Discovery of Metteyya the Awakened One with Awareness Universe(FOAINDMAOAU)
From Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda in
 116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES in BUDDHA'S own Words through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.orgat White Home 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL 3rd Stage, Punya Bhumi Bengaluru- Magadhi Karnataka State -PRABUDDHA BHARAT
Categories:

Archives:
Meta:
November 2020
M T W T F S S
« Oct    
 1
2345678
9101112131415
16171819202122
23242526272829
30  
11/18/20
LESSON 3510 Thu 19 Nov 2020 https://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta/salayatana/sn35-053.html DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS Free Online Research and Practice University for Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal. at KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room. in 116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath, Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to Circarama At WHITE HOME 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage, Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru Magadhi Karnataka State PRABUDDHA BHARAT May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure! Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta — Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —in 29) Classical English,11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى 12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka
Posted by: site admin @ 6:58 pm
LESSON 3510 Thu 19 Nov  2020

https://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta/salayatana/sn35-053.html

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS

Free Online Research and Practice University
for

Discovery of  Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) 

For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal.

at

KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room.

in
116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in
Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath,
Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to

Circarama

At

WHITE HOME

668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage,

Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru

Magadhi Karnataka State

PRABUDDHA BHARAT

May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure!


Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta
— Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —in 29) Classical English,11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى
12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,


https://www.buddha-vacana.org/…/samy…/maha/sn56-011.html
>> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
SN 56.11 (S v 420)

Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —[Dhamma·cakka·pavattana ]

This is certainly the most famous sutta in the Pali litterature.

The Buddha expounds the four ariya·saccas for the first time.
Note: info·bubble on every Pali word

On one occasion, the Bhagavā was staying at Varanasi in the Deer Grove at Isipatana.

There, he addressed the group of five bhikkhus:

These
two extremes, bhikkhus, should not be adopted by one who has gone forth
from the home life. Which two? On one hand, the devotion to hedonism
towards kāma, which is inferior, vulgar, common, an·ariya, deprived of
benefit, and on the other hand the devotion to self-mortification, which
is dukkha, an·ariya, deprived of benefit. Without going to these two
extremes, bhikkhus, the Tathāgata has fully awaken to the majjhima
paṭipada, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and leads to
appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna.

And what,
bhikkhus, is the majjhima paṭipada to which the Tathāgata has fully
awaken, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and leads to
appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna? It is, bhikkhus, this
ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, that is to say: sammā·diṭṭhi sammā·saṅkappa
sammā·vācā sammā·kammanta sammā·ājīva sammā·vāyāma sammā·sati
sammā·samādhi. This, bhikkhus, is the majjhima paṭipada to which the
Tathāgata has awaken, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and
leads to appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna.

Furthermore,
bhikkhus, this is the dukkha ariya·sacca: jāti is dukkha, jarā is
dukkha (sickness is dukkha) maraṇa is dukkha, association with what is
disliked is dukkha, dissociation from what is liked is dukkha, not to
get what one wants is dukkha; in short, the five upādāna’k'khandhas are
dukkha.

Furthermore, bhikkhus, this is the dukkha·samudaya
ariya·sacca: this taṇhā leading to rebirth, connected with desire and
enjoyment, finding delight here or there, that is to say: kāma-taṇhā,
bhava-taṇhā and vibhava-taṇhā.

Furthermore, bhikkhus, this is the
dukkha·nirodha ariya·sacca: the complete virāga, nirodha, abandoning,
forsaking, emancipation and freedom from that very taṇhā.

Furthermore,
bhikkhus, this is the dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipada ariya·sacca: just
this ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, that is to say: sammā·diṭṭhi,
sammā·saṅkappa, sammā·vācā sammā·kammanta, sammā·ājīva, sammā·vāyāma,
sammā·sati and sammā·samādhi.

‘This is the dukkha ariyasacca’: in
me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the
ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now,
this dukkha ariyasacca is to be completely known’: in me, bhikkhus, in
regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the
paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha
ariyasacca has been completely known’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to
things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose,
the vijjā arose, the light arose.

‘This is the dukkha·samudaya
ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the
eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·samudaya ariyasacca is to be abandoned’: in me,
bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa
arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this
dukkha·samudaya ariyasacca has been abandoned’: in me, bhikkhus, in
regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the
paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose.

‘This is the
dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard
before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā
arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca is to be
personally experienced’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard
before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose,
the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca has been
personally experienced’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard
before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose,
the light arose.

‘This is the dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā
ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the
eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca is to be
developed’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye
arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca has been
developed’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye
arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
arose.

And
so long, bhikkhus, as my yathā·bhūtaṃ knowledge and vision of these
four ariyasaccas in these twelve ways by triads was not quite pure, I
did not claim in the loka with its devas, with its Māras, with its
Brahmās, with the samaṇas and brahmins, in this generation with its
devas and humans, to have fully awakened to the supreme sammā·sambodhi.

But
when, bhikkhus, my yathā·bhūtaṃ knowledge and vision of these four
ariyasaccas in these twelve ways by triads was quite pure, I claimed in
the loka with its devas, with its Māras, with its Brahmās, with the
samaṇas and brahmins, in this generation with its devas and humans, to
have fully awakened to the supreme sammā·sambodhi. And the knowledge and
vision arose in me: ‘my vimutti is unshakeable, this is my last jāti,
now there is no further bhava.

This is what the Bhagavā said.
Delighted, the groupe of five bhikkhus approved of the Bhagavā’s words.
And while this exposition was being spoken, there arose in āyasmā
Koṇḍañña the Dhamma eye which is free from passion and stainless: ‘all
that has the nature of samudaya has the nature of nirodha’.

And
when the Bhagavā had set in motion the Wheel of Dhamma, the devas of the
earth proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana,
the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot
be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
world.’

Having heard the cry of the devas of the earth, the
Cātumahārājika devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove
at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma,
which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or
anyone in the world.’

Having heard the cry of the Cātumahārājika
devas, the Tāvatiṃsa devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer
Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of
Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras,
Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

Having heard the cry of the
Tāvatiṃsa devas, the Yāma devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the
Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel
of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas,
Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

Having heard the cry of
the Yāma devas, the Tusitā devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the
Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel
of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas,
Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

Having heard the cry of
the Tusitā devas, the Nimmānarati devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi,
in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the
supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins,
devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

Having heard the
cry of the Nimmānarati devas, the Paranimmitavasavatti devas proclaimed
aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set
in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by
samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

Having
heard the cry of the Paranimmitavasavatti devas, the brahmakāyika devas
proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the
Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be
stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
world.’

Thus in that moment, in that instant, the cry diffused up
to Brahma·loka. And this ten thousandfold world system shook, quaked,
and trembled, and a great, boundless radiance appeared in the world,
surpassing the effulgence of the devas

Then the Bhagavā uttered
this udāna: ‘Koṇḍañña really understood! Koṇḍañña really understood!’
And that is how āyasmā Koṇḍañña acquired the name ‘Aññāsi·Koṇḍañña’.


11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى




>> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
SN 56.11 (S v 420)
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta - تحريك عجلة Dhamma - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
هذه بالتأكيد أشهر سوتا في فضلات بالي.
يشرح بوذا الآريا الأربعة لأول مرة.
ملاحظة: معلومات · فقاعة على كل كلمة بالي
في إحدى المناسبات ، كان البهاغافا يقيمون في فاراناسي في دير غروف في إسيباتانا.
هناك خاطب جماعة الخمسة من البيك خوس
هذين
النقيضين ، bhikkhus ، لا ينبغي أن يتبناهما من خرج من الحياة المنزلية.
أي أثنين؟ من جهة ، التفاني في مذهب المتعة تجاه الكاما ، وهي أقل شأناً ،
مبتذلة ، شائعة ، آرية ، محرومة من المنفعة ، ومن جهة أخرى ، التفاني في
إماتة الذات ، وهي الدخّة ، الآنية ، المحرومة من المنفعة . دون الذهاب إلى
هذين النقيضين ، bhikkhus ، استيقظ Tathāgata تمامًا على Majjhima
paṭipada ، الذي ينتج الرؤية ، التي تنتج ñāa ، وتؤدي إلى الاسترضاء ، إلى
Abhiña ، إلى sambodhi ، إلى Nibbāna.
وما
هو ، bhikkhus ، Majjhima paṭipada التي استيقظ عليها Tathāgata تمامًا ،
والتي تنتج الرؤية ، والتي تنتج ñāa ، وتؤدي إلى التهدئة ، إلى Abhiña ،
إلى sambodhi ، إلى Nibbāna؟ إنها ، bhikkhus ، هذه الآريا aikahaṅgika
magga ، أي: صمّ ديهي سماح ساكابا سامّا فاكا سامّا كامانتا سامّا حاجيفا
سماه فاياما سما صما ساتي سمادي. هذا ، bhikkhus ، هو majjhima paṭipada
الذي استيقظ عليه Tathāgata ، والذي ينتج الرؤية ، التي تنتج ñāa ، وتؤدي
إلى التهدئة ، إلى abhiña ، إلى sambodhi ، إلى نيبانا.
علاوة
على ذلك ، bhikkhus ، هذا هو dukkha ariya · sacca: jāti is dukkha ، jara
is dukkha (المرض dukkha) maraa dukkha ، الارتباط مع ما هو مكروه هو
dukkha ، والانفصال عن ما هو محبوب هو dukkha ، وليس للحصول على ما يريد.
هو dukkha. باختصار ، الخمسة upādāna’k'kkhandhas هي dukkha.
علاوة
على ذلك ، bhikkhus ، هذا هو dukkha · samudaya ariya · sacca: هذا الطه
يؤدي إلى ولادة جديدة ، مرتبطة بالرغبة والمتعة ، تجد البهجة هنا أو هناك ،
وهذا يعني: kāma-tahā ، bhava-taṇha و vibhava-tahā.
علاوة
على ذلك ، bhikkhus ، هذا هو dukkha · nirodha ariya · sacca: الفيراغا
الكاملة ، نيرودا ، التخلي ، التخلي ، التحرر والتحرر من ذلك الطه.
علاوة
على ذلك ، bhikkhus ، هذا هو dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipada ariya ·
sacca: فقط هذه ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga ، أي: سما الديهي ، سما ساكابا ،
سما فاكا سامافا كامانتا ، سامامي ، ماغا والسما ساتي والسماذي.
“هذا
هو dukkha ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع
بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت paña ، ونشأت vijjā ، وظهر
النور. “الآن ، يجب أن يكون هذا dukkha ariyasacca معروفًا تمامًا”: في
داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ،
ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت pañā ، وظهرت vijja ، ونشأ الضوء. “الآن ، هذا dukkha
ariyasacca معروف تمامًا”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم
يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت pañā ، ونشأت vijjā ،
ونشأ الضوء.
“هذا
هو dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق
بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت pañā ، وظهرت
vijjā ، ونشأ الضوء. “الآن ، يجب التخلي عن dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca”:
في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين
، ونشأت ñāa ، و paña نشأت ، و vijjā نشأ ، وبرز النور. “الآن ، تم التخلي
عن dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق
بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت paña ، وظهرت
vijja ، وظهر الضوء.
“هذا
هو dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق
بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت pañā ، وظهرت
vijja ، وظهر النور. “الآن ، يجب أن يتم اختبار dukkha · nirodha
ariyasacca شخصيًا”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع بها
من قبل ، نشأت العين ، نشأت ñāa ، نشأت pañā ، نشأت vijjā ، نشأ الضوء.
“الآن ، تم اختبار dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca شخصيًا”: في داخلي ،
bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، نشأت ñāa ،
نشأت pañā ، نشأت vijjā ، نشأ الضوء.
“هذا
هو dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ،
فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، ونشأت ñāa ، ونشأت
paña ، ونشأت vijjā ، وانبثقت الضوء. “الآن ، يجب تطوير هذا dukkha ·
nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق
بأشياء لم يسمع بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، نشأت البانيا ، نشأت البانيا ،
نشأت فيجا ، نشأ الضوء. “الآن ، تم تطوير هذا dukkha · nirodha · gāminī
paṭipadā ariyasacca”: في داخلي ، bhikkhus ، فيما يتعلق بأشياء لم يسمع
بها من قبل ، نشأت العين ، نشأت ñāa ، نشأت البانيا ، نشأت vijja ، نشأ
الضوء.
ولفترة
طويلة ، لم يكن bhikkhus ، نظرًا لأن معرفتي ورؤيتي عن yathā · bhūtaṃ
لهذه الأرياساكا الأربعة بهذه الطرق الاثني عشر من قبل الثلاثيات ، لم تكن
نقية تمامًا ، لم أدعي في لوكا مع ديفاس ، مع ماراتها ، مع براهما ، مع
السماع والبراهمين ، في هذا الجيل مع ديفا وبشرهم ، قد استيقظوا تمامًا على
السما سامبودي الأعلى.
لكن
عندما ، bhikkhus ، كانت معرفتي في yathā · bh ·taṃ ورؤيتي لهذه
الأرياساكا الأربعة بهذه الطرق الاثني عشر من خلال الثلاثيات نقية تمامًا ،
فقد زعمت في لوكا مع ديفاس ، مع ماراتها ، مع براهما ، مع الساميات
والبراهمة ، في هذا الجيل مع ديفا وبشره ، قد استيقظ تمامًا على السما
سامبودي الأعلى. وظهرت المعرفة والرؤية بداخلي: ‘vimutti لا يتزعزع ، هذا
آخر جاتي ، والآن لا يوجد بهافا أخرى.
هذا
ما قاله البهاغافا. مبتهجة ، وافقت المجموعة المكونة من خمسة من bhikkhus
على كلمات Bhagavā. وبينما كان يتم الحديث عن هذا العرض ، نشأت عين Dhamma
الخالية من العاطفة والصلب في āyasmā Koṇḍaña: “ كل ما له طبيعة samudaya
له طبيعة نيرودا ‘’.
وعندما
بدأ البهاغافا في تحريك عجلة داما ، أعلن ديفاس الأرض بصوت عالٍ: “ في
فاراناسي ، في دير غروف في إسيباتانا ، أطلق البهاغافا عجلة داما العليا ،
والتي لا يمكن إيقافها من قبل السامايس. أو brahmins أو devas أو Māras أو
Brahmā أو أي شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة ديفاس الأرض ، أعلن ديفا كاتوماهاراجيكا بصوت عالٍ: “ في
فاراناسي ، في دير غروف في إسيباتانا ، أطلق البهاغافا عجلة داما العليا ،
والتي لا يمكن إيقافها من قبل السامايس أو البراهمة ، ديفاس أو ماراس أو
براهما أو أي شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Cātumahārājika devas ، أعلن Tāvatiṃsa devas بصوت عالٍ: “ في
فاراناسي ، في Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagavā عجلة Dhamma العليا ،
والتي لا يمكن إيقافها من قبل samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas ، Māras ،
براهما أو أي شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Tāvatiṃsa devas ، أعلن Yāma devas بصوت عالٍ: “ في Varanasi ،
في Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagava عجلة Dhamma العليا ، والتي لا
يمكن إيقافها بواسطة samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas ، Māras ، براهما أو أي
شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Yāma devas ، أعلن Tusitā devas بصوت عالٍ: “ في Varanasi ، في
Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagava عجلة Dhamma العليا ، والتي لا
يمكن إيقافها بواسطة samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas ، Māras ، براهما أو أي
شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Tusitā devas ، أعلن Nimmānarati devas بصوت عالٍ: “ في
فاراناسي ، في Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagava عجلة Dhamma العليا ،
والتي لا يمكن إيقافها بواسطة samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas ، Māras ،
براهما أو أي شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Nimmānarati devas ، أعلن Paranimmitavasavatti devas بصوت
عالٍ: “ في Varanasi ، في Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagavā عجلة
Dhamma العليا ، والتي لا يمكن إيقافها من قبل samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas
، Māras ، براهما أو أي شخص في العالم.
بعد
سماع صرخة Paranimmitavasavatti devas ، أعلن brahmakāyika devas بصوت
عالٍ: “ في Varanasi ، في Deer Grove في Isipatana ، أطلق Bhagavā عجلة
Dhamma العليا ، والتي لا يمكن إيقافها من قبل samaṇas أو brahmins ، devas
، Māras ، براهما أو أي شخص في العالم.
وهكذا
في تلك اللحظة ، في تلك اللحظة ، انتشر الصراخ إلى براهما لوكا. وكان هذا
النظام العالمي الذي يبلغ عشرة آلاف ضعف يهتز ، ويرتجف ، ويرتجف ، وظهر
إشراق عظيم لا حدود له في العالم ، متجاوزًا بفاعلية ديفاس.
ثم قال البهاغافا هذا الأذان: “Koṇḍaña يفهم حقًا! Koaña يفهم حقًا! وبهذه الطريقة اكتسبت āyasmā Koṇḍaña اسم “Añāsi · Koṇḍaña”.
محطة الـ 3D
326 subscribers
كان
التحريك الثلاثي ومازال معضله الجميع وكابح جماح التطور والتصنيع للافلام
الثلاثيه لاخوتي العرب وخاصه ان مصادر تعلمه اما معدومه او نادره او باجر
عالي مما يجعل الوصول الى المعلومه شبه مستحيله , فكان لابد لاحد ان يتحرك
وينهي هذا الغموض الذي يلف التحريك الثلاثي ……ستجد بهذا الكتاب المرئي
الصوتي كل ماتبحث عنه باذن الله تعالى من معلومات تخص التحريك لكل شي فهو
شبه جامع لكل ماتحتاجه للتحريك بالصوره والصوت فبدا على بركه الله متعه
التحريك الثلاثي ولاتنسانا بخالص الدعاء ….متنميا للجميع دوام النجاح
صانع وصاحب الدرس:
سدير ياسين محمد
تحريك عجله و ربط الـــ biped بجسم متحرك وتحركه معه
تحريك عجله و ربط الـــ biped بجسم متحرك وتحركه معه
كان
التحريك الثلاثي ومازال معضله الجميع وكابح جماح التطور والتصنيع للافلام
الثلاثيه لاخوتي العرب وخاصه ان مصادر تعلمه اما معدومه او نادره او باجر
عالي مما يج…




>> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
SN 56.11 (S v 420)
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Դամմայի անիվի շարժում - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
Սա, անշուշտ, Պալիի պարարվեստի ամենահայտնի սուտան է:
Բուդդան առաջին անգամ բացատրում է չորս արիակապաները:
Նշում. Տեղեկատվություն · պղպջակ պալիի յուրաքանչյուր բառի վրա
Մի առիթով, Bhagavā- ն բնակվում էր Varanasi- ում, Isipatana- ի Deer Grove- ում:
Այնտեղ նա դիմեց հինգ հոգանոց խմբին.
Այս երկու ծայրահեղությունները, բիխխուսը, չպետք է ընդունի նա, ով դուրս է եկել տնային կյանքից: Ո՞ր երկուսը: Մի կողմից ՝ հեդոնիզմի նվիրվածությունը կամայի հանդեպ, որը ցածր է, գռեհիկ, սովորական, անարիա, զրկված է օգուտից, իսկ մյուս կողմից ՝ նվիրվածություն ինքնահավանությանը, որը դուխխա է, անարիա ՝ զրկված օգուտից: , Առանց այս երկու ծայրահեղությունների, բիխխուսի գնալու, Tathāgata- ն ամբողջովին արթնացավ դեպի majjhima paṭipada, որն առաջացնում է տեսողություն, որը արտադրում է ,a և հանգեցնում է հանգստացման, abhiñña, դեպի sambodhi, Nibbāna:
Եվ ի՞նչ է, բիխխուս, այն majjhima paṭipada- ն, որին լիովին արթնացել է Tathāgata- ն, որն առաջացնում է տեսողություն, որն առաջացնում է ,a և հանգեցնում է հանդարտեցման, abhiñña- ի, sambodhi- ի և Nibbāna- ի: Դա, bhikkhus, սա ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga է, այսինքն ՝ sammā · diṭṭhi sammā · saṅkappa sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta sammā · ājīva sammā · vāyāma sammā · sati sammā · samādhi. Սա, բիկխուսն է, այն majjhima paṭipada- ն է, որին արթնացել է Tathāgata- ն, որն առաջացնում է տեսողություն, որն արտադրում է ,a և հանգեցնում է հանգստացման, abhiñña, sambodhi, Nibbāna:
Ավելին, բիխխուս, սա դուխխա արիա · սակկա է. Jāti- ն dukkha է, jarā- ը `dukkha (հիվանդությունը` դուխխա) դուխխա է; մի խոսքով, հինգ upādāna’k'khandhas- ը dukkha են:
Ավելին, բիխխուս, սա դուխխա-սամուդայա արիա · սակկա է. Այս տահը, որը տանում է դեպի վերածնունդ, կապված է ցանկության և վայելքի հետ, այստեղ կամ այնտեղ բերում է հրճվանք, այսինքն ՝ kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā և vibhava-taṇhā:
Ավելին, բիխխուս, սա դուխխարինոդա արիա · սակկա է. Ամբողջական վիրգգա, նիրդա, լքել, լքել, ազատագրել և ազատվել հենց այդ տահայից:
Ավելին, բիխխուս, սա դուխխանիռուդա · gāminī paṭipada ariya · sacca է: , sammā · sati եւ sammā · samādhi.
«Սա դուխխա արիյասակն է». Իմ մեջ, բիխխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ara առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույսը առաջացավ: «Հիմա, այս դուխխա արիյասակը պետք է ամբողջությամբ հայտնի լինի». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, վիժջան առաջացավ, լույսը առաջացավ: «Հիմա, այս դուխխա արյասակկան ամբողջովին հայտնի է». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, վիժջան առաջացավ, լույս լույս եղավ:
«Սա դուխխամամուդայա արիյասակն է». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa- ն առաջացավ, paññā- ն առաջացավ, վիժջան առաջացավ, լույսը առաջացավ: «Հիմա, այս դուխխամամուդայա արիասակը պետք է լքվի». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը բարձրացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս: «Հիմա, այս դուխխամամուդայա արիասացան լքված է». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը բարձրացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս:
«Սա դուխխանիրուդա արիյասակն է». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների վերաբերյալ, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa- ն առաջացավ, paññā- ն առաջացավ, վիժջան առաջացավ, լույսը առաջացավ: «Հիմա, այս դուխխանիրուդա արիյասակը պետք է անձամբ փորձվի». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս: «Հիմա, այս դուխխանիրուդա արիյասակը անձամբ է փորձառվել». Իմ մեջ, բհխխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների վերաբերյալ, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս եղավ:
«Սա դուխխանիռուդան · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca է». Իմ մեջ, բիխխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը բարձրացավ, ara առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս: «Հիմա պետք է զարգացվի այս դուխխանիրոդա · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca». Իմ մեջ, բհխխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների հետ կապված, աչքը առաջացավ, ara առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույսը առաջացավ: «Հիմա, այս դուխխանիրուդա · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca- ն զարգացել է». Իմ մեջ, բհիկխուս, նախկինում չլսված բաների վերաբերյալ, աչքը առաջացավ, ñāṇa առաջացավ, paññā առաջացավ, vijjā առաջացավ, լույս լույս:
Եվ այնքան երկար, բհիկխուս, քանի որ այս չորս տասներկու եղանակներով այս չորս ariyasaccas- ի իմ յաթաբահաթական գիտելիքներն ու տեսլականները երեքի կողմից այնքան էլ մաքուր չէին, ես չէի պնդում, որ լոկայում `իր դևերով, իր Միրաներով, իր Բրահմաներով, սամանաս և բրահմին, այս սերնդի մեջ իր դևերով և մարդկանցով, լիովին արթնացել են գերագույն սամմա սամբոջիի մոտ:
Բայց երբ, bhikkhus, իմ յաթաբահաթական գիտելիքներն ու տեսլականը այս տասներկու եղանակներով այս ariyasaccas- ի վերաբերյալ եռյակներով բավականին մաքուր էր, ես պնդում էի, որ լոկայում `իր devas- ով, իր Māras- ով, իր Brahmās- ով, samaṇas և brahmins- ում, այս սերունդն իր դևերով և մարդկանցով լիովին արթնացած գերագույն սամղամամբիի մոտ: Եվ իմ մեջ առաջացավ գիտելիքն ու տեսլականը. «Իմ վիմուտտին անխախտ է, սա իմ վերջին ջիթն է, հիմա այլևս բհավա չկա:
Ահա թե ինչ ասաց Բհագավուն: Հինգ բհիկխուսների խումբը, ուրախանալով, հաստատեց Բհագավուի խոսքերը: Եվ մինչ այս արտահայտությունը խոսվում էր, āyasmā Koṇḍañña- ում առաջացավ Dhamma աչքը, որը զերծ է կրքից և չժանգոտվող. «Այն ամենը, ինչ ունի սամուդայայի բնույթ, ունի նիրոդայի բնույթ»:
Եվ երբ Bhagavā- ն շարժեց Դամմայի անիվը, երկրի դևերը բարձրաձայն հռչակեցին. «Վարանասիում, Իզիպատանայի Եղջերուի պուրակում, Բհագավուն գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը չի կարող կանգնեցնել սամանասով: կամ բրահման, devas, Māras, Brahmā կամ աշխարհում որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով երկրի դևերի աղաղակը, Կատումահարջիկա դավաները բարձրաձայն հռչակեցին. «Վարանասիում, Իզիպատանայի Եղջերու պուրակում, Բհագավուն գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը չի կարող կանգնեցնել սամանասները կամ բրահմանները, դևերը , Māras, Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Կատումահարիջիկա դեվայի աղաղակը ՝ Տվատականսա դավաները բարձրաձայն հռչակեցին. «Վարանասիում, Իզիպատանայի Եղջերու պուրակում, Բհագավը գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը հնարավոր չէ կանգնեցնել սամանասներով կամ բրահմաններով, դևերով, Միրասով: , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Տիվատիսայի դեվայի աղաղակը ՝ Յիմա դավաները բարձրաձայն հռչակեցին. «Վարանասիում, Իզիպատանայի Եղջերուի պուրակում, Բհագավը գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը հնարավոր չէ կանգնեցնել սամանասի կամ բրահմանի, դևի, Միրասի կողմից: , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Yāma devas- ի աղաղակը, Tusitā devas- ը բարձրաձայն հռչակեց. «Varanasi- ում, Isipatana- ի Եղջերու պուրակում, Bhagavā- ն գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը հնարավոր չէ կասեցնել սամանասի կամ brahmins, devas, Māras- ի կողմից: , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Tusitā devas- ի աղաղակը, Nimmānarati devas- ը բարձրաձայն հռչակեց. «Varanasi- ում, Isipatana- ի Եղջերու պուրակում, Bhagavā- ն գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը հնարավոր չէ կասեցնել սամանասի կամ brahmins, devas, Māras- ի կողմից: , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Nimmānarati devas- ի աղաղակը, Paranimmitavasavatti devas- ը բարձրաձայն հռչակեց. «Varanasi- ում, Isipatana- ի Եղջերուի պուրակում, Bhagavā- ն գործի է դրել Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը չի կարող կասեցնել սամաները կամ brahmins, devas, Māras , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Լսելով Paranimmitavasavatti devas- ի աղաղակը, brahmakāyika devas- ը բարձրաձայն հռչակեց. «Varanasi- ում, Isipatana- ի Եղջերու պուրակում, Bhagavā- ն գործի դրեց Դամմայի գերագույն անիվը, որը հնարավոր չէ կասեցնել սամանասներով կամ brahmins, devas, Māras- ով: , Brahmā կամ աշխարհի որևէ մեկը »:
Այսպիսով, այդ պահին, այդ ակնթարթում, աղաղակը տարածվեց մինչև Բրահմալոկա: Եվ այս տասը հազարապատիկ համաշխարհային համակարգը ցնցվեց, ցնցվեց և դողաց, և աշխարհում հայտնվեց մի մեծ, անսահման փայլ, գերազանցելով դևերի էֆուլյացիան
Այնուհետև Բհագավն արտասանեց այս ուդինան. «Koṇḍañña- ն իրոք հասկացավ: Koṇḍañña- ն իսկապես հասկացավ »: Եվ ահա թե ինչպես āyasmā Koṇḍañña- ն ձեռք բերեց «Aññāsi · Koṇḍañña» անվանումը:
How to Crochet Ripple Stitch Double Crochet Afghan Tutorial - Crochet Jewel
Crochet Jewel
183K subscribers
Crochet Ripple Stitch Double Crochet Afghan Tutorial - Crochet Jewel
Crochet Afghan Pattern: https://www.amyscrochetpatterns.com/2
Materials Recommended:
Susan Bates Hooks: https://amzn.to/2qrOt3u
Lion Brand Yarn: https://amzn.to/2J3wpTK
Ferris Wheel Yarn: https://amzn.to/2J3wpTK
Follow Me on Instagram: https://www.instagram.com/crochetjewe
Crochet Kindle eBook/paperback: https://amzn.to/2HVIis6
Crochet Hat eBook: https://amzn.to/2OcRlwA
20% Off Code: Jewel20
KnitCrate Membership Sign up: http://mbsy.co/lr7TV
Doily Pattern Instructions: http://www.amyscrochetpatterns.com/20
Please leave a comment to ask me questions and leave suggestions for tutorials you would like to see me make.
Please Subscribe to my Crochet Jewel You tube channel: https://www.youtube.com/user/amray767
Puff Stitch Flower Tutorial:
Crochet Doily Tutorial:
How to Crochet Solomon’s or Lover’s Knot Scarf
How to Crochet a Beanie Hat (All Sizes) Tutorial: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vSB3r
Follow me on Social Media
How to Crochet Ripple Stitch Double Crochet Afghan Tutorial - Crochet Jewel

13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
meditation GIF
Friends


Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Dhamma Təkərinin Hərəkətində Ayarlama - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]

Friends


>> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
SN 56.11 (S v 420)
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Dhamma Təkərinin Hərəkətində Ayarlama - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
Bu, əlbəttə ki, Pali zibilliyindəki ən məşhur sutta.
Budda ilk dəfə dörd ariya · sakcanı izah edir.
Qeyd: hər Pali sözündə məlumat · köpük
Bir dəfə Bhagavā, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsindəki Varanasidə qalırdı.
Orada beş hicri qrupuna müraciət etdi:
Bu iki hədd, bhikkhus, ev həyatından çıxan biri tərəfindən qəbul edilməməlidir. Hansı iki? Bir tərəfdən aşağı, vulqar, ümumi, anariya olan, faydan məhrum olan kama qarşı hedonizmə sədaqət, digər tərəfdən də dukha, anariya, fayda görməmiş öz ölümünə sədaqət. . Bhikkhus olan bu iki ifrat məqama getmədən, Tathāgata, ñāṇa istehsal edən və sakitləşməyə, abhiñña, sambodhi’ye, Nibbana’ya yol açan görmə meydana gətirən majjhima paṭipada’ya tam olaraq oyandı.
Bhikkhus, Tathāgata’nın tamamilə oyandığı, görmə meydana gətirən, ,āṇa istehsal edən və sakitləşdirməyə, abhiñña, sambodhi’ye, Nibbanaya aparan majjhima paṭipada nədir? Bu, bhikkhus, bu ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, yəni: sammādiṭṭhi sammā · saṅkappa sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta sammā · ījīva sammā · vāyama sammā · sati sammā · samādhi. Bu, bhikkhus, Tathāgata’nın oyandığı majjhima paṭipada, görmə meydana gətirən, ñāṇa istehsal edən və sakitləşdirməyə, abhiñña, sambodhi’ye, Nibbanaya gətirən.
Bundan əlavə, bhikkhus, bu dukkha ariya · sacca: jāti dukkha, jarā dukkha (xəstəlik dukkha) maraṇa dukkha, bəyənilməyənlə birləşmək dukkha, bəyəndiklərindən ayrılma dukkha, istədiyini əldə etmək deyil. dukxadır; bir sözlə, beş upādāna’k'handhas dukkha.
Bundan əlavə, bhikkhus, bu dukkha · samudaya ariya · sacca: yenidən doğuşa aparan, istək və ləzzətlə əlaqəli, burada və ya orada ləzzət tapan bu taṇha, yəni: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā və vibhava-taṇhā.
Bundan əlavə, bhikkhus, bu dukxairirha ariya · sacca: tam virağa, nirodha, tərk etmək, tərk etmək, azadlıq və o taṇhadan azad olmaq.
Bundan əlavə, bhikkhus, bu dukhairodha · gāminī paṭipada ariya · sacca: yalnız bu ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, yəni: sammādiṭṭhi, sammā · saṅkappa, sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta, sammā · amma, , sammatati və sammāsamati.
‘Bu dukkha ariyasacca’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukkha ariyasacca tamamilə bilinməlidir’: bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşitməmiş şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā yarandı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukha ariyasacca tamamilə məlumdur’: bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşitməmiş şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā yarandı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı.
‘Bu dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qaldı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukha · samudaya ariyasacca tərk edilməlidir’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukha · samudaya ariyasacca tərk edildi’: bhikkhus, əvvəl eşitmədiyim şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı.
‘Bu dukxairodha ariyasacca’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukkhairodha ariyasacca şəxsən təcrübəli olmalıdır’: bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşitməmiş şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā qalxdı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukxairodha ariyasacca şəxsən yaşanmışdır’: bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşitməmiş şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā qalxdı, işıq yarandı.
‘Bu dukkhairodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərə gəldikdə, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, pañña qalxdı, vijja qalxdı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukhahirodhagamini paṭipadā ariyasacca inkişaf etdiriləcək’: məndə bhikkhus, əvvəllər eşidilməyən şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı. ‘İndi, bu dukxairodhagamini paṭipadā ariyasacca inkişaf etdirildi’: bhikkhus, əvvəl eşitmədiyim şeylərlə əlaqədar olaraq, göz qalxdı, ñāṇa qalxdı, paññā qalxdı, vijjā yarandı, işıq yarandı.
Bu iki ariyasakta haqqında bu üç arada üçbucaqla bilik və vizyonum olduğuna görə bhikkhus, o qədər də təmiz deyildi, mən lokada devaları ilə, Maraları ilə, Brahmaları ilə, samaas və brahminlər, bu nəsildə öz devaları və insanları ilə birlikdə ən yüksək səmsamambodiyə oyanmışlar.
Bhikkhuslar, bu on iki yolda bu üç ariyasakta haqqında üçbucaqlı biliklərim və vizyonum olduqca saf olduqda, mən lokada devaları ilə, Māras ilə, Brahmalarla, samaalar və brahmanlarla, devası və insanları ilə birlikdə bu nəsil, ən yüksək sammamambodhiyə oyanmış olsun. Bilik və vizyon içimdə yarandı: ‘mənim vimuttim sarsılmazdır, bu mənim son jatim, indi başqa bhava yoxdur.
Bhagavanın dediyi budur. Beş bhikkhus qrupu sevindilər, Bhagavanın sözlərini bəyəndilər. Və bu ekspozisiya danışarkən, Ayasma Koṇḍañña’da ehtirasdan və paslanmayan Dhamma gözü meydana gəldi: ’samudaya təbiətinə sahib olanların hamısı nirodha xüsusiyyətinə sahibdir’.
Bhagava Dhamma Təkərini işə saldıqda, yer üzünün devaları ucadan elan etdilər: ‘Varanasi’də, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagava, samaaslar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. ya da brahmanlar, devalar, Māras, Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Yerin devalarının fəryadını eşidən Katumaharajika devaları səslə elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagava, shamas və ya brahmanlar, devalar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Māras, Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Katumaharajika devalarının fəryadını eşidən Tavatiṃsa devasları ucadan elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagavā, samahalar və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Maralar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Tovati devsa devalarının fəryadını eşidən Yama devaları ucadan elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagavā, shamasalar və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Māras tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Yama devalarının fəryadını eşidən Tusita devaları səslə elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagava, samahalar və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Maralar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Tusita devalarının fəryadını eşidən Nimmanarati devaları səslə elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagavā, samahalar və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Mraslar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Nimmānarati devalarının fəryadını eşidən Paranimmitavasavatti devaları səslə elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagava, samaas və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Maralar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Paranimmitavasavatti devalarının fəryadını eşidən brahmakāyika devaları yüksək səslə elan etdilər: ‘Varanasidə, Isipatana’daki Geyik Meşəsində, Bhagavā, samahalar və ya brahmanlar, devalar, Maralar tərəfindən dayandırıla bilməyən ən yüksək Dhamma Təkərini hərəkətə gətirdi. , Brahma və ya dünyadakı hər kəs. ‘
Beləliklə, o anda, o anda fəryad Brahmalokaya qədər yayıldı. Və bu on min qat dünya sistemi sarsıldı, titrədi və titrədi və dünyada devasların təsirini aşaraq böyük, sərhədsiz bir parıltı meydana gəldi.
Sonra Bhagavā bu udanı səsləndirdi: ‘Koṇḍañña həqiqətən başa düşdü! Koṇḍañña həqiqətən başa düşüldü! ‘ Ayasma Koṇḍañña ‘Aññāsi · Koṇḍañña’ adını belə qazandı.
SUBIS Lecture Series tatvbodhini 4th March Vipashana Aur Viyaktitva
Vikas Kumar Jaiswal
Sanchi University of Buddhist-Indic Studies
3.42K subscribers
Bhadant Vimalkirti Gunasiri
President, Bodhisattava Dr. Baba Saheb Ambedkar Buddhist Academics, Pune
Topic : “Vipashyana Aur Vyaktitva Vikas”
SUBIS Lecture Series tatvbodhini 4th March Vipashana Aur Viyaktitva Vikas
comments (0)
Constitution Day, also known as Samvidhan Divas, is celebrated in Prabuddha Bharat on 26 November every year to commemorate the adoption of the Constitution. IT MUST BE CELEBRATED ALL OVER THE WORLD FOR DISCOVERY OF AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS UNIVERSE. All Ministries of Education all over the world may chart a year long program in commemoration of the 70th Constitution Day, (26th November, 2020) and nominate the International Law Universities.
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 5:22 am

https://www.barandbench.com/apprentice-lawyer/moot-report-70th-constitution-day-national-moot-court-competition-at-nlu-delhi

Constitution Day, also known as Samvidhan Divas, is celebrated in Prabuddha Bharat on 26 November every year to commemorate the adoption of the Constitution.
IT MUST BE CELEBRATED ALL OVER THE WORLD FOR DISCOVERY OF AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS UNIVERSE.

All Ministries of Education all over the world may chart a year long program in commemoration of the 70th Constitution Day, (26th November, 2020) and nominate the International Law Universities.

Pleadings Rounds

Must be inaugurated on 20th
October, 2020,

As many  teams from across the world, comprising some of the International Law
Universities and prominent law schools have been shortlisted on the basis
of written submissions submitted by teams from over world universities.
These teams must judged by world’s top legal minds and professionals who
specialise in the nuanced field of Constitution Day on 26 November 2020 and constitutional
law. The participants will have the opportunity of not only witnessing the
highest level of advocacy but also learning from top professionals in
the field.

https://www.amust.com.au/2020/10/destroying-democracy-modis-authoritarian-rule-in-india/





Destroying Democracy: Modi’s authoritarian rule in India

Posted by | 9 Oct, 2020 | , | 0 |




  • - Panelists of the Reclaiming India virtual conference.

Indian
Hindu nationalist BJP government has become authoritarian, destroying
democratic institutions, undermining minority rights, equality under the
law, freedom of religion, the right to dissent, independence of the
judiciary  and press freedom, leading jurists, civil rights activists,
journalists and students have said.



Participating in various panel discussions last weekend 3-4 October at a virtual conference, Reclaiming India,
panelists said the only way to combat the Modi government’s
authoritarian conduct would be to strengthen the institutions, including
the judiciary, and create South Asian solidarity.



Speakers also drew parallels between the ongoing struggle
of India’s Dalit community with the Black Lives Matter movement while
examining the similarities between Hindutva and white supremacist
ideologies.



The diverse variety of speakers laid out the state of
democracy in India providing vision and forward-thinking strategies to
save democracy and protect human rights and religious freedom in India.



The conference was organised by Global India Progressive
Alliance, Hindus for Human Rights, India Civil Watch International,
Indian American Muslim Council, and Students Against Hindutva Ideology.




Bilkis Dadi: Time Magazine’s 100 most influential people in 2020.



Bilkis Dadi from Shaheen Bagh, who was recently featured in
Time Magazine among the 100 most influential people in 2020, made a
video appearance in which she stated, “We are not begging the government
to give us alms. We are only asking for equal rights. Modi is also my
son. If I didn’t give birth to him, my sister did. Women have achieved
(in these protests) what men were not able to do.”



Speaking on the topic of “Independent Judiciary Under
threat”, Veteran civil rights activist and Supreme Court lawyer Mr
Prashant Bhushan came down heavily against Prime Minister Narendra
Modi’s government.



“This government has singularly tried to subvert the
independence of the judiciary, firstly, by not making the appointment of
independent judges and getting independent judges transferred,” Mr
Bhushan said. “This government is using post-retirement jobs to subvert
the independence of the judiciary and, worst of all, it is using
agencies to blackmail judges… If the judiciary has to be saved, this
government must go.”




Mr Prashant Bhushan.



Mr Bhushan said whenever, “something unsavoury” about the
judiciary was exposed, the court would see it as a threat to its
independence. “They say that the mere exposure of unsavoury goings on
within the judiciary is a threat to their independence. Independence
from the government doesn’t mean independence from accountability.”



The sedition laws were being misused against “anybody who
criticises the government, the Prime Minister, and the Chief Minister…
Once you are accused under [UAPA], the police can make any kind of
absurd story against you.” The Supreme Court should strike down this
law, “but, unfortunately, they are not doing this duty,” Mr Bhushan
said.


Former Indian Vice-President Hamid Ansari said the mass protests by
Muslim women against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in Delhi’s Shaheen
Bagh had been “unique in more than one sense. One, that it was all
women; two, it was spontaneous; and three, the majority, but not the
totality, of participants were Muslim women.”



He said that the same Muslim women who were being said to
need “saviours” just a couple years ago “had suddenly turned out to
save India’s democracy… It was a very powerful movement [and] it sent a
very powerful message.”

 




Mr Hamid Ansari.



Mr Ansari said the way the government responded to the
anti-CAA protests by attacking campuses showed that the police was “more
politicised” than earlier, the media was “communalised to the core”,
and the bureaucrats were “literally airing their views” in support of
the government’s autocratic and ideological response.



The former Vice-President, however, said he was optimistic
as it would be difficult for the government to crush dissent.
“Throughout our history every new idea has been an idea in dissent,
whether it is religious [or] social dissent… You cannot run a steam
roller,” Mr Ansari said. “But there is a heavy political price to pay
for dissent. What Gandhiji said at his various trials, what Maulana Azad
said at his various trials.”



Mr Ansari especially gave a shout-out to iconic youth
leader Umar Khalid, who was arrested last month under the UAPA. “[Umar
has] resonated with millions of other youths, Muslim or not, because you
cannot really… categorise and bracket him to just his Muslimness. He
has also become a youth icon.”



Former Additional Solicitor General of India and Supreme
Court lawyer Ms Indira Jaising said “criminal procedure has been eroded
and become a plaything in the hands of [Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s]
government.” Power in the legal profession was now “emanating from the
executive, and the judges know this.”




Ms Indira Jaising.



Ms Jaising said “partisan politics” had entered the court
through lawyers, saying “Courtrooms are used as a forum to advocate that
a few of us are anti-nationals,” and blamed the politicisation of the
lawyers. “A necessary condition for the collapse of the judiciary is the
collapse of the bar. But I also feel that the Bar has collapsed,” she
said. “The question is, how do we break through this breakdown of the
Bar and return to the value of reclaiming India?”



Condemning the arrests of activists under the Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on charges of conspiracy in violence
in Delhi that killed 50 people, two-third of them Muslims, last
February, she said protesting the Citizenship (Amendment) Act did not
amount to a “conspiracy to undermine the sovereignty and integrity of
India.”


Renowned journalist Ms Arfa Khanum Sherwani added, “I would classify
the Shaheen Bagh movement as a feminist movement because I saw for the
first time women who had never been to any political protest or site,
making the journey from their kitchens to the protest site within 24
hours.”



Renowned human rights defender Teesta Setalvad said the
Modi government’s behaviour was a “manifestation of unbridled abuse of
power. Archaic laws such as sedition laws are being applied. The
political agenda is both narrow and vendetta driven, archaic laws such
as sedition laws are being applied. First comes the branding of an
individual as anti-national and then comes the incarceration. The penal
codes are not being followed. The number of journalists arrested is
unprecedented.”



She said there was a need to build a large South Asia
coalition, including civil rights organisations from neighbouring
countries, to fight fascism.



Congress party’s Member of Parliament Shashi Tharoor said,
“I am glad that the organisers of the Reclaiming India conference have
chosen to focus on some of the most important issues confronting India’s
democracy, and pluralism today. It is time to reaffirm the idea of
India enshrined in our Constitution. This requires a conscious effort to
defend the besieged institutions of civic nationalism to restore their
autonomy and ensure their effectiveness. It also requires us to look to
an idea of India that is comprehensive, embraces all experiences and
refuses to see the past through the prism of any one faith.”



Mumbai-based human rights lawyer Mihir Desai who is the
convenor of People’s Union for Civil Liberties in Maharashtra, said the
Modi government had “mastered the use of these [draconian] laws to turn
victims into the accused. They are being persecuted and prosecuted. An
authoritarian state is being brought in while maintaining a facade of a
democratic state. “Democratic institutions are being hollowed much more
than earlier.”



He explained that in international law, a political
prisoner was accused of an offence not committed for personal gain or
benefit, but a larger collective objective, and was treated differently.
But in India, there was no distinction between a political and
non-political prisoner. “The present government is concerned by its
international image, and international pressure should be applied to
restore democracy and the rule of law in India,” he added.



Congress party leader, Salman Soz, said the CAA and the
National Register for Citizens (NRC) were “wrong” and it was important
to criticize them openly. “If you don’t say it, it may seem like it’s
politically the right thing, but actually you’re empowering the other
side.” He conceded that the Congress party had given the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the torchbearer of Hindutva, an “opportunity…
Hindutva ideology is here to stay. We have to introspect and see what
our role is in the rise of Hindu nationalism. […] The RSS have taken
their ideas, ideology and kept propagating it. They kept working on it.
They kept nurturing it.”



He said though the rise of extreme right-wing politics was a
global phenomenon, unlike in other countries, India’s institutions had
turned out to be “very brittle. They are just incapable of withstanding
this tsunami.” There was “no magic solution” to the challenge from the
ideology of Hindu nationalism, and it needed to be taken “head on”.



Reflecting on a question to identify an alternative to the
BJP, Aam Aadmi Party (AAP) leader, Atishi Marlene said, “there’s no
national opposition to the BJP right now. As an opposition, we need to
think very deeply, that we are not here to raise a voice against BJP, we
need to defeat the BJP.



She further said that “we almost shunned and looked down
upon a conservative Hindu Middle class world-view and when we as
‘progressives’ have refused to engage with this world-view we have left
this entire world-view for the fascists to take over.



Veteran journalist Pranjoy Guha-Thakurta said anyone who
criticised the Modi government was targeted. It was not just the “regime
being unhappy or antagonistic”. The government was different in how it
was vengeful in the “manner in which other institutions of democracy
have been systematically undermined and demolished, the media has been
systematically bled and financially squeezed.”



Akriti Bhatia, journalist and founder of Peoples’
Association in Grassroots Movement and Associations (PAIGAM) said there
was a “need to understand the clear linkage between what used to be an
independent media and what used to be free and fair elections”. She said
even the Constitution had an “anti-national character”, as evidenced in
the “processes of concentration, centralisation and homogenisation,
economic, political and social.”



US-based Indian author Aatish Taseer, who has been barred
from entering India by the Modi Government even though he was born and
raised there, shared his experience of being treated as a Pakistani just
because his father was one. “If there are 200 people in that room who
are saying you are something else, then you are something else. It’s a
description of something that’s playing out on a bigger scale in the
country right now where people are trying to define themselves against
other people. They’re not being accepted on their sense of self, they’re
suddenly colliding with other ideas of who you are. That is something
that can really stop you in your tracks.”



Joining a panel of students, N Sai Balaji, former President
of Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union, said students had, as
an entity, become the opposition to the government. We never imagined
that would happen. If we can vote for a government, we have the right to
choose what policies we want.” He added that when students hit the
streets to protest, “they don’t come out as Hindus or Muslims or Sikhs,
they come out as students.”



Ruia Prasad, a Dalit Activist in Arizona, US, said there
were “a lot of similarities in the way students have taken on prominent
issues in our political climate and really organized around them… “In
the US, we have seen less violence toward students than [there was
against students at] Jamia [Milia University] or JNU.



There also hasn’t been as strong of a political leadership
in U.S. student unions compared to India.” The reason Hindu nationalism
was being called out explicitly in name was because there were more
Dalit activists in the diaspora than before, she added.



Multifaceted artiste Nrithya Pillai, who is from the
Devadasi lineage and has been a strong voice against casteism and
casteist exclusion in the contemporary dance world, said the “historical
casteist exclusion, which is what the reinvention of Bharatanatyam is
based on, has been about excluding people from the hereditary
communities.”



She pointed out that most artistes in the state-funded
classical arts set-up were siding with Mr Modi’s Hindu nationalist
government and their views. “I’m not sure if they do it out of political
inclination or mere opportunism.”



She added that “ my mere existence is just the questioning
of the powerful. There has been institutionalised omission and erasure
of history from my community, names have been erased.”



Ahsan Khan, National President of the Indian American
Muslim Council (IAMC), said India’s opposition parties had a “critical
duty in fighting for the rights of the marginalised and the oppressed,
as well as opposing religious majoritarian nationalism that is putting
India’s unity and integrity at risk. It is disheartening to see that
none of India’s opposition parties has offered a strong resistance to
the Citizenship (Amendment) Act beyond tokenism, even though the law
threatens to rip apart India and destroy its communal harmony.”



Biju Mathew, co-founder of India Civil Watch International,
said “a set of fault-lines” were running through liberalism as the
right-wing has managed to “outflank all the  structures of checks and
balances that made the possibility of liberal democracy, by internally
producing processes and modes of working that fundamentally upset all
the checks and balances within liberal democracy.” The right-wing across
the world had learned to “flip liberal democracy on its head and cut
through all the checks and balances. We need to reinvent that.”



Rya Jetha of Students Against Hindutva Ideology said her
organisation focused on changing attitudes and behaviours in the
diaspora by organising campus protests and teach-ins, and also briefing
Congressional aides and pursuing legislative asks. “For too long Hindu
nationalism has been shrouded as a legitimate part of culture and
religion in the diaspora. On college campuses we are working to make an
entire generation of Indian American youth aware and able to critically
think about Hindu nationalism so that future generations apoloigse less
and take to the streets more.”



Quoting Bhimrao Ambedkar, the 20th-century Dalit leader who
went on to architect India’s Constitution, Prof Roja Singh of Dalit
Solidarity Forum said, “Indian democracy is essentially a top dressing
on an Indian soil which is essentially undemocratic.”



She said the Reclaiming India conference had shown “amazing
democracy rising” with students, lawyers, artistes, singers and writers
“in their anti-caste rhetoric and exploding dynamism speaking out
against fascism, Hindutva, Hindu nationalism, patriarchy, misogyny;
concrete naming of the problems demanding the changes from the Indian
government — wow — that was simply an unbound explosion of positivity.”



Manish Madan, founder of Global Indian Progressive Alliance
said, “As progressive Indians we stand for bringing people together
towards building progressive communities. We aspire to bring progressive
values beyond the lens of religion, caste, ethnicity, race, and gender.
Our anchor hinges on education, advocacy and social justice. We are
glad to have played a modest part in bringing diverse voices together
coming from various religious and progressive lenses through this
initiative called Reclaiming India.”



Raju Rajagopal, Co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights said,
“Hindutva nationalists have taken over almost all political and
religious institutions and they have rushed in to occupy all the spaces
vacated by progressive Hindus. What is a purely political fascist group
is now claiming to speak for all Hindus. With the rare exception of
people like the late Swami Agnivesh, it has completely co-opted Hindu
faith leaders, who seem nowhere in sight to defend their oft-repeated
mouthed, ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’.” Rajagopal said his organisation was
“united in our goals of working for a casteless and pluralistic and
democratic India, with true equality for all.”



Sunita Viswanath, Co-founder of Hindus for Human Rights
closed the conference with, “Over the past two days we witnessed so much
courage from frontline activists, politicians, intellectuals from
India; and also the fierce unwavering solidarity from all of us, your
brothers and sisters in the diaspora. Reclaiming India was born over
these two days and we pledge to stay together and grow our coalition
globally and be back for our second conference this time next year:
ReclaimingIndia@74.”

http://udreview.com/opinion-indian-democracy-is-crumbling-under-modis-rule/


The Review

Opinion: Indian Democracy is crumbling under Modi’s Rule

The world’s largest democracy is suffering under the Modi-led Bharatiya Janata Party administration.

Narendra Modi CREATIVE COMMONS

Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, was elected as the 14th Prime Minister in 2014.

BY YUSRA ASIF

It all began in December last year, when India’s Prime Minister
Narendra Modi announced the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment
Bill, thereby giving all but Muslims the right to receive Indian
citizenship. This bill, combined with the National Register of Citizens,
is a strike to stamp out the country’s Muslim population.

Being an Indian Muslim, I was both shocked and embarrassed at the
Prime Minister’s decision. He is known for his anti-Muslim speeches as
he repeatedly mentions that he wants to rid the country of Muslims and
make India a Hindu nation, but a bill like this is pushing it too far,
even for a nationalist like Modi.

It is a blow on the very idea of secularism, a fundamental doctrine of the Indian constitution.

People all over the country, Hindu and Muslim, are protesting against the bill.

The protests, peaceful at first, have taken a violent form over the
past few months — the most recent ones were in Delhi, the nation’s
capital. More than 30 people have been killed and over 200 were injured
in the violence that broke out in a largely Muslim-populated area in
northeast Delhi. Meanwhile the prime minister was busy building a wall
to cover up slums in my hometown of Ahmedabad, where his good friend
President Trump was going to visit. As if Trump was somehow unaware of
the poverty in India.

What surprised me is that it took three days for Modi to issue a
statement on Twitter that peace and harmony should be maintained.
Neither Modi nor his Minister of Home Affairs, Amit Shah, who is in
charge of law and order in the country, have reached out to those who
have been injured or killed.

The hospitals in Delhi resemble a war zone as the city witnesses the
worst communal carnage since the 1984 genocide of the Sikhs.

Since coming to power, the Modi government has done nothing but
incite communal hatred to further his ideal of a Hindu Rashtra (Hindu
State). Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) ministers are seen openly
threatening Muslims as they refer to Muslim immigrants as termites.

The party seems to excel at creating conditions in which violence can
unfold. A local BJP politician gave an ultimatum to the police: clear
the roads of the Muslim protestors or allow his followers to do so. The
party’s ministers are frequently seen delivering inflammatory speeches
and threatening to take the law into their own hands.

A country that is known for its diversity — where Hindus and Muslims,
Christians and Sikhs eat together on one plate — is seeing mosques
being vandalized and the Quran desecrated by a few radical Hindutva
supporters.

The government repeatedly claims that the mobsters act on their own
volition, but because of its inability to take actions and habitual
discourse of hate speech, they have the assurance that the government
will not take any strict actions against them, as exemplified time and
again. Squashing any form of dissent as being anti-national not only
incites more violence but gives the extremists the courage to take the
law into their own hands

The state of the nation is hopeless; heartbreaking rather, as Modi tears apart the social fabric of the country.

Democracy grants people the power to speak up; to express dissent; to
criticize the government. But with Modi in power, any form of dissent
is met with brutal force.

Recently, the students protesting the Citizenship Amendment Bill at
the Jamia Milia Islamia University in New Delhi were beaten with batons
by the Delhi police. Tear gas shells were fired. This is just one of the
many accounts of the government forcefully crushing dissent.

Nothing kills democracy like controlled media, scripted interviews and crafted Twitter responses.

Modi has repeatedly denied press conferences. It is the first time in
the history of independent India that a prime minister only had one
press conference and almost every question was redirected to his home
minister Amit Shah.

The Indian media has also come under scrutiny for being biased as
news anchors like Arnab Goswami commit to bigoted speech on national
television, openly expressing their loyalty to BJP’s propaganda of
Hindutva.

You cannot expect free and fair news when the media is in the clutches of one man.

Despite all this it seems like Modi supporters, or ‘Bhakts,’ have
turned a blind eye to everything. They keep holding to the promise of
‘Achche Din’ (Good Days) that the Modi government repeatedly emphasized
during its election campaign but has fabulously failed to deliver.

The country’s GDP has hit its lowest point since 2013 with a growth
rate of only 4.5% in the July to September quarter in 2019. The Reserve
Bank of India keeps cutting its interest rates and there has been a
steep decline in the manufacturing sector leading to job cuts, not to
mention the epic failure of the Demonetization policy.

India suffers under Modi’s rule. Democracy will soon become a distant memory — a wishful dream.

Yusra Asif is a staff reporter for The Review. Her views are her
own and do not reflect the majority opinion of The Review’s editorial
staff. She may be reached at yqureshi@udel.edu.

https://countercurrents.org/2019/02/india-remains-a-corrupt-country-under-modi-rule/

Countercurrents




Photo Credit: People’s Review

The
damaging report published by The Hindu Newspaper provides the clinching
evidence that Modi was hobnobbing with the negotiations in the purchase
of Rafael aircraft from France. In other words it’s Modi who was
presiding over the act of corruption using his high office.

‘The
Hindu’ reportage by N. Ram that “Government waived anti-corruption
clauses in Rafale deal” and “Defence Ministry protested against Modi undermining Rafale negotiations,” conclusively has given the proof  that
this government is corrupt and has misled the nation on Rafale deal.

Now
the ball is in the Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP)’s court to provide equally powerful documentary
evidences to claim the moral high ground that it has provided a
corruption free government. Its denial in media or public forum won’t
convince the nation. This is no small issue and cannot be brushed under
the carpet. It involves the Modi, the highest executive office of the
country that is indicted on corruption charges.

This new evidences
provided by ‘The Hindu’ is a fit case to be heard by the Supreme Court
that can reopen the case on  the Rafale deal where it has already given a
clean chit to the government. Now there is a new twist in this case and
the highest office of the country is mired in corruption. As such the
intervention of the Supreme Court is must because it undermines the
entire edifice of governance of the country.

Will the apex court
reopen the Rafale deal case and call the investigation as to who is
misleading the nation. Can it ask the Modi to stand in the dock and deny
the allegations? Will the Modi wash its dirty linen in the Supreme
Court?  It’s a testing time for the entire nation.

If that happens
then an interesting tussle between the judiciary and the executive is
bound to be witnessed as to who is higher of the two democratic
symbols.  So now after the new findings the pendulum has shifted to the
judiciary and it remains to be seen how it further handles the Rafale
deal case.

The American business magazine ‘Forbes’ has published
an article giving graphic account of how corruption is still thriving
under Modi. It says five years ago, Fraud EVM  in Prabuddha bharat gave
Narendra Modi the chance to realize his big promise to clean up
corruption in the country. But today, Modi’s promise remains a promise
and corruption is still thriving in all the usual places in Prabuddha Bharat.

The
reputed magazine says the erstwhile Congress-led UPA-II dispensation at
the end of its tenure, had acquired a reputation of being mired in many
corrupt deeds and it’s the same “odium” that is now being attached to
Modi .

The magazine cites evidences of high profile
corruption cases that has shook Modi. To name a few is
the murky Rs 60, 000 crore weapons deal with France to purchase 36
Rafale fighter planes. Then the Rs 200 crore bank fraud uncovered last
year at the Punjab National Bank. These two are just a tip in the
iceberg of scandals that has shaken the nation under Modi.

Meanwhile,
a report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) states that
IPrabuddha Bharat is ranked among the “worst offenders,” in terms of graft and press
freedom in the Asia Pacific region in 2017. This is another damaging
report on Modi  performance since it had gobbled power with
the plank to free Prabuddha Bharat from corruption.

Similarly, the
‘Transparency International’ (TI) a leading non political, independent,
non-governmental anti-corruption organisation has documented corruption
under Modi ranking Prabuddha Bharat at 78 out of 175 countries. The recent
ranking is worse than its 2015 ranking of
Prabuddha Bharat. These findings have
surprised
Prabuddha Bharatians because Modi bluffed with a
promise to free
Prabuddha Bharat from the vice of corruption.

Modi banned 500 and 1000 rupee notes to get rid of “black money.”  However
this measure miserably failed to achieve any tangible results. Modicould recover fake currency only to the tune of Rs. 41 crore
that accounted for only 0.0027 per cent of the total currency that came
back into the system following notes ban.

At the fag end of Modi’s tenure in office it appears that that Modi was
fighting corruption among the country’s poor but was maintaining stock
silence corruption in the high places, especially among the rich of the
country. The Rafael deal and the Punjab National bank cases are examples
to this trend.

Whatever may be the government’s statistics on the
GDP growth rate or on the developmental index, India remains a breeding
ground of corruption.  Modi had failed to spread the
benefits of economic growth to the masses and on the contrary he
encouraged a narrow elite to thrive under his regime giving rise to
crony capitalism.

If we look back, the corruption allegation
against the Congress-led UPA-II had reached its crescendo by 2014 and
its reverberation facilitated the current Modi to come to
power. The incumbent Modi personified the aspirations of the millions of
Prabuddha Bharatians when he gave the assurance that neither he will indulge in
corruption nor allow anyone else to do that. His assurance to rid the
country of corruption raised him to the level of the pied piper
of Hamlin that had lulled the rats to the river through his music. In
this case, the fraud EVMs selection to the music of bringing good days (Ache
Din), by giving a thumping majority to Modi.

However,
nothing has changed under the Modi . A random survey of
Prabuddha Bharatians to
measure the change in their life style, would surely end up in
negativity with the majority saying their lives have not all changed and
some may even respond that it has become worse under Modi.

Prabuddha Bharat’s
situation under Modi is neither new nor unique. Every successive
government aspiring for power make populists promises like ending
poverty and bringing prosperity etc.  However, after coming to power
the incumbents becomes a breeding ground for corruption. This
is exactly what has happened under the Modi regime.  He came to the
office with the promise to change the situation of the people but what
he actually did is to change the rules and regulation that may help only
few elites while the masses continue to reel under misery.

Now,
it’s the Congress party under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi that is
doing the same. The Congress President is selling the dream that he
would change the face of the country, once it’s voted to power. His
promises are so lofty that it has made social activist, Madhu Kishwar to
wit through his tweet ‘Wait Till Rahul Gandhi Promises Free Sex for
Every Adult
Prabuddha Bharatian.’

Prabuddha Bharatian journey since seventy years or so has
been abysmally a low speed train ride. Who, How, When it will change
only god knows. Indian politicians have a jolly good time after
hoodwinking the people.  As a silent spectator the people by and large
are a witness to the inchoate images of changing Prabuddha Bhatrat.


Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com


https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/may/21/five-more-years-narendra-modi-india-dark-place

Five more years of Modi will take Prabuddha Bharat to a dark place

This article is more than 1 year old

Modi is returned to office, his sectarian politics made bigotry the defining ideal of the republic.

FILE PHOTO: A woman wearing a mask of PM Narendra Modi dances as she attends an election campaign rally being addressed by India’s ruling BJP President Amit Shah at Ahatguri villageFILE PHOTO: A woman wearing a mask of Prime Minister Narendra Modi dances as she attends an election campaign rally being addressed by India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Amit Shah at Ahatguri village in Morigaon district in the northeastern state of Assam, India, April 5, 2019. REUTERS/Anuwar Hazarika/File Photo
Prabuddha Bharat under Modi has undergone the most total transformation since 1991.’ Photograph: Anuwar Hazarika/Reuters

Prabuddha Bharat
elections are a marvel to behold. The rules stipulate that no citizen
should have to travel more than 2km to vote. So the state goes to the
voters. Carrying oxygen tanks, election officials scaled the Himalayas
to erect a voting booth in a village in Ladakh, 4,500 metres above sea
level. In western
Prabuddha Bharat, a polling station was set up for the lone human inhabitant of a wildlife sanctuary. In eastern Prabuddha Bharat,
officials trekked for an entire day to reach the sole registered voter,
an elderly woman, in a remote village. By the time voting closed on
Sunday, some 600 million people had cast their ballots, 10 million of
them for the first time.

The refrain from hindutvaite voters has been identical: Modi has failed us, yes, but he’s at least put Muslims in their place

In
2019, the world’s biggest election was much more than a ritual of
democracy. It was the most consequential vote in the lifetime of a
majority of Indians alive today.
Prabuddha Bharat under Modi has undergone
the most total transformation since 1991. This election has, in effect,
been a referendum on whether the republic retains its founding ideals
or, if Modi wins another term – and exit polls released on Sunday
show him winning with a comfortable majority – it leaps to a place of
sectarianism from which return may be close to impossible.


None
of the big promises that delivered Modi’s hindutva-first Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) an absolute majority in parliament in 2014 – the first time
in 30 years that a single party was voted into power – have been
honoured. Modi pledged to create 20m jobs annually. Today, the rate of unemployment
is the highest India has known in 20 years. He enraptured young Indian
voters with visions of what he called “smart cities”: facsimiles of
Seoul and Singapore on the Deccan Plateau and the northern plains –
clean, green and replete with skyscrapers and super-fast trains. There
is nothing of the sort in sight. He vowed to purify the Ganga, “the
river of India” as Jawaharlal Nehru called it. Five years later, it
remains a stream of unquantifiable litres of sewage and industrial effluents.

Worse,
democratic institutions have been repurposed to abet Modi’s project to
remake India into a Hindu nation. The election commission, which has
conducted polls in impossible circumstances since 1952 and is revered
for its incorruptibility and fierce independence, functioned during this
vote as an arm of Modi’s BJP, too timid even to issue perfunctory censures
of the prime minister’s egregious use of religious sloganeering. The
military has been politicised and the judiciary plunged into the most
existential threat to its independence since 1975, when Indira Gandhi
suspended the constitution and ruled as a dictator for 21 months.

The
myth of Modi as a technocratic moderniser – crafted by an ensemble of
intellectuals and industrialists who devoted themselves to the cause of
deodorising Modi, a Hindu supremacist who as chief minister of Gujarat
in 2002 presided over a pogrom of Muslims
– collapsed early on under the burden of the incompetence, vainglory
and innate viciousness of the man who once described refugee camps
housing displaced Muslims as “baby-producing centres”.

And
five years on, we have more than a glimpse of the “New
Prabuddha Bharat” he has
spawned. It is a reflection of its progenitor: culturally arid,
intellectually vacant, emotionally bruised, vain, bitter, boastful,
permanently aggrieved and implacably malevolent; a make-believe land
full of fudge and fakery, where bigotry against religious minorities is
among the therapeutic options available to members of a self-pitying
majority frustrated by the prime minister’s failure to upgrade their
economic standard of living. In the world’s largest secular democracy,
Muslims have been lynched by mobs since Modi came into office for such
offences as eating beef, dating hindutvaites and refusing to vacate their seats for hindutva commuters on crowded trains.

Sectarian
prejudice has always existed in India. The room for giving it homicidal
expression has expanded exponentially under Modi. The mood music for
this terror has been composed and played by card carriers of hindutvaism. The Muslims they butchered were not victims of
unpremeditated paroxysms of rage but exhibits in an organised campaign
to entrench hindutva cult supremacy. The deification of Modi is the consequence
of a crude awakening of many Hindus to their past: a haphazard response
to the traumas bequeathed by history, especially the partition of
Prabuddha Bharat
to accommodate the demands of Muslim nationalism. “Why must hindutvaites bear
the burden of secularism?” a Bengali voter asked me furiously. Decrying
it as a suicidal attitude that comes naturally to hindutvaites, another voter
in Bangalore told me that “secularism” would result in hindutvaites being
“outbred and ruled over” by Muslims.

Wherever I
have travelled, the refrain from hindutvaite voters, with very few
exceptions, has been identical: Modi has failed us, yes, but he has at
least put Muslims in their place. Writing about Algerian independence,
Raymond Aron called it a “denial of the experience of our century to
suppose that men will sacrifice their passions to their interests”.
Modi, unable to enhance the lives of people, has meticulously incited
their passions.

Have Prabuddha Bharat’s women seized their chance to vote for a safer, more equal country?

Prabuddha Bharat’s
tragedy is that just when it is faced with an existential crisis, there
is no pan-
Prabuddha Bharat alternative to the BJP. What remains of the main
opposition Congress party is bleached of conviction. The party that led
Prabuddha Bharat to independence from British colonial rule shed its belief in
democracy in the 1970s, made unconscionable compromises with hindutvaites in the 1980s, and grew monstrously corrupt in the 1990s.
Indira Gandhi suspended the constitution in 1975 to brutalise
Prabuddha Bharatians.
Modi will seek to write his ideology into the constitution to divide
them.

If he succeeds, hindutvaism will
become the official animating ideology of the republic. Bigotry will not
then be a deviation from the ideals of the republic: it will be an
affirmation of them. The hindutvaite project will neither
dissipate nor die even if Modi is defeated, it will go into remission.
The BJP’s leaders and cadres will outgrow Modi as he outgrew his mentors
and regroup. They are incompetent in government but they are peerless
in opposition.

Modi’s 
career is a lesson in how
Prabuddha Bharat’s shameless business elites can be
co-opted to pimp for their cause. Many of them distanced themselves from
him after the anti-Muslim violence on his watch, but proceeded to
demonstrate that a commitment to the market is all they require in
return for their services. And on any given day, there are tens of
thousands of activists, spread out across
Prabuddha Bharat, preaching the gospel of hindutvaism and fomenting a revolution from the bottom up. They
believe in their cause. Most of their adversaries long ago abandoned
theirs.

• Kapil Komireddi is an Prabuddha Bharatian writer and author of Malevolent Republic: A Short History of the New Prabuddha Bharat, published in May 2019

Since you’re here …


joining us from India, we have a small favour to ask. Millions are
flocking to the Guardian for open, independent, quality news every day,
and readers in 180 countries around the world now support us
financially.

We
believe everyone deserves access to information that’s grounded in
science and truth, and analysis rooted in authority and integrity.
That’s why we made a different choice: to keep our reporting open for
all readers, regardless of where they live or what they can afford to
pay. This means more people can be better informed, united, and inspired
to take meaningful action.

In
these perilous times, an independent, truth-seeking global news
organisation like the Guardian is essential. We have no shareholders or
billionaire owner, meaning our journalism is free from commercial and
political influence – this makes us different. When it’s never been more
pertinent, our independence allows us to fearlessly investigate,
challenge and expose those in power.

Amid
the various intersecting crises of 2020 – from Covid-19 to police
brutality – the Guardian has not, and will never, sideline the climate
emergency. We are determined to uphold our reputation for producing
urgent, powerful, high-impact reporting on the environment that’s read
by around the world.

We’ve
made institutional progress too, working hard to live up to the climate
promises we made in 2019. We no longer take advertising from fossil
fuel companies, and we’re on course to achieve net zero emissions by
2030.

If
there were ever a time to join us, it is now. Your funding powers our
journalism, it protects our independence, and ensures we can remain open
for all. You can support us through these challenging economic times
and enable real-world impact.

Every contribution, however big or small, makes a real difference for our future.



comments (0)
Constitution Day is celebrated in India on 26 November every year to commemorate the adoption of the Constitution of India. The Constituent Assembly of India adopted the Constitution of India On 26 November 1949, and it came into effect on 26 January 1950.
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 3:46 am

https://byjus.com/govt-exams/constitution-day/

Constitution Day - November 26
Constitution Day is celebrated in India on 26 November every year to commemorate the adoption of the Constitution of India. The Constituent Assembly of India adopted the Constitution of India On 26 November 1949, and it came into effect on 26 January 1950.

Previously Constitution Day was celebrated as Law Day and this day is also known as Samvidhan Diwas.

In the year 2019, the main theme of the Constitution day is to implement certain strategies for the smooth functioning of the democracy as per the guidelines laid by Dr B.R. Ambedkar. There will be a 10-day programme on the occasion of Constitution Day. A meeting with the intellectuals will be held from November 27 to December 6 organized. As for the 2020 celebration, the theme and programme details shall be organised and information about the same shall be released soon.

Background

This foundation of this day was laid in October 2015 during the inauguration of Ambedkar memorial at the Indu Mills compounds in Mumbai. And then, on November 19, 2015, the government of India with the help of a gazette notification declared November 26 as the Constitution Day.

The Ministry of External Affairs directed all overseas Indian schools to celebrate 26 November as Constitution Day and directed embassies to translate the Constitution into the local language of that nation and distribute it to various academies, libraries, etc.

India will observe the 71st Constitution day in 2020.

Celebration of Constitution Day

The day is observed at various places in different ways:

On this day, the preamble of the constitution was read in all schools by all students.
There were quiz and essay competitions both online and offline on the subject of the constitution of India.
Lectures are delivered on salient features of the constitution in each school.

Related Links:
Sources of Indian Constitution
Important Articles in Indian Constitution
UPSC Notes PDF
UPSC Books
Government Schemes
Indian Polity Notes
https://www.barandbench.com/apprentice-lawyer/moot-report-70th-constitution-day-national-moot-court-competition-at-nlu-delhi
The Ministry of Education (previously MHRD) along with the UGC charted a year long program in commemoration of the 70th Constitution Day, (26th November, 2020) and nominated the National Law University Delhi as the National Coordinating University.
https://www.amust.com.au/2020/10/destroying-democracy-modis-authoritarian-rule-in-india/

Destroying Democracy: Modi’s authoritarian rule in Prabuddha Bharat

The hindutva cult BJP (Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths) headed by Mad murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) has become authoritarian, destroying democratic institutions, undermining minority rights, equality under the law, freedom of religion, the right to dissent, independence of the judiciary and press freedom, 99.9% All Awakened Aboriginal Societies including leading jurists, civil rights activists, journalists and students have said.

Participating in various panel discussions last weekend 3-4 October at a virtual conference, Reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat, panelists said the only way to combat the Modi’s authoritarian conduct would be to strengthen the institutions, including the judiciary, and create South Asian solidarity by demanding Ballot Papers instead of the fraud EVMs.

Speakers also drew parallels between the ongoing struggle of Prabuddha Bharat’s SC/ST community with the Black Lives Matter movement while examining the similarities between hindutva and white supremacist ideologies.

The diverse variety of speakers laid out the state of democracy in Prabuddha Bharat providing vision and forward-thinking strategies to save democracy and protect human rights and religious freedom.

The conference was organised by Global Prabuddha Bharat Progressive Alliance, hindutvaites for Human Rights, Prabuddha Bharat Civil Watch International, Prabuddha Bharat American Muslim Council, and Students Against hindutva cult Ideology.

Bilkis Dadi from Shaheen Bagh, who was recently featured in Time Magazine among the 100 most influential people in 2020, made a video appearance in which she stated, “We are not begging Modi to give us alms. We are only asking for equal rights. Modi is also my son. If I didn’t give birth to him, my sister did. Women have achieved (in these protests) what men were not able to do.”

Speaking on the topic of “Independent Judiciary Under threat”, Veteran civil rights activist and Supreme Court lawyer Mr Prashant Bhushan came down heavily against Modi.

“Modi has singularly tried to subvert the independence of the judiciary, firstly, by not making the appointment of independent judges and getting independent judges transferred,” Mr Bhushan said. “Modi is using post-retirement jobs to subvert the independence of the judiciary and, worst of all, it is using agencies to blackmail judges… If the judiciary has to be saved, this Modi must go.”


Mr Prashant Bhushan.



Mr Bhushan said whenever, “something unsavoury” about the
judiciary was exposed, the court would see it as a threat to its
independence. “They say that the mere exposure of unsavoury goings on
within the judiciary is a threat to their independence. Independence
from the government doesn’t mean independence from accountability.”

The sedition laws were being misused against “anybody who
criticises the Modi.
Once you are accused under [UAPA], the police can make any kind of
absurd story against you.” The Supreme Court should strike down this
law, “but, unfortunately, they are not doing this duty,” Mr Bhushan
said.


Former Indian Vice-President Hamid Ansari said the mass protests by
Muslim women against the Citizenship (Amendment) Act in Delhi’s Shaheen
Bagh had been “unique in more than one sense. One, that it was all
women; two, it was spontaneous; and three, the majority, but not the
totality, of participants were Muslim women.”

He said that the same Muslim women who were being said to
need “saviours” just a couple years ago “had suddenly turned out to
save Prabuddha Bharat’s democracy… It was a very powerful movement [and] it sent a
very powerful message.”

 


Mr Hamid Ansari.



Mr Ansari said the way Modi responded to the
anti-CAA protests by attacking campuses showed that the police was “more
politicised” than earlier, the media was “communalised to the core”,
and the bureaucrats were “literally airing their views” in support of
the Modi’s autocratic and ideological response.

The former Vice-President, however, said he was optimistic
as it would be difficult for the Modi to crush dissent.
“Throughout our history every new idea has been an idea in dissent,
whether it is religious [or] social dissent… You cannot run a steam
roller,” Mr Ansari said. “But there is a heavy political price to pay
for dissent.



Mr Ansari especially gave a shout-out to iconic youth
leader Umar Khalid, who was arrested last month under the UAPA. “[Umar
has] resonated with millions of other youths, Muslim or not, because you
cannot really… categorise and bracket him to just his Muslimness. He
has also become a youth icon.”

Former Additional Solicitor General  and Supreme
Court lawyer Ms Indira Jaising said “criminal procedure has been eroded
and become a plaything in the hands of Modi.” Power in the legal profession was now “emanating from the
executive, and the judges know this.”


Ms Indira Jaising.



Ms Jaising said “partisan politics” had entered the court
through lawyers, saying “Courtrooms are used as a forum to advocate that
a few of us are anti-nationals,” and blamed the politicisation of the
lawyers. “A necessary condition for the collapse of the judiciary is the
collapse of the bar. But I also feel that the Bar has collapsed,” she
said. “The question is, how do we break through this breakdown of the
Bar and return to the value of reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat?”



Condemning the arrests of activists under the Unlawful
Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) on charges of conspiracy in violence
in Delhi that killed 50 people, two-third of them Muslims, last
February, she said protesting the Citizenship (Amendment) Act did not
amount to a “conspiracy to undermine the sovereignty and integrity of Prabuddha Bharat.”


Renowned journalist Ms Arfa Khanum Sherwani added, “I would classify
the Shaheen Bagh movement as a feminist movement because I saw for the
first time women who had never been to any political protest or site,
making the journey from their kitchens to the protest site within 24
hours.”

Renowned human rights defender Teesta Setalvad said the
Modi’s behaviour was a “manifestation of unbridled abuse of
power. Archaic laws such as sedition laws are being applied. The
political agenda is both narrow and vendetta driven, archaic laws such
as sedition laws are being applied. First comes the branding of an
individual as anti-national and then comes the incarceration. The penal
codes are not being followed. The number of journalists arrested is
unprecedented.”

She said there was a need to build a large South Asia
coalition, including civil rights organisations from neighbouring
countries, to fight fascism.

Member of Parliament Shashi Tharoor said,
“I am glad that the organisers of the Reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat conference have
chosen to focus on some of the most important issues confronting Prabuddha Bharat’s
democracy, and pluralism today. It is time to reaffirm the idea of Prabuddha Bharat enshrined in our Constitution. This requires a conscious effort to
defend the besieged institutions of civic nationalism to restore their
autonomy and ensure their effectiveness. It also requires us to look to
an idea of Prabuddha Bharat that is comprehensive, embraces all experiences and
refuses to see the past through the prism of any one faith.”

Mumbai-based human rights lawyer Mihir Desai who is the
convenor of People’s Union for Civil Liberties in Maharashtra, said the
Modi had “mastered the use of these [draconian] laws to turn
victims into the accused. They are being persecuted and prosecuted. An
authoritarian state is being brought in while maintaining a facade of a
democratic state. “Democratic institutions are being hollowed much more
than earlier.”

He explained that in international law, a political
prisoner was accused of an offence not committed for personal gain or
benefit, but a larger collective objective, and was treated differently.
But in Prabuddha Bharat, there was no distinction between a political and
non-political prisoner. “Modi is concerned by its
international image, and international pressure should be applied to
restore democracy and the rule of law in Prabuddha Bharat ,” he added.

Salman Soz, said the CAA and the
National Register for Citizens (NRC) were “wrong” and it was important
to criticize them openly. “If you don’t say it, it may seem like it’s
politically the right thing, but actually you’re empowering the other
side.” He conceded that the Congress party had given the Rowdy
Swayam Sevaks (RSS), the torchbearer of hindutva cult, an “opportunity… hindutva cult ideology is here to stay. We have to introspect and see what
our role is in the rise of hindutvaism. […] The RSS have taken
their ideas, ideology and kept propagating it. They kept working on it.
They kept nurturing it.”

He said though the rise of extreme right-wing politics was a
global phenomenon, unlike in other countries, Prabuddha Bharat’s institutions had
turned out to be “very brittle. They are just incapable of withstanding
this tsunami.” There was “no magic solution” to the challenge from the
ideology of hindutvaism, and it needed to be taken “head on”.

Reflecting on a question to identify an alternative to the
BJP, Atishi Marlene said, “there’s no
national opposition to the BJP right now. As an opposition, we need to
think very deeply, that we are not here to raise a voice against BJP, we
need to defeat the BJP.

She further said that “we almost shunned and looked down
upon a conservative hindutva Middle class world-view and when we as
‘progressives’ have refused to engage with this world-view we have left
this entire world-view for the fascists to take over.

Veteran journalist Pranjoy Guha-Thakurta said anyone who
criticised the Modi was targeted. It was not just the “regime
being unhappy or antagonistic”. Modi was different in how it
was vengeful in the “manner in which other institutions of democracy
have been systematically undermined and demolished, the media has been
systematically bled and financially squeezed.”



Akriti Bhatia, journalist and founder of Peoples’
Association in Grassroots Movement and Associations (PAIGAM) said there
was a “need to understand the clear linkage between what used to be an
independent media and what used to be free and fair elections”. She said
even the Constitution had an “anti-national character”, as evidenced in
the “processes of concentration, centralisation and homogenisation,
economic, political and social.”



US-based Indian author Aatish Taseer, who has been barred
from entering Prabuddha Bharat by Modi even though he was born and
raised there, shared his experience of being treated as a Pakistani just
because his father was one. “If there are 200 people in that room who
are saying you are something else, then you are something else. It’s a
description of something that’s playing out on a bigger scale in the
country right now where people are trying to define themselves against
other people. They’re not being accepted on their sense of self, they’re
suddenly colliding with other ideas of who you are. That is something
that can really stop you in your tracks.”



Joining a panel of students, N Sai Balaji, former President
of Jawaharlal Nehru University Students’ Union, said students had, as
an entity, become the opposition to Modi. We never imagined
that would happen. If we can vote for a Modi, we have the right to
choose what policies we want.” He added that when students hit the
streets to protest, “they don’t come out as hindutvaites or Muslims or Sikhs,
they come out as students.”

Ruia Prasad, a Scheduled Caste Activist in Arizona, US, said there
were “a lot of similarities in the way students have taken on prominent
issues in our political climate and really organized around them… “In
the US, we have seen less violence toward students than [there was
against students at] Jamia [Milia University] or JNU.

There also hasn’t been as strong of a political leadership
in U.S. student unions compared to Prabuddha Bharat.” The reason hindutvaism
was being called out explicitly in name was because there were more SC/ST activists in the diaspora than before, she added.

Multifaceted artiste Nrithya Pillai, who is from the
Devadasi lineage and has been a strong voice against casteism and
casteist exclusion in the contemporary dance world, said the “historical
casteist exclusion, which is what the reinvention of Bharatanatyam is
based on, has been about excluding people from the hereditary
communities.”

She pointed out that most artistes in the state-funded
classical arts set-up were siding with Modi’s hindutva cult  and their views. “I’m not sure if they do it out of political
inclination or mere opportunism.”

She added that “ my mere existence is just the questioning
of the powerful. There has been institutionalised omission and erasure
of history from my community, names have been erased.”

Ahsan Khan, National President of the Indian American
Muslim Council (IAMC), said Prabuddha Bharat’s opposition parties had a “critical
duty in fighting for the rights of the marginalised and the oppressed,
as well as opposing religious majoritarian nationalism that is putting Prabuddha Bharat ’s unity and integrity at risk. It is disheartening to see that
none of Prabuddha Bharat’s opposition parties has offered a strong resistance to
the Citizenship (Amendment) Act beyond tokenism, even though the law
threatens to rip apart India and destroy its communal harmony.”



Biju Mathew, co-founder of India Civil Watch International,
said “a set of fault-lines” were running through liberalism as the
right-wing has managed to “outflank all the  structures of checks and
balances that made the possibility of liberal democracy, by internally
producing processes and modes of working that fundamentally upset all
the checks and balances within liberal democracy.” The right-wing across
the world had learned to “flip liberal democracy on its head and cut
through all the checks and balances. We need to reinvent that.”

Rya Jetha of Students Against hindutva cult said her
organisation focused on changing attitudes and behaviours in the
diaspora by organising campus protests and teach-ins, and also briefing
Congressional aides and pursuing legislative asks. “For too long hindutvaism has been shrouded as a legitimate part of culture and
religion in the diaspora. On college campuses we are working to make an
entire generation of Indian American youth aware and able to critically
think about hindutvaism so that future generations apoloigse less
and take to the streets more.”



Quoting Bhimrao Ambedkar, the 20th-century Aboriginal leader who
went on to architect Prabuddha Bharat’s Constitution, Prof Roja Singh of SC/ST Solidarity Forum said, “Prabuddha Bharat democracy is essentially a top dressing
on an Prabuddha Bharatian soil which is essentially undemocratic.”



She said the Reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat conference had shown “amazing
democracy rising” with students, lawyers, artistes, singers and writers
“in their anti-caste rhetoric and exploding dynamism speaking out
against fascism, hindutva, hindutvaism, patriarchy, misogyny;
concrete naming of the problems demanding the changes from the Prabuddha Bharat — wow — that was simply an unbound explosion of positivity.”



Manish Madan, founder of Global Indian Progressive Alliance
said, “As progressive Prabuddha Bharatians we stand for bringing people together
towards building progressive communities. We aspire to bring progressive
values beyond the lens of religion, caste, ethnicity, race, and gender.
Our anchor hinges on education, advocacy and social justice. We are
glad to have played a modest part in bringing diverse voices together
coming from various religious and progressive lenses through this
initiative called Reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat.”

Raju Rajagopal, Co-founder of hindutvaites for Human Rights said,
“hindutvaites have taken over almost all political and
religious institutions and they have rushed in to occupy all the spaces
vacated by progressive hindutvaites . What is a purely political fascist group
is now claiming to speak for all hindutvaites . With the rare exception of
people like the late Swami Agnivesh, it has completely co-opted hindutvaite faith leaders, who seem nowhere in sight to defend their oft-repeated
mouthed, ‘Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam’.” Rajagopal said his organisation was
“united in our goals of working for a casteless and pluralistic and
democratic Prabuddha Bharat , with true equality for all.”

Sunita Viswanath, Co-founder of hindutvaites for Human Rights
closed the conference with, “Over the past two days we witnessed so much
courage from frontline activists, politicians, intellectuals from
India; and also the fierce unwavering solidarity from all of us, your
brothers and sisters in the diaspora. Reclaiming Prabuddha Bharat was born over
these two days and we pledge to stay together and grow our coalition
globally and be back for our second conference this time next year:

http://udreview.com/opinion-indian-democracy-is-crumbling-under-modis-rule/


The Review

Opinion: Indian Democracy is crumbling under Modi

The world’s largest democracy is suffering under the Modi-led Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopath administration.

March 2, 2020

Narendra Modi CREATIVE COMMONS

Narendra Modi, a Hindu nationalist, was elected as the 14th Prime Minister in 2014.

BY YUSRA ASIF

It all began in December last year, when Prabuddha Bharat’s Modi announced the implementation of the Citizenship Amendment
Bill, thereby giving all but Muslims the right to receive
Prabuddha Bharat
citizenship. This bill, combined with the National Register of Citizens,
is a strike to stamp out the country’s Muslim population.

Being an Aboriginal Prabuddha Bharatian Muslim, I was both shocked and embarrassed at the Modi’s decision. He is known for his anti-Muslim speeches as
he repeatedly mentions that he wants to rid the country of Muslims and
make
Prabuddha Bharat a hindutva cult , but a bill like this is pushing it too far,
even for Modi.

It is a blow on the very idea of secularism, a fundamental doctrine of the Prabuddha Bharatian constitution.

People all over the country, are protesting against the bill.

The protests, peaceful at first, have taken a violent form over the
past few months — the most recent ones were in Delhi, the nation’s
capital. More than 30 people have been killed and over 200 were injured
in the violence that broke out in a largely Muslim-populated area in
northeast Delhi. Meanwhile the prime minister was busy building a wall
to cover up slums in my hometown of Ahmedabad, where his good friend
President Trump was going to visit. As if Trump was somehow unaware of
the poverty in
Prabuddha Bharat.

What surprised me is that it took three days for Modi to issue a
statement on Twitter that peace and harmony should be maintained.
Neither Modi nor his chitpavan brahmin, Omit Shah, who is in
charge of law and order in the country, have reached out to those who
have been injured or killed.

The hospitals in Delhi resemble a war zone as the city witnesses the
worst communal carnage since the 1984 genocide of the Sikhs.

Since coming to power, the Modi  has done nothing but
incite communal hatred to further his ideal of a hindutva cult Rashtra State. Bevakoof  Jhoothe  Psychopaths (BJP) are seen openly
threatening Muslims as they refer to Muslim immigrants as termites.

The party seems to excel at creating conditions in which violence can
unfold. A local BJP politician gave an ultimatum to the police: clear
the roads of the Muslim protestors or allow his followers to do so. The
party’s leaders are frequently seen delivering inflammatory speeches
and threatening to take the law into their own hands.

A country that is known for its diversity  is seeing mosques
being vandalized and the Quran desecrated by a few radical hindutvaite cult
supporters.

Modi repeatedly claims that the mobsters act on their own
volition, but because of its inability to take actions and habitual
discourse of hate speech, they have the assurance that the government
will not take any strict actions against them, as exemplified time and
again. Squashing any form of dissent as being anti-national not only
incites more violence but gives the extremists the courage to take the
law into their own hands

The state of the nation is hopeless; heartbreaking rather, as Modi tears apart the social fabric of the country.

Democracy grants people the power to speak up; to express dissent; to
criticize the government. But with Modi in power, any form of dissent
is met with brutal force.

Recently, the students protesting the Citizenship Amendment Bill at
the Jamia Milia Islamia University in New Delhi were beaten with batons
by the Delhi police. Tear gas shells were fired. This is just one of the
many accounts of the government forcefully crushing dissent.

Nothing kills democracy like controlled PRESSTITUTE media, scripted interviews and crafted Twitter responses.

Modi has repeatedly denied press conferences. It is the first time in
the history of independent India that a prime minister only had one
press conference and almost every question was redirected to his chitpavan brahmin Omit Shah.

The Prabuddha Bharatian media has also come under scrutiny for being biased as
news anchors like Arnab Goswami commit to bigoted speech on national
television, openly expressing their loyalty to BJP’s propaganda of hindutvaism.

You cannot expect free and fair news when the media is in the clutches of one man.

Despite all this it seems like Modi supporters, or ‘Bhakts,’ have
turned a blind eye to everything. They keep holding to the promise of
‘Achche Din’ (Good Days) that the Modi  repeatedly emphasized
during its election campaign but has fabulously failed to deliver.

The country’s GDP has hit its lowest point since 2013 with a growth
rate of only 4.5% in the July to September quarter in 2019. The Reserve
Bank of India keeps cutting its interest rates and there has been a
steep decline in the manufacturing sector leading to job cuts, not to
mention the epic failure of the Demonetization policy.

India suffers under Modi. Democracy will soon become a distant memory — a wishful dream.

Yusra Asif is a staff reporter for The Review. Her views are her
own and do not reflect the majority opinion of The Review’s editorial
staff. She may be reached at yqureshi@udel.edu.

https://countercurrents.org/2019/02/india-remains-a-corrupt-country-under-modi-rule/

Countercurrents



India Remains a Corrupt Country Under Modi Rule 

in India by February 12, 2019

Share:

Photo Credit: People’s Review

The
damaging report published by The Hindu Newspaper provides the clinching
evidence that PMO was hobnobbing with the negotiations in the purchase
of Rafael aircraft from France. In other words it’s the PM who was
presiding over the act of corruption using his high office.

‘The
Hindu’ reportage by N. Ram that “Government waived anti-corruption
clauses in Rafale deal” and “Defence Ministry protested against PMO
undermining Rafale negotiations,” conclusively has given the proof  that
this government is corrupt and has misled the nation on Rafale deal.

Now
the ball is in the BJP’s court to provide equally powerful documentary
evidences to claim the moral high ground that it has provided a
corruption free government. Its denial in media or public forum won’t
convince the nation. This is no small issue and cannot be brushed under
the carpet. It involves the PMO, the highest executive office of the
country that is indicted on corruption charges.

This new evidences
provided by ‘The Hindu’ is a fit case to be heard by the Supreme Court
that can reopen the case on  the Rafale deal where it has already given a
clean chit to the government. Now there is a new twist in this case and
the highest office of the country is mired in corruption. As such the
intervention of the Supreme Court is must because it undermines the
entire edifice of governance of the country.

Will the apex court
reopen the Rafale deal case and call the investigation as to who is
misleading the nation. Can it ask the PMO to stand in the dock and deny
the allegations? Will the PMO wash its dirty linen in the Supreme
Court?  It’s a testing time for the entire nation.

If that happens
then an interesting tussle between the judiciary and the executive is
bound to be witnessed as to who is higher of the two democratic
symbols.  So now after the new findings the pendulum has shifted to the
judiciary and it remains to be seen how it further handles the Rafale
deal case.

The American business magazine ‘Forbes’ has published
an article giving graphic account of how corruption is still thriving
under Modi’s regime. It says five years ago, people in India gave
Narendra Modi the chance to realize his big promise to clean up
corruption in the country. But today, Modi’s promise remains a promise
and corruption is still thriving in all the usual places in India.

The
reputed magazine says the erstwhile Congress-led UPA-II dispensation at
the end of its tenure, had acquired a reputation of being mired in many
corrupt deeds and it’s the same “odium” that is now being attached to
the Modi government.

The magazine cites evidences of high profile
corruption cases that has shook Modi’s administration. To name a few is
the murky Rs 60, 000 crore weapons deal with France to purchase 36
Rafale fighter planes. Then the Rs 200 crore bank fraud uncovered last
year at the Punjab National Bank. These two are just a tip in the
iceberg of scandals that has shaken the nation under Modi regime.

Meanwhile,
a report by the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) states that
India is ranked among the “worst offenders,” in terms of graft and press
freedom in the Asia Pacific region in 2017. This is another damaging
report on Modi government performance since it had come to power with
the plank to free India from corruption.

Similarly, the
‘Transparency International’ (TI) a leading non political, independent,
non-governmental anti-corruption organisatio has documented corruption
under Modi regime ranking India at 78 out of 175 countries. The recent
ranking is worse than its 2015 ranking of India. These findings have
surprised Indians because Prime Minister Modi has come to power with a
promise to free India from the vice of corruption.

After coming to
power Narander Modi made some bold moves to control corruption. He
banned 500 and 1000 rupee notes to get rid of “black money.”  However
this measure miserably failed to achieve any tangible results. The
government could recover fake currency only to the tune of Rs. 41 crore
that accounted for only 0.0027 per cent of the total currency that came
back into the system following notes ban.

At the fag end of the
BJP government’s tenure in office it appears that that PM Modi was
fighting corruption among the country’s poor but was maintaining stock
silence corruption in the high places, especially among the rich of the
country. The Rafael deal and the Punjab National bank cases are examples
to this trend.

Whatever may be the government’s statistics on the
GDP growth rate or on the developmental index, India remains a breeding
ground of corruption.  The Modi government had failed to spread the
benefits of economic growth to the masses and on the contrary he
encouraged a narrow elite to thrive under his regime giving rise to
crony capitalism.

If we look back, the corruption allegation
against the Congress-led UPA-II had reached its crescendo by 2014 and
its reverberation facilitated the current BJP government to come to
power. The incumbent PM personified the aspirations of the millions of
Indians when he gave the assurance that neither he will indulge in
corruption nor allow anyone else to do that. His assurance to rid the
country of corruption raised him to the level of the pied piper
of Hamlin that had lulled the rats to the river through his music. In
this case, the nation responded to the music of bringing good days (Ache
Din), by giving a thumping majority to Narandera Modi.

However,
nothing has changed under the Modi rule. A random survey of Indians to
measure the change in their life style, would surely end up in
negativity with the majority saying their lives have not all changed and
some may even respond that it has become worse under Modi regime

India’s
situation under Modi rule is neither new nor unique. Every successive
government aspiring for power make populists promises like ending
poverty and bringing prosperity etc.  However, after coming to power
the incumbent government becomes a breeding ground for corruption. This
is exactly what has happened under the Modi regime.  He came to the
office with the promise to change the situation of the people but what
he actually did is to change the rules and regulation that may help only
few elites while the masses continue to reel under misery.

Now,
it’s the Congress party under the leadership of Rahul Gandhi that is
doing the same. The Congress President is selling the dream that he
would change the face of the country, once it’s voted to power. His
promises are so lofty that it has made social activist, Madhu Kishwar to
wit through his tweet ‘Wait Till Rahul Gandhi Promises Free Sex for
Every Adult Indian.’

Indian journey since seventy years or so has
been abysmally a low speed train ride. Who, How, When it will change
only God knows. Indian politicians have a jolly good time after
hoodwinking the people.  As a silent spectator the people by and large
are a witness to the inchoate images of changing India.


Syed Ali Mujtaba is a journalist based in Chennai. He can be contacted at syedalimujtaba2007@gmail.com


https://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2019/may/21/five-more-years-narendra-modi-india-dark-place

This article is more than 1 year old

Five more years of Narendra Modi will take India to a dark place

This article is more than 1 year old

If the Indian prime minister is returned to office, his sectarian politics will make bigotry the defining ideal of the republic

FILE PHOTO: A woman wearing a mask of PM Narendra Modi dances as she attends an election campaign rally being addressed by India’s ruling BJP President Amit Shah at Ahatguri villageFILE PHOTO: A woman wearing a mask of Prime Minister Narendra Modi dances as she attends an election campaign rally being addressed by India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) President Amit Shah at Ahatguri village in Morigaon district in the northeastern state of Assam, India, April 5, 2019. REUTERS/Anuwar Hazarika/File Photo
‘India under Narendra Modi has undergone the most total transformation since 1991.’ Photograph: Anuwar Hazarika/Reuters

Last modified on Wed 22 May 2019 11.18 BST




12,068

Indian
elections are a marvel to behold. The rules stipulate that no citizen
should have to travel more than 2km to vote. So the state goes to the
voters. Carrying oxygen tanks, election officials scaled the Himalayas
to erect a voting booth in a village in Ladakh, 4,500 metres above sea
level. In western India, a polling station was set up for the lone human inhabitant of a wildlife sanctuary. In eastern India,
officials trekked for an entire day to reach the sole registered voter,
an elderly woman, in a remote village. By the time voting closed on
Sunday, some 600 million people had cast their ballots, 10 million of
them for the first time.

The refrain from Hindu voters has been identical: Modi has failed us, yes, but he’s at least put Muslims in their place

In
2019, the world’s biggest election was much more than a ritual of
democracy. It was the most consequential vote in the lifetime of a
majority of Indians alive today. India under Narendra Modi has undergone
the most total transformation since 1991. This election has, in effect,
been a referendum on whether the republic retains its founding ideals
or, if Modi wins another term – and exit polls released on Sunday
show him winning with a comfortable majority – it leaps to a place of
sectarianism from which return may be close to impossible.

Advertisement

None
of the big promises that delivered Modi’s Hindu-first Bharatiya Janata
party (BJP) an absolute majority in parliament in 2014 – the first time
in 30 years that a single party was voted into power – have been
honoured. Modi pledged to create 20m jobs annually. Today, the rate of unemployment
is the highest India has known in 20 years. He enraptured young Indian
voters with visions of what he called “smart cities”: facsimiles of
Seoul and Singapore on the Deccan Plateau and the northern plains –
clean, green and replete with skyscrapers and super-fast trains. There
is nothing of the sort in sight. He vowed to purify the Ganga, “the
river of India” as Jawaharlal Nehru called it. Five years later, it
remains a stream of unquantifiable litres of sewage and industrial effluents.

Worse,
democratic institutions have been repurposed to abet Modi’s project to
remake India into a Hindu nation. The election commission, which has
conducted polls in impossible circumstances since 1952 and is revered
for its incorruptibility and fierce independence, functioned during this
vote as an arm of Modi’s BJP, too timid even to issue perfunctory censures
of the prime minister’s egregious use of religious sloganeering. The
military has been politicised and the judiciary plunged into the most
existential threat to its independence since 1975, when Indira Gandhi
suspended the constitution and ruled as a dictator for 21 months.

The
myth of Modi as a technocratic moderniser – crafted by an ensemble of
intellectuals and industrialists who devoted themselves to the cause of
deodorising Modi, a Hindu supremacist who as chief minister of Gujarat
in 2002 presided over a pogrom of Muslims
– collapsed early on under the burden of the incompetence, vainglory
and innate viciousness of the man who once described refugee camps
housing displaced Muslims as “baby-producing centres”.

And
five years on, we have more than a glimpse of the “New India” he has
spawned. It is a reflection of its progenitor: culturally arid,
intellectually vacant, emotionally bruised, vain, bitter, boastful,
permanently aggrieved and implacably malevolent; a make-believe land
full of fudge and fakery, where bigotry against religious minorities is
among the therapeutic options available to members of a self-pitying
majority frustrated by the prime minister’s failure to upgrade their
economic standard of living. In the world’s largest secular democracy,
Muslims have been lynched by mobs since Modi came into office for such
offences as eating beef, dating Hindus and refusing to vacate their seats for Hindu commuters on crowded trains.

Sectarian
prejudice has always existed in India. The room for giving it homicidal
expression has expanded exponentially under Modi. The mood music for
this terror has been composed and played by card carriers of Hindu
nationalism. The Muslims they butchered were not victims of
unpremeditated paroxysms of rage but exhibits in an organised campaign
to entrench Hindu supremacy. The deification of Modi is the consequence
of a crude awakening of many Hindus to their past: a haphazard response
to the traumas bequeathed by history, especially the partition of India
to accommodate the demands of Muslim nationalism. “Why must Hindus bear
the burden of secularism?” a Bengali voter asked me furiously. Decrying
it as a suicidal attitude that comes naturally to Hindus, another voter
in Bangalore told me that “secularism” would result in Hindus being
“outbred and ruled over” by Muslims.

Wherever I
have travelled, the refrain from Hindu voters, with very few
exceptions, has been identical: Modi has failed us, yes, but he has at
least put Muslims in their place. Writing about Algerian independence,
Raymond Aron called it a “denial of the experience of our century to
suppose that men will sacrifice their passions to their interests”.
Modi, unable to enhance the lives of people, has meticulously incited
their passions.

Have India’s women seized their chance to vote for a safer, more equal country?
Mari Marcel Thekaekara

India’s
tragedy is that just when it is faced with an existential crisis, there
is no pan-Indian alternative to the BJP. What remains of the main
opposition Congress party is bleached of conviction. The party that led
India to independence from British colonial rule shed its belief in
democracy in the 1970s, made unconscionable compromises with Hindu
nationalists in the 1980s, and grew monstrously corrupt in the 1990s.
Indira Gandhi suspended the constitution in 1975 to brutalise Indians.
Modi will seek to write his ideology into the constitution to divide
them.

If he succeeds, Hindu nationalism will
become the official animating ideology of the republic. Bigotry will not
then be a deviation from the ideals of the republic: it will be an
affirmation of them. The Hindu-nationalist project will neither
dissipate nor die even if Modi is defeated, it will go into remission.
The BJP’s leaders and cadres will outgrow Modi as he outgrew his mentors
and regroup. They are incompetent in government but they are peerless
in opposition.

Modi’s pre-prime ministerial
career is a lesson in how India’s shameless business elites can be
co-opted to pimp for their cause. Many of them distanced themselves from
him after the anti-Muslim violence on his watch, but proceeded to
demonstrate that a commitment to the market is all they require in
return for their services. And on any given day, there are tens of
thousands of activists, spread out across India, preaching the gospel of
Hindu nationalism and fomenting a revolution from the bottom up. They
believe in their cause. Most of their adversaries long ago abandoned
theirs.

• Kapil Komireddi is an Indian writer and author of Malevolent Republic: A Short History of the New India, published in May 2019

Since you’re here …


joining us from India, we have a small favour to ask. Millions are
flocking to the Guardian for open, independent, quality news every day,
and readers in 180 countries around the world now support us
financially.

We
believe everyone deserves access to information that’s grounded in
science and truth, and analysis rooted in authority and integrity.
That’s why we made a different choice: to keep our reporting open for
all readers, regardless of where they live or what they can afford to
pay. This means more people can be better informed, united, and inspired
to take meaningful action.

In
these perilous times, an independent, truth-seeking global news
organisation like the Guardian is essential. We have no shareholders or
billionaire owner, meaning our journalism is free from commercial and
political influence – this makes us different. When it’s never been more
pertinent, our independence allows us to fearlessly investigate,
challenge and expose those in power.

Amid
the various intersecting crises of 2020 – from Covid-19 to police
brutality – the Guardian has not, and will never, sideline the climate
emergency. We are determined to uphold our reputation for producing
urgent, powerful, high-impact reporting on the environment that’s read
by around the world.

We’ve
made institutional progress too, working hard to live up to the climate
promises we made in 2019. We no longer take advertising from fossil
fuel companies, and we’re on course to achieve net zero emissions by
2030.

If
there were ever a time to join us, it is now. Your funding powers our
journalism, it protects our independence, and ensures we can remain open
for all. You can support us through these challenging economic times
and enable real-world impact.

Every contribution, however big or small, makes a real difference for our future.



comments (0)
To, inba.paperconference@gmail.com Sub: Submission for INBA Research Paper Competition, 2020
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 2:34 am
To,

inba.paperconference@gmail.com


Sub: Submission for INBA Research Paper Competition, 2020

Name : J.Chandrasekharan
Institution/Organisation,




Discovery of Metteyya the Awakened One with Awareness Universe

Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda in
116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES in
BUDDHA’S own Words
through
http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org
at White Home
668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL 3rd Stage, Bengaluru-
Karnataka State -India
University,


Professional
Retd. Sr.manager ARDC
Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd,
Bengaluru, Karnataka,
India

Educational
details
Diploma in Mechanical Engineering (Instrument Mechanics)

E-mail address(es)
jcs4ever@outlook.com
buddhasaid2us@gmail.com
jchandrasekharan@yahoo.com

Topic of Paper : 2020 Constitution Day Research Paper on

Perception of Police in the Mind of Ordinary People will not only help
Reform in Police Force which is Essential along with Reforms in Police
Governing Laws with a New Post of Separate Investigator in Police not
only in our country but throughout the world for Discovery of Awakened
One with Awareness Universe.

1) Police accounts for about 3% of government spending

image.png


Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.

  • 86%
    of the state police comprises of constabulary. Constables are typically
    promoted once during their service, and normally retire as head
    constables.  This could weaken their incentive to perform well.
  • Crime
    per lakh population has increased by 28% over the last decade
    (2005-2015). However, convictions have been low. In 2015, convictions
    were secured in 47% of the cases registered under the Indian Penal Code,
    1860.  The Law Commission has observed that one of the reasons behind
    this is the poor quality of investigations.
  • Utilisation of funds for modernisation (%)

    image.png


    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS

    3) Improving police infrastructure


    4) Holding police accountable


    5) INTRODUCTION

    Under the Constitution, police is a subject governed by states. 
    Therefore, each of the 29 states have their own police forces.  The
    centre is also allowed to maintain its own police forces to assist the
    states with ensuring law and order. 
    Therefore, it maintains seven central police forces and some other
    police organisations for specialised tasks such as intelligence
    gathering, investigation, research and record-keeping, and training. 

    The
    primary role of police forces is to uphold and enforce laws,
    investigate crimes and ensure security for people in the country.  In a
    large and populous country like India, police forces need to be
    well-equipped, in terms of personnel, weaponry, forensic, communication
    and transport support, to perform their role well.  Further, they need
    to have the operational freedom to carry out their responsibilities
    professionally, and satisfactory working conditions (e.g., regulated
    working hours and promotion opportunities), while being held accountable
    for poor performance or misuse of power. 

    This
    report provides an overview of police organisation in India, and
    highlights key issues that affect their functioning.  Note that the
    Standing Committee on Home Affairs is also examining two subjects
    related to organisation and functioning of central and state police
    forces: (i) “Roadmap for implementation of Police Reforms”, and (ii)
    “Central Armed Police Forces/ Organisations”.


    ___________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________


    RESPONSIBILITIES OF CENTRE AND STATES

    The
    Constitution provides for a legislative and executive division of
    powers between centre and states.  With regard to police, some of the
    key matters regulated by centre and states are illustrated in Figure 2.

    Figure 1: Responsibilities of centre and states with regard to police



    image.png



    Sources: Schedule 7 and Article 355, Constitution of India, 1950; PRS.


    The
    responsibilities of the state and central police forces are different. 
    State police forces are primarily in charge of local issues such as
    crime prevention and investigation, and maintaining law and order. 
    While they also provide the first response in case of more intense
    internal security challenges (e.g., terrorist incident or
    insurgency-related violence), the central forces are specialised in
    dealing with such conflicts.  For example, the Central Reserve Police
    Force is better trained to defuse large-scale riots with least damage to
    life and property, as compared to local police.  Further, the central
    forces assist the defence forces with border protection. 


    The
    centre is responsible for policing in the seven union territories.  It
    also extends intelligence and financial support to the state police
    forces. 


    Box 1: Overview of crime in India


    In
    2015, National Crime Records Bureau recorded over 73 lakh complaints of
    cognizable crimes.  Cognizable crimes are relatively serious offences
    for which police officers do not need a warrant from the magistrate to
    investigate, such as murder and rape.  Between 2005 and 2015, crime rate
    (i.e., crime per lakh population) for cognizable crimes has increased
    by 28% from 456 complaints per lakh persons to 582 per lakh persons. 
    This has been primarily because of increase in crime rates of
    alcohol-prohibition crime, theft, kidnapping and abduction, crimes
    against women and cheating.


    Crime rate for various kinds of crimes under the Indian Penal Code, 1860 and some special laws (per lakh population)


    image.png

    Note:
    Crime rate for crimes against women (e.g., rape, cruelty by husband or
    his relatives, insulting modesty of a woman) is calculated per lakh
    population of women.


    Sources: National Crime Records Bureau; PRS.


    OVERVIEW OF POLICE ORGANISATION AND FUNCTIONING


    State Police Forces


    Police
    forces of the various states are governed by their state laws and
    regulations.  Some states have modelled their laws on the basis of a
    central law, the Police Act, 1861.
    States also have their police manuals detailing how police of the state
    is organised, their roles and responsibilities, records that must be
    maintained, etc.


    Hierarchy and organisation


    State
    police forces generally have two arms: civil and armed police.  The
    civil police is responsible for day-to-day law and order and crime
    control.  Armed police is kept in reserve, till additional support is
    required in situations like riots.  In this section, we discuss how
    civil police is organised in the country.


    Civil
    police forces broadly adhere to the hierarchical structure shown in
    Figure 2.  Every state is divided into various field units for the
    purpose of effective policing: zones, ranges, districts, sub-divisions
    or circles, police stations and outposts.  For instance, a state will
    comprise of two or more zones, each zone will comprise two or more
    ranges, and ranges will be sub-divided into the other field units in a
    similar manner.  The key field units in this setup are the police
    district and the police station.


    Figure 2: Hierarchy of state police


    image.png


    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative; PRS.


    A
    police district is an area declared so by the state government.  It is
    considered the most important supervisory and functional unit of police
    administration because the officer in charge of the district (i.e.
    Superintendent of Police or SP) has operational independence in matters
    relating to internal management of the force and carrying out of law and
    order duties.7 


    A
    police station (typically headed by an Inspector or Sub-Inspector) is
    the basic unit of police functioning.  It is engaged with: (i)
    registration of crimes, (ii) local patrolling, (iii) investigations,
    (iv) handling of various law and order situations (e.g., demonstrations
    and strikes), (v) intelligence collection, and (vi) ensuring safety and
    security in its jurisdiction.  A police station may have several police
    outposts for patrolling and surveillance.  Generally, the state
    government in consultation with the head of the state police force (i.e.
    Director General of Police or DGP) may create as many police stations
    with police outposts in a district as necessary, in line with the
    population of the district, the area, the crime situation and the work
    load.

    Figure 3:  Increase in strength of state police forces (1951-2011)


    image.png


    Note: Police per lakh population has been calculated using data for strength of police and population for the respective years.


    Sources: Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative; Census of India; PRS.


    As of January 2016, the sanctioned strength of the state police forces stood at 22,80,691. 
    Note that the bulk of this force was the constabulary (i.e. 86% are
    head constables and constables), 13% belonged to the upper subordinate
    ranks (i.e. Inspector to Assistant Sub-Inspector), and 1% to the
    officers’ ranks (DGP to the Deputy SP).  Over the last six decades, the
    overall strength of the state forces has increased substantially.  As
    Figure 3 shows, police strength rose from 130 per lakh population to 141
    per lakh population between 1951 and 2001, at an average growth rate of
    2% per decade.  This further increased by 21% to 171 per lakh
    population between 2001 and 2011.


    Superintendence of the executive


    The state government exercises control and superintendence over the state police forces.   At the district level, the District Magistrate (DM) may also give directions to the SP and supervise police administration.  This is called the dual system of control (as authority is vested in both the DM and SP) at the district level. 


    In
    some metropolitan cities and urban areas, however, the dual system has
    been replaced by the Commissionerate system to allow for quicker
    decision-making in response to complex law and order situations.  As of
    January 2016, 53 cities had this system such as Delhi, Ahmedabad and
    Kochi.8


    Table 1: Differences between the dual system of control and the commissionerate system



    Dual system

    Commissionerate system (53 cities)

    ·   Dual
    command structure over the district police means that control and
    direction over the police vests with the SP (head of district police)
    and the District Magistrate (executive).

    ·   Separation
    of powers of the DM (e.g., issues arrest warrants and licenses) and the
    police (e.g., investigate crimes and make arrests).  Therefore, less
    concentration of power in the police, and accountability to DM at the
    district level.

    ·   SP is assisted by Additional/Assistant/ Deputy SPs, Inspectors and constabulary.

    ·   Unified
    command structure with the Commissioner of Police (rank of the Deputy
    Inspector General or above) as the sole head of the force within the
    city.  Allows for quicker responses to law and order situations.

    ·   Powers
    of policing and magistracy concentrated in Commissioner.  Directly
    accountable to state government and state police chief.  Lesser
    accountability to the local administration.

    ·   Commissioner
    is assisted by Special/ Joint/ Additional/ Deputy Commissioners, etc. 
    Inspector downwards rank structure is the same.

    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.


    Recruitment and Training


    Direct
    recruitment within the state police forces takes place at three levels:
    (i) Constables, (ii) Sub-Inspectors, and (iii) Assistant or Deputy SPs.3 
    The state governments are responsible for recruiting police personnel
    directly to the ranks of Constables, Sub-Inspectors and Deputy SPs.  The
    central government recruits Indian Police Service (IPS) officers for
    the rank of Assistant SP.  IPS is an All India Service created under the
    Constitution. 
    Vacancies at other positions (as well as at the ranks of Sub-Inspector
    and Assistant/ Deputy SPs) may be filled up through promotions. 


    Figure 4: Expenditure by states on police over the last decade


    image.png

    Note: Includes expenditure on union territories.


    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Organisation; PRS.


    Training
    of the police forces is carried out in various kinds of state training
    institutes.  For example, states have: (i) apex institutes to train
    officers (i.e., Deputy or Assistant SP and above rank personnel), (ii)
    police training schools for subordinate ranks and the constabulary, and
    (iii) specialized schools for specific police units like traffic,
    wireless and motor vehicle driving.  In addition, some national training
    institutes run courses for capacity building of state forces (e.g.,
    Central Detective Training Schools in Kolkata, Hyderabad, Chandigarh,
    Ghaziabad and Jaipur).7 


    Expenditure


    In
    2015-16, states (excluding union territories) spent Rs 77,487 crore on
    state police forces, including on salaries, weaponry, housing and
    transport.8  Bulk of this expenditure was on revenue items, like salaries, because police is a personnel-heavy force. 
    Expenditure on police formed 3% of the total budget for states (i.e. Rs
    27,20,716 crore).  On an average, in the last decade expenditure on
    police has been increasing at a rate of 15% per year, though the annual
    growth has fluctuated widely (4% in 2012-13, 30% in 2009-10). 


    Table 2: State-wise expenditure on police (as % state budget)



    Below 2%

    2%-5%

    Above 5%

    Name

    % of State Budget

    Name

    % of State Budget

    Name

    % of State Budget

    Odisha

    1.1%

    Andhra Pradesh

    2.1%

    Jammu & Kashmir

    5.2%

    Gujarat

    1.7%

    Kerala

    2.2%

    Punjab

    5.8%

    Karnataka

    1.8%

    Uttarakhand

    2.7%

    Nagaland

    7.2%

    Himachal Pradesh

    1.9%

    Chhattisgarh

    2.7%

    Manipur

    8.7%

    Telangana

    1.9%

    Assam

    2.8%

     

     

    Madhya Pradesh

    1.9%

    Rajasthan

    2.9%

     

     

     

     

    Maharashtra

    3.0%

     

     

     

     

    Haryana

    3.1%

     

     

     

     

    Tamil Nadu

    3.1%

     

     

     

     

    West Bengal

    3.4%

     

     

     

     

    Uttar Pradesh

    3.4%

     

     

     

     

    Bihar

    4.0%

     

     

     

     

    Meghalaya

    4.2%

     

     

     

     

    Sikkim

    4.8%

     

     

     

     

    Mizoram

    4.8%

     

     

     

     

    Tripura

    4.9%

     

     

    Note: Data for union territories has not been included.


    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.



    Box 2: Overview of internal security situation

    In
    2016, the South Asia Terrorism Portal recorded that there were 898
    terrorism and insurgency related fatalities in India.  Of these, 48%
    fatalities were due to Left Wing Extremism, 30% due to violence in Jammu
    and Kashmir, and 18% due to insurgency in the North East.  Between 2005
    and 2016, overall fatalities due to extremist violence decreased at an
    annual rate of 11% from 3,259 in 2005 to 898 in 2016.  Typically,
    central police forces are called in to address such internal security
    challenges.

    Years

    Jammu and Kashmir

    Insurgency in North East

    Left Wing Extremism

    Other fatalities due to Extremist Violence

    Total

    2005

    1,739

    717

    717

    86

    3,259

    2006

    1,116

    637

    737

    280

    2,770

    2007

    777

    1,036

    650

    152

    2,615

    2008

    541

    1,051

    648

    356

    2,596

    2009

    375

    852

    997

    7

    2,231

    2010

    375

    322

    1,180

    25

    1,902

    2011

    183

    246

    602

    42

    1,073

    2012

    117

    316

    367

    3

    803

    2013

    181

    252

    421

    30

    884

    2014

    193

    465

    314

    4

    976

    2015

    174

    273

    251

    24

    722

    2016

    267

    165

    433

    33

    898

    Sources: South Asia Terrorism Portal; PRS.

    Central Police Forces


    The
    centre maintains various central armed police forces and paramilitary
    forces, of which four guard India’s borders, and three perform
    specialised tasks.  These are:


    Assam Rifles (AR):  Guards India’s borders with Myanmar.


    Border Security Force (BSF):  Guards India’s borders with Pakistan and Bangladesh.


    Indo Tibetan Border Police Force (ITBP):  Guards the border with China.


    Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB):  Guards India’s borders with Nepal and Bhutan. 


    Central Industrial Security Force (CISF)
    Provides security to critical infrastructure installations, such as
    airports, atomic power plants, defence production units and oil fields. 


    Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF):  Deployed for law and order, counter-insurgency, anti-naxal and communal violence operations. 


    National Security Guards (NSG)
    Specialised in carrying out counter-terrorism, counter-hijacking and
    hostage-rescue operations.  In addition, it provides VIP security and
    security for important events.


    Note
    that the border-guarding forces are occasionally deployed for
    counter-insurgency operations and internal security duties as well.


    Figure 5: Sanctioned strength of central forces in 2016, compared with strength in 2006


    image.png


    * Strength of NSG in 2006 is not available.


    Sources:  Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.


    The total sanctioned strength of the seven central police forces is about 9.7 lakh personnel.8 
    Of these, the largest forces are the CRPF (3 lakh personnel), the BSF
    (2.6 lakh) and the CISF (1.4 lakh).  As seen in Figure 5, the sanctioned
    strength of the central police forces (excluding the NSG, data for
    which was unavailable) has increased by 37% over the last decade
    (2006-2016).  The ITBP (146% increase) and the SSB (100% increase) have
    experienced the maximum increase in this period. 


    Expenditure
    on the central forces has also been increasing at an average annual
    rate of 15% over the years (2005-06 to 2015-16).  In 2015-16, the centre
    spent Rs 43,870 crores on the central forces, with the maximum share
    going to the three largest forces (CRPF: 33%, BSF: 26% and CISF: 13%).8 


    The centre also maintains several police organisations.  Key organisations include:


    Intelligence Bureau (IB): 
    The IB is the central intelligence agency for all matters related to
    internal security, including espionage, insurgency and terrorism.


    Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI):  The
    CBI is an investigating agency set up under the Delhi Special Police
    Establishment Act, 1946.  It is responsible for investigating serious
    crimes having all India or inter-state ramifications, such as those
    related to corruption, financial scams and serious fraud and organised
    crime (e.g., black marketing and profiteering in essential
    commodities).  Typically, the CBI takes up an investigation: (i) on the
    order of the central government with the consent of state government,
    and (ii) on the order of the Supreme Court and High Courts.[15]


    National Investigation Agency (NIA): 
    The NIA is an investigating agency set up under the National
    Investigation Agency Act, 2008.  It is responsible for investigating
    offences against the sovereignty, security and integrity of the country
    punishable under eight specified laws, such as the Unlawful Activities
    (Prevention) Act, 1967 and the Anti-Hijacking Act, 1982.  NIA takes up
    an investigation on the order of the central government, either on the
    request of a state government or suo moto (i.e. on the central
    government’s own authority).

    National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB): 
    The NCRB is an institution that collects and maintains records on crime
    across the country.  It coordinates and disseminates this information
    to various states, investigating agencies, courts and prosecutors.  It
    also functions as the national storehouse for fingerprint records of
    convicted persons.


    Bureau of Police Research and Development (BPRD): 
    The BPRD was set up with the mandate to identify the needs and problems
    of the police forces in the country.  Its responsibilities include: (i)
    promoting use of science and technology in police work, (ii) monitoring
    and assisting with the training needs of police forces, (iii) assisting
    state police forces with modernization, and (iv) assisting the centre
    in developing quality standards with respect to police equipment and
    infrastructure.


    Training Academies: 
    Two key national training academies that come under the central
    government are the Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel National Police Academy and
    the North Eastern Police Academy.  The Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel National
    Police Academy in Hyderabad is responsible for conducting training
    courses for IPS officers, and for trainers of various police training
    institutions in the country.  The North Eastern Police Academy in
    Meghalaya is responsible for training police personnel of the north east
    states.

    ______________________________________________________________



    ANNEXURE


    Directions of the Supreme Court in Prakash Singh vs Union of India


    Context: 
    In 1996, a petition was filed before the Supreme which stated that the
    police abuse and misuse their powers.  It alleged non-enforcement and
    discriminatory application of laws in favour of persons with clout, and
    also raised instances of unauthorised detentions, torture, harassment,
    etc. against ordinary citizens.  The petition asked the court to issue
    directions for implementation of recommendations of expert committees. 


    Directions:  In September 2006, the court issued various directions to the centre and states including:


    Implementation: 
    According to a report of the NITI Aayog (2016), of 35 states and UTs
    (excluding Telangana), State Security Commissions had been set up in all
    but two states, and Police Establishments Boards in all states.31 
    The two states in which the State Security Commissions were not set up
    by August 2016 were Jammu and Kashmir and Odisha.  Note that the report
    also found that the composition and powers of the State Security
    Commissions and the Police Establishment Boards were at variance with
    the Supreme Court directions.  For example, in states such as Bihar,
    Gujarat and Punjab, the State Security Commission were dominated by
    government and police officers.  Further, many of these Commissions did
    not have the power to issue binding recommendations.


     


    Model Police Act, 2006


    Key features of the Model Police Act, 2006 include:


     

    SOME ISSUES

    Figure 6: Expert bodies that have examined police reforms


    image.png

    Source: PRS.


    Various expert bodies have examined issues with police organisation and functioning over the last few decades.  In this section, we discuss some of these issues. 


    Police accountability


    Police
    forces have the authority to exercise force to enforce laws and
    maintain law and order in a state.  However, this power may be misused
    in several ways.  For example, in India, various kinds of complaints are
    made against the police including complaints of unwarranted arrests,
    unlawful searches, torture and custodial rapes.3, 
    To check against such abuse of power, various countries have adopted
    safeguards, such as accountability of the police to the political
    executive, internal accountability to senior police officers, and
    independent police oversight authorities. 


    Accountability to the political executive vs operational freedom


    Both
    the central and state police forces come under the control and
    superintendence of the political executive (i.e., central or state
    government).9,
    The Second Administrative Reforms Commission (2007) has noted that this
    control has been abused in the past by the political executive to
    unduly influence police personnel, and have them serve personal or
    political interests. 
    This interferes with professional decision-making by the police (e.g.,
    regarding how to respond to law and order situations or how to conduct
    investigations), resulting in biased performance of duties.20


    To
    allow the police greater operational freedom while ensuring
    accountability, various experts have recommended that the political
    executive’s power of superintendence over police forces be limited. 
    The Second Administrative Reforms Commission has recommended that this
    power be limited to promoting professional efficiency and ensuring that
    police is acting in accordance with law.22 
    Alternatively the National Police Commission (1977-81) suggested that
    superintendence be defined in the law to exclude instructions that
    interfere with due process of law, or that influence operational
    decisions, or that unlawfully influence police personnel transfers,
    recruitments, etc.  The Supreme Court has also issued directions to states and the centre in 2006 in this regard.



    Directions of the Supreme Court in Prakash Singh vs Union of India

    In
    1996, a petition was filed before the Supreme Court that raised various
    instances of abuse of power by the police, and alleged that police
    personnel perform their duties in a politically partisan manner.  The
    Supreme Court issued its judgement in 2006, ordering the centre and
    states to set up authorities to lay down guidelines for police
    functioning, evaluate police performance, decide postings and transfers,
    and receive complaints of police misconduct.  The court also required
    that minimum tenure of service be guaranteed to key police officers to
    protect them from arbitrary transfers and postings. 

    A summary of the Supreme Court judgement and its implementation are provided in the Annexure.

    Sources:
    Unstarred Question No. 1975, Rajya Sabha, December 16, 2015; Unstarred
    Question 2420, Lok Sabha, August 4, 2015; Prakash Singh vs Union of
    India; PRS.

    Independent Complaints Authority


    The
    Second Administrative Reforms Commission and the Supreme Court have
    observed that there is a need to have an independent complaints
    authority to inquire into cases of police misconduct.22,25 
    This may be because the political executive and internal police
    oversight mechanisms may favour law enforcement authorities, and not be
    able to form an independent and critical judgement.20 


    For
    example, the United Kingdom has an Independent Office for Police
    Conduct, comprising of a Director General appointed by the crown, and
    six other members appointed by the executive and the existing members,
    to oversee complaints made against police officers. 
    Another example is that of the New York City Police which has a
    Civilian Complaint Review Board comprising of civilians appointed by
    local government bodies and the police commissioner to investigate into
    cases of police misconduct.


    India
    has some independent authorities that have the power to examine
    specific kinds of misconduct.  For example, the National or State Human
    Rights Commission may be approached in case of human rights violations,
    or the state Lokayukta may be approached with a complaint of corruption.


    However,
    the Second Administrative Reforms Commission has noted the absence of
    independent oversight authorities that specialise in addressing all
    kinds of police misconduct, and are easily accessible.22 
    In light of this, under the Model Police Act, 2006 drafted by the
    Police Act Drafting Committee (2005), and the Supreme Court guidelines
    (2006), states are required to set up state and district level
    complaints authorities.



    Model Police Act, 2006

    The
    central government set up the Police Act Drafting Committee (Chair:
    Soli Sorabjee) in 2005 to draft a new model police law that could
    replace the Police Act, 1861.  The committee submitted the Model Police
    Act in 2006, which was circulated to all the states in 2006.  17 states
    (Assam, Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Haryana, Himachal Pradesh,
    Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtra, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Punjab, Rajasthan,
    Sikkim, Tamil Nadu, Tripura, Uttarakhand) passed new laws or amended
    their existing laws in light of this new model law.  Key features of the
    Model Police Act are mentioned in the Annexure.

    Sources: Model Police Act, 2006; Unstarred Question No. 1451, Lok Sabha, May 3, 2016; PRS.

    The
    Model Police Act requires state authorities to have five members: a
    retired High Court Judge, a retired police officer of the rank of DGP
    from another state cadre, a retired officer with public administration
    experience from another state, a civil society member and a person with
    at least 10 years of experience as a judicial officer or lawyer or legal
    academic.  It also requires district level authorities to have retired
    judges, police officers, practising lawyers, etc. 


    Note
    that of 35 states and UTs (excluding Telangana), two states had not
    made laws or issued notifications regarding setting up of the police
    complaints authorities (i.e., Jammu and Kashmir and Uttar Pradesh) as of
    August 2016. 
    Among the remaining states, some had not set up a state authority, and
    several had not set up district level authorities.  A report of the NITI
    Aayog also shows that the composition of these authorities is at
    variance with the Model Police Act, 2006 and the Supreme Court
    directions.31  For example, district level authorities in Bihar and Gujarat only have government and police officials.31  Further, in many states complaints authorities do not have the power to issue binding recommendations.31


    Vacancies and an overburdened force


    Currently
    there are significant vacancies within the state police forces and some
    of the central armed police forces.  As of January 2016, the total
    sanctioned strength of state police forces across India was 22,80,691,
    with 24% vacancies (i.e. 5,49,025 vacancies).8  Vacancies have been around 24%-25% in state police forces since 2009.
    States with the highest vacancies in 2016 were Uttar Pradesh (50%),
    Karnataka (36%), West Bengal (33%), Gujarat (32%) and Haryana (31%) (see
    Table 5 in the Annexure).


    In the same year, the total sanctioned strength of the seven central police forces was 9,68,233.8 
    7% of these posts (i.e. 63,556 posts) were however lying vacant. 
    Sashastra Seema Bal (18%), Central Industrial Security Force (10%),
    Indo-Tibetan Border Police (9%) and National Security Guards (8%) had
    relatively high vacancies.  Vacancies in the central police forces have
    been in the range of 6%-14% since 2007.32


    Table 3: Strength and vacancies in central armed police forces (as on January 1, 2016)



     

    Sanctioned Strength

    Actual

    Vacancies

    % Vacancies

    Central Reserve Police Force

    3,08,862

    2,94,496

    14,366

    5%

    Border Security Force

    2,56,831

    2,48,811

    8,020

    3%

    Central Industrial Security Force

    1,42,250

    1,27,638

    14,612

    10%

    Sashastra Seema Bal

    94,065

    76,768

    17,297

    18%

    Indo-Tibetan Border Police

    89,430

    81,814

    7,616

    9%

    Assam Rifles

    66,411

    65,647

    764

    1%

    National Security Guards

    10,384

    9,503

    881

    8%

    All India

    9,68,233

    9,04,677

    63,556

    7%

    Sources: Data on Police Organisations 2016, Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.


    A
    high percentage of vacancies within the police forces exacerbates an
    existing problem of overburdened police personnel.  Police personnel
    discharge a range of functions related to: (i) crime prevention and
    response (e.g., intelligence collection, patrolling, investigation,
    production of witnesses in courts), (ii) maintenance of internal
    security and law and order (e.g., crowd control, riot control,
    anti-terrorist or anti-extremist operations), and (iii) various
    miscellaneous duties (e.g., traffic management, disaster rescue and
    removal of encroachments).22 
    Each police officer is also responsible for a large segment of people,
    given India’s low police strength per lakh population as compared to
    international standards.  While the United Nations recommended standard
    is 222 police per lakh persons, India’s sanctioned strength is 181
    police per lakh persons.8, 
    After adjusting for vacancies, the actual police strength in India is
    at 137 police per lakh persons.  Therefore, an average policeman ends up
    having an enormous workload and long working hours, which negatively
    affects his efficiency and performance.7,33 


    The
    Second Administrative Reforms Commission has recommended that one way
    to reduce the burden of the police forces could be to outsource or
    redistribute some non-core police functions (such as traffic management,
    disaster rescue and relief, and issuing of court summons) to government
    departments or private agencies.22 
    These functions do not require any special knowledge of policing, and
    therefore may be performed by other agencies.  This will also allow the
    police forces to give more time and energy to their core policing
    functions.


    Constabulary related issues


    Qualifications and training: 
    The constabulary constitutes 86% of the state police forces.  A
    constable’s responsibilities are wide-ranging, and are not limited to
    basic tasks.  For example, a constable is expected to exercise his own
    judgement in tasks like intelligence gathering, and surveillance work,
    and report to his superior officers regarding significant developments. 
    He assists with investigations, and is also the first point of contact
    for the public.  Therefore, a constable is expected to have some
    analytical and decision-making capabilities, and the ability to deal
    with people with tact, understanding and firmness. 


    The
    Padmanabhaiah Committee and the Second Administrative Reforms
    Commission have noted that the entry level qualifications (i.e.
    completion of class 10th or 12th in many states) and training of constables do not qualify them for their role.22  One of the recommendations made in this regard has been to raise the qualification for entry into the civil police to class 12th or graduation.22, 
    It has also been recommended that constables, and the police force in
    general, should receive greater training in soft skills (such as
    communication, counselling and leadership) given they need to deal with
    the public regularly.22  


    Promotions and working conditions: 
    The Second Administrative Reforms Commission has further noted that the
    promotion opportunities and working conditions of constables are poor,
    and need to be improved.22 
    Generally a constable in India can expect only one promotion in his
    lifetime, and normally retires as a head constable, which weakens his
    incentive to perform well.  This system may be contrasted with that in
    the United Kingdom, where police officers generally start as constables
    and progress through each rank in order.
    Further, in India sometimes superiors employ constables as orderlies to
    do domestic work, which erodes their morale and motivation, and takes
    them away from their core policing work.  The Commission recommended
    that the orderly system be abolished across states.22,


    Housing: 
    Importance of providing housing to the constabulary (and generally to
    the police force) to improve their efficiency and incentive to accept
    remote postings has also been emphasised by expert bodies, such as the
    National Police Commission. 
    This is because in remote and rural areas, private accommodation may
    not be easily available on rent.  Even in metropolitan areas, rents may
    be prohibitively high, and adequate accommodation may not be available
    in the immediate vicinity of the police stations affecting their
    operational efficiency. 


    Crime investigation 


    A
    core function of the state police forces and some central police
    agencies like the CBI is crime investigation.  Once a crime occurs,
    police officers are required to record the complaint, secure the
    evidence, identify the culprit, frame the charges against him, and
    assist with his prosecution in court so that a conviction may be
    secured.  In India, crime rate has increased by 28% over the last
    decade, and the nature of crimes is also becoming more complex (e.g.,
    with emergence of various kinds of cybercrimes and economic fraud).19 
    Conviction rates (convictions secured per 100 cases) however have been
    fairly low.  In 2015, the conviction rate for crimes recorded under the
    Indian Penal Code, 1860 was 47%.19  The Law Commission has observed that one of the reasons behind this is the poor quality of investigations.


    Crime
    investigation requires skills and training, time and resources, and
    adequate forensic capabilities and infrastructure.  However, the Law
    Commission and the Second Administrative Reforms Commission have noted
    that state police officers often neglect this responsibility because
    they are understaffed and overburdened with various kinds of tasks.22,38 
    Further, they lack the training and the expertise required to conduct
    professional investigations.  They also have insufficient legal
    knowledge (on aspects like admissibility of evidence) and the forensic
    and cyber infrastructure available to them is both inadequate and
    outdated.  In light of this, police forces may use force and torture to
    secure evidence.  Further, while crime investigations need to be fair
    and unbiased, in India they may be influenced by political or other
    extraneous considerations.  In light of these aspects, experts have
    recommended that states must have their own specialized investigation
    units within the police force that are responsible for crime
    investigation.3,  These units should not ordinarily be diverted for other duties.



    Underreporting of crime in India

    The
    National Crime Records Bureau (NCRB) under the Ministry of Home Affairs
    is the nodal agency for collection and dissemination of information
    related to crime in India.  The NCRB publishes an annual report called
    Crime in India, that records crime on the basis of the FIRs registered
    in the police stations across the country.  It is the only official
    source of crime data in India, and it records among other things crime
    committed state-wise and offence-wise (e.g., murder, rape, cheating,
    theft).

    An
    expert committee under the Ministry of Statistics and Programme
    Implementation has noted that there is significant under-reporting of
    crimes under the NCRB for various reasons.  For example, there could be
    suppression of data and low registration of crimes because the police
    know that their work is judged on the basis of this information.  Also,
    sometimes victims of crime may decide against reporting the incident
    with the police because they are afraid to approach the police, or think
    the crime is not serious enough, etc.  Also, note that the NCRB follows
    the ‘principal offence rule’ for counting crime.  This means that if
    many offences are covered in a single registered criminal case, the NCRB
    will only count the most heinous of the offences.  For instance, a case
    of murder and rape, will only be counted as a case of murder (i.e.
    principal offence) by the NCRB.

    Sources:
    Report of the Committee on Crime Statistics, Ministry of Statistics and
    Programme Implementation, 2012; National Crime Records Bureau; PRS.

    With
    regard to forensic infrastructure in the country, it may be noted that
    currently India has seven Central Forensic Science Laboratories, 30
    State Laboratories, 50 Regional Laboratories and 144 District Mobile
    Laboratories. 
    These laboratories conduct scientific analysis of ballistics, bodily
    fluids, computer records, documents, explosives, fingerprints, narcotics
    and voice identification, among other things.  Expert bodies have however said that these laboratories are short of funds and qualified staff.22  Further, there is indiscriminate referencing of cases to these labs resulting in high pendency.22  


    Police infrastructure 


    Modern
    policing requires a strong communication support, state-of-art or
    modern weapons, and a high degree of mobility.  The CAG and the BPRD
    have noted shortcomings on several of these fronts.


    Weaponry: 
    The CAG has found that weaponry of several state police forces is
    outdated, and the acquisition process of weapons slow, causing a
    shortage in arms and ammunition. 
    An audit of the Rajasthan police force (2009 to 2014) concluded that
    there was a shortage of 75% in the availability of modern weapons
    against the state’s own specified requirements. 
    The same audit also found that even when weapons were procured, a large
    proportion of them (59%) were lying idle because they had not been
    distributed to the police stations.  Similar audits in West Bengal and
    Gujarat found shortages of 71% and 36% respectively in required
    weaponry.


    Police vehicles:  Audits have noted that police vehicles are in short supply.42 
    New vehicles are often used to replace old vehicles, and there is a
    shortage of drivers.  This affects the response time of the police, and
    consequently their effectiveness.  As of January 2015, state forces had a
    total of 1,63,946 vehicles, marking a 30.5% deficiency against the
    required stock of vehicles (2,35,339 vehicles).


    Police Telecommunication Network (POLNET): 
    The POLNET project was initiated by the central governed in 2002 to
    connect the police and paramilitary forces of the country through a
    satellite based communication network, that will be significantly faster
    than the existing system of radio communications.  However, audits have
    found that the POLNET network is non-functional in various states.42,44, 
    For example, an audit of the Gujarat police force reported that the
    network had not been operationalised till October 2015 due to
    non-installation of essential infrastructure, such as remote subscriber
    units and generator sets.  The audit also noted that there were 40%-50%
    vacancies in key segments of trained personnel, such as radio operators
    and technicians, needed to operate the equipment.44 


    Figure 7: Utilisation of funds for modernisation (%)



    image.png

    Sources: Bureau of Police Research and Development; PRS.


    Underutilisation of funds for modernisation: 
    Both centre and states allocate funds for modernisation of state police
    forces.  These funds are typically used for strengthening police
    infrastructure, by way of construction of police stations, purchase of
    weaponry, communication equipment and vehicles.  However, there has been
    a persistent problem of underutilisation of modernisation funds.32 
    For example, in 2015-16, the centre and states allocated Rs 9,203 crore
    for modernisation.  However, only 14% of it was spent.  Figure 10 shows
    trend of underutilisation of funds between 2009-10 and 2015-16.  


    Police-public relations


    Police
    requires the confidence, cooperation and support of the community to
    prevent crime and disorder.  For example, police personnel rely on
    members of the community to be informers and witnesses in any crime
    investigation.  Therefore, police-public relations is an important
    concern in effective policing.  The Second Administrative Reforms
    Commission has noted that police-public relations is in an
    unsatisfactory state because people view the police as corrupt,
    inefficient, politically partisan and unresponsive.22 


    One
    of the ways of addressing this challenge is through the community
    policing model.  Community policing requires the police to work with the
    community for prevention and detection of crime, maintenance of public
    order, and resolving local conflicts, with the objective of providing a
    better quality of life and sense of security.  It may include patrolling
    by the police for non-emergency interactions with the public, actively
    soliciting requests for service not involving criminal matters,
    community based crime prevention and creating mechanisms for grassroots
    feedback from the community.  Various states have been experimenting
    with community policing including Kerala through ‘Janamaithri Suraksha
    Project’, Rajasthan through ‘Joint Patrolling Committees’, Assam through
    ‘Meira Paibi’, Tamil Nadu through ‘Friends of Police’, West Bengal
    through the ‘Community Policing Project’, Andhra Pradesh through
    ‘Maithri and Maharashtra through ‘Mohalla Committees’.18,22 



    Examples of community policing in India

    Janamaithri Suraksha in Kerala

    This
    project is an initiative of the Kerala Police to facilitate greater
    accessibility, close interaction and better understanding between the
    police and local communities.  For example, Beat Constables are required
    to know at least one family member of every family living in his beat
    area, and allocate some time to meet with people outside the police
    station every week.  Janamaithri Suraksha Committees are also formed
    with municipal councillors, representatives of residents’ associations,
    local media, high schools and colleges, retired police officers, etc. to
    facilitate the process.

    Meira Paibi (Torch-bearers) in Assam

    The
    women of the Manipuri Basti in Guwahati help with improving the law and
    order problem in their area, by tackling drug abuse among the youth.
     They light their torches and go around the basti guarding the entry and
    exit points, to prevent the youth of the area from going out after
    sunset.

    Sources: Model Police Manual, Bureau of Police Research and Development; Kerala Police Website; PRS.

     


    Footnotes

    https://www.indianbarassociation.org/events/call-for-research-papers/

    https://www.prsindia.org/policy/discussion-papers/police-reforms-india

    comments (0)
    Table 4: Incidence and rate of cognizable crime in 2015
    Filed under: General
    Posted by: site admin @ 2:26 am
    comments (0)
    LESSON 3509 Wed 18 Nov 2020 https://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta/salayatana/sn35-053.html DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS Free Online Research and Practice University for Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal. at KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room. in 116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath, Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to Circarama At WHITE HOME 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage, Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru Magadhi Karnataka State PRABUDDHA BHARAT May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure! Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta — Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —in 05) Classical Pāḷi,29) Classical English,Roman, 06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans, 09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
    Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka
    Posted by: site admin @ 12:16 am

    LESSON 3509 Wed 18  Nov  2020

    https://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta/salayatana/sn35-053.html

    DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS

    Free Online Research and Practice University
    for

    Discovery of  Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) 

    For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal.

    at

    KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room.

    in
    116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in
    Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath,
    Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to

    Circarama

    At

    WHITE HOME

    668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage,

    Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru

    Magadhi Karnataka State

    PRABUDDHA BHARAT

    May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure!


    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta

    Friends

    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —
    wheel GIF
    Dhammacakkapavattana Sutta (Indian Style of Chanting)
    Amit Barua
    235K subscribers
    The
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta English: The Setting in Motion of the
    Wheel of the Dharma Sutta or Promulgation of the Law Sutta) is a
    Buddhist text that is considered by Buddhists to be a record of the
    first teaching given by Gautama Buddha after he attained enlightenment.
    The main topic of this sutta is the Four Noble Truths, which refer to
    and express the basic orientation of Buddhis] in a formulaic expression.
    This sutta also refers to the Buddhist concepts of the Middle Way,
    impermanence, and dependent origination.
    Dhamma
    (Pāli) or dharma (Sanskrit) can mean a variety of things depending on
    its context;[note 1] in this context, it refers to the Buddha’s
    teachings or his “truth” that leads to one’s liberation from suffering.
    Cakka (Pāli) or cakra (Sanskrit) can be translated as “wheel.” The
    dhammacakka, which can be translated as “Dhamma-Wheel,” is a Buddhist
    symbol referring to Buddha’s teaching of the path to enlightenment.
    Pavattana (Pāli) can be translated as “turning” or “rolling” or “setting
    in motion.
    The sutra contains the following topics:
    The two extremes to be avoided
    The Middle Way: the Noble Eightfold Path
    The Four Noble Truths
    The Twelve Insights
    Proclamation of release from rebirth
    Arising of the Dhamma Eye to Kondañña
    Proclamation of the devas on Buddha’s setting the wheel of dhamma in motion
    Response of the Buddha to Kondañña
    Buddhist understanding of the sutra:
    According
    to the Buddhist tradition, the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta is the first
    teaching given by the Buddha after he attained enlightenment. According
    to Buddhist tradition, the Buddha attained enlightenment and liberation
    while meditating under the Bodhi Tree by the Nerañjarā river in Bodh
    Gaya. Afterwards, he remained silent for forty-nine days. The Buddha
    then journeyed from Bodhgaya to Sarnath, a small town near the sacred
    city of Varanasi in central India. There he met his five former
    companions, the ascetics with whom he had shared six years of hardship.
    His former companions were at first suspicious of the Buddha, thinking
    he had given up his search for the truth when he renounced their ascetic
    ways. But upon seeing the radiance of the Buddha, they requested him to
    teach what he had learned. Thereupon the Buddha gave the teaching that
    was later recorded as the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, which introduces
    fundamental concepts of Buddhist thought, such as the Middle Way and the
    Four Noble Truths.
    Development of the sutra
    Retaining the oldest teachings
    Modern
    scholars agree that the teachings of the Buddha were passed down in an
    oral tradition for approximately a few hundred years after the passing
    of the Buddha; the first written recordings of these teachings were made
    hundreds of years after the Buddha’s passing. According to academic
    scholars, inconsistencies in the oldest texts may reveal developments in
    the oldest teachings.[11][note 3] While the Theravada-tradition holds
    that it is likely that the sutras date back to the Buddha himself, in an
    unbroken chain of oral transmission,[web 2][web 3][note 4] academic
    scholars have identified many of such inconsistencies, and tried to
    explain them. Information of the oldest teachings of Buddhism, such as
    on the Four Noble Truths, which are an important topic in the
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, has been obtained by analysis of the oldest
    texts and these inconsistencies, and are a matter of ongoing discussion
    and research.[12][13][14][15][note 5]
    Development of the sutra
    According
    to Bronkhorst this “first sermon” is recorded in several sutras, with
    important variations.[22][note 6] In the Vinaya texts, and in the
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta which was influenced by the Vinaya texts,
    the four truths are included, and Kondañña is enlightened[22][23] when
    the “vision of Dhamma”[24] arises in him: “whatever is subject to
    origination is all subject to cessation.” Yet, in the Ariyapariyesanā
    Sutta (”The Noble Search”, Majjhima Nikaya 26) the four truths are not
    included,[note 8] and the Buddha gives the five ascetics personal
    instructions in turn, two or three of them, while the others go out
    begging for food. The versions of the “first sermon” which include the
    four truths, such as the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta, omit this
    instruction, showing that
    Tree >> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
    SN 56.11 (S v 420)
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta
    — Setting in Motion of the Wheel of Dhamma —
    [Dhamma·cakka·pavattana ]
    This is certainly the most famous sutta in the Pali litterature. The Buddha expounds the four ariya·saccas for the first time.
    Note: info·bubble on every Pali word

    05) Classical Pāḷi

    Ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā bārāṇasiyaṃ viharati isipatane miga·dāye. Tatra kho bhagavā pañca·vaggiye bhikkhū āmantesi:

    On
    one occasion, the Bhagavā was staying at Varanasi in the Deer Grove at
    Isipatana.

    There, he addressed the group of five bhikkhus:

    Dve·me,
    bhikkhave, antā pabbajitena na sevitabbā. Katame dve? Yo c·āyaṃ kāmesu
    kāma·sukh·allik·ānuyogo hīno gammo pothujjaniko an·ariyo
    an·attha·saṃhito, yo c·āyaṃ attakilamath·ānuyogo dukkho an·ariyo
    an·attha·saṃhito. Ete kho, bhikkhave, ubho ante an·upagamma majjhimā
    paṭipadā tathāgatena abhisambuddhā cakkhu·karaṇī ñāṇa·karaṇī upasamāya
    abhiññāya sambodhāya nibbānāya saṃvattati.


    29) Classical English,Roman,
    Friends

    These
    two extremes, bhikkhus, should not be adopted by one who has gone forth
    from the home life. Which two? On one hand, the devotion to hedonism
    towards kāma, which is inferior, vulgar, common, an·ariya, deprived of
    benefit, and on the other hand the devotion to self-mortification, which
    is dukkha, an·ariya, deprived of benefit. Without going to these two
    extremes, bhikkhus, the Tathāgata has fully awaken to the majjhima
    paṭipada, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and leads to
    appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna.

    ‘Katamā
    ca sā, bhikkhave, majjhimā paṭipadā tathāgatena abhisambuddhā
    cakkhu·karaṇī ñāṇa·karaṇī upasamāya abhiññāya sambodhāya nibbānāya
    saṃvattati? Ayam·eva ariyo aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo, seyyathidaṃ: sammā·diṭṭhi
    sammā·saṅkappo sammā·vācā sammā·kammanto sammā·ājīvo sammā·vāyāmo
    sammā·sati sammā·samādhi. Ayaṃ kho sā, bhikkhave, majjhimā paṭipadā
    tathāgatena abhisambuddhā cakkhu·karaṇī ñāṇa·karaṇī upasamāya abhiññāya
    sambodhāya nibbānāya saṃvattati.
    And
    what, bhikkhus, is the majjhima paṭipada to which the Tathāgata has
    fully awaken, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and leads to
    appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna? It is, bhikkhus, this
    ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, that is to say: sammā·diṭṭhi sammā·saṅkappa
    sammā·vācā sammā·kammanta sammā·ājīva sammā·vāyāma sammā·sati
    sammā·samādhi. This, bhikkhus, is the majjhima paṭipada to which the
    Tathāgata has awaken, which produces vision, which produces ñāṇa, and
    leads to appeasement, to abhiñña, to sambodhi, to Nibbāna.
    Idaṃ
    kho pana, bhikkhave, dukkhaṃ ariya·saccaṃ: jāti·pi dukkhā, jarā·pi
    dukkhā (byādhi·pi dukkho) maraṇam·pi dukkhaṃ, a·p·piyehi sampayogo
    dukkho, piyehi vippayogo dukkho, yampicchaṃ na labhati tam·pi dukkhaṃ;
    saṃkhittena pañc·upādāna·k·khandhā dukkhā.

    Furthermore,
    bhikkhus, this is the dukkha ariya·sacca: jāti is dukkha, jarā is
    dukkha (sickness is dukkha) maraṇa is dukkha, association with what is
    disliked is dukkha, dissociation from what is liked is dukkha, not to
    get what one wants is dukkha; in short, the five upādāna’k'khandhas are
    dukkha.

    Idaṃ
    kho pana, bhikkhave, dukkha·samudayaṃ ariya·saccaṃ: Y·āyaṃ taṇhā
    ponobbhavikā nandi·rāga·sahagatā tatra·tatr·ābhinandinī, seyyathidaṃ:
    kāma·taṇhā, bhava·taṇhā, vibhava·taṇhā.

    Furthermore,
    bhikkhus, this is the dukkha·samudaya ariya·sacca: this taṇhā leading
    to rebirth, connected with desire and enjoyment, finding delight here or
    there, that is to say: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā and vibhava-taṇhā.
    Idaṃ
    kho pana, bhikkhave, dukkha·nirodhaṃ ariya·saccaṃ: yo tassā·y·eva
    taṇhāya asesa·virāga·nirodho cāgo paṭinissaggo mutti anālayo.

    Furthermore,
    bhikkhus, this is the dukkha·nirodha ariya·sacca: the complete virāga,
    nirodha, abandoning, forsaking, emancipation and freedom from that very
    taṇhā.

    Idaṃ
    kho pana, bhikkhave, dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariya·saccaṃ:
    ayam·eva ariyo aṭṭhaṅgiko maggo, seyyathidaṃ: sammā·diṭṭhi
    sammā·saṅkappo sammā·vācā sammā·kammanto sammā·ājīvo sammā·vāyāmo
    sammā·sati sammā·samādhi.

    Furthermore,
    bhikkhus, this is the dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipada ariya·sacca: just
    this ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, that is to say: sammā·diṭṭhi,
    sammā·saṅkappa, sammā·vācā sammā·kammanta, sammā·ājīva, sammā·vāyāma,
    sammā·sati and sammā·samādhi
    .
    ‘Idaṃ
    dukkhaṃ ariyasacca’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu
    cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko
    udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkhaṃ ariyasaccaṃ pariññeyya’ nti: me,
    bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi,
    paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkhaṃ
    ariyasaccaṃ pariññāta’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu
    cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko
    udapādi.
    ‘This
    is the dukkha ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard
    before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā
    arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha ariyasacca is to be completely
    known’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye
    arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
    arose. ‘Now, this dukkha ariyasacca has been completely known’: in me,
    bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa
    arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose.
    ‘Idaṃ
    dukkha·samudayaṃ ariyasacca’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu
    dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi,
    āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkha·samudayaṃ ariyasaccaṃ pahātabba’
    nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ
    udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ
    dukkha·samudayaṃ ariyasaccaṃ pahīna’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe
    an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi,
    vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi.

    ‘This
    is the dukkha·samudaya ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to
    things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose,
    the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·samudaya ariyasacca
    is to be abandoned’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard
    before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose,
    the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·samudaya ariyasacca has been
    abandoned’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye
    arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light
    arose.

    ‘Idaṃ
    dukkha·nirodhaṃ ariyasacca’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu
    dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi,
    āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkha·nirodhaṃ ariyasaccaṃ
    sacchikātabba’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ
    udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi.
    ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkha·nirodhaṃ ariyasaccaṃ sacchikata’ nti: me,
    bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi,
    paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi.

    ‘This
    is the dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things
    unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the
    vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca is to
    be personally experienced’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things
    unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the
    vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this dukkha·nirodha ariyasacca has
    been personally experienced’: in me, bhikkhus, in regard to things
    unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the paññā arose, the
    vijjā arose, the light arose.

    ‘Idaṃ
    dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe
    an·anussutesu dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi,
    vijjā udapādi, āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkha·nirodha·gāminī
    paṭipadā ariyasaccaṃ bhāvetabba’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu
    dhammesu cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi,
    āloko udapādi. ‘Taṃ kho pan·idaṃ dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā
    ariyasaccaṃ bhāvita’ nti: me, bhikkhave, pubbe an·anussutesu dhammesu
    cakkhuṃ udapādi, ñāṇaṃ udapādi, paññā udapādi, vijjā udapādi, āloko
    udapādi.

    ‘This
    is the dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca’: in me, bhikkhus, in
    regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa arose, the
    paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this
    dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca is to be developed’: in me,
    bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa
    arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose. ‘Now, this
    dukkha·nirodha·gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca has been developed’: in me,
    bhikkhus, in regard to things unheard before, the eye arose, the ñāṇa
    arose, the paññā arose, the vijjā arose, the light arose.

    Yāvakīvañ·ca
    me, bhikkhave, imesu catūsu ariyasaccesu evaṃ ti·parivaṭṭaṃ
    dvādas·ākāraṃ yathā·bhūtaṃ ñāṇa·dassanaṃ na su·visuddhaṃ ahosi, neva
    tāv·āhaṃ, bhikkhave, sa·deva·ke loke sa·māra·ke sa·brahma·ke
    sa·s·samaṇa·brāhmaṇiyā pajāya sa·deva·manussāya anuttaraṃ
    sammā·sambodhiṃ abhisambuddho paccaññāsiṃ.

    And
    so long, bhikkhus, as my yathā·bhūtaṃ knowledge and vision of these
    four ariyasaccas in these twelve ways by triads was not quite pure, I
    did not claim in the loka with its devas, with its Māras, with its
    Brahmās, with the samaṇas and brahmins, in this generation with its
    devas and humans, to have fully awakened to the supreme sammā·sambodhi.

    Yato
    ca kho me, bhikkhave, imesu catūsu ariyasaccesu evaṃ ti·parivaṭṭaṃ
    dvādas·ākāraṃ yathā·bhūtaṃ ñāṇa-dassanaṃ su·visuddhaṃ ahosi, ath·āhaṃ,
    bhikkhave, sa·deva·ke loke sa·māra·ke sa·brahma·ke
    sa·s·samaṇa·brāhmaṇiyā pajāya sa·deva·manussāya anuttaraṃ
    sammā·sambodhiṃ abhisambuddho paccaññāsiṃ. Ñāṇa·ñca pana me dassanaṃ
    udapādi: ‘akuppā me vimutti, ayam·antimā jāti, natth·idāni puna·b·bhavo’
    ti.

    But
    when, bhikkhus, my yathā·bhūtaṃ knowledge and vision of these four
    ariyasaccas in these twelve ways by triads was quite pure, I claimed in
    the loka with its devas, with its Māras, with its Brahmās, with the
    samaṇas and brahmins, in this generation with its devas and humans, to
    have fully awakened to the supreme sammā·sambodhi. And the knowledge and
    vision arose in me: ‘my vimutti is unshakeable, this is my last jāti,
    now there is no further bhava.

    Idam·avoca
    bhagavā. Attamanā pañca·vaggiyā bhikkhū bhagavato bhāsitaṃ
    abhinandunti. Imasmi·ñca pana veyyākaraṇasmiṃ bhaññamāne āyasmato
    koṇḍaññassa virajaṃ vītamalaṃ dhamma·cakkhuṃ udapādi: ‘yaṃ kiñci
    samudaya·dhammaṃ, sabbaṃ taṃ nirodha·dhamma’ nti.

    This
    is what the Bhagavā said. Delighted, the groupe of five bhikkhus
    approved of the Bhagavā’s words. And while this exposition was being
    spoken, there arose in āyasmā Koṇḍañña the Dhamma eye which is free from
    passion and stainless: ‘all that has the nature of samudaya has the
    nature of nirodha’.

    Pavattite
    ca pana bhagavatā dhamma·cakke bhummā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ
    bhagavatā bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ
    pavattitaṃ appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā
    brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    And
    when the Bhagavā had set in motion the Wheel of Dhamma, the devas of
    the earth proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at
    Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma,
    which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or
    anyone in the world.’

    Bhummānaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā cātumahārājikā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ
    bhagavatā bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ
    pavattitaṃ appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā
    brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the devas of the earth, the Cātumahārājika devas
    proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the
    Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be
    stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
    world.’

    Cātumahārājikānaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā tāvatiṃsā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ bhagavatā
    bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ pavattitaṃ
    appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā brahmunā vā
    kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the Cātumahārājika devas, the Tāvatiṃsa devas
    proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the
    Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be
    stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
    world.’
    Tāvatiṃsānaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā yāmā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ bhagavatā
    bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ pavattitaṃ
    appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā brahmunā vā
    kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the Tāvatiṃsa devas, the Yāma devas proclaimed aloud:
    ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in
    motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas
    or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

    Yāmānaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā tusitā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ bhagavatā
    bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ pavattitaṃ
    appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā brahmunā vā
    kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.
    Having
    heard the cry of the Yāma devas, the Tusitā devas proclaimed aloud: ‘At
    Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set in motion
    the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by samaṇas or
    brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

    Tusitānaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā nimmānaratī devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ
    bhagavatā bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ
    pavattitaṃ appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā
    brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the Tusitā devas, the Nimmānarati devas proclaimed
    aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the Bhagavā has set
    in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be stopped by
    samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the world.’

    Nimmānaratīnaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā paranimmitavasavattī devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ:
    ‘etaṃ bhagavatā bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ
    pavattitaṃ appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā
    brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the Nimmānarati devas, the Paranimmitavasavatti devas
    proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the
    Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be
    stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
    world.’

    Paranimmitavasavattīnaṃ
    devānaṃ saddaṃ sutvā brahmakāyikā devā saddam·anussāvesuṃ: ‘etaṃ
    bhagavatā bārāṇasiyaṃ isipatane miga·dāye anuttaraṃ dhamma·cakkaṃ
    pavattitaṃ appaṭivattiyaṃ samaṇena vā brāhmaṇena vā devena vā mārena vā
    brahmunā vā kenaci vā lokasmin·ti.

    Having
    heard the cry of the Paranimmitavasavatti devas, the brahmakāyika devas
    proclaimed aloud: ‘At Varanasi, in the Deer Grove at Isipatana, the
    Bhagavā has set in motion the supreme Wheel of Dhamma, which cannot be
    stopped by samaṇas or brahmins, devas, Māras, Brahmā or anyone in the
    world.’

    Iti·ha
    tena khaṇena tena muhuttena yāva brahma·lokā saddo abbhuggacchi.
    Aya·ñca dasasahassi·loka·dhātu saṅkampi sampakampi sampavedhi, appamāṇo
    ca uḷāro obhāso loke pāturahosi atikkamma devānaṃ dev·ānubhāva’ nti.

    Thus
    in that moment, in that instant, the cry diffused up to Brahma·loka.
    And this ten thousandfold world system shook, quaked, and trembled, and a
    great, boundless radiance appeared in the world, surpassing the
    effulgence of the devas

    Atha
    kho bhagavā imaṃ udānaṃ udānesi: ‘aññāsi vata, bho, koṇḍañño, aññāsi
    vata, bho, koṇḍañño’ ti! Iti hidaṃ āyasmato koṇḍaññassa
    ‘aññāsi·koṇḍañño’ tv·eva nāmaṃ ahosīti.
    Then
    the Bhagavā uttered this udāna: ‘Koṇḍañña really understood! Koṇḍañña
    really understood!’ And that is how āyasmā Koṇḍañña acquired the name
    ‘Aññāsi·Koṇḍañña’.
    Bodhi leaf
    Translation suggested by the webmaster,
    mainly with the support of Thanissaro Bhikkhu’s translation.
    ———oOo———
    Published as a gift of Dhamma, to be distributed free of charge.
    Any copies or derivatives of this work must cite their original source.
    youtube.com
    Dhammacakkapavattana Sutta (Indian Style of Chanting)

    Friends

    धम्मचक्कप्पवट्टन सुत्त- धम्म के पहिये की गति में सेटिंग - [धम्म · काका · पावताना]
    wheel jumping GIF by Cheezburger

    06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
    Friends

    >> सुता पिआका >> सौयत्ता निकिता >> सक्का सौयुत
    एसएन ५६.११ (एस ४२०) धम्मचक्कप्पवट्टन सुत्त- धम्म के पहिये की गति में सेटिंग - [धम्म · काका · पावताना]
    यह निश्चित रूप से पाली साहित्य में सबसे प्रसिद्ध सुत्त है।
    बुद्ध ने पहली बार चार आर्य · संस्कारों को उजागर किया।
    नोट: प्रत्येक पाली शब्द पर जानकारी · बुलबुला
    एक बार, भगवती वाराणसी में उसिपुराने के हिरण ग्रोव में ठहरे हुए थे।
    वहां, उन्होंने पांच भिखुओं के समूह को संबोधित किया:
    इन
    दो चरम सीमाओं, भिकखुओं को उन लोगों द्वारा नहीं अपनाया जाना चाहिए जो गृह
    जीवन से आगे निकल गए हैं। कौन से दो? एक ओर, कर्म के प्रति वैराग्य की
    भक्ति, जो कि हीन, अशिष्ट, सामान्य, · ariya है, जो लाभ से वंचित है, और
    दूसरी ओर आत्म-वैराग्य की भक्ति है, जो dukkha, a ariya है, जो लाभ से
    वंचित है । इन दो चरम सीमाओं, भिकखुओं पर जाए बिना, तपागता पूरी तरह से
    मज्जिमा पे ,िपदा के प्रति जागृत हो गया है, जो दृष्टि पैदा करता है, जो
    दान का उत्पादन करता है, और तुष्टिकरण करता है, अबोध हो जाता है, सम्बोधि
    को, निबाना को।
    और
    क्या, भिक्खु, वह मज्झिमा पाहीपाड़ा है, जिसके लिए तपागता पूरी तरह से
    जागृत हो गया है, जो दृष्टि पैदा करता है, जो अग्नि को उत्पन्न करता है, और
    तुष्टि की ओर जाता है, अभिज्ञान को, सम्बोधि को, निबाण को? यह है, भिक्खु,
    यह अर्या अघिकिका मग्गा, यह कहना है: samma · diammhi samma · saṅkappa
    samma · vāc samma · ammamanta samma · ājīva samma · vāyma samma · sati
    samm samama यह, भिक्खु, मज्झिमा पाहीपाड़ा है, जिसके लिए तपागता जागृत हुआ
    है, जो दृष्टि उत्पन्न करता है, जो अग्नि को उत्पन्न करता है, और तुष्टि
    की ओर जाता है, अभिज्ञान को, सम्बोधि को, निबाण को।
    इसके
    अलावा, bhikkhus, यह dukkha ariya · sacca: jāti dukkha है, jarā dukkha
    (बीमारी dukkha है) maraṇa dukkha है, जो नापसंद है, dukkha के साथ जुड़ाव
    है, जिसे पसंद किया जाता है, dukkha, से अलग है dukkha है; संक्षेप में,
    पाँच उर्ध्वखंड दुक्ख हैं।
    इसके
    अलावा, bhikkhus, यह dukkha · samudaya ariya · sacca है: यह ta tohā
    पुनर्जन्म की ओर जाता है, इच्छा और आनंद के साथ जुड़ा हुआ है, यहां या वहां
    खुशी मिलती है, जो कहना है: kma-ta -hāa, bhava-taṇhā और vibhava-taṇhā।
    इसके अलावा, भिक्खुस, यह दुक्ख · निकाह अरिया · सार्का: पूर्ण विरागा, निकाह, परित्याग, त्याग, मुक्ति और उस बहुत तहर से मुक्ति है।
    इसके
    अलावा, भिक्खुस, यह दुक्ख · निकाह है · गनीमत पिपद अरीया · सार्का: बस यह
    अरिअ अघिका मग्गा है, जो यह कहना है: सत् · द्धि, सः · सोमकप्पा, सन्मति ·
    वामा # अम्मां मम्मे है। , समा · सती और समा · समाधि।
    ‘यह
    दुक्ख अरियास्का’ है: मुझमें, भिक्खु, पहले अनहोनी बातों के संबंध में,
    आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पैंसस उठी, विज्जमा उठी, प्रकाश उठी। ‘अब, यह दुक्ख
    अरियास्का पूरी तरह से जाना जाता है’: मुझमें, भिक्खुस, पहले अनसुनी बातों
    के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, प्यासा उठी, विज्जु उठी, प्रकाश उठी।
    ‘अब, यह दुक्ख अरियास्का पूरी तरह से जाना गया है’: मुझमें, भिक्खुस, पहले
    अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पन्नस उठी, वज्र उठी,
    प्रकाश उठी।
    ‘यह
    है दुक्ख · समुदय अरियास्का’: मुझमें, भिक्षु, अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में,
    आंख उठी, आनंद उठी, पनस उठी, वज्र उठी, प्रकाश उठी। ‘अब, यह दुक्ख · समुदय
    अरियास्का को छोड़ दिया जाना है’: मुझमें, भिक्खुस, इससे पहले अनसुनी
    बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पैंसस उठी, विजया उठी, प्रकाश
    उठी। ‘अब, यह दुक्ख · समुदय अरियास्का को छोड़ दिया गया है’: मुझमें,
    भिक्खुश, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पनसआ उठी,
    विज्जना उठी, प्रकाश उठी।
    ‘यह
    दुक्ख · निकाह अरिअसाका’ है: मुझमें, भिक्खुस, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध
    में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, स्तोत्र उठी, वज्र उठी, प्रकाश उठी। ‘अब, यह
    दुक्ख · निकाह अरियास्का को व्यक्तिगत रूप से अनुभव किया जाना है’: मुझमें,
    भिक्खुश, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पैंसस
    उठी, विज्जा उठी, प्रकाश उठी। ‘अब, यह दुक्ख · निकाह अरिअस्काका व्यक्तिगत
    रूप से अनुभव किया गया है’: मुझमें, भिक्खुस, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध
    में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पनसआ उठी, विज्जमा उठी, प्रकाश उठी।
    ‘यह
    है दुक्ख · निकाह · गामिनी पिप्पद अरिष्टका’: मुझमें, भिक्षु, अनसुनी
    बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, आंख उठी, पैंसा उठी, विज्जग उठी, रोशनी उठी।
    अब, यह दुक्ख · निकाह · गामिनी पिप्पद अरिष्टका विकसित होना है ’: मुझमें,
    भिक्खु, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में, आंख उठी, अलंकार उठी, पनसना उठी,
    विज्जम प्रकाश हुआ। ‘अब, यह दुक्ख · निकाह · गामिनी पिपदाद अरियास्का
    विकसित किया गया है’: मुझमें, भिक्खु, पहले अनसुनी बातों के संबंध में, आंख
    उठी, आंख उठी, पैंसा उठी, विज्जार उठी, रोशनी उठी।
    और
    इतने लंबे समय तक, भिक्षु, जैसा कि मेरे यथ · भक्त ज्ञान और इन बारह
    अरिक्षको द्वारा इन बारह राशियों में त्रिगुणों द्वारा किया गया ज्ञान
    बिलकुल शुद्ध नहीं था, मैंने अपने देवों के साथ, अपने ब्रह्मा के साथ, अपने
    ब्रह्मा के साथ, लोके में दावा नहीं किया समास और ब्राह्मण, इस पीढ़ी में
    अपने देवों और मनुष्यों के साथ, सर्वोच्च समाधि के लिए पूरी तरह से जागृत
    होने के लिए।
    लेकिन
    जब, भिक्खु, मेरा यथा · bh andta and ज्ञान और इन बारह ariyacaccas का इन
    बारह रास्तों से ज्ञान काफी शुद्ध था, तो मैंने दावा किया कि इसके देवताओं
    के साथ, इसके देवताओं के साथ, इसके ब्रह्मा के साथ, संतों और ब्राह्मणों के
    साथ। यह पीढ़ी अपने देवों और मनुष्यों के साथ, सर्वोच्च समाधि · सम्बोधि
    के प्रति जागृत होने के लिए। और मुझमें ज्ञान और दृष्टि उत्पन्न हुई: ‘मेरी
    विमुक्ति अचूक है, यह मेरी अंतिम शक्ति है, अब आगे कोई भाव नहीं है।
    यही
    भगव ने कहा। प्रसन्न होकर, पाँच भिखुओं के समूह ने भगव के वचनों का
    अनुमोदन किया। और जब इस प्रदर्शनी की बात की जा रही थी, तो उमास्मा कोइनासा
    में धम्म नेत्र उत्पन्न हुई जो कि जोश और स्टेनलेस से मुक्त है: ‘जिस में
    समिधा की प्रकृति होती है, वह निरोध का स्वभाव है’।
    और
    जब भगवान ने धम्म के पहिया को गति में स्थापित किया था, तो पृथ्वी के
    देवताओं ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’ वाराणसी में, इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में,
    भगव ने गति के सर्वोच्च चक्र को धम्म में रखा है, जिसे समास द्वारा रोका
    नहीं जा सकता है। या ब्राह्मण, देवता, माँस, ब्रह्मा या दुनिया में कोई भी।
    पृथ्वी
    के देवों के रोने की आवाज सुनकर, शतमुहृज देवों ने उद्घोष किया: ‘’
    वाराणसी में, इसिपना में हिरण ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च पहिया
    को गति में स्थापित किया है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मणों, देवों द्वारा रोका
    नहीं जा सकता है। , पारस, ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    ततम्हाराजिका
    देवों की पुकार सुनकर, तवतिस देवों ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’ वाराणसी में,
    इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च चक्र को गति में
    स्थापित किया है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मण, देवता, रोक नहीं सकते। , ब्रह्म
    या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    तवसती
    देवों के रोने की आवाज सुनकर, यम देवों ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’ वाराणसी
    में, इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के परम चक्र को गति में
    स्थापित किया है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मण, देवता, मर्स द्वारा रोका नहीं जा
    सकता। , ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    यम
    देवों की चीख पुकार सुनकर, टुसिता देवों ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’ वाराणसी
    में, इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च पहिया को गति
    दी है, जो साम्य या ब्राह्मण, देवता, मर्स द्वारा रोका नहीं जा सकता। ,
    ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    टुसिता
    देवों की चीख पुकार सुनकर, निम्मन्नारती देवताओं ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’
    वाराणसी में, इसिपना में हिरण ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च पहिया
    को गति दी है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मण, देवता, मर्स द्वारा रोका नहीं जा
    सकता है। , ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    निम्मोन्नरति
    देवों की पुकार सुनकर, परमपितामवस्वती देवताओं ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’
    वाराणसी में, इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च चक्र
    को गति दी है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मण, देवता, मर्स द्वारा रोका नहीं जा
    सकता। , ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    परमनिमितवसावती
    देवों की पुकार सुनकर, ब्रह्मक देवों ने जोर से घोषणा की: ‘’ वाराणसी में,
    इसिपना में हिरन ग्रोव में, भागवत ने धम्म के सर्वोच्च पहिया को गति
    प्रदान की है, जिसे समास या ब्राह्मण, देवता, मर्स द्वारा रोका नहीं जा
    सकता है। , ब्रह्म या दुनिया में कोई भी। ‘
    इस
    प्रकार उस पल में, उस पल में, रोना ब्रह्मा तक फैल गया। और यह दस हजार
    गुना विश्व प्रणाली हिला, बुझाई, और कांप गई, और एक महान, असीम चमक दुनिया
    में दिखाई दी, देवों के प्रलय को पार करते हुए
    तब
    भगवान ने इस udāna को कहा: ‘वास्तव में समझ में नहीं आता है! Koṇḍañña
    वास्तव में समझ में आया! ‘ और इसी तरह से उस्मास कोअनसाना ने ‘अनाससी ·
    कोअनसाना’ नाम हासिल कर लिया।
    Dhamma Chakka Pavattan Sutta ( हिंदी सबटाइटल के साथ / with English subtitles )
    Sooraj kee Roshanee
    1.03K subscribers
    41:35 से 55:55 तक कोई सबटाइटल नहीं
    No subs from 41:35 to 55:55
    पाली भाषा के शब्द “दुक्ख” को भ्रामक तरीके से अंग्रेजी और अन्य भाषाओं में “कष्ट” के रूप में अनुवाद किया जाता है
    इसलिए यह अनुवाद के बिना रहा
    The Pali word “Dukkha” has misleadingly translated to English as
    “suffering”. Suffering is Dukkha but Dukkha is not merely suffering. It
    has more deeper and wider meaning than that. Therefore it kept
    untranslated.
    Sutta in Tipitaka -
    Place where Dhamma Chakka Sutta was preached -
    The Meaning of Buddhism -
    Dhamma Chakka Pavattan Sutta ( हिंदी सबटाइटल के साथ / with English subtitles )


    08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans

    Friends

    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Beweging van die wiel van Dhamma - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
    Van Riding A Scooter - Van GIF - Van Scooter VanRidingAScooter GIFs




    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (English)
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (English)
    “Setting
    in Motion of the Wheel of the Dhamma” Sutta Samyutta Nikaya 56.11
    http://www.accesstoinsight.org/tipitaka/sn/sn56/sn56.011.than.html
    Considered to b…
    youtube.com
    Friends

    >> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
    SN 56.11 (S v 420) Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Beweging van die wiel van Dhamma - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
    Dit is seker die bekendste sutta in die Pali-litterature.
    Die Boeddha lê die vier ariya-saccas vir die eerste keer uiteen.
    Nota: inligting · borrel op elke Pali-woord
    By een geleentheid het die Bhagavā in Varanasi in die Deer Grove in Isipatana gebly.
    Daar het hy die groep van vyf bhikkhus toegespreek:
    Hierdie
    twee uiterstes, bhikkhus, moet nie aangeneem word deur iemand wat uit
    die huislike lewe gegaan het nie. Watter twee? Aan die een kant is die
    toewyding aan hedonisme teenoor kāma, wat minderwaardig, vulgêr,
    algemeen is, an · ariya, ontneem van voordeel, en aan die ander kant die
    toewyding aan selfmortifikasie, wat dukkha, an · ariya, ontneem word
    van voordeel . Sonder om na hierdie twee uiterstes, bhikkhus, te gaan,
    het die Tathāgata heeltemal ontwaak vir die majjhima paṭipada, wat visie
    voortbring, wat ñāṇa voortbring, en lei tot versoening, na abhiñña, na
    sambodhi, na Nibbāna.
    En
    wat, bhikkhus, is die majjhima paṭipada waartoe die Tathāgata volledig
    ontwaak het, wat visie voortbring, wat ñāṇa voortbring, en lei tot
    versoening, na abhiñña, na sambodhi, na Nibbāna? Dit is, bhikkhus,
    hierdie ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, dit wil sê: sammā · diṭṭhi sammā ·
    saṅkappa sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta sammā · ājīva sammā · vāyāma
    sammā · sati sammā · samādhi. Dit, bhikkhus, is die majjhima paṭipada
    waartoe die Tathāgata ontwaak het, wat visie voortbring, wat ñāṇa
    voortbring, en lei tot versoening, na abhiñña, na sambodhi, na Nibbāna.
    Verder,
    bhikkhus, dit is die dukkha ariya · sacca: jāti is dukkha, jarā is
    dukkha (siekte is dukkha) maraṇa is dukkha, assosiasie met wat nie gehou
    word nie, is dukkha, dissosiasie van wat graag is, is dukkha, om nie te
    kry wat mens wil hê nie is dukkha; kortom, die vyf upādāna’k'khandhas
    is dukkha.
    Verder,
    bhikkhus, dit is die dukkha · samudaya ariya · sacca: hierdie taṇhā wat
    lei tot wedergeboorte, verbind met begeerte en genot, hier en daar
    vreugde vind, dit wil sê: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā en vibhava-taṇhā.
    Verder,
    bhikkhus, is dit die dukkha · nirodha ariya · sacca: die volledige
    virāga, nirodha, verlaat, versaak, emansipasie en vryheid van daardie
    einste taṇhā.
    Verder,
    bhikkhus, is dit die dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipada ariya · sacca:
    net hierdie ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, dit wil sê: sammā · diṭṭhi, sammā ·
    saṅkappa, sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta, sammā · ājīva, sammā · vāy ,
    sammā · sati en sammā · samādhi.
    ‘Dit
    is die dukkha ariyasacca’: in my, bhikkhus, met betrekking tot
    ongehoorde dinge, het die oog ontstaan, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die
    paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou,
    hierdie dukkha ariyasacca moet heeltemal bekend wees’: in my, bhikkhus,
    ten opsigte van dinge wat nog nooit tevore was nie, het die oog
    opgestaan, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā
    het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou, hierdie dukkha ariyasacca is
    heeltemal bekend’: in my, bhikkhus, met betrekking tot dinge wat nog
    nooit tevore was nie, het die oog opgestaan, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die
    paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom.
    ‘Dit
    is die dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte van
    dinge wat nog nooit tevore was nie, het die oog opgekom, die ñāṇa het
    opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het
    opgekom. ‘Nou, hierdie dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca moet in die steek
    gelaat word’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte van ongehoorde dinge, het die
    oog opgestaan, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die
    vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou is hierdie dukkha ·
    samudaya ariyasacca in die steek gelaat’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte
    van dinge wat nog nooit tevore was nie, het die oog opgestaan, die ñāṇa
    het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig
    het opgekom.
    ‘Dit
    is die dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte van
    ongehoorde dinge, het die oog opgekom, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die paññā
    het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou,
    hierdie dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca moet persoonlik ervaar word’: in my,
    bhikkhus, ten opsigte van ongehoorde dinge, het die oog opgekom, die
    ñāña het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan,
    die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou, hierdie dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca is
    persoonlik ervaar’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte van dinge wat nog nooit
    tevore was nie, het die oog opgestaan, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die
    paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom.
    ‘Dit
    is die dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca’: in my, bhikkhus,
    ten opsigte van dinge wat nog nooit tevore was nie, het die oog
    opgekom, die ñārosea het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā
    het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou, hierdie dukkha · nirodha ·
    gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca moet ontwikkel word’: in my, bhikkhus, ten
    opsigte van dinge wat nog nooit tevore was nie, het die oog opgekom, die
    ñāṇa het opgestaan, die paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan,
    die lig het opgekom. ‘Nou, hierdie dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā
    ariyasacca is ontwikkel’: in my, bhikkhus, ten opsigte van dinge wat nog
    nooit tevore was nie, het die oog opgekom, die ñāṇa het opgestaan, die
    paññā het opgestaan, die vijjā het opgestaan, die lig het opgekom.
    En
    so lank, aangesien my kennis en visie van hierdie vier ariyasaccas op
    hierdie twaalf maniere deur drieklanke nie heeltemal suiwer was nie, het
    ek in die loka met sy devas, met sy Māras, met sy Brahmās, met die
    samaṇas en brahmane, in hierdie geslag met sy devas en mense, het ten
    volle ontwaak tot die hoogste sammā · sambodhi.
    Maar
    toe my kennis en visie van hierdie vier ariyasaccas op hierdie twaalf
    maniere deur triades redelik suiwer was, het ek beweer in die loka met
    sy devas, met sy Māras, met sy Brahmās, met die samaṇas en brahmane, in
    hierdie generasie met sy devas en mense, om ten volle tot die hoogste
    sammā · sambodhi wakker te word. En die kennis en visie het by my
    ontstaan: ‘my vimutti is onwrikbaar, dit is my laaste jāti, nou is daar
    geen verdere bhava nie.
    Dit
    is wat die Bhagavā gesê het. Die groep van vyf bhikkhus is verheug oor
    die woorde van die Bhagavā. En terwyl hierdie uiteensetting uitgespreek
    is, het daar in āyasmā Koṇḍañña die Dhamma-oog ontstaan wat vry is van
    passie en vlekvrye: ‘alles wat die aard van samudaya het, het die aard
    van nirodha’.
    En
    toe die Bhagavā die Wheel of Dhamma in werking gestel het, het die
    devas van die aarde hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in
    Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die opperste Wheel of Dhamma aan die gang
    gesit, wat nie deur samaṇas gestuit kan word nie. of brahmane, devas,
    Māras, Brahmā of enige iemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Nadat
    die Cātumahārājika-devas die uitroep van die devas van die aarde gehoor
    het, het hulle hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in
    Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die hoogste wiel van Dhamma in werking
    gestel, wat nie deur samaṇas of brahmane, devas gestuit kan word nie. ,
    Māras, Brahmā of enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Nadat
    die Tāvatiṃsa-devas die uitroep van die Cātumahārājika-devas gehoor
    het, het hulle hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in
    Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die opperste Wheel of Dhamma in werking
    gestel, wat nie deur samaṇas of brahmane, devas, Māras gestuit kan word
    nie. , Brahmā of enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Nadat
    die Yāma-devas die uitroep van die Tāvatiṃsa-devas gehoor het, het
    hulle hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in Isipatana,
    het die Bhagavā die hoogste wiel van Dhamma in werking gestel, wat nie
    deur samaṇas of brahmane, devas, Māras gestuit kan word nie. , Brahmā of
    enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Na
    die uitroep van die Yama-devas, het die Tusita-devas hardop uitgeroep:
    ‘By Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die
    hoogste wiel van Dhamma in werking gestel, wat nie deur dieselfdeṇas of
    brahmane, devas, Māras gestuit kan word nie. , Brahmā of enigiemand in
    die wêreld. ‘
    Nadat
    die Nimmānarati-devas die uitroep van die Tusita-devas gehoor het, het
    hulle hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove in Isipatana,
    het die Bhagavā die hoogste wiel van Dhamma in werking gestel, wat nie
    deur samaṇas of brahmane, devas, Māras gestuit kan word nie. , Brahmā of
    enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Na
    die uitroep van die Nimmānarati-devas, het die
    Paranimmitavasavatti-devas hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer
    Grove in Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die opperste Wheel of Dhamma in
    werking gestel, wat nie deur sama whichas of brahmane, devas, Māras
    gestuit kan word nie. , Brahmā of enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Nadat
    die Brahmakāyika-devas die uitroep van die Paranimmitavasavatti-devas
    gehoor het, het hulle hardop uitgeroep: ‘In Varanasi, in die Deer Grove
    in Isipatana, het die Bhagavā die opperste Wheel of Dhamma in werking
    gestel, wat nie deur samaṇas of brahmane, devas, Māras gestuit kan word
    nie. , Brahmā of enigiemand in die wêreld. ‘
    Op
    daardie oomblik, in daardie oomblik, versprei die uitroep tot Brahma ·
    loka. En hierdie tien duisendvoudige wêreldstelsel het geskud, gebewe en
    gebewe, en ‘n groot, grenslose uitstraling het in die wêreld verskyn
    wat die uitbloei van die devas oortref
    Toe
    het die Bhagavā hierdie udana uitgespreek: ‘Koṇḍañña het regtig
    verstaan! Koṇḍañña het regtig verstaan! ‘ En dit is hoe āyasmā Koṇḍañña
    die naam ‘Aññāsi · Koṇḍañña’ gekry het.
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (English)
    Javier Fernández-Viña
    770 subscribers
    “Setting in Motion of the Wheel of the Dhamma” Sutta
    Samyutta Nikaya 56.11
    Considered
    to be a record of the first teaching given by Gautama Buddha after he
    attained enlightenment. According to tradition, the Buddha gave this
    teaching in Sarnath, India, to the “five ascetics”, his former
    companions with whom he had spent six years practicing austerities. The
    main topic of this sutra is the Four Noble Truths, which are the central
    teachings of Buddhism that provide a unifying theme, or conceptual
    framework, for all of Buddhist thought. This sutra also introduces the
    Buddhist concepts of the Middle Way, impermanence, and dependent
    origination.


    09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,
    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Vendosja në Lëvizjen e Rrotës së Dhamma - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
    Dharma GIF - Dharma Wheel Buddhism GIFs



    History of Dhamma Chakra Pravartan din and Vijaya dashami धम्मचक्र प्रवर्तन दिन अशोक विजया दशमी
    History of Dhamma Chakra Pravartan din and Vijaya dashami धम्मचक्र…
    History
    of Dhamma Chakra Pravartan din and Vijaya dashami धम्मचक्र प्रवर्तन दिन
    अशोक विजया दशमी का इतिहास | BJ18 About this video:

    Hii……Namo Buddhay Thi…
    youtube.com

    Friends

    >> Sutta Piṭaka >> Saṃyutta Nikāya >> Sacca Saṃyutta
    SN 56.11 (S v 420) Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— Vendosja në Lëvizjen e Rrotës së Dhamma - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
    Kjo sigurisht është sutta më e famshme në literaturat Pali.
    Buda për herë të parë shpjegon katër ariçakët.
    Shënim: informacion · flluskë në çdo fjalë të Pali
    Në një rast, Bhagavā po qëndronte në Varanasi në Grove të Drerave në Isipatana.
    Atje, ai iu drejtua grupit prej pesë bhikkhus:
    Këto
    dy ekstreme, bhikkhus, nuk duhet të miratohen nga ai që është larguar
    nga jeta në shtëpi. Cilët dy? Nga njëra anë, devotshmëria ndaj
    hedonizmit ndaj kama, e cila është inferiore, vulgare, e zakonshme,
    anarije, e privuar nga përfitimi, dhe nga ana tjetër devocioni për
    vetë-mortifikim, e cila është dukkha, anaria, e privuar nga përfitimi .
    Pa shkuar në këto dy ekstreme, bhikkhus, Tathāgata është zgjuar
    plotësisht në majjhima paṭipada, e cila prodhon vizion, e cila prodhon
    ,a dhe çon në qetësim, në abhiñña, në sambodhi, në Nibbāna.
    Dhe
    çfarë, bhikkhus, është majjhima paṭipada në të cilën Tathāgata është
    zgjuar plotësisht, e cila prodhon vizion, që prodhon ñāṇa dhe çon në
    qetësim, në abhiñña, në sambodhi, në Nibbāna? Bshtë, bhikkhus, kjo ariya
    aṭṭhaṅgika magga, që do të thotë: sammā · diṭṭhi sammā · saṅkappa sammā
    · vācā sammā · kammanta sammā · ājīva sammā · vāyāma sammā · sati sammā
    · samādhi. Kjo, bhikkhus, është majjhima paṭipada në të cilën Tathāgata
    është zgjuar, e cila prodhon vizion, e cila prodhon ,a dhe çon në
    qetësim, në abhiñña, në sambodhi, në Nibbāna.
    Për
    më tepër, bhikkhus, kjo është dukkha ariya · sacca: jāti është dukkha,
    jarā është dukkha (sëmundja është dukkha) maraṇa është dukkha, shoqata
    me atë që nuk është e pëlqyer është dukkha, ndarja nga ajo që pëlqehet
    është dukkha, për të mos marrë atë që dëshiron është dukkha; me pak
    fjalë, pesë upādāna’k'khandhas janë dukkha.
    Për
    më tepër, bhikkhus, kjo është dukkha · samudaya ariya · sacca: ky taah
    që çon në rilindje, i lidhur me dëshirë dhe kënaqësi, duke gjetur
    kënaqësi këtu ose atje, domethënë: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā dhe
    vibhava-taṇhā.
    Për
    më tepër, bhikkhus, kjo është dukkha · nirodha ariya · sacca: virāga e
    plotë, nirodha, braktisja, braktisja, emancipimi dhe liria nga ai
    tahahā.
    Për
    më tepër, bhikkhus, ky është dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipada ariya ·
    sacca: vetëm kjo ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, që do të thotë: sammā ·
    diṭṭhi, sammā · saṅkappa, sammā · vācā sammā · kammanta, sammā · ājva,
    sam , samas · sati dhe samm · samādhi.
    ‘Kjo
    është dukkha ariyasacca’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e
    padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u
    ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkha ariyasacca duhet të njihet
    plotësisht’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më
    parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u
    ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkha ariyasacca është njohur plotësisht’: tek unë,
    bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u
    ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit.
    ‘Kjo
    është dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me
    gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit,
    vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca do
    të braktiset’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më
    parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u
    ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca është braktisur’: tek
    unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit,
    ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit.
    ‘Ky
    është dukkhaínirodha ariyasacca’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me
    gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit,
    vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkhaínirodha ariyasacca duhet
    të përjetohet personalisht’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e
    padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u
    ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkhaínirodha ariyasacca është
    përjetuar personalisht’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në lidhje me gjërat e
    padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā u ngrit, vijjā u
    ngrit, drita u ngrit.
    ‘Ky
    është dukkhaínirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca’: tek unë, bhikkhus,
    në lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ,a u ngrit,
    paññā u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkhaínirodha ·
    gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca do të zhvillohet’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në
    lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā
    u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit. ‘Tani, kjo dukkhaínirodha ·
    gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca është zhvilluar’: tek unë, bhikkhus, në
    lidhje me gjërat e padëgjuara më parë, syri u ngrit, ñāṇa u ngrit, paññā
    u ngrit, vijjā u ngrit, drita u ngrit.
    Dhe
    kaq gjatë, bhikkhus, pasi njohuria dhe vizioni im yathā · bhūtaṃ i
    këtyre katër ariasakave në këto dymbëdhjetë mënyra nga triada nuk ishte
    mjaft i pastër, unë nuk pretendova në loka me devat e saj, me Māras, me
    Brahmās, me samaṇas dhe brahmins, në këtë brez me devat e tij dhe
    njerëzit, të jenë zgjuar plotësisht në sammodambi suprem.
    Por
    kur, bhikkhus, njohuria dhe vizioni im yathā · bhūtaṃ për këto katër
    ariyasaccas në këto dymbëdhjetë mënyra nga triada ishte mjaft i pastër,
    unë pretendova në loka me devat e saj, me Māras e tij, me brahm itss e
    tij, me samaṇas dhe brahmins, në kjo gjeneratë me devat dhe njerëzit e
    saj, për t’u zgjuar plotësisht në sammodambhi suprem. Dhe njohuria dhe
    vizioni u ngritën tek unë: ‘vimutti im është i patundur, kjo është jāti
    im i fundit, tani nuk ka asnjë bhava tjetër.
    Kjo
    është ajo që tha Bhagavā. I kënaqur, grupi me pesë bhikkhus miratoi
    fjalët e Bhagavā. Dhe ndërsa po flitej për këtë ekspozitë, në āyasmā
    Koṇḍañña lindi syri Dhamma, i cili është i lirë nga pasioni dhe i
    pandryshkshëm: ‘gjithçka që ka natyrën e samudajas ka natyrën e
    nirodës’.
    Dhe
    kur Bhagavā vuri në lëvizje Rrotën e Dhammës, devat e tokës shpallën me
    zë të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka vënë
    në lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga samaṇas
    ose brahminë, devas, Māras, Brahmā ose dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave të tokës, devat Cātumahārājika shpallën me zë
    të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Asherimin e Drerit në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka
    vënë në lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga
    samaṇas ose brahmins, devas , Māras, Brahmā apo dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave të Cātumahārājika, devat Tāvatiṃsa shpallën me
    zë të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove të Drerit në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka
    vënë në lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga
    samaṇas ose brahmins, devas, Māras. , Brahmā apo dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave Tāvatiṃsa, devat e Yāma shpallën me zë të
    lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka vënë në
    lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga samaṇas
    ose brahmins, devas, Māras , Brahmā ose dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave Yāma, devas Tusitā proklamuan me zë të lartë:
    ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka vënë në lëvizje
    Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga samaṇas ose
    brahmins, devas, Māras , Brahmā ose dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave të Tusitā, devat e Nimmānarati shpallën me zë
    të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana, Bhagavā ka vënë në
    lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të ndalet nga samaṇas
    ose brahmins, devas, Māras , Brahmā apo dikush në botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave të Nimmānarati, devanët Paranimmitavasavatti
    proklamuan me zë të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana,
    Bhagavā ka vënë në lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të
    ndalet nga samaṇas ose brahmins, devas, Māras. , Brahmā ose dikush në
    botë. ‘
    Duke
    dëgjuar britmën e devave të Paranimmitavasavatti, devahët brahmakāyika
    proklamuan me zë të lartë: ‘Në Varanasi, në Grove Deer në Isipatana,
    Bhagavā ka vënë në lëvizje Rrota supreme e Dhamma, e cila nuk mund të
    ndalet nga samaṇas ose brahmins, devas, Māras. , Brahmā ose dikush në
    botë. ‘
    Kështu,
    në atë moment, në atë çast, britma u përhap deri në Brahmaoloka. Dhe ky
    sistem botëror dhjetë mijëfish u trondit, u dridh, dhe u dridh, dhe një
    shkëlqim i madh, i pakufishëm u shfaq në botë, duke tejkaluar
    shkëlqimin e devave
    Pastaj
    Bhagavā shqiptoi këtë udanë: ‘Koṇḍañña me të vërtetë e kuptoi! Koṇḍañña
    e kuptoi vërtet! ‘ Dhe kështu acquiredyasmā Koṇḍañña fitoi emrin
    ‘Aññāsi · Koṇḍañña’.
    History of Dhamma Chakra Pravartan din and Vijaya dashami धम्मचक्र प्रवर्तन दिन अशोक विजया दशमी
    Buddha Paradise
    History of Dhamma Chakra Pravartan din and Vijaya dashami धम्मचक्र प्रवर्तन दिन अशोक विजया दशमी का इतिहास | BJ18
    About this video:👇
    Hii……Namo Buddhay
    This is Umakant…. well come to #BuddhaParadise channel in the form of #BuddhaJourney series.
    World recognise India is the land of lord #Buddha but still historical sites of lord buddha is ignored, so special required.
    In this video historical analysis of #dhammachakra_ pravartan_din , which is associated with #Ashok_vijaya_dashami .
    History of #vijaya_dashami festival and many more indian festivals are concern with
    Watch my other Buddha Journey :👇
    BJ19 | History and reality of Dhammadipotsav धम्मदिपोत्सव का इतिहास https://youtu.be/HQsy1Kzx3A0
    BJ17
    | बुद्ध का वास्तविक नाम क्या है?बुद्ध की अस्थिया कहा मिली? खोए हुए
    बुद्ध की तलाश में….. In Search of Name and Relics of Buddha https://youtu.be/LJXYgdB-B-A
    BJ10
    | अयोध्या मंदिर समतलीकरन मे क्यू निकल रहे है बुद्ध के अवशेष | भारत की
    जमीन पर हमेशा खुदाई मे बुद्ध ही क्यों निकलते है | Ayodhya Temple debris
    Archaeological analysis with evidences https://youtu.be/1k_69DD2WSc
    BJ16 | Xuanzang’s journey to the west ह्वेनसांग की भारत यात्रा https://youtu.be/vS24brfLtPA
    BJ15 | World Heritage Ajanta Caves and Painting | विश्व विरासत अजंता बुद्ध गुफाओं के पेंटिंग की विशेषताये
    BJ 13 | What is correct name of Asia’s mother script Dhammalipi Or Brahmi आशिया के लिपियो कि जनणी धम्मलिपी या ब्राह्मी https://youtu.be/xQb0u1PHy4A
    BJ08 | Brahmi - Dhammalipi Inscription Learning | ब्राह्मी - धम्मलीपी शिलालेख पढ़ना https://youtu.be/NWKSWj9sQiI
    BJ
    11 | Brahmi Dhammalipi Conjunctions, Brahmi Numbers and Om Learning
    ब्राह्मी धम्मलीपी संयुक्ताक्षर, ब्राह्मी अंक और ओम की जानकारी
    BJ01 | Kondhane cave Karjat | कोंढाणे बौद्ध गुफा - कर्जत | कोंढाणे लेणी - कर्जत
    BJ02 | Karla cave Lonavala |कार्ला बौद्ध गुफा लोणावला |कार्ला लेणी लोणावला
    BJ03 | Ambivale cave Karjat | आंबिवले बौद्ध गुफा |आंबिवले लेणी कर्जत
    BJ04 | Trirashmi cave Nashik | त्रिरश्मी बौद्ध गुफा | त्रिरश्मी लेणी नाशिक
    BJ05 | Mahakal caves Andheri-Mumbai | महाकाल गुफा | महाकाल लेणी अंधेरी-मुंबई | Kondivite caves
    BJ06
    | Bhandara Mountain Caves Indori, Chakan - Talegaon Road | भंडारा
    पहाडी गुफा | भंडारा डोंगर लेणी इंदोरी, चाकण - तळेगाव रोड
    BJ07 | Kanheri Caves Birivali - Mumbai | कान्हेरी बुद्ध गुफा | कान्हेरी लेणी, बोरीवली - मुंबई
    BJ09 | Buddha Mudra Buddha Hand Position meaning बुद्ध मुद्रा और हस्त संकेत
    BJ12 | Buddha Converted to Hanuman बुद्ध को बनाया हनुमान https://youtu.be/-0EHVsRsTek
    BW02 | Bhim ki lathi satya ya asatya भिम की लाठी का सत्य | टोपरा कलान स्तंभ की अनसुनी दास्तान Topra Kalan
    BW 01 | The Mystery Of Biggest Gold Statue In The World दुनिया की सबसे बडी सोने की मूर्ति का अकथित रहस्य
    BT01 |Buddha Dhamma Teaching बुद्ध धम्म की शिक्षा संक्षिप्त स्वरूप में | BT01
    BT02 | Scientific approach of Dhamma कल्पनाओं पर धम्म का वैज्ञानिक दृष्टिकोण | BT02 https://youtu.be/OMugnNIloXM
    Disclaimer:
    Video
    is for educational purpose only. Copyright disclaimer under section 107
    of the copyright act 1976, allowance is made for “fair use” for the
    purposes such as criticism, comment, news reporting, teaching,
    scholarship and research. Fair use is a use permitted by copyright
    statute that might otherwise be infringing. Non-profit, educational or
    personal use tips balance in favor of fair use.
    Disclaimer2:
    The
    content in this video qualify under Article 19(1)(a) of the
    Constitution of India guarantees to all its citizens the right to
    freedom of speech and expression. The law states that, “all citizens
    shall have the right to freedom of speech and expression” which includes
    the right to express one’s views and opinions at any issue through any
    medium, e.g. by words of mouth, writing, printing, picture, film, movie
    etc.
    Video and footage credit to

    10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
    Friends

    Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta— በዴማ ጎማ መንቀሳቀስ - - [Dhamma · cakka · pavattana]
    Dhamma Gloomy GIF - Dhamma Gloomy Lake GIFs
    https://www.buddha-vacana.org/…/samy…/maha/sn56-011.html
    >> ሱታ ፒያካ >> ሳṃታታ ኒካያ >> ሳካ ሳṃቱታ
    ኤስ.
    ይህ በእርግጥ በፓሊ litterature ውስጥ በጣም ዝነኛ ሱታ ነው ፡፡
    ቡድሃ አራቱን አርያ · ሳካስን ለመጀመሪያ ጊዜ ያብራራል ፡፡
    ማስታወሻ በእያንዳንዱ የፓሊ ቃል ላይ መረጃ · አረፋ

    ባጋቫ በአንድ ወቅት በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ በቫራናሲ ቆዩ ፡፡

    እዚያም ለአምስት የቢችሁስ ቡድን ንግግር አደረገ ፡፡

    እነዚህ
    ሁለት ጽንፎች ፣ ቢክሁስ ፣ ከቤት ሕይወት በወጣ አንድ ሰው መቀበል የለባቸውም ፡፡ የትኞቹ ሁለት ናቸው? በአንድ
    በኩል ፣ ዝቅተኛ ፣ ብልሹ ፣ የተለመደ ፣ አናሪያ ፣ ጥቅማጥቅምን ያጣ ፣ ለካማ ለሄዶኒዝም መሰጠት ፣ እና በሌላ
    በኩል ራስን የማጥፋት ራስን መሰጠት ፣ ይህም ዱካ ፣ አሪያያ ፣ ጥቅማ ጥቅም ተነፍጓል . ወደ እነዚህ ሁለት
    ጽንፎች ፣ ቢሂክሁስ ሳይሄድ ታታጋታ ራዕይን ወደሚያመነጨው ማጅሂማ ፓṭipada ሙሉ በሙሉ ነቅቷል ፣ ይህም ñāṇa
    ን ያፈራል እናም ወደ ቅሬታ ፣ ወደ አቢጃ ፣ ወደ ሳምቦዲ ፣ ወደ ንብባና ይመራል ፡፡

    እና ታህጋታ
    ሙሉ በሙሉ የነቃበት ፣ ራዕይን የሚያመነጭ ፣ ñā producesa ን የሚያመነጭ እና ወደ ቅሬታ ፣ ወደ አቢሃ ፣
    ወደ ሳምቦዲ ፣ ወደ ንብባና የሚወስደው መጃጅማ ፓṭipada ምንድን ነው? እሱ ፣ ብሂክሁስ ፣ ይህ አርያ
    አሀሃጊጊካ ማግጋ ፣ ይኸውም ሳምአዲያቺ ሳምአ · ሳካካፓ ሳምአቫቫ ሳማማ ካምማንታ ሳማ · አጃቫ ሳምአማያማ ሰማማቲ
    ሳቲማምማድሂ ነው። ይህ ፣ ቢክሁስ ፣ ታታጋታ የነቃበት ፣ ራዕይን የሚያመጣ ፣ ñā producesa ን የሚያመነጭ
    እና ወደ ቅሬታ ፣ ወደ አቢሃ ፣ ወደ ሳምቦዲ ፣ ወደ ኒብባና የሚወስደው መጅጅማ ፓṭipada ነው።

    በተጨማሪም
    ፣ ቢቺሁስ ፣ ይህ ዱካካ አሪያ · ሳካ ነው ጃቲ ዱካ ፣ ጃራ ዱካ (በሽታ ዱካ) ማራካ ዱካ ፣ ከሚወዱት ጋር
    መገናኘት ዱካ ነው ፣ ከሚወደው መገንጠል ዱካ ነው ፣ የሚፈልገውን ለማግኘት አይደለም ፡፡ dukkha ነው; በአጭሩ
    አምስቱ upāda’ana’k'khandhas ዱካሃ ናቸው።

    በተጨማሪም ፣ ቢቺኩስ ፣ ይህ ዱካካ-ሳሙዳያ
    አሪያ · ሳካ ነው ይህ ወደ ዳግመኛ መወለድ የሚወስድ ፣ ከፍላጎት እና ከመደሰት ጋር የተቆራኘ ፣ እዚህ ወይም
    እዚያ ደስታ ያገኛል ፣ ማለትም ካማ-ታህህ ፣ ባቫ-ታህሃ እና ቪውሃቫ-ታህሃ።

    በተጨማሪም ፣ ቢኪሁስ ፣ ይህ ዱካቻኒኒሃ አሪያ · ሳካ ነው-የተሟላ ቪያጋ ፣ ኒሮሃ ፣ መተው ፣ መተው ፣ ነፃ ማውጣት እና ከዚያ በጣም ታህሃ ፡፡

    በተጨማሪም
    ፣ ቢቺሁስ ፣ ይህ ዱካቻ-ኒሮድሃ-ጋራሚኒ ፓṭቲዮ አሪያ · ሳካ ነው ፣ ልክ ይህ አሪያ አሃሃጊካ ማጋ ፣ ማለትም
    ሳምማዲṭṭ ፣ ሳማህሳካካፓ ፣ ሳማካቫ ሳማማማ ፣ ሳማማጃጃጃ ፣ ሳማማያ። ፣ ሳማታቲ እና ሳምአማሰማዲ።

    ‘ይህ
    ዱካካ አሊያሳካካ ነው-በእኔ ፣ ቢኪኩስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣
    ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነሳ ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካካ አሊያሳካካ ሙሉ በሙሉ
    መታወቅ አለበት› በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣
    theāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካካ አሊያሳካካ ሙሉ በሙሉ
    የታወቀ ነው›-በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣
    ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓ theአ ተነሳ ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡

    ‘ይህ ዱካካ-ሳሙዳያ አሪያሳሳካ
    ነው-በእኔ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣
    ፓññአ ተነሳ ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካካ-ሳሙዳያ አሪያሳካካ መተው አለበት› በእኔ
    ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ
    ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‘አሁን ፣ ይህ ዱካካ-ሳሙዳያ አሪያሳሳካ ተትቷል’-በእኔ ውስጥ ፣
    ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነስቷል ፣
    ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡

    ‹ይህ ዱካቻኒኒሃ አሪያሳሳካ› ነው ፣ በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ
    በፊት ተሰምተው ስለማያውቁት ነገሮች ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāña ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ ፣
    ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካቻኒኒሃ አሪያሳካካ በግል ሊሞክር ነው› በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት
    ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓ arose ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ
    ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካቻኒኒአራሃ አሪያሳካካ በግል ተሞክሮ ደርሶበታል›-በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ
    ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው የማያውቁትን ነገሮች በተመለከተ ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ñāña ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው
    ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡

    ‘ይህ ዱካቻኒኒ-ግራሚኒ paīipadā ariyasacca ነው-በእኔ ውስጥ
    ቢኪሁስ ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው ስለማያውቁት ነገሮች ፣ ዐይን ተነስቷል ፣ ñāṇ ተነሳ ፣ ፓ the ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃ
    ተነሳ ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‘አሁን ይህ ዱካቻኒኒዳሃ-ጋራሚī ፓṭፓዳ አሪያሳካካ ሊዳብር ነው-በእኔ ውስጥ ቢኪሁስ
    ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው ስለማያውቁት ነገሮች ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ ññṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓ the ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃው ተነሳ
    ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡ ‹አሁን ይህ ዱካቻኒኒዳሃ-ጋራኒ ፓīፓዳ አሪያሳካካ ተገንብቷል›-በእኔ ውስጥ ፣ ቢኪሁስ
    ከዚህ በፊት ተሰምተው ስለማያውቁት ነገሮች ፣ ዐይን ተነሳ ፣ theāṇa ተነሳ ፣ ፓññ ተነስቷል ፣ ቪጃ ተነስቷል
    ፣ ብርሃኑ ተነሳ ፡፡እናም
    በጣም ረጅም ፣ ቢኪክሁስ ፣ በእነዚህ አራት መንገዶች በሦስት መንገድ በእነዚያ አራት አሊያሳካዎች ያለኝ እውቀት
    እና ራእይ በጣም ንፁህ ስላልነበረ ፣ በሎካ ውስጥ በዲሳዎቹ ፣ በማራራዎቹ ፣ በብራህማዎቹ ፣ በ ሰማናስ እና
    ብራህሞች ፣ በዚህ ትውልድ ውስጥ ከዲያፋዎቹ እና ከሰዎች ጋር ወደ ከፍተኛው ሳምአማምቦዲ ሙሉ በሙሉ እንዲነቃቁ ፡፡

    ነገር
    ግን ፣ ቢኪኩስ ፣ የእኔ ያታብብታታ እውቀት እና የእነዚህ አራት አሪያስካስ እይታ በእነዚህ ሦስት መንገዶች
    በሶስትዮሽ በጠራ ሶስት ጊዜ በሎካ ውስጥ በዲሳዎቹ ፣ በማራራዎቹ ፣ በብራህማዎቹ ፣ በሰማዕያዎች እና በብራህሞች ፣
    ውስጥ ወደ ታላቁ ሳምአምቦድሂ ሙሉ በሙሉ እንዲነቃ ይህ ትውልድ ከአባቶቹ እና ከሰዎች ጋር እናም እውቀቱ እና
    ራዕዩ በውስጤ ተነሳ ‹የእኔ አሚሚቲ የማይነቃነቅ ነው ፣ ይህ የመጨረሻው ጃቲዬ ነው ፣ አሁን ምንም ተጨማሪ ባቫ
    የለም ፡፡

    ብሃጋቫ የተናገረው ይህ ነው። በጣም ተደስቶ ፣ አምስት የቢችኩስ ግሩፕ የባጋቫዋን ቃላት
    አጸደቀ። እናም ይህ ገለፃ በሚነገርበት ጊዜ ከፍቅር እና ከማይዝግ ነፃ በሆነው “አይሳምማ ኮአና” ውስጥ ‹የሳሙዳያ
    ተፈጥሮ ያለው ሁሉ የኒሮዳ ተፈጥሮ› አለው ፡፡

    እናም ባጋቫ የደማ መንኮራኩር እንቅስቃሴን ባቀናበሩበት
    ጊዜ የምድር ላሉት ጮክ ብለው “በቫራናሲ ፣ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእያስ ማቆም
    የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ እንቅስቃሴ ጀምሯል ፡፡ ወይም ብራህሞች ፣ ዲቫዎች ፣ ማራስ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም
    በዓለም ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው ፡፡

    ካቱማህሃርጃጂካ ዲቫስ የምድርን ዲማዎች ጩኸት ከሰሙ በኋላ ጮክ
    ብለው “በቫራናሲ ውስጥ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእያን ወይም የብራህማንስን ፣
    የዲሳዎችን ሊገታው የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ እንቅስቃሴ ጀምረዋል ፡፡ ፣ ማራስ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም
    ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የታቫቲሳሳ ዴታስ የካታቱሃህራጃጂካ ዲቫዎች ጩኸት ከተሰሙ በኋላ ድምፃቸውን
    ከፍ አድርገው “ቫራናሲ ውስጥ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእስ ወይም የብራህማን ፣
    የዲቫስ ፣ ማራስ ሊቆም የማይችል ከፍተኛውን የዴማ መሽከርከሪያ ጀምረዋል ፡፡ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ ያለ
    ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የያማ ዲቫዎች የታቫቲሳሳ ዲቫዎች ጩኸት ከተሰሙ በኋላ ጮክ ብለው አውጀዋል-‘በቫራናሲ
    በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእስ ወይም የብራህማን ፣ ዲቫስ ፣ ማራስ ሊገታው
    የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ ጀምሯል ፡፡ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የቱማ
    ዲሳዎች የያማ ዲቫዎች ጩኸት ከተሰሙ በኋላ ጮክ ብለው አውጀዋል-‹ቫራናሲ ውስጥ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን
    ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእስ ወይም የብራህማን ፣ ዲቫስ ፣ ማራስ ሊገታው የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ
    እንቅስቃሴ ጀምሯል ፡፡ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የኑሚታራ ዲታ የቱሲታ
    ዲታዎችን ጩኸት ከሰሙ በኋላ ጮክ ብለው አውጀዋል-‘በቫራናሲ ፣ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ
    የሰማእስ ወይም የብራህማን ፣ የዴሳ ፣ ማራስ ሊቆም የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ እንቅስቃሴ ጀምሯል ፡፡ ፣
    ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የፓራሚሚታቫሳቫቲቲ ዲማስ የኒማናራቲ ዲቫዎችን ጩኸት
    ከተሰሙ በኋላ ጮክ ብለው “በቫራናሲ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእስ ወይም የብራህማን ፣
    የዲቫስ ፣ ማራስ ሊቆም የማይችለውን ከፍተኛውን የዴማ ጎማ እንቅስቃሴ ጀምረዋል ፡፡ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ
    ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    የብራህማኪካ ዲቫ የፓራንሚሚታቫሳቫቲቲ ዲሳትን ጩኸት ከሰሙ በኋላ ‹ቫራናሲ
    ውስጥ በኢሲፓታና በሚገኘው የአጋዘን ግሮቭ ውስጥ ባጋቫ የሰማእስ ወይም የብራሂምንስ ፣ የዴታስ ፣ ማራስ ሊቆም
    የማይችለውን የሙሉማ መንኮራኩር እንቅስቃሴ ጀምረዋል ፡፡ ፣ ብራህማ ወይም በዓለም ላይ ያለ ማንኛውም ሰው። ‘

    ስለዚህ
    በዚያ ቅጽበት በዚያ ቅጽበት ጩኸቱ እስከ ብራህማሎካ ድረስ ተሰራጨ ፡፡ እናም ይህ አሥር ሺህ እጥፍ የሆነ የአለም
    ስርዓት ተንቀጠቀጠ ፣ ተንቀጠቀጠ እና ተንቀጠቀጠ ፣ እናም የዲማዎችን አፈፃፀም በመለየት ታላቅ ፣ የማይገደብ
    ብሩህነት በአለም ላይ ታየ ፡፡

    ከዚያ ባጋቫው ይህን ኡድና ተናገረ: - ‘ኮሳአ በእውነት ተረድቷል! ኮሳና በእውነቱ ተረድቷል! ‘ እናም ያያስማ ኮአና ‘አññሲ · ኮṇḍአና’ የሚል ስያሜ ያገኘው በዚህ መንገድ ነው




    Friends

    My Vipassana meditation experience | Goenka Dhamma vipassana| tharcharbu vazhkai |tamil
    121
    5
    Share
    Save
    Tharcharbu vazhkai- தற்சார்பு வாழ்க்கை
    373 subscribers
    This video is my own experience of attending the vipassana meditation class.
    Website address:
    Chennai Dhamma vipassana centre address:
    Dhamma Setu
    No:533, pazhanthandalam Road,
    Thiruneermalai via,
    Thirumudivakkam,
    Chennai- 600044
    If you like this video please subscribe my channel and support me for making new useful videos
    follow me on Instagram
    @selvasakhi
    Thank you
    Vazhga Valamudan
    Be blessed by divine
    keywords:
    Experience of 10days vipassana meditation in tamil
    10days vipasanna Experience
    dhamma vipassana
    goenka dhamma vipassana meditation doubts
    how to practice aana paana meditation
    how to perform simple meditation
    dhamma vipassana in tamil
    youtube.com
    My Vipassana meditation experience | Goenka Dhamma vipassana| tharcharbu vazhkai |tamil
    harmonious co-existence




    ஆனா பானா சதி தியானம்|Aana pana sati meditation in tamil|Dhamma vipassana|Tharcharbu vazhkai
    Tharcharbu vazhkai- தற்சார்பு வாழ்க்கை
    373 subscribers
    Thanks for watching this video. If you like this video please subscribe my channel and support me for making more useful videos.
    watch my other videos:
    Vipassana meditation 10 days experience——–)
    benefits of vipassana meditation———-)
    How to perform meditation in tamil——–)
    vipassana doubts and clarifications———)
    keywords
    aana paana sati meditation
    dhamma vipassana meditation
    vipassana meditation in tamil
    youtube.com
    vipassana meditation doubts and questions||Tamil
    Thanks for watching this video. Hope I have covered all your doubts

    comments (0)