For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal.
KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room.
116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in
Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath,
Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to
668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage,
Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru
Magadhi Karnataka State
May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure!
This category has the following 36 subcategories, out of 36 total.
The following 200 pages are in this category, out of approximately 258 total. This list may not reflect recent changes (learn more).
Economic inequality seems to be related to the influence of inherited social-economic stratification.
A 1995 study notes that the caste system in India is a system of
exploitation of poor low-ranking groups by more prosperous high-ranking
A report published in 2001 note that in India 36.3% of people own no
land at all, 60.6% own about 15% of the land, with a very wealthy 3.1%
owning 15% of the land.
A study by Haque reports that India contains both the largest number of
rural poor, and the largest number of landless households on the
Haque also reports that over 90 percent of both scheduled castes
(low-ranking groups) and all other castes (high-ranking groups) either
do not own land or own land area capable of producing less than $1000
per year of food and income per household. However, over 99 percent of
India’s farms are less than 10 hectares, and 99.9 percent of the farms
are less than 20 hectares, regardless of the farmer or landowner’s
caste. Indian government has, in addition, vigorously pursued
agricultural land ceiling laws which prohibit anyone from owning land
greater than mandated limits. India has used this law to forcibly
acquire land from some, then redistribute tens of millions of acres to
the landless and poor of the low-caste. Haque suggests that Indian
lawmakers need to reform and modernise the nation’s land laws and rely
less on blind adherence to land ceilings and tenancy reform.
In a 2011 study, Aiyar too notes that such qualitative theories of
economic exploitation and consequent land redistribution within India
between 1950 and 1990 had no effect on the quality of life and poverty
reduction. Instead, economic reforms since the 1990s and resultant
opportunities for non-agricultural jobs have reduced poverty and
increased per capita income for all segments of Indian society. For specific evidence, Aiyar mentions the following
believe that the economic liberalisation has benefited just a small
elite and left behind the poor, especially the lowest Hindu caste of
dalits. But a recent authoritative survey revealed striking improvements
in living standards of dalits in the last two decades. Television
ownership was up from zero to 45 percent; cellphone ownership up from
zero to 36 percent; two-wheeler ownership (of motorcycles, scooters,
mopeds) up from zero to 12.3 percent; children eating yesterday’s
leftovers down from 95.9 percent to 16.2 percent … Dalits running
their own businesses up from 6 percent to 37 percent; and proportion
working as agricultural labourers down from 46.1 percent to 20.5
Cassan has studied the differential effect within two segments of
India’s Dalit community. He finds India’s overall economic growth has
produced the fastest and more significant socio-economic changes. Cassan
further concludes that legal and social program initiatives are no
longer India’s primary constraint in further advancement of India’s
historically discriminated castes; further advancement are likely to
come from improvements in the supply of quality schools in rural and
urban India, along with India’s economic growth.
The maltreatment of Dalits in India has been described by some authors[which?] as “India’s hidden apartheid”.
Critics of the accusations point to substantial improvements in the
position of Dalits in post-independence India, consequent to the strict
implementation of the rights and privileges enshrined in the
Constitution of India, as implemented by the Protection of Civil rights
Act, 1955. They also argue that the practise had disappeared in urban public life.[page needed]
Sociologists Kevin Reilly, Stephen Kaufman and Angela Bodino,
while critical of caste system, conclude that modern India does not
practice apartheid since there is no state-sanctioned discrimination.
They write that casteism in India is presently “not apartheid. In fact,
untouchables, as well as tribal people and members of the lowest castes
in India benefit from broad affirmative action programmes and are
enjoying greater political power.”
A hypothesis that caste amounts to race has been rejected by some scholars. Ambedkar, for example, wrote that “The Brahmin of Punjab is racially of the same stock as the Chamar
of Punjab. The Caste system does not demarcate racial division. The
Caste system is a social division of people of the same race.”
Various sociologists, anthropologists and historians have rejected the
racial origins and racial emphasis of caste and consider the idea to be
one that has purely political and economic undertones. Beteille writes
that “the Scheduled Castes of India taken together are no more a race
than are the Brahmins taken together. Every social group cannot be
regarded as a race simply because we want to protect it against
prejudice and discrimination”, and that the 2001 Durban conference on racism hosted by the U.N. is “turning its back on established scientific opinion”.[better source needed]
Mulk Raj Anand’s debut novel, Untouchable (1935), is based on the theme of untouchability. The Hindi film Achhut Kannya (Untouchable Maiden, 1936), starring Ashok Kumar and Devika Rani, was an early reformist film. The debut novel of Arundhati Roy, The God of Small Things
(1997), also has themes surrounding the caste system across religions. A
lawyer named Sabu Thomas filed a petition to have the book published
without the last chapter, which had graphic description of sexual acts
between members of different castes.[better source needed] Thomas claimed the alleged obscenity in the last chapter deeply hurts the Syrian Christian community, the basis of the novel.