસ સાથે દૂરસ્થ નિયંત્રિત હોવાને લીધે પ્રબુદ્ધ ભારત છોડવાની ફરજ પડી છે!
દેશને ફાશીવાદી શાસનની ચુંગાલમાંથી મુક્ત કરવા તૈયાર થાઓ.
બાબાસાહેબ ડ Dr.. ભીમરાવ આંબેડકરના અવિરત સંઘર્ષ અને અનુપમ બલિદાનને લીધે, અમે અનુસૂચિત જાતિ, અનુસૂચિત જનજાતિઓ, અન્ય પછાત વર્ગો અને ધાર્મિક લઘુમતીઓ, ભારતના બંધારણ હેઠળની આપણી હકની ખાતરી કરવામાં સક્ષમ છીએ. પરંતુ જાતિ-પૂર્વગ્રહયુક્ત સરકારોએ આપણા લોકોના ફાયદા માટે આ અધિકારોનો અમલ કર્યો નથી. પરિણામે બંધારણની જોગવાઈઓ છતાં આપણી સામાજિક-આર્થિક સ્થિતિ પહેલાની જેમ ખરાબ રહી હતી. આથી બાબાસાહેબે એક રાજકીય મંચ અને એક નેતૃત્વ હેઠળ એક થઈને આપણા પોતાના પર સરકાર બનાવવાની હિમાયત કરી. આ દિશામાં, તેમણે તેમના જીવનકાળ દરમિયાન રિપબ્લિકન પાર્ટી Indiaફ ઈન્ડિયાની શરૂઆત કરવાનું વિચાર્યું. પરંતુ, તે કદાચ જાણતો ન હતો કે તે પોતાની યોજનાઓને અમલમાં લાવે તે પહેલાં જ તે આટલી વહેલી તકે મરી જશે. તેઓ તે કાર્ય પૂર્ણ કરી શક્યા નહીં જે પાછળથી મનાવર કાંશીરામ સાહેબે પૂર્ણ કર્યા.
બિન રાજકીય માર્ગ: જ્યારે મનાવર કાંશીરામ સાહેબે આંબેડકરવાદી ચળવળને પુનર્જીવિત કરવાનો નિર્ણય કર્યો ત્યારે આંદોલન લગભગ લુપ્ત થઈ ગયું હતું. લોકો આંદોલન વિશે લગભગ ભૂલી ગયા હતા. આંબી આંખે ચળવળની નિષ્ફળતાને કારણે જે પરિસ્થિતિ હતી તે અંગે કાંશીરામ સાહેબે deepંડો અભ્યાસ કર્યો. તેમણે જોયું કે બાબાસાહેબના મોટાભાગના અનુયાયીઓ આંદોલનથી બહાર હતા. તેમણે એવા કારણોની તપાસ શરૂ કરી કે જેના પગલે બાબાસાહેબ આંબેડકરની મૃત્યુ પછીની આંદોલન બંધ થઈ ગઈ. તેમણે, સંપૂર્ણ અભ્યાસ કર્યા પછી, સમજી લીધું કે બહુજન સમાજમાં ‘બિન-રાજકીય માર્ગ’ ના અભાવને કારણે આંબેડકરવાદી ચળવળની નિષ્ફળતા wasભી થઈ અને તેથી, ‘બિન-ખરીદી શકાય તેવા’ નિર્માણ માટે બિન-રાજકીય માર્ગોને મજબૂત બનાવવાનું તેમણે નક્કી કર્યું નેતૃત્વ ‘. તેમને સમજાયું કે મજબૂત બિન રાજકીય માર્ગો ધરાવતો સમાજ જ ‘બિન ખરીદી શકાય તેવા’ મિશનરી નેતાઓ પેદા કરશે. આમ તેમણે શિક્ષિત કર્મચારીઓ અને યુવાનોને તૈયાર કરીને સમાજના બિન રાજકીય માર્ગ તૈયાર કરવાનું નક્કી કર્યું. બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટી શરૂ કરતા પહેલા તેમણે એસસી / એસટી / ઓબીસી અને ધાર્મિક લઘુમતીઓમાંથી શિક્ષિત કર્મચારીઓ અને યુવાનોને તૈયાર કરવા માટે બીએએમસીઇએફ અને ડીએસ -4 શરૂ કર્યું. તેમણે બહુજન સમાજના બિન રાજકીય માર્ગોને મજબૂત બનાવવા માટે તેમના જીવનનો શ્રેષ્ઠ ભાગ સમર્પિત કર્યો.
બાબાસાહેબ ડ Dr..આંબેડકર દ્વારા જોયેલા, માનવર કાંશીરામ સાહેબે રાજકીય પક્ષની શરૂઆત કરી, એટલે કે, બહુજન સમાજ પાર્ટી, 14 એપ્રિલ, 1984 ના રોજ. આપણે, આપણા પૂર્વજોના અનુસરણ અને મનાવર કાંશીરામ સાહેબના માર્ગદર્શન દ્વારા, અમારી રચના કરવામાં સક્ષમ છીએ ભૂતકાળમાં ઉત્તર પ્રદેશમાં ચાર વખત પોતાની સરકાર છે. પરિણામે, અમે ઉત્તરપ્રદેશમાં આપણા લોકોની સામાજિક-આર્થિક સ્થિતિમાં સુધારો કરવા સક્ષમ છીએ. અમે આપણા લોકોના બંધારણીય હકોને સુરક્ષિત કરવામાં સક્ષમ છીએ. અમે અમારા પૂર્વજોના સન્માનમાં સ્મારકો, પ્રતિમાઓ અને ઉદ્યાનો બનાવવામાં પણ સક્ષમ છીએ. પરંતુ અમે અન્ય રાજ્યોમાં અમારી સરકાર બનાવવામાં સફળ થઈ શક્યા નહીં. પરિણામે, આપણા લોકો ઉપર અત્યાચારો અવિરત ચાલુ છે. ગરીબોનું શોષણ સમાપ્ત થયું નથી.
ભાજપ દ્વારા ઇવીએમ પર છેડછાડ: બસપાને હરાવવા માટે તેઓએ ઇલેક્ટ્રોનિક વોટિંગ મશીનો (ઇવીએમ) સાથે ચેડાં કરવાની કપટભર્યા રીતનો સહારો લેવો પડ્યો હતો.
ભાજપ અને કંપનીએ જ સામાન્ય ચૂંટણી જીતવા માટે 2014 માં જ ઈવીએમનો ઉપયોગ કર્યો હતો. બીએસપીએ વિચાર્યું કે કોંગ્રેસના કૌભાંડોથી ઘેરાયેલા અને કૌભાંડો-કલંકિત શાસન સામેનો આ આદેશ છે. પરંતુ માર્ચ 2017 માં યોજાયેલા પાંચ રાજ્યોના ચૂંટણી પરિણામોએ ભાજપના ઈવીએમ કૌભાંડનો પર્દાફાશ કર્યો છે. તેઓ પંજાબ, ઉત્તરાખંડ, ગોવા અને મણિપુરમાં જીતી શક્યા નહીં. ગોવા અને મણિપુરમાં, કોંગ્રેસ પાર્ટીને ભાજપ ઉપર લીડ મળી. પરંતુ ભાજપના નેતાઓએ અન્ય ધારાસભ્યોને તેમની સરકાર બનાવવાની વ્યવસ્થા કરી છે. ઉત્તરાખંડમાં કોંગ્રેસનો આંતરીક ઝઘડો હતો જેનાથી ભાજપને લીડ મળી. પંજાબમાં અકાલી દળના એન્ટી ઇન્કમ્બંસી ફેક્ટરએ કોંગ્રેસને જીત અપાવી. અકાલી દળની ભાગીદાર હોવાથી ભાજપ ચૂંટણી હારી ગઈ. ઉપરોક્ત ચારેય રાજ્યોમાં, તેઓએ ઇવીએમ સાથે ચેડાં કર્યા ન હતા અને પરિણામો અપેક્ષિત લાઈનો પર આવ્યા હતા. પરંતુ ઉત્તર પ્રદેશમાં કોઈને પણ અપેક્ષા નહોતી કે ભાજપને આટલા મોટા વિજયની હાંસલ થશે. યુપીના વરિષ્ઠ અમલદારો, જે સામાન્ય રીતે પરિણામો અગાઉથી જાણતા હોય છે, તેઓ બસપા સરકારને આવકારવાની તૈયારી કરી રહ્યા હતા. જ્યારે પરિણામો જાહેર થયા ત્યારે તેઓ એકદમ આશ્ચર્યચકિત થયા. મેં, વહેલી સવારે પરિણામોનું વલણ જોતાં પ્રેસ પાસે જઈને ઈવીએમની છેતરપિંડીનો પર્દાફાશ કર્યો. પછીથી, અમે ઇવીએમની છેતરપિંડી અને ઇવીએમ સાથે વીવીપેટને શામેલ કરવા કાનૂની લડત સામે દેશવ્યાપી સંઘર્ષ પણ શરૂ કર્યો. આમ, અમે દરેક પગલા પર ભાજપનો મુકાબલો કરી રહ્યા છીએ.
સહારનપુરમાં ભાજપ ગેરવર્તન: તે સમજવું રહ્યું કે બસપા એકમાત્ર એવા છે જે ભાજપ શાસકોના આરએસએસના એજન્ડાને પડકાર ફેંકી રહ્યા છે. તે હૈદરાબાદ યુનિવર્સિટીમાં રોહિત વેમુલાનું મોત, ગુજરાતના aનામાં એસસી / એસટી વિરુદ્ધ હુમલો, માદ્યપ્રદેશના વ્યાપમ કૌભાંડ હોય કે દાદરીમાં મુસ્લિમોની લિંચિંગ, બસપાએ તેનો જોરદાર વિરોધ કર્યો હતો અને રાજ્યસભામાં તેમનો પર્દાફાશ કર્યો હતો. આથી ભાજપના નેતાઓ બસપાના અવાજને ગુંચવા માટેની યોજના બનાવી રહ્યા છે. તેઓ બીએસપીને અન્ય સમુદાયોથી અલગ કરવા અને બસપાને ફક્ત એસસી / એસટી સુધી મર્યાદિત કરવાનું વિચારી રહ્યા છે. આથી જ તેઓ સહારનપુરમાં એસસી / એસટી અને જાટ સમુદાય વચ્ચે ઘર્ષણ સર્જી શક્યા. તેઓ તેમના ષડયંત્રમાં એસસી / એસટી સંગઠનનો ઉપયોગ કરવામાં પણ સક્ષમ છે. સહારનપુર અથડામણ પાછળ ભાજપની રમત-યોજનાને બસપા સ્પષ્ટ રીતે સમજી ગઈ છે. બસપાએ તેમને સંસદમાં ઉજાગર કરવાનો નિર્ણય કર્યો. જ્યારે શ્રીમતી માયાવતીએ રાજ્યસભામાં સહારનપુર મુદ્દે 18 જુલાઈ, 2017 ના રોજ બોલવા માટે નોટિસ આપી હતી, ત્યારે તેઓને ડર હતો કે તેમની દુષ્કર્મનો પર્દાફાશ થાય છે અને તેથી તેઓએ મને બોલવાની મંજૂરી આપી નહીં. મંત્રીઓ પણ તેમના ભાષણને રોકવા માટે સમૂહગીતમાં જોડાયા હતા. તે લોકોની આકાંક્ષાઓને અવાજ આપવા અને તેમની તકલીફને દૂર કરવા સંસદમાં ગઈ હતી. સહારનપુરનો સબબીરપુરનો મુદ્દો ખૂબ ગંભીર છે, જેમાં અનુસૂચિત જાતિની હત્યા કરવામાં આવી હતી, ઘણા અન્ય ઘાયલ થયા હતા અને તેમના મકાનો સળગી ગયા હતા. જો તેણીને તેના પીડિત લોકો સાથે ન્યાય કરવાની છૂટ ન હતી અને તેમનું રક્ષણ કરવામાં સક્ષમ ન હતા, તો તેમણે સંસદમાં કેમ રહેવું જોઈએ? ભાજપના લોકો તેને ચૂપ કરવાનો પ્રયત્ન કરી શકે છે. પરંતુ તે, બાબાસાહેબની પુત્રી અને કાંશીરામ સાહેબની શિષ્ય હોવાને કારણે કોઈ પણ ચૂપ થઈ શકે નહીં. તેમણે 1951 માં બાબાસાહેબ આંબેડકરની જેમ મારી રાજ્ય સદસ્યતાનો રાજીનામું આપવાનું નક્કી કર્યું હતું. તેમણે રાજ્યસભાની બેઠક છોડ્યા બાદ, તમામ લોકોનો અંત લાવવા દરેક રાજ્યમાં આપણા લોકોને તૈયાર કરવા અને આપણા આંદોલનને મજબૂત બનાવવા માટે આખા દેશની મુલાકાત લેવાનું પણ નક્કી કર્યું છે. અમારી સરકાર બનાવીને શોષણનો.
આંદોલનની સફળતામાં વિશ્વાસ રાખો:
બીએસપી કોઈ પણ અન્ય પક્ષ પર આધાર રાખ્યા વગર પોતાની તાકાતે સફળતા હાંસલ કરશે. હકીકતમાં, ફક્ત બસપા જાતિવાદી, કોમવાદી અને મૂડીવાદી ભાજપને પડકાર અને પરાજિત કરી શકે છે. બીએસપી સિવાય અન્ય કોઈ પક્ષને ભાજપને પડકારવાનો સંકલ્પ અને નૈતિકતા મળી નથી. તેઓને આપણા ચળવળની સફળતામાં વિશ્વાસ છે.
બીએસપીના પૂર્વજોએ ઘણી વધુ કઠિન પરિસ્થિતિઓનો સામનો કરવો પડ્યો હતો, પરંતુ તેઓએ હાર માની ન હતી. બાબાસાહેબ આંબેડકર અને મૌનાવર કાંશી રામજીને ભારે પડકારો અને અડચણોનો સામનો કરવો પડ્યો ત્યારે તેઓ ન તો નિરાશ થયા કે તેઓ નિરાશ ન થયા. બેહેનજી શ્રીમતી માયાવતી જુઓ. તમે ક્યારેય મને નિરાશ, ઉદાસી અને નિરાશ જોયો છે? દરેક કઠિન પરિસ્થિતિએ તેને વધુ કઠિન બનાવી દીધી છે અને વધુ નિશ્ચય સાથે તેને આગળ વધારવામાં મદદ કરી છે. તેણીએ એકલા આંદોલનને આગળ ધપાવ્યું. તે હંમેશાં તેના કામની મજા લેતી. દરેક વ્યક્તિએ ખૂબ આનંદ સાથે કામ કરવું જોઈએ. એવું ન વિચારો કે સફળતાથી આનંદ મળે છે. બીજી બાજુ તે આનંદ છે જે આપણને સફળતા આપે છે. દરેક વ્યક્તિએ આપણા સંઘર્ષોને મહાન ઉજવણી અને આનંદ સાથે વહન કરવું જોઈએ. હાલની પરિસ્થિતિ ખૂબ જ જટિલ અને હતાશાજનક લાગી શકે છે. પરંતુ આ સ્થિતિને આપણા સંકલ્પ અને સખત મહેનત દ્વારા લાભમાં ફેરવી શકીએ.
એનઆરઆઈ, સીએએ, એનપીઆર દ્વારા ચિતપવન પ્રબુદ્ધ ભારતના આદિવાસી મુસ્લિમોને અલગ રાખવા માગે છે. પરંતુ તે ફક્ત એસસી / એસટીને અલગ પાડવાનું હતું. હવે કોવિડ -૧ them એ બધા રાજ્યો, જિલ્લાઓ અને ઘરોમાં લક્ષ્મણ રેખા દોરીને મુખ્ય ધારાથી ધાર્મિક લઘુમતીઓ, એસસી / એસટી / ઓબીસીઓને અલગ કરવા માટે સહેલું બની ગયું છે. પરંતુ રાઉડી / રક્ષા સ્વયમના બેન ઇઝરાઇલના ચિતપવન બ્રાહ્મણોના વિદેશી લોકો. અલગ છે.
91) Classical Sindhi,
يونين وزيرن T R Baalu ۽ Dayanidhi Maran ، سندن خلاف رجسٽرڊ ذات ۽ شيڊول ٽربيل (ظلم جي روڪٿام ايڪٽ 1989) ، راجيا سڀا جي اڳواڻ ۽ پارٽي جي تنظيم جي سيڪريٽري آر ايس ڀٽيءَ جي گرفتاري کانپوءِ هڪ ڪيس ۾ گرفتار ٿيو.
13 مئي تي ، مارن ۽ بچو چيف سيڪريٽري ڪ شان مئگام سان ملاقات ڪري ماڻهن کان نمائندگي جمع ڪرائي. انهن بعد ۾ ميڊيا کي ٻڌايو ته اهلڪار وفد کي ذلیل ڪيو ۽ مظلوم شهرين وانگر انهن سان سلوڪ ڪيو.
ڪيترن ئي ضلعن ۾ اڳوڻن يونين جي وزيرن خلاف ڪيترائي شڪايتون داخل ڪيون ويون آهن ۽ ايف آءِ آر پڻ درج ڪيون ويون آهن.
۽ پڻ ADMK وزير دندلال سرينواسن جنهن هڪ شيڊولڊ ذات ڇوڪرو کي مجبور ڪيو ته هن جا چپ ختم ڪري ڇڏيا.
مشورا
موهن ايس آر
مارن ۽ بلو کي ڇو بچايو وڃي؟ اعليٰ / اعليٰ عهديدارن جا فرد معاشري لاءِ سٺو مثال قائم ڪن. هن وانگر داداگيري نه ڪرڻ.
روي نارائنن
TN ۾ ڪيترائي جج ڊي ايم ڪي مقرر ٿيل آهن. وڌيڪ مارن ۽ بالو ۾ ٽڪن پيسا آهن فيصلن تي اثرانداز ٿيڻ لاءِ. جيڪڏهن مارن اڃا تائين غيرقانوني ٽيليفون ايڪسچينج ۾ نه پڪڙيو ويو آهي ، اهي هن لاءِ جوجوزي آهن. MK کان شروع ٿيندڙ س familyو خاندان TN تي هڪ مرضي آهي. س countryي ملڪ ۾ علائقائي ذات پرست پارٽيون صرف پنهنجن پنهنجن گهرن جي خدمت ڪرڻ لاءِ پنهنجون سياسي پارٽيون آهن. انهن کي گهٽ ۾ گهٽ تڪليف آهي ته پنهنجي ذات جي عام ميمبرن بابت به.
شيام ايس
پر ڇو؟ ديندرگل موننيٽيرا ڪلگام عدليه کي ڪنٽرول ڪري رهيا آهن ..
”اسان اڪيلائي کي ذات پات ، اشتراڪي ۽ سرمائيدار بي جي پي کي چيلينج ڪري سگھون ٿا ۽ جمهوري ادارن جو مرر (سربراه) جي سربراهي ڪري رهيا آهيون ماسٽر ڪيبل کي فريب اي ايم ايم / وي وي پي ايٽس کي ٽوڙڻ کان پوءِ ۽ راڊي رکشا سوائم سيوڪز (آر ايس ايس) پاران چونڊون کٽي آيا. بين اسرائيل کان آيل ماڻهو جن کي پربهها ڀٽي ڇڏڻ لاءِ مجبور ٿيڻو پوندو انهن جي ئي ماءُ جو گوشت کائڻ وارا ، اسٽگ ، غلام ۽ بوٽ چاڪر ، چيمچا ، چيلس جيئن انهن کي پري کان ڪنٽرول ڪيو وڃي!
ملڪ کي فاشسٽ حڪمران جي چنگل کان آزاد ڪرائڻ لاءِ تيار ٿيو.
اسان ، شيڊولڊ ڪاسٽ ، شيڊولڊ قبيلا ، ٻيا پٺتي پيل طبقا ۽ مذهبي اقليت ، بابا بابا ڊاڪٽر بيهيمرو امبيڊڪر جي لاتعداد جدوجهد ۽ بي مثال قربانين جي ڪري هندستان جي آئين هيٺ اسان جي حقن جي حفاظت ڪرڻ جي قابل آهيون. پر ذاتين جي تعصب رکندڙ حڪومتن انهن حقن کي اسان جي عوام جي فائدي لاءِ لاڳو نه ڪيو. نتيجي ۾ ، آئين جي شقن جي باوجود ، اسان جي سماجي ۽ اقتصادي حالت اڳي وانگر بدترين رهي. ان ڪري ، باباصاحب اسان کي هڪ سياسي پليٽ فارم ۽ هڪ قيادت تحت متحد ٿيڻ سان پنهنجي طور تي حڪومت ٺاهڻ جي حمايت ڪئي. ان سمت ۾ ، هن پنهنجي حياتيءَ دوران انڊيا جي ريپبلڪن پارٽي کي لانچ ڪرڻ بابت غور ڪيو. پر هو ، شايد ، هن کي خبر نه هئي ته هو پنهنجي منصوبن کي عمل ۾ آڻڻ کان اڳ ئي هو مرندو آهي. هو اهو ڪم مڪمل ڪري نه سگهيو ، جيڪو بعد ۾ ڪيترن ئي پنڊ پهڻن ڪنڊي رام صاحب طرفان مڪمل ڪيو ويو.
غير سياسي رستا: جڏهن منور ڪنڊي رام صاحب امبيڊڪرٽ تحريڪ کي بحال ڪرڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو ته تحريڪ تقريبن ختم ٿي وئي. ماڻهو هن تحريڪ بابت تقريبن وساري چڪو هو. ڪنشي رام صاحب هڪ گهرو مطالعو ڪيو انهن حالتن جي ڪري جو امبيڊڪرائي تحريڪ جي ناڪامي جو سبب بڻيا. هن ڏٺو ته باباصاحب جا اڪثر پيروڪار تحريڪ کان ٻاهر هئا. هن سببن جي جاچ شروع ڪئي جنهن سبب باباهيب امبيدکر جي موت کانپوءِ تحريڪ بند ڪئي وئي. هن ، هڪ پوري مطالعي کانپوءِ ، سمجهي ورتو ته امبيڊڪرائيٽ تحريڪ جي ناڪامي ، ڀوجن سماج جي وچ ۾ ”غير سياسي رستا“ نه هجڻ جي ڪري پيدا ٿي آهي ۽ هن ڪري هن غير سياسي رستن کي وڌيڪ مضبوط بڻائڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو قيادت ’. هن اهو محسوس ڪيو ته صرف اهو سماج ، مضبوط غير سياسي رستن جي مدد سان ، ”خريد نه ڪرڻ وارا“ مشنري اڳواڻ پيدا ڪندو. اهڙي طرح هن تعليم يافته ملازمن ۽ نوجوانن کي تيار ڪري سماج جي غير سياسي رستن جي تياري ڪرڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو. بہوجن سماج پارٽي لانچ ڪرڻ کان اڳ ، هن SC / ST / OBCs ۽ مذهبي اقليتن مان تعليم يافته ملازمن ۽ نوجوانن کي تيار ڪرڻ لاءِ BAMCEF ۽ DS-4 شروع ڪيو. هن بهجن سماج جي غير سياسي رستن کي مضبوط ڪرڻ جي لاءِ پنهنجي زندگي جو بهترين حصو وقف ڪيو.
جيئن باباصاحب ڊاڪٽر امبيدڪر پاران خواب ڏٺو ويو ، ڪيترنور ڪنسي رام صاحب 14 اپريل 1984 تي سياسي پارٽي ، يعني بهوجن سماج پارٽي شروع ڪئي. اسان ، پنهنجن ابن ڏاڏن جي نقش قدم تي هلندي ۽ ڪيترنور ڪنڊي رام صاحب جي رهنمائي ڪندي ، گذريل حڪومت اترپرديش ۾ چار دفعا ويو. انهي جي نتيجي ۾ ، اسان اتر پرديش ۾ اسان جي ماڻهن جي سماجي ۽ اقتصادي حالت بهتر ڪرڻ جي قابل آهيون. اسان پنهنجي عوام جي آئيني حقن کي محفوظ رکڻ جي قابل آهيون. اسان پنهنجي ابن ڏاڏن جي عزت ۾ يادگار ، مجسما ۽ پارڪ تعمير ڪرڻ جي قابل پڻ آهيون. پر اسان ٻين رياستن ۾ پنهنجي حڪومت ٺاهڻ ۾ ڪامياب ڪونه ٿي سگهيا آهيون. نتيجي ۾ ، اسان جي ماڻهن تي مظالم اوچتو جاري آهي. غريبن جو استحصال ختم نه ٿيو آهي.
بي جي پي کي اي وي ايمز جي ڌمڪين: انهن کي بي ايس پي کي شڪست ڏيڻ لاءِ برقي ووٽنگ مشين (اي وي ايم) کي غلط استعمال ڪرڻ جو فراڊ وارو طريقو اختيار ڪرڻ هو.
عام چونڊن ۾ ڪاميابي حاصل ڪرڻ لاءِ بي جي پي ۽ ڪمپني 2014 ۾ اي وي ايمز استعمال ڪيا هئا. بي ايس پي سوچيو ته هي ڪانگريس جي اسڪينڊلس ۽ بدمعاشي داغدار ٿيندڙ خلاف خلاف حڪم هو. پر مارچ 2017 ۾ منعقد ٿيل پنجن رياستن جي چونڊ نتيجن بي جي پي جي اي ايم ايم اسڪينڊل کي بي نقاب ڪري ڇڏيو. اهي پنجاب ، اترپند ، گوا ۽ مني پور ۾ کٽي نه سگهيا. گوا ۽ مني پور ۾ ڪانگريس پارٽي کي بي جي پي تي برتري حاصل ٿي وئي. پر بي جي پي جي اڳواڻ ٻين ايم ايل ايز کي پنهنجي حڪومتون ٺاهي چڪا آهن. اُترکنڌ ۾ ، اهو ڪانگريس جو اندروني جهيڙو هو جنهن بي جي پي کي قيادت ڏني. پنجاب ۾ اڪيلي دل جي مخالف برابري واري عنصر ڪانگريس کي فتح ڏني. بي جي پي ، اڪالي دل جي ساٿي هجڻ ڪري اليڪشن وڃائي ويٺي. مٿين سڀني چئن رياستن ۾ ، هنن اي وي ايمز سان چھیڙيون نه ڪيون ۽ نتيجا متوقع خطن تي هئا. پر اترپرديش ۾ ، ڪنهن کي به اميد نه هئي ته بي جي پي کي ايتري وڏي فتح حاصل ٿيندي. يوپي جو سينئر بيوروڪريٽ ، جيڪو عام طور تي پهريان theاڻيندو آهي اڳ ۾ ئي نتيجا ،اڻائڻ ، بي ايس پي حڪومت کي خوش ڪرڻ لاءِ تياريون ڪري رهيا هئا. جڏهن اهي اعلان ڪيا ويا ته اهي مڪمل طور تي حيران هئا. مان ، صبح جو دير تائين نتيجن جو رجحان ڏسي ، پريس ۾ ويو ۽ EVM فراڊ کي بي نقاب ڪيو. بعد ۾ ، اسان پڻ اي وي ايمز جي دوکي جي خلاف قومي سطح تي جدوجهد شروع ڪئي ۽ وي وي پيٽ کي اي وي ايمز سان شامل ڪرڻ لاءِ قانوني ويڙهه. ان ڪري ، اسان بي جي پي سان هر قدم تي مقابلو ڪري رهيا آهيون.
سهارنپور ۾ بي جي پي جي بدانتظامي: اهو سمجهڻ گهرجي ته بي ايس پي صرف اهي ئي آهن ، جيڪي بي جي پي جي حڪمرانن جي آر ايس ايس جي ايجنڊا کي چئلينج ڪري رهيون آهن. اهو حيدرآباد يونيورسٽي ۾ روهت وييمولا جو موت هجي ، گجرات جي يونيا ۾ ايس سي / ايس ٽي خلاف حملو ، مدينه پرديش جو ويپام اسڪينڊل يا دادي ۾ مسلمانن جو لٺ ، بي ايس پي تي سخت مخالفت ۽ راجيا سبا ۾ انهن کي نمايان ڪيو. ان ڪري ، بي جي پي جا اڳواڻ بي ايس پي جي آواز کي دٻائڻ جي منصوبن کي چنبڙي رهيا هئا. اهي بي ايس پي کي ٻين برادرين کان ڌار ڪرڻ ۽ بي ايس پي کي فقط ايس سي / ايس ٽي تائين محدود ڪرڻ جي منصوبابندي ڪري رهيا آهن. انهي ڪري اهي سارانپور ۾ ايس سي / ايس ٽي ۽ جٽ برادري وچ ۾ ڇڪتاڻ پيدا ڪرڻ ۾ ڪامياب ٿي ويون. انهن کي سازش ۾ ايس سي / ايس ٽي تنظيم پڻ استعمال ڪرڻ جي قابل آهي. بي ايس پي سهارنپور تڪرار جي پويان بي جي پي جي راند جو منصوبو سمجهي چڪي آهي. بي ايس پي فيصلو ڪيو ته انهن کي پارليامينٽ ۾ بي نقاب ڪيو وڃي. محترمه ماياوتي جڏهن 18 جولاءِ 2017 تي راجيا سڀا ۾ سهارنپور جي مسئلي تي ڳالهائڻ جو نوٽيس ڏنو ، تڏهن اهي ڊ wereي ويا ته انهن جي بدنامي ظاهر ٿي ويندي ۽ ان ڪري هنن مون کي ڳالهائڻ نه ڏنو. ايستائين وزير به سندس تقرير روڪڻ لاءِ کورس ۾ شامل ٿي ويا. هوءَ پارليامينٽ ۾ وڃي ماڻهن جي امنگن کي آواز پئي ڏنو ۽ انهن جي ڪاوڙ جو تلافي ڳولي. سهارنپور ۾ صبير پور جو معاملو ڏا seriousو سنگين آهي جنهن ۾ هڪ شيڊولڊ ذات کي ماريو ويو ، ڪيترائي ٻيا زخمي ٿيا ۽ انهن جا گهر ساڙيا ويا. جيڪڏهن هن کي پنهنجي ڏکويل ماڻهن سان انصاف ڪرڻ نه ڏنو ويو ۽ انهن جي حفاظت ڪرڻ جي قابل نه رهيا ته هوءَ پارليامينٽ ۾ ڇو رهي؟ شايد بي جي ماڻهن هن کي خاموش ڪرائڻ جي ڪوشش ڪئي. پر هوءَ ، باباصاحب جي ڌيءُ ۽ ڪنشي رام صاحب جي شاگرد هجڻ جي ڪري ، ڪنهن کي به خاموش نه ٿي ڪري سگهجي. هن منهنجي راجيا سبا جي رڪنيت کي استعيفيٰ ڏيڻ جو فيصلو ڪيو جيئن باباصاحب امبيڊڪر 1951 ۾ ڪيو. هوءَ ، راجيا سڀا جي سيٽ ڇڏڻ بعد ، هن جي ماڻهن کي تيار ڪرڻ لاءِ س countryي ملڪ جو دورو ڪرڻ جو پڻ فيصلو ڪري چڪي آهي ۽ هر رياست کي ختم ڪرڻ لاءِ اسان جي تحريڪ کي مضبوط ڪرڻ واري استحصال ڪندي اسان جي حڪومت ٺاهي.
تحريڪ جي ڪاميابي تي يقين رکجو:
بي ايس پي ڪنهن ٻي ڌر تي ڀاڙڻ کانسواءِ پنهنجي طاقت تي ڪاميابيون حاصل ڪندي. اصل ۾ ، فقط بي ايس پي ذات پرست ، اشتراڪي ۽ سرمائيدار بي جي پي کي چئلينج ۽ شڪست ڏئي سگھي ٿي. بي ايس پي کان سواءِ ٻئي ڪنهن به پارٽي کي بي جي پي کي چئلينج ڪرڻ جو عزم ۽ اخلاق نه مليو آهي. انهن کي اسان جي تحريڪ جي ڪاميابي تي يقين آهي.
بي ايس پي جي ابن ڏاڏن کي تمام گھڻي سخت حالتن جو مقابلو ڪيو هو ، پر اهي دل نه کٽيا. باباصاحب امبيدڪر ۽ ڪيترنور ڪنڊي رامجي نه مايوس ٿيا ۽ نه سخت حوصله افزائي ڪئي جڏهن انهن کي سخت چيلينجز ۽ ناڪامين سان منهن ڏيڻو پيو. Behenji محترمه ماياوتي کي ڏسو. ڇا توهان ڪڏهن مون کي مايوس ، غمگين ۽ مايوس ڏٺو آهي؟ هر سخت صورتحال هن کي سخت بڻائي ڇڏيو آهي ۽ هن کي عظيم عزم سان اڳتي وڌڻ لاءِ مجبور ڪيو آهي. هن اڪيلائي ۾ ئي تحريڪ هلائي. هو هميشه پنهنجي ڪم جو مزو وٺندي هئي. سڀني کي ڏا joyي خوشيءَ سان ڪم ڪرڻو پوندو. اهو نه سوچيو ته ڪاميابي خوشي آڻيندي. ٻئي طرف اها خوشي آهي جيڪا اسان کي ڪاميابي ڏي ٿي. هر ڪنهن کي لازمي طور تي اسان جي جدوجهد وڏي جشن ۽ خوشحالي سان کڻڻ گهرجي. موجوده صورتحال تمام نازڪ ۽ پريشان ڪندڙ ٿي سگهي ٿي. پر هن پنهنجي عزم ۽ محنت سان هن صورتحال کي فائدي ۾ بدلائي سگهيا.
اين آر آئي ، سي اي اي ، اين آر پي ذريعي چتپانن پرتاب ڀڳت جي بدنصيبي مسلمانن کي ڌار ڪرڻ ٿي چاهيو. پر اهو صرف ايس ايس / ايس ٽي کان ڌار ڪرڻ لاءِ هو. هاڻي COVID-19 انهن لاءِ هٿرادو ٿي ويو آهي ته ڌار ڌار ، مذهبي اقليتن ، ايس سي / ايس ٽي / او بي سي مين وهڪري تان ، سڀني رياستن ، ضلعن ۽ حتي گهر ۾ لکشمن ريکاره کي ڪ Bريو. ڌاريا آهن.
The
