https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mayawati
Mayawati, Four time Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
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“Mayavati” redirects here. For the figure in Hinduism, daughter-in-law of Krishna, see Rati.
President of the Bahujan Samaj Party
Incumbent
Assumed office
18 September 2003
Preceded by Kanshi Ram
Member of Parliament, Rajya Sabha
In office
3 April 2012 – 20 July 2017 (Resigned)
Succeeded by Anil Agrawal, BJP
Constituency Uttar Pradesh
17th Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
In office
3 June 1995 – 18 October 1995
Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav
Succeeded by President’s rule
Constituency Harora
In office
21 March 1997 – 21 September 1997
Preceded by President’s rule
Succeeded by Kalyan Singh
Constituency Harora
In office
3 May 2002 – 29 August 2003
Preceded by President’s rule
Succeeded by Mulayam Singh Yadav
In office
13 May 2007 – 15 March 2012
Preceded by Mulayam Singh Yadav
Succeeded by Akhilesh Yadav
Personal details
Born Mayawati Prabhu Das
15 January 1956 (age 64)
New Delhi, India
Political party Bahujan Samaj Party
Residence Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, India
Alma mater
Kalindi College, University of Delhi
Meerut University
Occupation Politician
Mayawati (born 15 January 1956) is an Indian politician.[1] She has
served four separate terms as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh. She is
the national president of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), which focuses
on a platform of social change for Bahujans, more commonly known as
Other Backward Classes, Muslim, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes.
She was Chief Minister briefly in 2000 and again in 2005, then from 2002
to 2003 and from 2007 to 2012.
Mayawati’s rise from humble
beginnings has been called a “miracle of democracy” by P. V. Narasimha
Rao, former Prime Minister of India.[2] In 1993 Kanshi Ram formed a
coalition with the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati became the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh in 1995. She was the first female Scheduled
Caste Chief Minister in India. In 1997 and in 2002 she was Chief
Minister with outside support from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the
second time only for a year up to 26 August 2003 due to BJP withdrawing
support.[3]
Mayawati’s tenure has attracted praise and
criticism. Millions of Dalits view her as an icon, and refer to her as
Behen-ji (sister), She has been praised for her fundraising efforts on
behalf of her party and her birthdays have been widely celebrated by her
supporters. The rise in her personal wealth and that of her party have
been criticised as indicative of corruption.[4]
After losing the
2012 legislative assembly elections to the rival Samajwadi Party, she
resigned from her post as party leader on 7 March 2012. Later that
month, she was elected to the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of Indian
parliament.
Early life and education
Mayawati was born on 15
January 1956 at Shrimati Sucheta Kriplani Hospital, New Delhi to a
Dalit family.[5][6] Her father, Prabhu Das, was a post office employee
at Badalpur, Gautam Buddha Nagar.[1] The sons in the family were sent to
private schools, while the daughters went to “low-performing government
schools”.[7]
Mayawati studied for her B.A. in 1975 at the
Kalindi College, University of Delhi and later obtained her LLB from
University of Delhi. She completed a B.Ed. from Meerut University’s VMLG
College, Ghaziabad, in 1976.[1] She was working as a teacher in
Inderpuri JJ Colony, Delhi, and studying for the Indian Administrative
Services exams, when Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes politician
Kanshi Ram visited her family home in 1977. According to biographer Ajoy
Bose, Ram told her: “I can make you such a big leader one day that not
one but a whole row of IAS officers will line up for your orders.”[7] In
1983, Mayawati was awarded her LL.B from University of Delhi. Kanshi
Ram included her as a member of his team when he founded the Bahujan
Samaj Party (BSP) in 1984.[8] Mayawati was first elected to Parliament
in 1989.[9]
Early political career
Kanshi Ram founded the BSP
in 1984. Influenced by Dr. B. R. Ambedkar, the chief architect of the
Constitution of India, the party’s primary focus is to improve the
situation of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes and other
disadvantaged groups through policy reform, affirmative action on hiring
of members of scheduled castes for government posts, and providing
rural development programmes.[8] Reservation in India is a system
whereby a percentage of government positions and seats at universities
are reserved for persons of backward classes and scheduled castes and
tribes. Throughout her political career, Mayawati supported reservation
in both government and private sectors for backward classes, with an
increase in quotas and inclusion of more communities such as religious
minorities and economically weak upper castes.[10][11][12][13][14] In
August 2012 a bill was cleared that starts the process of amending the
constitution so that the reservation system can be expanded to
promotions in state jobs.[15] Mayawati’s career has been called a
“miracle of democracy” by former Prime Minister of India P. V. Narasimha
Rao.[2] Millions of Dalit supporters view her as an icon and refer to
her as “Behen-ji” (sister).[16] Her public meetings have been attended
by large audiences, who use slogans such as “Kanshi Ram ka mission
Adhoora; karegi Behen Mayawati poora” (Kanshi Ram’s unfulfilled mission
will be completed by Mayawati) and “Behenji tum sangharsh karo; hum
tumhare saath hain” (Sister, go ahead with your struggle; we are with
you).[17]
In its first election campaign in 1984, BSP fielded
Mayawati for the Lok Sabha (Lower House) seat of Kairana in the
Muzaffarnagar district, for Bijnor in 1985, and for Haridwar in 1987. In
1989 she was elected as the representative for Bijnor, with 183,189
votes, winning by 8,879 votes.[18][19] Although BSP did not win control
of the house, the electoral experience led to considerable activity for
Mayawati over the next five years, as she worked with Mahsood Ahmed and
other organisers. The party won three seats in the 1989 national
election[20] and two seats 1991.[21]
Mayawati was first elected
to the Rajya Sabha (Upper House) of Uttar Pradesh (UP) in 1994.[1] In
1995 she became, as head of her party, Chief Minister in a short-lived
coalition government, the youngest Chief Minister in the history of the
state up until that point, and the first female Dalit Chief Minister in
India.[16][22] She won election to the Lok Sabha in two different
constituencies in 1996 and chose to serve for Harora.[1] She became
Chief Minister again for a short period in 1997 and then from 2002 to
2003 in coalition with the Bharatiya Janata Party. In 2001 Ram named her
as his successor to the party leadership.[9]
BSP presidentship
On 15 December 2001, in an address during a rally in Lucknow, Kanshi
Ram named Mayawati as his successor.[23] She was elected national
president of the BSP for her first term on 18 September 2003.[24] She
was elected unopposed for a second consecutive term on 27 August
2006,[25], for a third term on 30 August 2014[26] and for fourth term on
28 August 2019.[27]
Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh
As the
Chief Minister, Mayawati gained a reputation for efficient
governance[28] and promoting law and order,[29][30] winning praise even
from opposition parties[31][32][33] and other
rivals.[34][35][36][37][38] In 2007, MLA Umakant Yadav of her own
political party accused in a land grabbing case, was arrested near her
dwelling on her orders.[39][40] During September–October 2010, at the
time of the Ayodhya verdict, her government maintained law and
order[41][42][43] and the state remained peaceful.[44] Several
high-profile criminals and mafia dons were jailed during her terms in
office.[45][46][47][48] She called for strong anti-rape laws.[49][50]
Fewer riots,[51] lowest rapes,[52] and least corruption[53][54] occurred
during her tenure as compared to previous or successive governments. In
the 2007-2012 assembly, only 124 MLAs were crorepatis as compared to
271 crorepatis in successive assembly elected in 2012.[55] Uttar Pradesh
achieved higher GDP growth rate at 17 per cent[56][57] and lesser
crimes under Mayawati regime as compared to previous and successive
governments.[58]
First term, 1995
Mayawati first served as
Chief Minister from 3 June 1995 to 18 October 1995. During this term,
the new districts of Ambedkar Nagar district and Udham Singh Nagar
district were created.[59]
Second term, 1997
Her second term
was from 21 March 1997 to 20 September 1997. A drive under her
government allotted pattas or gram sabha lands on lease to thousands of
landless residents.[60] In April 1997, she created Gautam Budh Nagar
district from the district of Ghaziabad, Kaushambi district was
separated from Allahabad district, and Jyotiba Phule Nagar district from
Moradabad district. In May 1997, Mahamaya Nagar district was created
out of Aligarh district and Banda district was split into Banda and
Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Nagar.[61] Mayawati carried out review
meetings with bureaucrats and suspended 127 officers.[62] She setup Dr
Ambedkar Awards and erected over 100 statues of various sizes of
Ambedkar in Lucknow, Kanpur, Allahabad and other key towns.[63]
Third term, 2002–03
Her third term was from 3 May 2002 to 26 August 2003. She suspended 12
IAS officers, including Divisional Commissioners and District
Magistrates. Six IPS officers were suspended for failing to maintain law
and order, while 24 officers were warned to improve.[64] She started
511 acre Gautam Buddha University.[65] She renamed King George’s Medical
University to Chhatrapati Shahuji Maharaj Medical University.[66] She
suspended three senior officials after review in a couple of
administrative divisions.[67]
2007 State and 2009 general election
Further information: 2007 Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly election
Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state and one of its poorest, is
considered pivotal in the politics of India because of its large number
of voters.[68][69] BSP won a majority in the 2007 Uttar Pradesh Assembly
elections, fielding candidates from a variety of castes and
religions.[70] The campaign was accompanied by a colourful slogan:
Haathi nahin, Ganesh hain, Brahma, Vishnu Mahesh Hain: “The elephant
(the BSP logo) is really the Lord Ganesha, the trinity of gods rolled
into one”.[71]
The BSP won 20 seats in Lok Sabha from the state
of Uttar Pradesh in the 2009 elections, obtaining the highest percentage
(27.42%) of votes for any political party in the state. The party
placed third in terms of national polling percentage (6.17%).[72]
Fourth term, 2007–12: BSP absolute majority
Mayawati was sworn in as Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh for the fourth
time on 13 May 2007. She announced an agenda that focused on providing
social justice to the weaker sections of society and providing
employment instead of distributing money to the unemployed. Her slogan
was to make “Uttar Pradesh” (”Northern Province”) into “Uttam Pradesh”
(”Excellent Province”).[73] Her government began a major crackdown on
irregularities in the recruitment process of police officers recruited
during the previous Mulayam Singh government. Over 18,000 policemen lost
their jobs for irregularities in their hiring, and 25 Indian Police
Service officers were suspended for their involvement in corruption
while recruiting the constables.[74][75] Mayawati instituted reforms to
introduce transparency into the recruiting process, including posting
the results of selection exams online.[76]
On 10 August 2007, the
Mayawati government proposed 30 per cent reservation in jobs in the
private sector.[77] A quota for promotions was also introduced, but was
later quashed by the Supreme Court of India.[78]
In September
2007, Bhimrao Ambedkar Rural Integrated Development Programme was
started.[79] The Dr Ambedkar Gram Vikas Yojana scheme was launched for
supplying water, electricity, and constructing roads in villages with a
Dalit majority.[80][81][82] Under this scheme, 24,716 villages received
improvements.
In 2008, Mayawati launched, Manyawar Shri Kanshiram
Ji Shahri Garib Awas Yojna, a scheme for building low-cost housing
colonies for urban poor with 90,000 low-cost homes under the first round
of construction in different towns and cities across the state while a
second and a third round were still underway when government ended in
2012 and next government scrapped the scheme including cutting down
electricity of these colonies.[83]
Mayawati government started
efforts to set up solar power plants and the first 5 MW solar power
plant located in Naini of Allahabad district started functioning in
March 2012 and was developed by EMC Limited.[84] UP government signed a
MoU with NTPC Limited for 1,320-MW power plant.[85]
Mayawati’s
dream project of 165 km six lane Yamuna Expressway connected Delhi to
Agra through Noida–Greater Noida Expressway, touching 1,182 villages in
the state.[86] Later, Indian Air Force fighter jet Dassault Mirage 2000
test-Landed on Yamuna Expressway as Part of Trials.[87] On 15 January
2008, Mayawati inaugurated the construction of the 1,047 km Ganga
Expressway at the cost of ₹30,000 crore (US$4.2 billion) for joining
Ballia to Greater Noida.[88]
In November 2009, Mayawati dedicated
Noida Metro constructed at the cost of ₹557 crore (US$78
million).[89][90] She had vigorously proposed for construction of Jewar
airport near Noida.[91]
In October 2011, Mayawati government
under public-private partnership with Jaypee Group successfully executed
and delivered First F1 Indian Grand Prix, an international event at
Buddh International Circuit, Greater Noida constructed by Jaypee Group.
The event was hailed as flawlessly conducted salvaging some of India’s
prestige when compared to minor embarrassments in 2010 Commonwealth
Games (Before opening ceremony) conducted in Delhi.[92][93][94] Mayawati
presented the winning trophy to winner Sebastian Vettel.[95] Foreigners
found the track as ‘impressive’[96] and 3 Indian teenagers picked by a
F1 panel to train them as future Formula One drivers in Europe.[97]
Mayawati has seen through to completion of several memorials dedicated
to icons of Bahujan Samaj build first time in India, including the
Manyawar Shri Kanshiram Ji Green Eco Garden (inaugurated March
2011),[98] the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna Sthal and Green Garden
(inaugurated October 2011),[99] and the Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar Samajik
Parivartan Prateek Sthal (opened November 2012).[100] She renamed Amethi
district as Chattrapati Sahuji Maharaj Nagar[101], Kanpur Dehat as
Rambai Nagar, Sambhal as Bheem Nagar, Shamli as Prabuddha Nagar, Hapur
as Psanchseel Nagar, Kasganj as Kanshiram Nagar, Hathras as Mahamaya
Nagar and Amroha as JP Nagar.[102]
Mayawati during her tenure
directed the all the Commissioners and the District Magistrates to
distribute 3 acre land pieces or pattas to weaker sections of society by
launching special drive for illegal possesses of pattas be dispossessed
of them and the eligible poor be identified by regular monitoring of
pattas and strict action against the mafias and musclemen through spot
verification of different development and public welfare
programmes.[103]
In 2010, 5596 people belonging to the SC and ST
communities were allotted 1054.879 hectares of agriculture land. In a
special drive 74 FIRs were filed and 88 people were arrested for illegal
occupation from agricultural land.[104][105]
Sugar Information Service a model website supported by SMS and IVRS facility was developed.[106]
In 2008, Her government established Dr. Shakuntala Misra National
Rehabilitation University for the Physically challenged students.[107]
Mayawati dedicated the ₹63.5 crore (US$8.9 million) 286-bed
super-specialty Centenary hospital in Lucknow and 50-bed critical care
unit at CSMMU[108] and increased salaries of doctors.[109] Mayawati, in
2007, launched[110] ₹500 crore (US$70 million) Manyawar Kanshiram
Multi-speciality Hospital in Greater Noida which started its OPD
services in April 2013.[111] Mayawati government also spent ₹510 crore
(US$72 million) on Dr. B.R. Ambedkar Multi Speciality Hospital in Sector
30 of Noida.[112]
Her government also instituted Sant Ravidas Kala Samman Award with a cash prize of ₹1.25 lakh (US$1,800).[113]
Under Savitri Bai Phule Balika Shiksha Madad Yojna, Mayawati
distributed over 10 lakh bicycles among Muslim and poor school girls
from 2008 to 2011.[114][115]
After coming to power in 2007,
Mayawati wrote letters to the Prime Minister regarding partitioning of
Uttar Pradesh into four different states in 2007, in March 2008 and
December 2009.[116][117] Finally on 15 November 2011, Mayawati’s cabinet
approved partitioning Uttar Pradesh into four different states
(Pashchim Pradesh, Awadh Pradesh, Bundelkhand and Purvanchal) for better
administration and governance.[118]
On 6 March 2012 the Bahujan
Samaj Party lost its majority to the Samajwadi Party and Mayawati
tendered her resignation to the governor of Uttar Pradesh the next
day,[119] thereby becoming the first CM to complete full five years in
office.[120] On 13 March 2012 she filed nomination papers for the Rajya
Sabha, and she was declared elected unopposed on 22 March.[121][122]
Political and legal issues
Ambedkar Memorial Park at night
Mayawati’s political career has attracted praise and
controversy.[123][124] She has been praised for her fundraising efforts
on behalf of her party, and her birthdays were major media events as
well as a symbol for her supporters. The increase in her personal wealth
and that of her party[125][4][126] have been viewed by critics as signs
of corruption.[16][127]
Taj corridor case
Main article: Taj corridor case
In 2002, the government of Uttar Pradesh began improvements of the
infrastructure in the Taj Heritage Corridor, the important tourist area
in Agra that includes the Taj Mahal. The project was soon riddled with
problems, including funds being released for the project without the
submission of the required detailed project reports to the environmental
authorities.[128] Suspecting there were financial irregularities as
well, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) raided twelve
residences, including Mayawati’s. It had filed a First Information
Report against her and seven others two days earlier.[129] The raid
uncovered evidence of assets disproportionate to her known
income.[130][131] Afterwards, Mayawati resigned from her own government
to prove that she was not “hungry for power”[132] She asked the BJP-run
Government of India to remove Union Tourism and Culture Minister,
Jagmohan[133] for conspiring this all controversy against her.[134]
In June 2007, Governor T. V. Rajeswar said that there was insufficient
evidence to prosecute her. In his 23-page order, he said: “the fact that
the Mission Management Board, consisting of officers of both the State
and the Central Government, regularly met and discussed the project and
the fact that even a sum of ₹ 17 crores was spent through the Central
Government public sector undertaking, NPCC, all go to show that the
serious offences with which Mayawati and the Minister were charged do
not stand scrutiny.”[135] Advocates unsuccessfully challenged the
governor’s decision in court. The Supreme Court rejected the plea of the
CBI and refused to direct the governor to prosecute her. The Taj
corridor case was effectively ended before going to
trial.[136][137][138]
Disproportionate assets case
In the
2007–08 assessment year, Mayawati paid an income tax of ₹ 26 crore,
ranking among the top 20 taxpayers in the country. Earlier the CBI filed
a case against her for owning assets disproportionate to her known
sources of income. Mayawati described the CBI investigation against her
as illegal.[139] Her party asserted that her income comes from gifts and
small contributions made by party workers and supporters.[140][141]
On 3 August 2011 the Delhi High court dismissed the central
government’s appeal against Mayawati, stating that “she has fully
discharged her obligations by disclosing the identities of all of her
donors, the gifts had been donated by her supporters”.[142] The central
government decided not to file an appeal in the Supreme Court.[143] On
13 March 2012 Mayawati revealed assets worth ₹ 111.26 crore in an
affidavit filed with her nomination papers for the Rajya Sabha.[121] The
disproportionate assets case was finally quashed on 6 July 2012—nine
years later—by a Supreme Court bench of Justice P Sathasivam and Dipak
Misra; the court found that the case was unwarranted.[144] Based on an
opinion received from the Directorate of Prosecution, the CBI decided
not to file an appeal.[145] On 4 October 2012 a review petition was
filed by Kamlesh Verma, contending that the case had been dismissed
merely on technical grounds, and that the evidence had not been
adequately reviewed.[146] On 8 August 2013 the Supreme Court declined a
request to re-open the case.[147] After seeking legal advice, the CBI
finally closed their file on 8 October 2013.[148]
Bahujan Monuments
In her tenures as a Chief Minister, Mayawati commissioned the
production and public display of several monuments[149] having parks,
gallerias, museums,[150] memorials, murals[151] and statues representing
Buddhist and Hindu, Dalit/OBC[152] icons like Gautama Buddha, Gadge
Maharaj, Sant Ravidas, Sant Kabir, Narayana Guru, Jyotirao Phule,
Chatrapati Shahuji Maharaj, Babasaheb Ambedkar, BSP party founder Kanshi
Ram, and of herself.[153] She claims that the expenditure was required
because the past governments did not show respect towards Dalit leaders,
in whose memory nothing had ever been built.[154] She spent somewhere
between ₹ 25 and 60 billion rupees (about US$500 million to US$1.3
billion) on projects in five parks and at memorials such as Dr. B.R.
Ambedkar Samajik Parivartan Sthal and Manyavar Kanshiram Smarak Sthal,
built in the name of B.R. Ambedkar, Ramabai Ambedkar, and Kanshi Ram in
Lucknow between 2007 and 2009.[155][156][157] In June 2009 the Supreme
Court issued a stay against further building on the projects, until the
Public Interest Litigation (PIL) questioning these expenditures was
settled.[158] The Comptroller and Auditor General of India reported that
₹ 66 crore (about US$12 million) in excessive costs had been incurred
on the construction of the memorials.[159] In February 2010 Mayawati’s
government approved a plan for a special police force to protect the
statues, as she feared that her political opponents might demolish
them.[160] In December 2010, her government received permission to
continue part of the plan, namely maintenance and completion of Ambedkar
Memorial Park.[157][158]
Despite the existing Supreme Court
stay, in October 2011 Mayawati inaugurated the Rashtriya Dalit Prerna
Sthal and Green Garden, built at a cost of ₹ 685 crore.[161] Since the
memorial also features her own statues, Mayawati was accused by the
Indian National Congress of wasting the taxpayers’ money.[162] The BSP
dismissed the allegations, stating that her statues were erected because
Kanshi Ram’s will requested that his statues should be constructed next
to those of the current President of BSP. Mayawati accused the Congress
of being “anti-Dalit”.[162]
In January 2012, the Election
Commission ordered that all of the statues of Mayawati as well as recent
statues of elephants ( the symbol of the Bahujan Samaj Party) should be
covered up until after February’s Uttar Pradesh
election.[158][163][164] On 26 July 2012 the statue in Lucknow was
damaged by members of a group calling themselves “Uttar Pradesh
Naunirman Sena”.[165][166][167] A replacement statue was re-installed
overnight by the Lucknow city administration.[168] Following the Lucknow
vandalism, there were similar such incidents in other parts of Uttar
Pradesh.[169]
In 2015, the Supreme Court continued hearings on
the PLI case about the statues. The BSP had still not provided evidence
about where the monies expended on such monuments came from, whether it
was all from appropriation bills passed by the legislature or also
included party funds spent for the purpose.[158]
World Bank criticism
The World Bank lent India funds for development, and Mayawati was to
manage projects with this money in UP. The projects were preplanned and
on schedule, but the Mayawati government made changes which put the
projects behind schedule, including rapidly transferring high-caste
managers in and out of rural posts.[170] The World Bank sent a letter of
complaint on 1 August 2002 to India’s central government stating, “We
have now learnt that project managers have been replaced within three
weeks of assuming office. The project coordinator of the Diversified
Agriculture Support Project has been changed twice in quick succession
and at the moment there is no project coordinator. In the forestry
project, numerous changes have been made over past six months … Such
developments do not augur well for these time-bound projects that
require consistently good leadership.”[171] Mayawati initially responded
by saying the letter was a fake and later said there had been a
misunderstanding. She then decreased the number of transfers, stopped
creating new posts, and temporarily reduced the level of government
spending on furniture and vehicles in response to the allegations. The
World Bank continued to criticise the level of corruption even after
these measures had been implemented.[170]
Personal life and public image
Statues of Mayawati (L) and Kanshi Ram (R) at Ambedkar Memorial Park
Mayawati started her political career after Kanshi Ram, the founder of
Bahujan Samaj Party, persuaded her to join the civil service and
politics.[172] Mayawati chose to remain unmarried. She is also known as
the Iron Lady Mayawati.[173][174][175]
Kanshi Ram praised
Mayawati at her 47th birthday celebrations for her fundraising
activities on behalf of the party. He stated that the party’s eventual
goal is to gain power at the national level, and that Mayawati’s efforts
had helped in that quest.[123] Her birthdays have since become major
media events at which she has appeared laden with diamonds.[16] Her
supporters have declared her birthday as Jan Kalyankari Diwas (People’s
Welfare Day). In 2009, the day was marked by the announcement of welfare
schemes targeted towards poor and downtrodden people of the state[176]
and, in 2010, by the launch of social programmes with a value of over ₹
7,312 crore.[177]
In 2007-08, Mayawati paid ₹26.26 crore (US$3.7
million) as income tax.[178] She was at number 20 in I-T department’s
compilation of the top 200 taxpayers’ list with names like Shah Rukh
Khan and Sachin Tendulkar.[179] Most of her income comes as “gifts” from
her faithful supporters of Bahujan Movement started by Kanshi Ram. She
paid ₹15 crore (US$2.1 million) in advance tax in April–December
2007.[180]
When BSP workers garlanded Mayawati with currency
notes on the occasion of the party’s silver jubilee celebrations
coinciding with BSP founder Kanshi Ram’s birth anniversary on 15 March
2010, Indian news channels and newspapers purported to expose the event
as a ‘scandal’ on the presumption that the Chief Minister had publicly
committed an act of corruption that was being flaunted openly and
declaring that the garland of currency notes was made from money through
corrupt means and not from donations of Bahujan Samaj Party supporters
as Mayawati, her Ministers and supporters claimed. At Kanshi Ram’s
funeral ceremonies in 2006, Mayawati stated that both Kanshi Ram and
herself had been, and she would continue to be, observant of Buddhist
traditions and customs. She has stated her intention to formally convert
to Buddhism when the political conditions enable her to become Prime
Minister of India. Her act of performing the last rites (traditionally
done by a male heir) was an expression of their views against gender
discrimination.[181][182] When she was Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh,
she publicly called Bhikkhus to prayer.[183]
Literature about Mayawati
Literature about Mayawati includes studies and books. One of the first
works about her was journalist Mohammad Jamil Akhter’s book, Iron Lady
Kumari Mayawati.[184] Her autobiographies are Mere Sangarshmai Jeevan
Evam Bahujan Movement Ka Safarnama in three volumes in Hindi and A
Travelogue of My Struggle-ridden Life and of Bahujan Samaj, in two
volumes in English.[185] Behenji : A Political Biography of Mayawati is a
biography by veteran journalist Ajoy Bose.[7] There is news that
Bollywood will release new biopic about Mayawati, where Vidya Balan will
play lead role.[186]
Awards and recognition
In 2003,
Mayawati as the Chief Minister, was awarded with Paul Harris Fellow
Award by UNICEF, World Health Organization and Rotary International, for
her initiative in Polio eradication.[187][188] Mayawati was also
honoured with Rajarshi Shahu Award by Rajarshi Shahu Memorial
Trust.[189] In 2008, Forbes added Mayawati in the 59th place on its list
of the 100 most powerful women in the world.[190][191] She appeared in
Newsweek’s top woman achievers list in 2007.[192] In 2009 a Newsweek
article described her as the Barack Obama of India, and a potential
candidate for Prime Minister.[193] Time magazine included Mayawati in
India’s 15 Most Influential list for 2007.[194]
We,
the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes and
Religious Minorities, are able to secure our rights guaranteed under the
Constitution of India due to the incessant struggle and matchless
sacrifice of Babasaheb Dr. Bheemrao Ambedkar. But the caste-prejudiced
governments did not implement these rights to the benefit of our people.
As the result, despite the provisions of Constitution, our
socio-economic condition remained worst as before. Hence, Babasaheb
advocated us to form the government on our own by getting united under
one political platform and one leadership. In this direction, he
contemplated to launch the Republican Party of India during his
life-time. But he, perhaps, did not know that he would die so early even
before he could bring his plans into action. He could not complete the
task which was later on completed by Manyawar Kanshi Ram Saheb.
Non-political
Routes: When Manyawar Kanshi Ram Saheb decided to revive the
Ambedkarite movement, the movement was almost extinct. People had almost
forgotten about the movement. Kanshi Ram Saheb made a deep study as to
the conditions which caused the failure of Ambedkarite movement. He saw
that most of the followers of Babasaheb were out of the movement. He
started probing the reasons which led to the discontinuation of the
movement followed by the death of Babasaheb Ambedkar. He, after a
thorough study, understood that the failure of Ambedkarite movement was
caused due to the lack of ‘non-political routes’ among the Bahujan Samaj
and hence, he decided to strengthen the non-political routes to create
the ‘non-purchasable leadership’. He realized that only that society
with strong non-political routes would produce the ‘non-purchasable’
missionary leaders. Thus he decided to prepare the non-political routes
of the society by preparing the educated employees and youths. Before
launching the Bahujan Samaj Party, he started the BAMCEF and DS-4 to
prepare the educated employees and youth from among the SC/ST/OBCs and
Religious Minorities. He devoted the best part of his life to strengthen
the non-political routes of Bahujan Samaj.
Tampering
of EVMs by BJP : Our failure to form our own government in other
states has helped the BJP to defeat us in Uttar Pradesh. They found that
BSP is strong only in UP and not in other states and hence they thought
that if they could finish us in UP, BSP will die a natural death in all
other states. That is how they focused their entire strength to defeat
us in UP. However, they could not win through fair means. They had to
resort to fraudulent way of tampering the electronic voting machines
(EVMs) to defeat us.BJP and company had used the EVMs in 2014 itself to
win the General Election. We thought that it was the mandate against the
scams-ridden and scandals-tainted rule of Congress. But the election
results of the five states held in March 2017 have exposed the EVM
scandal of BJP. They could not win in Punjab, Uttarkhand, Goa and
Manipur. In Goa and Manipur, Congress party got lead over the BJP. But
BJP leaders have managed the other MLAs form their governments. In
Uttarkhand, it was the internal quarrel of the Congress that gave a lead
to the BJP. In Punjab, the anti-incumbency factor of Akali Dal gave the
victory to Congress. BJP, being the partner of Akali Dal, lost the
election. In all the above four states, they did not tamper with the
EVMs and the results were on the expected lines. But in Uttar Pradesh,
nobody expected that BJP would get such a huge margin of victory. The
senior bureaucrats of UP, who are usually the first to know the results
in advance, were making preparations to welcome the BSP Government. They
were utterly surprised when the results were announced. I, seeing the
trend of results late in the morning, went to the press and exposed the
EVM fraud. Later on, we also launched nation-wide struggle against the
fraud of EVMs and legal battle to get the VVPAT incorporated with EVMs.
Thus, we are confronting the BJP at every step.
https://en.m.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dalit_Shoshit_Samaj_Sangharsh_Samiti
https://www.google.co.in/…/www.collinsdic…/amp/english/dalit
Definition of ‘Dalit’
Dalit in British
(ˈdɑːlɪt )
noun
a member of the lowest class in India, whom those of the four main castes were formerly forbidden to touch
. Formerly called (taboo, offensive): untouchable
The foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmins
are 1st rate athmas (souls), the Kshatriya, vysias, shudras are 2nd,
3rd, 4th rate souls and the aboriginal inhabitants of
Jumbudvipa/Prabuddha Bharat as having no souls at all. So that any
atrocity can be inflicted upon them. But the Buddha never believed in
any soul. He said all are equal.
Word origin of ‘Dalit’
from Hindi, from Sanskrit dalita, literally: oppressed
Nearby words of ‘Dalit’
Dalhousie
Dali
Dalian
Dalit
Dall sheep
Dallapiccola
Dallas
All ENGLISH words that begin with ‘D’
Source
Definition of Dalit from the Collins English Dictionary
https://www.thefreedictionary.com/Dalit
Dalit
Also found in: Thesaurus, Legal, Encyclopedia, Wikipedia.
Da·lit (dä′lĭt)
n.
A member of the lowest class in traditional Indian society, falling
altogether outside the Hindu caste categories and subject to extensive
social restrictions.
[Hindi dalit, crushed, oppressed, from Sanskrit
dalita-, past passive participle of dalayati, to cause to burst,
variant of darayati, he splits, derived form (probably a denominative of
-daraḥ, smasher, as in puraṃdaraḥ, citadel-smasher, an epithet of
Indra) of darati, he splits; see der- in Indo-European roots.]
Da′lit adj.
American Heritage® Dictionary of the English Language, Fifth Edition.
Copyright © 2016 by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company.
Published by Houghton Mifflin Harcourt Publishing Company. All rights
reserved.
Dalit (ˈdɑːlɪt)
n
(Hinduism) a member of the
lowest class in India, whom those of the four main castes were formerly
forbidden to touch. Formerly called (offensive): untouchable
[from Hindi, from Sanskrit dalita, literally: oppressed]
Collins English Dictionary – Complete and Unabridged, 12th Edition 2014
© HarperCollins Publishers 1991, 1994, 1998, 2000, 2003, 2006, 2007,
2009, 2011, 2014
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friend about us, add a link to this page, or visit the webmaster’s page
for free fun content.
Mentioned in
?
Harijan
outcaste
pariah
untouchable
References in periodicals archive
?
Even though Dalits make up 70 percent of the church, only 600 of
India’s 17,000 priests and six of the 160 bishops come from the Dalit
community.
Caste off: Catholic Dalits (untouchables)in India are divided over how to improve their lot
Energy company Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL) reported on Tuesday the
execution of a Heads of Agreement (HOA) to evaluate Floating LNG for the
export of natural gas from the Tamar and Dalit fields, offshore Israel.
Noble Energy Inc enters into HOA to evaluate Floating LNG, offshore Israel
The awakening of Dalit awareness of selfhood may be traced to the Marathi literature of the 1970s in India.
Urmila Pawar. The Weave of My Life: A Dalit Woman’s Memoirs
com)– Celebrity stylist Dalit Gwenna shows that hats, the new hip trend, can be worn every day, not just on special occasions.
EM & Co and Stylist Dalit Gwenna Share Hat Styling Secrets
Tamil Dalit literature is a relatively new arrival in the literary landscape of India.
The lives of Tamil Dalit women: a study of the literary works of Bama and P. Sivakami
The Dalit Samaritan woman asked Jesus, “Where can I find this living water?
Global Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits March 21-24, 2009, Bangkok, Thailand The Bangkok Declaration and Call
THE JUNE RECORD contained some introductory comments about the Dalit
peoples in caste-affected societies, and about the recent Global
Ecumenical Conference on Justice for Dalits, which took place in Bangkok
this past March.
Moving mountains: the first step to helping 200 million people is self-education
ISLAMABAD, April 24, 2009 (Balochistan Times) — Human Rights activists
are of view that India has been successful in using its regional might
and its position as an ally of Western countries in keeping the Dalit
issue off the United Nations agenda.
India trying to keep Dalit issue off the UN agenda
Noble Energy Inc (NYSE:NBL), a US-based oil and gas exploration and
development company, has announced flow test results from the Dalit
natural gas discovery in the Michal licence offshore Israel.
Noble Energy Announces Successful Flow Test Results
John Mary, a 45-year-old Dalit Christian, is knocking doors for help.
Indian Christian ‘untouchables’ face social monsters
Based on primary research conducted with the Karnataka Domestic Workers
Movement in Bangalore, India, this paper locates the injustice that a
group of dalit women domestic workers identify as structuring their
lives, and assesses the strategies that the group employs in resisting
and dealing with such injustice.
Articulations of injustice and the
recognition–redistribution debate: locating caste, class and gender in
paid domestic work in India
8 (ANI): Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) chief
Mayawati on Thursday condemned the vandalisation of statues of
political and ideological figures across the country including Dalit
icon BR Ambedkar’s statue
Mayawati condemns vandalisation of BR Ambedkar statue
More results ►
https://www.google.co.in/…/why-not…/article24911632.ece/amp/
The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of
the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the
Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI D. Raja 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST
UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST The government advisory on the use
of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding
movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to
convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an
ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have
been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years
manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of
untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements
launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and
against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed
castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi
Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even
Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from
now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the
term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami
Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described
the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite
rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were
suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people
disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an
article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt.
The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was
first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also
is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of
untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will
probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to
do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary
to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs
to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better
word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for
Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by
someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use
it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used
during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it
humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from
someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the
name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is
applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This
feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent
they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a
man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will
speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi
responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”,
in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was
suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable),
Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’
such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The
Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them
the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been
generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not
prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a
schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become
more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may
refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur
Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High
Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the
government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the
members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same
does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This
has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not
offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not
based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing
the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit
question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution
deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used
in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had
become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word
Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials
in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of
the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who
suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to
launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate.
The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term
Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar,
cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge
Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981)
had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice,
worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice
between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the
Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term
Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying
to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds
strange when no
TODAY’S PAPER OPINION
OPINION
Why not Dalit?
“The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who suffered because of
the caste system.” A protest rally in New Delhi under the banner of the
Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI
“The word Dalit denotes the pain of
all those who suffered because of the caste system.” A protest rally in
New Delhi under the banner of the Bahujan Sankalp Mahasabha.PTI
D. Raja
10 SEPTEMBER 2018 00:00 IST
UPDATED: 10 SEPTEMBER 2018 03:36 IST
The government advisory on the use of the word shows its intent to further marginalise the community
In pre-Independence India and after 1947, during the several unyielding
movements for justice for Dalits, multiple terms have been used to
convey the idea of the caste system which B.R. Ambedkar described “as an
ascending scale of reverence and descending scale of contempt.” We have
been seeing the “descending scale of contempt” for thousands of years
manifested in the worst manner possible in the practice of
untouchability.
Terms over the years
The many movements
launched by social reformers and activists against the caste system and
against untouchability have used terms such as Antyajas, suppressed
castes, pariahs, depressed castes, Dalits, Harijans, Ati Shudra and Adi
Dravida. Jyotiba Phule is credited to have used the term Dalit. Even
Mahatma Gandhi accepted the term Dalit when he wrote in 1927 that “from
now on, we will describe Antyajas too as dalit.” Explaining that “the
term was first used by Swami Shraddhanand”, Gandhi added that “Swami
Vivekananda chose an English word having the same meaning. He described
the untouchables not as ‘depressed’ but as ‘suppressed’ and quite
rightly. They became, and remain, what they are because they were
suppressed by the so-called upper classes.”
In 1931, many people
disapproved of the use of the word Dalit. Mahatma Gandhi wrote in an
article: “Formerly the name Antyaja was not felt as expressing contempt.
The names Dhed and Bhangi were disliked. I think the term ‘Dalit’ was
first used by the late Swami Shraddhanand. Now it seems that name also
is not liked. The real explanation is that as long as the poison of
untouchability exists in our society, any name that may be given will
probably come to be disliked after some time. Hence the right thing to
do is to get rid of that poison.” He added: “Though it is thus necessary
to attack the root cause, if a better word than Antyaja or Dalit occurs
to anyone he may send it to me.”
In the absence of a better
word, Dalit has been the preferred word in the movements for justice for
Dalits till now. It is well known that the term Harijan was coined by
someone who was a victim of untouchability. He suggested that Gandhi use
it to describe the so-called untouchables. That term was widely used
during the freedom struggle and many, including Ambedkar, considered it
humiliating and patronising. In 1946, Gandhi received a complaint from
someone who wrote, “From the psychological point of view, I think the
name ‘Harijan’ instils into the minds of the people to whom it is
applied a feeling of inferiority, however sacred that name may be. This
feeling is very difficult to wipe out from them — to whatever extent
they are advanced — if they are always called ‘Harijan’. Similarly if a
man in the street is asked about a ‘Harijan’, the first thing he will
speak of is ‘untouchability and the Depressed Class’.”
Gandhi
responded to that question by writing an article, “What is in a name?”,
in which he said: “The name ‘Harijan’ has sacred associations. It was
suggested by a Harijan as a substitute for Asprishya (untouchable),
Dalita (depressed), or for the different categories of ‘untouchables’
such as Bhangis, Mehtars, Chamars, Pariahs, etc.” He added: “The
Government officers put them in a schedule and, therefore, called them
the Scheduled Classes, thus making confusion worse confounded.”
A term that denotes pain
The historical narrative conveys the point that many terms have been
generated in the movements against caste. The British government did not
prefer one term over another even as it put certain castes in a
schedule and called them Scheduled Castes. Now, the confusion has become
more pronounced with the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic
Alliance government issuing an advisory to the media saying they “may
refrain” from using the word Dalit, based on an order by the Nagpur
Bench of the Bombay High Court. Previously, the Madhya Pradesh High
Court had stated that it would “have no manner of doubt” that the
government would “refrain from using the nomenclature ‘Dalit’ for the
members belonging to Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes as the same
does not find mention in the Constitution of India or any statute.” This
has caused hurt among the Dalits, who feel that the term is not
offensive or violative of any law, and that such an advisory is not
based on sound reasoning.
My book, Marx and Ambedkar — Continuing
the Dialogue, co-authored with N. Muthumohan, discusses the Dalit
question extensively. Gail Omvedt’s Dalits and the Democratic Revolution
deals with Dalit issues. Can the government dare to dictate terms used
in books, and in public discourse and analysis?
‘Dalit’ had
become the preferred term in Maharashtra during the 1970s. The word
Harijan is not used now (the government issued a circular to officials
in 1982 saying they should not use the term while describing members of
the Scheduled Castes). The word Dalit denotes the pain of all those who
suffered because of the caste system; it defines their identity to
launch struggles based on Ambedkar’s slogan: Educate, Organise, Agitate.
The government’s advisory indicates its anti-Dalit posture. The term
Dalit, used by Jyotiba Phule, Swami Shraddhananda, Gandhi, and Ambedkar,
cannot be dismissed by an executive order. In fact, the seven-judge
Bench of the Supreme Court in S.P. Gupta v. President of India (1981)
had observed that society is “pulsating with urges of gender justice,
worker justice, minorities justice, Dalit justice and equal justice
between chronic un-equals.” In using the term “Dalit justice”, the
Constitution Bench of the Supreme Court validated the use of the term
Dalit. It is painful to state that what the present government is trying
to do was not done even during British rule. Such an advisory sounds
strange when no such demand has been made by any Dalit organisation or
leader, and when the term is used by the Supreme Court.
Such an
advisory at a time when the term Dalit is empowering Dalits in their
relentless fight against the increasing levels of atrocities against
them, and at a time of heightened Dalit consciousness in the country,
only signals the intent of the government to further marginalise the
community, which is being asked to conform to the identity determined by
the government. This is unacceptable. The government should withdraw
its circular and challenge the order passed by the Bombay High Court in
the Supreme Court.
D. Raja is National Secretary of the Communist Party of India and a Member of Parliament
definition: a member of the lowest class in India , whom those of the
four main castes were formerly… | Meaning, pronunciation, translations
and examples
https://www.google.co.in/search?client=safari&channel=iphone_bm&source=hp&ei=3xSWW-npAYm-rQG91r7IAw&ins=false&q=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&oq=Infiltrators+will+be+deported+-+BJP&gs_l=mobile-gws-wiz-hp.3..33i160.81482.125234..126856…0.0..2.3171.48130.6-12j9j8j5……0….1…….3..0j41j46j0i131j0i22i10i30j0i22i30j33i22i29i30j33i21.j5QmjAY4Ob4
Just
0.1% intolerant, cunning, crooked, number one terrorists, violent,
militant, ever shooting, mob lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded
rapists foreigners from Bene Israel chitpavan brahmin RSS (Rowdy
Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) are the real infiltrators remotely controlling
BJP (Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths) full of hatred, anger, jealousy,
delusion that are defilement of the mind requiring mental treatment in
mental asylums. The 99.9 % Sarva SamJ must unite to catch hold of these
mad people to admit them in mental hospitals.
https://www.google.co.in/…/patel-wo…/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste,
religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel
would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay
the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a
seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’
organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action
and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the
head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of
the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the
Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and
rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on
the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was
the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after
Independence. The first government had representation from all
communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S.
Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V.
Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were
present.
https://youtu.be/qIEbf-i98bo
https://www.google.co.in/amp/s/www.thehindu.com/todays-paper/tp-national/tp-andhrapradesh/patel-would-not-have-allowed-ambedkar-to-draft-constitution/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr.
B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, Dalit
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and
Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste, religion and
nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel would never have
allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay the foundation
for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a seminar on ‘Dr.
Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’ organised by the
Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action and Dr. Ambedkar
Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the head of the interim
government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting
Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the Constitution. Both Nehru
and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and rational outlook, but Patel was a
fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on the commonalities between Nehru
and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a
national government be formed after Independence. The first government
had representation from all communities and regions. ANU Registrar P.
Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S. Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts,
Commerce and Law principal V. Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College
principal B.Re. Victor Babu were present.
https://www.google.co.in/…/voices%252Fopinion%252Fsardar-pa…
Did You Know?
Sardar Patel and Dr Ambedkar strongly differed on reservation and caste.
They sparred over this in the Constituent Assembly Debates.
Ambedkar wanted to protect SC/ST rights via quotas in education and employment.
Patel felt quotas “quotas are anti-national”.
Therefore for this reason Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
after gobbling the Master Key by tampering the Fraud EVMs laid the
foundation stone in 2013, he commissioned Patel’s statue at Kevadia in
Gujarat, which is billed as being the tallest in the world.
Thus,
in this perplexing crucible, it would be worthwhile to delve into the
tomes of history and see whether both the icons – Ambedkar and Patel –
saw eye-to-eye on caste and reservations.
https://www.google.co.in/…/patel-wo…/article6669125.ece/amp/
Patel would not have allowed Ambedkar to draft Constitution
Dr. B.R. Ambedkar would not have drafted the Constitution of India if
Sardar Vallabhai Patel had become the first Prime Minister, SC/ST
ideologue Kancha Ilaiah said here on Saturday.
“Dr.Ambedkar and Jawaharlal Nehru had a common understanding of caste,
religion and nation building, but ‘Iron Man’ Sardar Vallabhai Patel
would never have allowed Dr. Ambedkar to draft the Constitution and lay
the foundation for a democratic nation,” he added.
Speaking at a
seminar on ‘Dr. Ambedkar, Nehru and Patel: the contemporary debate’
organised by the Dr. Ambedkar Chair on Social Policy and Social Action
and Dr. Ambedkar Foundation, Dr. Ilaiah said: “After Nehru became the
head of the interim government, he appointed Dr. Ambedkar as Chairman of
the Drafting Committee, giving him a free hand to draft the
Constitution. Both Nehru and Ambedkar had a secular, liberal and
rational outlook, but Patel was a fundamentalist.”
Elaborating on
the commonalities between Nehru and Ambedkar, Dr. Ilaiah said it was
the idea of Dr. Ambedkar that a national government be formed after
Independence. The first government had representation from all
communities and regions. ANU Registrar P. Raja Sekhar, Rector K.R.S.
Sambasiva Rao, University College of Arts, Commerce and Law principal V.
Chandrasekhara Rao and Science College principal B.Re. Victor Babu were
present.
https://www.google.co.in/…/story-EqYMsbzYbhDOtNgocROfNM_amp…
Ban RSS, India’s no 1 terror organisation: Former Maharashtra cop
Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday
accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with
right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as
India’s No.1 terror organisation.
Updated: Feb 23, 2016 20:25:20
SM Mushrif speaking at the launch of his book. (PTI Photo)
Maharashtra’s former inspector general of police SM Mushrif on Tuesday
accused the Intelligence Bureau (IB) of being hand-in-glove with
right-wing extremists, and called for a ban on the RSS describing it as
India’s No.1 terror organisation. At the launch of the Bengali version
of his book “RSS - Country’s Greatest Terror Organisation”, Mushrif also
termed the ongoing JNU controversy as a manifestation of the Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh’s (RSS) attempt to turn India into a Hindu nation.
“The IB has been and continues to be the most powerful organisation in
the country and irrespective of which political party is in power at the
centre, it continues to operate the way it wants.
Whatever the
IB says or does is considered the truth and its claims or acts are never
questioned or verified,” said Mushrif, indicting the agency for
colluding with the RSS and its subsidiaries for the killing of
anti-terror squad chief Hemant Karkare, who was probing the involvement
of Hindu radicals in terror acts.
Karkare was killed during the 2008 Mumbai terror attack.
“No other terror organisation has used RDX like the RSS has. At least
18 chargesheets have been filed against the RSS and its subsidiaries
like Abhinav Bharat and Bajrang Dal in terror cases.
The RSS should be immediately banned for being the country’s No.1 terror organisation,” said Mushrif.
Condemning the Jawaharlal Nehru University row, Mushrif expressed alarm over rising right-wing extremism.
“This is only a manifestation of the RSS’s bid to establish the
Aryavart Hindu Rashtra based on the tenets of Smritis and Vedas. Its
time the entire country stood up against this rise of extremism,” said
the author of “Who Killed Karkare? : The Real Face of Terrorism in
India”.
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization
https://defence.pk/…/narendra-modi-a-terrorist-who-rose-to…/
About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the
body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been
injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 19, 2006
RSS : World’s largest terrorist Organization?
What makes one or an organization terrorist?
American Heritage Dictionary: The unlawful use or threatened use of
force or violence by a person or an organized group against people or
property with the intention of intimidating or coercing societies or
governments, often for ideological or political reasons.
Does the Sanghparivar have any of these qualities in its work to make it not to declare a terrorist organization?
An American research centre has placed our ultra-nationalist Rashtrya
Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) on its terrorist list. The East Virginia-based
Terrorism Research Center (TRC) is closely connected to the American
government and many of its directors and researchers have closely worked
with US administrations and have taken part in research and planning
for the US administration.
In the list of ?? in India, the TRC
has placed RSS under no. 21. Here is the link as it appeared on 9
September 2004 on the group?s website under the caption ?Known Terrorist
Groups Operating in India?.
short documentary equates Narendra Modi with Hitler and Genghis Khan
but the difference is that Modi is democratically elected and, in fact,
by…
http://www.terrorism.com/modules.php…
RSS
The RSS was founded in 1925 by the Maratha Brahmin Keshav Baliram
Hegdewar on the Aryan Vaishnava Holy day of Vijaya Dashami (the 10th day
of the moon) when the Aryan invader Rama destroyed the Dravidian Empire
of Lanka [ Sangh ]. This was done to symbolise its inherent anti-Sudra
nature. Its organisation is highly skewed, with the Sar Sangh Chalak
(supreme dictator) at the top [ Roots ]. This person can only be a
Brahmin.
RSS militia is organised around local cells or `shakas’
where weapons are distributed to its hardcore members, who are drilled
in a vigorous program of harsh discipline. RSS converted hindu temples
serve as repositories of weapons as well as centers of dissemination of
its racist ideology of Aryan supremacy. RSS cadre graduate to the BJP.
VHP (Vishwa Hindu Parishad)
The council was established on August 29, 1964 in Bombay, Maharastra [
Biju ] with a political objective of establishing the supremacy of
Hinduism all over the world. It obtains funds and recruits from Aryan
Hindus all across the globe, especially from the US, UK and Canada and
has grown to become the main fund-raising agency of Brahmanist
Fundamentalism. The council was instrumental in the demolition of the
holiest Islamic shrine in Oudh, the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya and has
organised several massacres of Muslims and Christians. It is in the
forefront in the call for a Hindu Rashtra, a Hindu State ethnically
cleansed of its non-Aryan populations.
Bajrang Dal ( Party of Monkey God called Hanuman.)
The militant wing of the VHP, it was formed “to counter `Sikh
militancy’ ” during the Sikh Genocide of 1983-84 [ Bajrang ]. Created
with the objective of the eradication of Sikhs which it has termed
“Muslims in disguise”, its cadres fought alongside Congress-backed
Hindutva militias during the massacre of 200,000 Sikhs under Indira
Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi. Recruits carry a ” knife-like trident to be
slung across the shoulder - an answer to the Sikh kirpan ” [ Bajrang ].
later it has subsequently expanded its targets to include Muslims and
Christians as well.
ABVP
This front comprises students of
Hindu religious schools (vidyalayas). It has expanded its base by
infiltration into `secular’ universities. Its higher-ranking cadres are
well-equipped with weaponry; they often organise communal campus
disturbances against Christians, Muslims, Sikhs, Buddhists and Jains.
Most of its members graduate to become hardcore RSS and VHP militants.
An excellent thesis: articulate, erudite, and dispassionate.
Now go ahead and present this to UN general assemble, UNSC, European
and American media, and try to get RSS ban in at least a couple of
countries. You would find willing allies among Christian fanatics.
If possible ,get it framed and nail it on entrance of UN building, like
Martin Luther nailed his thesis on door of Castle Church of Wittenberg.
This thesis of your is more path braking than the one which caused
Protestant reformation.
About Hindutva, Sanghparivar, RSS, Fascism, Religious Terror,
“The whole business of Hindutva and its nationalism is a poison in the
body politic of India. We have to accept that the poison has been
injected and it will take a lot to purge it,” Arundhati Roy
MONDAY, NOVEMBER 20, 2006
A report on the ‘attack’ on RSS Headquarters on June 01, 2006
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted
simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and
approached him continuously for five days. That the Commissioner
persistently declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries,
reveal his unwillingness and/or his inability to answer these questions.
It also suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this leads
the team to question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s
narration of the encounter. The Cock and bull story of the encounter
thus compels the team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and
requires, in the interest of the nation, a fair probing.
Constituent member organizations:
People’s Union for Civil Liberties,
Nagpur Committee for Protection of Democratic Rights,
Mumbai Dharma Nirapeksh Nagarik Manch, Nagpur
Andhra Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee,
Hyderabad Indian Association of People’s Lawyers Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti
List of Members
Head of the Team, Justice B G Kolse Patil, Rtd Judge of Mumbai High Court, Convenor, Dr Suresh Khairnar,
Members Dr Anand Teltumde, CPDR, Mumbai; Adv. P Suresh Kumar, Andra
Pradesh Civil Liberties Committee, Hyderabad; Mr Ahmed Latif Khan, Civil
Liberty Monitoring Committee, Hyderabad; Dr D John Chelladurai, India
Peace Centre, Nagpur; Mr Nagesh Choudhury, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti,
Nagpur; Mr Arvind Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Adv. Anil Kale, Indian Assn of
People’s Lawyers; Adv. Surendra Gadling, Indian Assn of People’s
Lawyers; Mr Gaffar Shakir, Dharma Nirapeksha Nagarik Manch, Nagpur; Mr
Ashish K Ghosh, PUCL, Nagpur; Mr Arvind Deshmukh, Bahujan Sangharsh
Samiti, Nagpur; Mr T V Kathane, Nagpur, Bahujan Sangharsh Samiti,Nagpur;
Adv. Anand Gajbhiye, IAPL, Nagpur
Introduction
The nation
awoke on June 01, 2006 hearing the shocking news of an attempted attack
on the RSS headquarters building. It was a respite that the news of
police foiling the attempt too came along.
The news of attempted
attack on the Head Quarters of the RSS reportedly by fidayeens of a Pak
based terrorist group, sent a spine chilling fear in the minds of
millions of peace loving people in the country. We all know very well,
the potential of such a happening to ignite a trail of tragic clashes
among the communities. The peace loving masses heaved a sigh of relief
as the leaders of every community promptly condemned the heinous act and
appealed to the masses to maintain peace, and peace did prevail. In the
next twenty four hours quite a lot of information, almost all the
information pertaining to the attackers had been published obviously
supplied by the police department to the media.
The narrative of
the whole encounter as reported on June 02, 2006, instead of clearing
the mystery of the attackers, unfortunately confounded the citizens all
the more. The reports were conflicting and left innumerable questions on
ground zero situation unanswered.
The foiled attempt and the
appreciable tranquility maintained by the masses were a great relief.
However the deadly weapon and ammunition with which the ‘fidayeens’ (as
told by the Commissioner of Police) appeared, and the ease with which
the police claimed to have liquidated them, suggested that the Police
team had a ‘cake walk’ over the deadly terrorists. The very next day a
section of the media aired their doubt over the whole happening (as
reported by the Police Commissioner), most of them quoting wide sections
of the national community, including senior leaders.
The peace
loving social activists and campaigners for communal harmony based in
Nagpur were at first relieved by the success of the police over the
terrorists. However the confounding report that appeared in the media
and the doubts aired by masses and leaders prompted them to read between
the lines. Particularly, the ‘Islamic’ terrorist attempting to attack
RSS Head Quarters has a larger implication. It has the potential to push
the nation into a communal strife. Scuh a thing should not be allowed
to happen in any manner, orchestrated by any group. The confounding
report of the ‘encounter’ therefore requires an honest study.
The
above stated social organizations, hence constituted a fact finding
team comprised of the above mentioned activists. The team is headed by
Mr B G Kolse Patil, retired Judge of Mumbai High Court, and Convened by
Dr Suresh Khairnar, a renowned social thinker and activist. The team
visited the site of the encounter, spoke to the people residing in the
vicinity. The team also visited the RSS Head Quarters and met Mr Shirish
Wate, the HQ incharge.
The team went to Government Medical
College to meet the doctors who carried out the postmortem. Dr Dhavane,
who was present gave elementary information but declined to give
details. The team spoke to Dr Vibhawari Dani, Dean, Govt Medical
Hospital and College on telephone. The Dean also declined to reveal the
postmortem report. It was a classified document, she said.
The
team repeatedly sought an appointment with the Commissioner of Police.
The CP too declined to meet the team. On the contrary the CP asked the
respectable members their credentials; who funded the team, what
international connections does the team have and similar questions with
apparent intention to intimidate the team from their earnest effort to
help the society to know the truth.
The Incident as reported by Mr S P S Yadav, the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur
The Special squad of the City police who were on high alert following
specific input from intelligence agency spotted a white Ambassador car
moving in a suspicious manner in Lakdi Pul in Mahal area and started
tailing it. Two cars, a Tata Sumo and a Qualis were used in the
operation. The tailing cars were unmarked and all police personal in it
were wearing plain clothes.
When the ambassador car with red
beacon atop moved towards RSS Head Quarters, one for the constables in
the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions.
Rattled by the enquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle
even as they tried to get away. In the process they dashed into the
barricade near the eastern side of the RSS HQ. The alert cops led by PSI
Rajendra Tiwari, PSI Arvind Saraf and PSI JA More replied to the
Gunfire. It was their bulletproof jackets that saved police personnel.
The terrorists also threw a hand grenade on the police party. But it
failed to explode. They threw the grenade without pulling out the pin.
The gun battle lasted about 20 minutes in which the militants fired 76
rounds while the cops retaliated with 63 rounds. The terrorists had
three AK-M automatic weapons, 12 hand grenades and 5.6 Kgs of highly
explosive materials with them. They also had three spare magazines for
their fire arms each carrying 30 rounds. They had hundred and twenty
rounds each, said Mr S P S Yadav. Mr Yadav also reported to have said,
looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any
cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’
attack.
Refusing to divulge the exact identity of the three
militants, who were in the age group of 20-22 years, Mr Yadav described
them as ‘Islamic militants.’ At this point of time, he added, it is too
premature to associate them with any outfit.
Media reports
As per the details received from the police a white Ambassador car MH
20-8979 with a red beacon and three persons on board dressed as police
sub-inspectors, was first spotted by the patrolling police party at the
central avenue some time before the incident. The car was heading
towards Badkas Chowk. As it emerged form Chitaroli, two police vehicles,
a Tata Sumo carrying two PSI and five constables and a Toyoto Qualis
with 5 PSI got suspicious about the car. The police vehicles hastened
the chase of the suspicious ambassador car. At Badkas chowk the
ambassador car took a left turn towards Junta chowk and again turned
right towards the Sangh building from the Lakdipul side.
Presuming the car might have gone towards Ayachit mandir the police
stopped the chase for a while. However when the police jeep came back to
the same place during their routine patrol, they noticed the same car
in a small alley between Lakdipul and Gajanan Mandir towards the eastern
gate of the RSS Head Quarters. The Police vans then closed in on the
ambassador car. However, without paying heed to the police patrol the
car tried to force its way through the temporary barricade erected 50
meters before the main entrance of the RSS HQ. At this juncture the PSI
Tiwari intercepted the ambassador car and enquired as to where it was
heading. Instantly thereafter the two ultras who were seated on the rear
seats came out of the car with a grenade in their left hand and AK56
rifle in the right hand. One of them lobbed the grenade at the police,
but since the pin was not fully removed it failed to explode. Seeing
this the ultras opened indiscriminate fire at the police party. In the
melee PSI Saraf who just alighted from the police vehicle got hit at his
abdomen. However, since he was wearing a bullet proof vest the bullet
did not pierce his body. Soon after this police force and the ultras
started exchanging fire in which two of the three militants were killed
on the spot. The driver of the car then tried to flee towards the Bhauji
Daftari School. However he could not escape the bullets from the police
and he too was killed on the spot. The entire shoot out went on for
just around 15 minutes between 4.00 and 4.15 AM.
The police then
informed the control room and the commissioner of Police about the shoot
out. The senior police officers immediately reached the spot and
shifted at the three ultras to the government medical college where they
were declared brought dead. The members of Dautkhani family along with
other neighbours woke up at the sound of the firing and one of his
family members opened the door of their house to peep outside.
However alert cops told the family members to shut the door and remain
inside the house only. It was to prevent the terrorists from taking
shelter in the Dautkani house and taking them as hostages. The operation
was carried out by the city police successfully without any loss of
life other than that of the militants. The press reported on the 2nd
June that, all the three terrorists are said to be Pak nationals. Two of
them hailed from Lahore and the third from Gujranwala. The police had
seized from the place a dairy which contained email addresses in Urdu, a
few phone numbers of Lohare and Gujranwala. Rs 45,000 and maps of the
city were recovered from the terrorists.
The names of three
terrorists are said to be Afsal Ahmed Bhat, Bilal Ahmed Bhat and
Mohammed Usman Habib. Loksatta, (Indian Express Group) Nagpur Marathi
edition, dated June 03 2006 carried an article containing the following
detail. ‘Normally the attacks by the terrorists are preplanned
meticulously and they seldom fail in their attempt. This being the
public opinion, the recent futile attempt by the terrorists on RSS
building and the success gained by the police in thwarting the attempt
creates suspicion in public mind as well as among RSS people and their
rivals.
Though normally terrorists claim the responsibility of
the attack, no terrorist group has claimed any responsibility to this
attempt. Therefore the question arises, whether they were hardcore
Islamic terrorists or just any other newcomers. According to police
statement, threat of attack on RSS head quarters loomed large for the
last one year and there was security cordon around the building. Yet the
attackers seemed to have no idea of any of them, neither did they seem
to know the roads leading to RSS building. And no map of the building
and its surrounding could be found with them.
During the whole
encounter with the police the terrorists got only one chance to lob a
grenade and that too did not explode. That not a single policeman was
injured by the bullets of the attackers, puts a question mark on the
ability of the terrorists. The attackers could bring a car load of guns
and bullets, hand grenades, powerful explosives like RDX from places
thousands of kilometers away without being detected or checked by any
police or civic authorities, is a matter of surprise even in the RSS
circles.
The RSS which usually take such attack on them seriously
and go for nationwide protest, unusually kept extraordinary silence and
the morning shaka at the headquarters went on with more people
attending it. It was a surprise even among the cadres of RSS. This also
has created among their functionaries doubt over the bona fide of the
attackers. However, they speak in a low voice.
‘ Mahanayak, a
Marathi news paper from Mumbai, published a title page news from its
special correspondent from Nagpur, with the caption: “Mahanayak’s
Special Story on the Attack on RSS Head Quarters.” The news goes like
this: There is a talk among the Nagpur police that, of the 11 police who
conducted the encounter, 6 police did not even know how to handle a
carbine. Some of them were under demotion on account of departmental
disciplinary action, and they were given this ‘chance’ to prove their
‘worthiness.’ Sources close to the police circle say, none of the eleven
cops had special commando training. The authorities punished two of
them, for they extorted from a ‘gutka’ merchant a huge amount (Rs 3.5
lakhs) five months ago, in the Panchpoli police station area. At the
orders of the CP they were shifted to another ‘punishment’ section.
Police inner circle is surprised at the composition of the squad for
most of them do not know to handle guns properly.
The reporter
gives details of many indisciplines of the eleven police personals and
wonders how and on what basis they were selected for Special Squad to
handle such an important assignment in the RSS HQ.
Observations of the fact team
1. When the police had prior information about possible attack on RSS
Head Quarters and the police were prepared, as stated by the
Commissioner of Police (CP), to handle possible attack, why did they
allow the attackers to go close to the RSS HQ? Why did the Police not
stop them at first sight?
2. We hear from the residents, that the
police had a kind of rehearsal to the ‘encounter’ few days back on the
same spot. Police even fired in the air on the occasion, they claim. And
when the actual encounter took place, these residents said, they first
thought that it was yet another demonstration. Why did the police take a
demo a few days ago?
3. The CP has said, “when the ambassador
car with red beacon atop moved towards RSS HQ, one of the constables in
the Tata Sumo casually asked the young occupants about their intentions.
Rattled by the inquiry the militants opened fire on the police vehicle
even as they tried to get away.” For the constable to ask casually,
either he must have brought his car (the police vehicle) side by side to
the terrorist vehicle or he (the constable) must have come by foot
close to terrorist vehicle (and asked them). In either case the
constable must have been exposed to the terrorist attack at close
quarter. How did the constable escape unhurt? The narration of the
incident doesn’t have any detail to clarify this.
4. There is no
eyewitness to the whole happening. The encounter took place according to
the police at 4.15 AM. The bodies of the assailants were removed even
before the press reporters (who were the first people other than the
Police) reached the spot, close to 5.00 AM. Why this hurry?
5.
Day one media report says, Deputy Commissioner Mr Prabhat Kumar was in
the patrolling team and he smelled foul and started tailing it in their
unmarked blue Tata Sumo. Why did the CP not bring him (Mr P Kumar) in
his (CP) narration of the encounter? Why did CP hide the DCP?
6.
Another report says that the patrolling police that tailed the
ambassador at one point “presumed the car might have gone towards
Ayachit mandir the police stopped the chase for a while. However when
the police jeep came back to the same place during their routine patrol,
they noticed the same car in a small alley between Lakdipul and
Gajanand Mandir towards the eastern gate of the RSS Head Quarters. As
the point where the police missed the ambassador car and the place where
they saw them again are the same small alley, do the police mean to say
that the attackers were waiting over there until then?
7. It is
said that the attackers’ car tried to force its way through the
barricade. The said barricade was installed a couple of weeks before
June 01 2006, in the aftermath of weapon seizure from antisocial
elements in the State. When the attackers came where were the sentries
posted at the barricade? They must have been the first one to stop the
terrorists or get attacked by the terrorists. Where were they?
8.
The exchange of fire took place for twenty minutes, it was reported.
Can anyone explain how the police disabled the terrorists from using the
dozen hand grenades and the 360 rounds of bullets?
9. That the
terrorists had 12 hand grenade, 360 rounds of bullets, 5.6 Kgs of highly
explosive material which was later stated to be RDX, and they battled
for twenty minutes ‘hopelessly’ not using any of them, is a narration
that fails to convince common sense.
10. It was reported that the
police recovered from the terrorists’ vehicle a sealed case containing
12 hand grenades. The terrorists coming on a deadly mission carrying
their munitions in sealed cases does not comply the logic of terrorist
attack. They did not even open them when they were fighting for 20
minutes in a losing battle makes the narration all the more
unconvincing.
11. That the terrorists, reported to be ‘fidayeen’
who chose to travel on white ambassador car with red beacon atop, not
knowing what is the official protocol but chose to wear PSI dress, does
not comply with the statement of the CP that the terrorists were a
trained fidayeens.
12. The reported information that the police
recovered wet underwear and soaked bathing soap from the white
ambassador car suggests that they could not have been ‘terrorists’ on a
mission involving their very life.
13. The police declared them
as ‘Islamic’ terrorist and Pak based ‘fidayeens’. The stated seizure of a
diary containing all their names and their own telephone numbers sounds
farce. Usually we do not write our own telephone numbers in our dairy.
Terrorists of deadly mission carrying a dairy with their own identities
when they were on an attack, do not appeal common sense.
14. Even
if the police had found a dairy belonging to the attackers, how did
they decipher the code names and codified messages in so short a time
that in less than 10 hours the CP could reveal their identity as
‘Islamic’ terrorist and ‘fidayeens’? (the history of terrorist attack
tells clearly that the terrorists do not carry written documents. If
they have to write anything they choose to write in codes and false
names.)
15. What authentication did the police possess to finally
declare them as Muslims and bury them according to Islamic rituals?
What was the hurry to bury the dead bodies of the terrorists without
establishing their identity?
16. Few holes on the walls (opposite
to Bharat Mahila Vidyalay) are, said by the CID official present at the
site, as bullet marks. Two of the six marks found to be marks of
bullets fired from right across, at 90 degrees. One bullet mark, as
marked by the police on the Bharat Mahila Vidyalay wall too clearly
indicates that the bullet was fired at 90 degrees. Were the police and
their vehicle come side by side the terrorists? It was amusing, that the
police officer present at the time of the team’s visit to the spot,
told that bullets fired by the policemen down the lane from behind the
terrorist vehicle possibly took an aerial curve and hit the wall at 90
degree.
17. There is hardly any mark of terrorist bullets on the other side, except on the Police vehicle.
18. The blue Tata Sumo vehicle that was tailing behind the terrorist
vehicle had six bullet marks. Two of them were at least apparently
pistol bullet marks. The police report did not mention terrorists having
used pistols. How did pistol bullet marks appear on the police vehicle?
19. The terrorists were reported to have fired from AK-M automatic
guns. The bullet marks on the blue Tata Sumo of the police bear bullet
marks that are all single shot marks. There is no series of bullet marks
(which is expected if the opponents were using automatic guns) that
raises the doubt over nature of the exchange of fire.
20. One
bullet hole was found (in the police blue Tata Sumo vehicle) on the
right side front door from inside. The point of hit was almost at the
hip of the driver. Had the driver been on his seat he should have been
hit. There was no such report. It is clear that the driver was not in
the seat at the time of firing. We found bullet marks on the same police
vehicle hit from three angles on the left side of the vehicle. Three
bullets were 45 degrees from behind, two bullets 90 degrees on the left
and one bullet 130 degree further that hit just below the front
windshield. The question is, if the vehicle is not on the move during
the attack, (as the bullet did not hit the driver), then how did the
bullet mark appear from three angles? This question assumes significance
as it was not possible for the terrorists to move to such wide range
and fire from all three angles, for they were caught in their vehicle
that was trapped in a narrow alley and they were immobilized.
21.
Mr S P S Yadav, Commissioner of Police is reported to have said,
“Looking at their preparation and determination to storm RSS HQ at any
cost despite heavy police deployment, indicates that it was a ‘fidayeen’
attack.” This conclusion of the CP amounts to be hasty in his decision;
or the terrorists were in his hands prior to the encounter, for him to
know about them in detail.
22. On the site of the encounter was
parked a white Maruti Omni car at the premises of Mr Jopat, the compound
wall being fenced by barbed wire. As the house is the first one in the
lane (in front of which raised the barricade) and the attackers were
inside the lane, if the police wanted to target the attackers, they
should have gone some where behind this Maruti Omni car. When there was
over 140 rounds of fire, there is not a single bullet mark on the
vehicle.
This creates strong doubts over the nature of reported encounter.
Recommendations
The official version of events raises scores of doubts. The team wanted
simple clarifications from the Commissioner of Police, Nagpur and
approached him continuously for five days. That the CP persistently
declined to meet the team and answer these simple queries, reveal his
unwillingness / inability to face these fair queries.
It also
suggests that he chose to hide certain facts. And this lead the team to
question the veracity of the Commissioner of Police’s narration of the
encounter. The Cock and Bull story of the encounter thus compels the
team to infer that the encounter appears to be fake and requires, in the
interest of the nation, a fair probing.
The team therefore,
calls upon the Central government to appoint a judicial enquiry
committee headed by a retired judge of the Supreme Court and probe the
whole episode.
Labels: Fake Encounters, RSS Head Quaters
three West African countries at the heart of an Ebola epidemic recorded
their first week with no new cases since the U.N. World Health…
three West African countries at the heart of an Ebola epidemic recorded
their first week with no new cases since the U.N. World Health
Organisation recognized the outbreak in March 2014, it said on
Wednesday.” Source: Countries at heart of Ebola outbreak see first
virus-free week | Fox News