Discovery of Metteyya the Awakened One with Awareness Universe(FOAINDMAOAU)
From Kushinara Nibbana Bhumi Pagoda in
 116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES in BUDDHA'S own Words through http://sarvajan.ambedkar.orgat White Home 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL 3rd Stage, Punya Bhumi Bengaluru- Magadhi Karnataka State -PRABUDDHA BHARAT
Categories:

Archives:
Meta:
10/28/20
LESSON 3489 Thu 29 Oct 2020 DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS Free Online Research and Practice University for Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal. at KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room. in 116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath, Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to Circarama At WHITE HOME 668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage, Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru Magadhi Karnataka State PRABUDDHA BHARAT May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure! May all live for 150 years with NAD pills to be available in 2020 at a price of a cup of coffee according to research doctors at Sydney! May all have calm, quiet, alert and attentive and have equanimity mind with a clear understanding that everything is changing! Let us contact: pressreleases@franklymedia.com, sales@360researchreports.com, sales@pharmiweb.com, Sue.VanVuuren@pharmiweb.com,Laurel.Steyn@pharmiweb.com,help@list.one.org, for buying the molecule Nicotinamide Adenine Dinucleotide (NAD), which plays a role in generating energy in the human body available by by 2020 ‘for the price of a coffee a day’ a Stunning anti-ageing breakthrough could see humans live to 150 years and regenerate organ. Nicotinamide Adenine Dinucleotide (NAD+) Sublingual 15 Grams $62.00 Āṇi Sutta — The peg — in 05) Classical Pāḷi, 06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी, 07) Classical Cyrillic 08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans 09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike, 10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ, 11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى 12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն, 13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan, 14) Classical Basque- Euskal klasikoa, 15) Classical Belarusian-Класічная беларуская, 16) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা, 17) Classical Bosnian-Klasični bosanski, 18) Classical Bulgaria- Класически българск, 19) Classical Catalan-Català clàssic 20) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo, 21) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa, 22) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体), 23) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體), 24) Classical Corsican-Corsa Corsicana, 25) Classical Croatian-Klasična hrvatska, 26) Classical Czech-Klasická čeština 27) Classical Danish-Klassisk dansk,Klassisk dansk, 28) Classical Dutch- Klassiek Nederlands, 29) Classical English,Roman 30) Classical Esperanto-Klasika Esperanto, 31) Classical Estonian- klassikaline eesti keel, 32) Classical Filipino klassikaline filipiinlane, 33) Classical Finnish- Klassinen suomalainen, 34) Classical French- Français classique, 35) Classical Frisian- Klassike Frysk, 36) Classical Galician-Clásico galego, 37) Classical Georgian-კლასიკური ქართული, 38) Classical German- Klassisches Deutsch, 39) Classical Greek-Κλασσικά Ελληνικά, 40) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી, 41) Classical Haitian Creole-Klasik kreyòl, 42) Classical Hausa-Hausa Hausa, 43) Classical Hawaiian-Hawaiian Hawaiian, 44) Classical Hebrew- עברית קלאסית 45) Classical Hmong- Lus Hmoob, 46) Classical Hungarian-Klasszikus magyar, 47) Classical Icelandic-Klassísk íslensku, 48) Classical Igbo,Klassískt Igbo, 49) Classical Indonesian-Bahasa Indonesia Klasik, 50) Classical Irish-Indinéisis Clasaiceach, 51) Classical Italian-Italiano classico, 52) Classical Japanese-古典的なイタリア語, 53) Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa, 54) Classical Kannada- ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರೀಯ ಕನ್ನಡ, 55) Classical Kazakh-Классикалық қазақ, 56) Classical Khmer- ខ្មែរបុរាណ, 57) Classical Kinyarwanda 58) Classical Korean-고전 한국어, 59) Classical Kurdish (Kurmanji)-Kurdî (Kurmancî), 60) Classical Kyrgyz-Классикалык Кыргыз,
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka
Posted by: site admin @ 6:52 pm
LESSON 3489 Thu 29 Oct  2020
DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said AWAKENED ONE WITH AWARENESS

Free Online Research and Practice University
for

Discovery of  Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU) 

For The Welfare, Happiness, Peace of All Sentient and Non-Sentient Beings and for them to Attain Eternal Peace as Final Goal.

at

KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA-is a 18 feet Dia All White Pagoda with a table or, but be sure to having above head level based on the usual use of the room.

in
116 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES and planning to project Therevada Tipitaka in
Buddha’s own words and Important Places like Lumbini, Bodhgaya,Saranath,
Kushinara, Etc., in 3D 360 degree circle vision akin to

Circarama

At



WHITE HOME

668, 5A main Road, 8th Cross, HAL III Stage,

Prabuddha Bharat Puniya Bhumi Bengaluru

Magadhi Karnataka State

PRABUDDHA BHARAT

May you, your family members and all sentient and non sentient beings be ever happy, well and secure!


May all live for 150 years
with NAD pills to be available in 2020 at a price of a cup of coffee
according to research doctors at Sydney!

May all have calm, quiet, alert and attentive and have equanimity mind with a clear understanding that everything is changing!



Let us contact:
pressreleases@franklymedia.com,
sales@360researchreports.com,
sales@pharmiweb.com,
Sue.VanVuuren@pharmiweb.com,Laurel.Steyn@pharmiweb.com,help@list.one.org,

for
buying the molecule Nicotinamide Adenine Dinucleotide (NAD), which
plays a role in generating energy in the human
body available by by 2020 ‘for the price of a coffee a day’ a Stunning
anti-ageing breakthrough could see humans live to 150 years and
regenerate organ.


Nicotinamide Adenine Dinucleotide (NAD+) Sublingual 15 Grams


$62.00
Āṇi Sutta

— The peg —

in 05) Classical Pāḷi,

06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
07) Classical Cyrillic
08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans

09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,
10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى
12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,

13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
14) Classical Basque- Euskal klasikoa,
15) Classical Belarusian-Класічная беларуская,
16) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা,
17) Classical  Bosnian-Klasični bosanski,
18) Classical Bulgaria- Класически българск,
19) Classical  Catalan-Català clàssic
20) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo,

21) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa,

22) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体),

23) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體),

24) Classical Corsican-C
orsa Corsicana,

25) Classical  Croatian-Klasična hrvatska,
26) Classical  Czech-Klasická čeština


27) Classical  Danish-Klassisk dansk,Klassisk dansk,
28) Classical  Dutch- Klassiek Nederlands,
29) Classical English,Roman
30) Classical Esperanto-Klasika Esperanto,

31) Classical Estonian- klassikaline eesti keel,

32) Classical Filipino klassikaline filipiinlane,
33) Classical Finnish- Klassinen suomalainen,

34) Classical French- Français classique,

35) Classical Frisian- Klassike Frysk,

36) Classical Galician-Clásico galego,
37) Classical Georgian-კლასიკური ქართული,
38) Classical German- Klassisches Deutsch,
39) Classical Greek-Κλασσικά Ελληνικά,
40) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી,
41) Classical Haitian Creole-Klasik kreyòl,

42) Classical Hausa-Hausa Hausa,
43) Classical Hawaiian-Hawaiian Hawaiian,

44) Classical Hebrew- עברית קלאסית
45) Classical Hmong- Lus Hmoob,

46) Classical Hungarian-Klasszikus magyar,

47) Classical Icelandic-Klassísk íslensku,
48) Classical Igbo,Klassískt Igbo,

49) Classical Indonesian-Bahasa Indonesia Klasik,

50) Classical Irish-Indinéisis Clasaiceach,
51) Classical Italian-Italiano classico,
52) Classical Japanese-古典的なイタリア語,
53) Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa,
54) Classical Kannada- ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರೀಯ ಕನ್ನಡ,
55) Classical Kazakh-Классикалық қазақ,

56) Classical Khmer- ខ្មែរបុរាណ,

57) Classical Kinyarwanda
58) Classical Korean-고전 한국어,
59) Classical Kurdish (Kurmanji)-Kurdî (Kurmancî),

60) Classical Kyrgyz-Классикалык Кыргыз,61) Classical Lao-ຄລາສສິກລາວ,
62) Classical Latin-LXII) Classical Latin,

63) Classical Latvian-Klasiskā latviešu valoda,

64) Classical Lithuanian-Klasikinė lietuvių kalba,
65) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,

66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,
67) Classical Malagasy,класичен малгашки,
68) Classical Malay-Melayu Klasik,
69) Classical Malayalam-ക്ലാസിക്കൽ മലയാളം,

70) Classical Maltese-Klassiku Malti,
71) Classical Maori-Maori Maori,
72) Classical Marathi-क्लासिकल माओरी,
73) Classical Mongolian-Сонгодог Монгол,

74) Classical Myanmar (Burmese)-Classical မြန်မာ (ဗမာ),

75) Classical Nepali-शास्त्रीय म्यांमार (बर्मा),
76) Classical Norwegian-Klassisk norsk,
77) Classical Odia (Oriya)

05) Classical Pāḷi


Ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā sāvatthiyaṃ viharati Jeta·vane anāthapiṇḍikassa ārāme. Tatra kho bhagavā bhikkhū āmantesi:



‘Bhikkhavo’ ti.

‘Bhaddante’ ti te bhikkhū bhagavato paccassosuṃ. Bhagavā etad·avoca:

Bhūta·pubbaṃ, bhikkhave, dasārahānaṃ ānako nāma mudiṅgo ahosi. Tassa dasārahā ānake phaḷite aññaṃ āṇiṃ odahiṃsu. Ahu kho so, bhikkhave, samayo yaṃ ānakassa mudiṅgassa porāṇaṃ pokkhara·phalakaṃ antaradhāyi. Āṇi·saṅghāṭo·va avasissi.

Evam·eva kho, bhikkhave, bhavissanti bhikkhū anāgatam·addhānaṃ, ye te suttantā tathāgata·bhāsitā gambhīrā gambhīr·atthā lok·uttarā suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttā, tesu bhaññamānesu na sussūsissanti, na sotaṃ odahissanti na aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessanti na ca te dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissanti.

Ye pana te suttantā kavi·katā kāveyyā citt·akkharā citta·byañjanā bāhirakā sāvaka·bhāsitā, tesu bhaññamānesu sussūsissanti sotaṃ odahissanti aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessanti, te ca dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissanti. Evam·etesaṃ, bhikkhave, suttantānaṃ tathāgata·bhāsitānaṃ gambhīrānaṃ gambhīr·atthānaṃ lok·uttarānaṃ suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttānaṃ antaradhānaṃ bhavissati.

Tasmātiha, bhikkhave, evaṃ sikkhitabbaṃ:ye te suttantā tathāgata·bhāsitā, gambhīrā gambhīr·atthā lok·uttarā suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttā, tesu bhaññamānesu sussūsissāma sotaṃ odahissāma aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessāma, te ca dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissāmati. Evañhi vo, bhikkhave, sikkhitabban·ti.


29) Classical English,Roman
Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND said Buddha with chant, music and songs

On
one occasion, the Bhagavā was dwelling near Sāvatthī, in Jeta’s grove,
Anāthapiṇḍika’s park.{n} There, the Bhagavā adressed the bhikkhus:

– Bhikkhus.

– Bhaddante, answered the bhikkhus. The Bhagavā said:

Formerly,
bhikkhus, the Dasārahās had a drum named Mudiṅga. When the Dasārahās’
drum was broken, they would insert a peg in it. There was a time,
bhikkhus, when the original skin and body of the Mudiṅga drum had
disappeared. There only remained an assemblage of pegs.

In the
same way, bhikkhus, in future time, there will be bhikkhus who will not
listen to the utterance of such discourses which are words of the
Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world,
connected with emptiness, they will not lend ear, they will not apply
their mind on knowledge, they will not consider those teachings as to be
taken up and mastered.

On the contrary, they will listen to the
utterance of such discourses which are literary compositions made by
poets, witty words, witty letters, by people from outside [the Dhamma],
or the words of disciples, they will lend ear, they will apply their
mind on knowledge, they will consider those teachings as to be taken up
and mastered. Thus, bhikkhus, the discourses which are words of the
Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world,
connected with emptiness, will disappear.

Therefore, bhikkhus,
you should train thus: ‘We will listen to the utterance of such
discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound, profound in
meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with emptiness, we will
lend ear, we will apply our mind on knowledge, we will consider those
teachings as to be taken up and mastered.’ This is how, bhikkhus, you
should train yourselves.

05) Classical Pāḷi



06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,

जागरूकता ब्रह्मांड (DAOAU) के साथ जागृत एक की खोज
DO GOOD PURIFY MIND ने बुद्ध को मंत्र, संगीत और गीतों के साथ कहा
एक अवसर पर, भगवती, जेठ के कण्ठ में, अनाथपीपिका के उपवन के पास निवास कर रही थीं। {n} वहाँ, भगव ने भिक्खुओं का पालन किया:
- भीखू।
- भादंते, ने भिखमंगों को उत्तर दिया। भगवान ने कहा:
पूर्व में, भिकखस, दशराहों में मुडिगा नाम का एक ड्रम था। जब दशरथ का ढोल टूट गया, तो वे उसमें एक पेग डालेंगे। एक समय था, भिकखुस, जब मूलिगा ड्रम की मूल त्वचा और शरीर गायब हो गया था। वहाँ केवल खूंटे का एक संयोजन बना रहा।
उसी तरह से, भविष्य के समय में, भिक्खु ऐसे भिक्षु होंगे जो इस तरह के प्रवचनों का उच्चारण नहीं सुनेंगे, जो कि तपागता के शब्द हैं, गहरा, अर्थ में गहरा, दुनिया से परे, शून्यता से जुड़ा हुआ, वे नहीं करेंगे कान उधार लें, वे अपने दिमाग को ज्ञान पर लागू नहीं करेंगे, वे उन शिक्षाओं पर विचार नहीं करेंगे जिन्हें ऊपर ले जाना और महारत हासिल करना है।
इसके विपरीत, वे ऐसे प्रवचनों के उच्चारण को सुनेंगे जो कवियों, मजाकिया शब्दों, मजाकिया पत्रों, बाहरी लोगों [धम्म] के लोगों द्वारा किए गए हैं, या शिष्यों के शब्द, वे कान उधार देंगे, वे लागू होंगे ज्ञान पर उनका दिमाग, वे उन शिक्षाओं को अपनाएंगे और महारत हासिल करेंगे। इस प्रकार, भिक्खु, प्रवचन जो ताथागता के शब्द हैं, गहरा, अर्थ में गहरा, दुनिया से परे अग्रणी, शून्यता से जुड़ा हुआ, गायब हो जाएगा।
इसलिए, भिक्षा, आपको इस प्रकार प्रशिक्षित करना चाहिए:
‘हम ऐसे प्रवचनों के उच्चारण को सुनेंगे, जो कि तपगता के शब्द हैं, गहरा, अर्थ में गहरा, दुनिया से परे, शून्यता से जुड़ा हुआ, हम कान उधार देंगे, हम अपने ज्ञान पर विचार करेंगे, हम उन शिक्षाओं पर विचार करेंगे। जैसा कि ऊपर उठाया और महारत हासिल की। ‘
यह है, कैसे, आप अपने आप को प्रशिक्षित करना चाहिए।
बुरे समय में अवश्य करें ये 4 काम। By Gautam buddha
जीवन का मूल मंत्र
2.11M subscribers
इस लिंक पर क्लिक करके आप हमारी एप्लीकेशन भी डाउनलोड कर सकते हैं, ताकि आप सभी वीडियो देख सके कम डेटा खर्च करके-
बुरे समय में अवश्य करें ये 4 काम। By Gautam buddha
#gautambuddha #buddhalesson #gautanbuddhaupdeshhindi इस लिंक

08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans,


Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND het Boeddha met gesang, musiek en liedjies gesê

By een geleentheid het die Bhagavā naby Sāvatthī, in Jeta se bos, Anāthapiṇḍika se park, gewoon. {N} Daar het die Bhagavā die bhikkhus toegespreek:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, antwoord die bhikkhus. Die Bhagavā het gesê:

Voorheen, bhikkhus, het die Dasārahās ‘n trommel gehad met die naam Mudiṅga. Wanneer die trommel van die Dasārahās gebreek is, sou hulle ‘n pen daarin steek. Daar was ‘n tyd, bhikkhus, toe die oorspronklike vel en liggaam van die Mudiṅga-drom verdwyn het. Daar het net ‘n versameling penne oorgebly.

Op dieselfde manier sal daar bhikkhus in die toekomstige tyd bhikkhus wees wat nie na die uitspraak van sulke diskoerse sal luister nie; dit is woorde van die Tathāgata, diep, diep in betekenis, wat verder gaan as die wêreld, verbind met leegheid, hulle sal nie Hoor, hulle sal nie op kennis ag gee nie, en hulle sal nie die leringe beskou as opgeneem en bemeester word nie.

Inteendeel, hulle sal luister na die uitsprake van sulke diskoerse wat literêre komposisies is wat deur digters, spitsvondige woorde, geestige briewe, deur mense van buite [die Dhamma], of die woorde van dissipels gemaak is; hulle sal luister, hulle sal toepas as hulle op kennis ag, sal hulle die leerstellings beskou as opgeneem en bemeester word. Dus, bhikkhus, die gesprekke wat woorde van die Tathāgata is, diep, diep in betekenis, wat verder gaan as die wêreld, verbind met leegheid, sal verdwyn.

Daarom, bhikkhus, moet u so oefen:

‘Ons sal luister na die uitspraak van sulke gesprekke wat woorde van die Tathāgata is, diepgaande, diepgaande in betekenis, wat verder gaan as die wêreld, verbonde aan leegheid, ons sal luister, ons sal aandag gee aan kennis, ons sal die leerstellings in ag neem soos opgeneem en bemeester. ‘

Dit is hoe u julleself moet oefen, bhikkhus.


09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,
Zbulimi i Njërit të Zgjuar me Universin e Ndërgjegjësimit (DAOAU)

BONI MENDIM TUR PASTRUAR MIR said tha Buda me këngë, muzikë dhe këngë

Në një rast, Bhagavā po banonte afër Sāvatthī, në korije e Jeta, parku Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Atje, Bhagavā drejtoi bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, u përgjigj bhikkhus. Bhagavā tha:

Më parë, bhikkhus, Dasārahās kishin një daulle me emrin Mudiṅga. Kur daulles së Dasārahās i thyhej, ata futnin një kunj në të. Ka qenë një kohë, bhikkhus, kur lëkura dhe trupi origjinal i daulles Mudiṅga ishin zhdukur. Mbeti vetëm një kuvend kunjësh.

Në të njëjtën mënyrë, bhikkhus, në kohën e ardhshme, do të ketë bhikkhus që nuk do të dëgjojë shqiptimin e ligjërimeve të tilla që janë fjalë të Tathāgata, të thella, të kuptimit të thellë, që çojnë përtej botës, të lidhura me zbrazëtinë, ata nuk do të jepi vesh, ata nuk do ta përdorin mendjen e tyre për njohurinë, nuk do t’i konsiderojnë ato mësime si të përvetësuara dhe të përvetësuara.

Përkundrazi, ata do të dëgjojnë shqiptimin e ligjërimeve të tilla që janë kompozime letrare të bëra nga poetë, fjalë të mprehta, letra të mprehta, nga njerëz nga jashtë [Dhamma], ose fjalët e dishepujve, ata do t’i japin veshit, ata do të zbatohen mendjen e tyre për njohuritë, ata do t’i konsiderojnë ato mësime që duhen marrë dhe përvetësuar. Kështu, bhikkhus, ligjërimet të cilat janë fjalë të Tathāgata-s, të thella, me kuptim të thellë, që çojnë përtej botës, të lidhura me zbrazëtinë, do të zhduken.

Prandaj, bhikkhus, duhet të stërvitesh kështu:

“Ne do të dëgjojmë shqiptimin e ligjërimeve të tilla që janë fjalë të Tathāgata, të thella, me kuptim të thellë, që çojnë përtej botës, të lidhura me zbrazëtinë, ne do t’i japim vesh, do të zbatojmë mendjen tonë në njohuri, si për tu marrë dhe përvetësuar ‘.

Kështu duhet, bhikkhus, të stërviteni.


10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
የነቃው ግኝት በግንዛቤ ዩኒቨርስ (DAOAU)

ጥሩ ንፁህ አስተሳሰብን አድርግ ቡዳ በዜማ ፣ በሙዚቃ እና በመዝሙሮች ተናገረ

ባጋቫ በአንድ ወቅት በጄታ ግሩፕ ፣ በአናታፒፒካ መናፈሻ ውስጥ ሳባቲቱ አቅራቢያ ይኖር ነበር ፡፡

- ብሂክሁስ ፡፡

- ብሃደነተ ፣ ብሂክሹስ መለሰ። ብሃጋቫ እንዲህ አለ

ቀደም ሲል ፣ ቢኪሁስ ፣ ዳሳራህስ ሙዲጋጋ የሚባል ከበሮ ነበራቸው። የዳሳራህ ከበሮ በሚሰበርበት ጊዜ አንድ ሚስማር ያስገቡ ነበር። የሙዲጋጋ ከበሮ የመጀመሪያ ቆዳ እና አካል የጠፋበት ጊዜ ፣ ቢኪክሁስ ነበር ፡፡ የተከማቸ መዥገሮች ብቻ ቀረ።

በተመሳሳይ ሁኔታ ፣ ቢሂክሹስ ፣ ለወደፊቱ ፣ የታታጋታ ቃላት ፣ ጥልቅ ፣ ትርጉም ያለው ፣ ከዓለም ባሻገር የሚመራ ፣ ከባዶነት ጋር የተገናኘ እንደዚህ ያሉ ንግግሮች ሲናገሩ የማይሰማ ቢሂክሁስ ይኖራል ያበድራሉ ፣ አእምሯቸውን በእውቀት ላይ አይተገብሩም ፣ እነዚያን ትምህርቶች እንደ ተወሰዱ እና እንደ ተማሩ አይቆጠሩም ፡፡

በተቃራኒው ፣ እንደዚህ ባሉ ንግግሮች ውስጥ በቅኔዎች ፣ በጥበብ ቃላት ፣ በጥበብ ደብዳቤዎች ፣ በውጭ ባሉ ሰዎች (በደማቁ) ወይም በደቀ መዛሙርት ቃል የተጻፉ ጽሑፋዊ ድርሰቶች ሲናገሩ ያዳምጣሉ ፣ ይሰማሉ ፣ ይተገበራሉ አእምሮአቸውን በእውቀት ላይ እንዳሉ ፣ እነዚያን ትምህርቶች እንደተወሰዱ እና እንደተካኑ ይቆጠራሉ። ስለዚህ ፣ ቢኪሁስ ፣ የታታጋታ ቃላት ፣ ጥልቅ ፣ ትርጉም ያለው ፣ ከዓለም ባሻገር የሚመሩ ፣ ከባዶነት ጋር የተገናኙ ንግግሮች ይጠፋሉ።

ስለዚህ ፣ ቢክሁስ ፣ እንደዚህ ማሰልጠን አለብዎት:

እንደነዚህ ያሉ ንግግሮች የሚናገሩትን እናዳምጣለን ፣ የታታጋታ ቃላት ፣ ጥልቅ ፣ ትርጉም ያለው ፣ ከዓለም ባሻገር የሚመራ ፣ ከባዶነት ጋር የተቆራኘ ፣ ጆሮ እንሰጣለን ፣ አእምሯችንን በእውቀት ላይ እንተገብራለን ፣ እነዚያን ትምህርቶች እንመለከታለን እንደ ተወሰደ እና እንደተካነ ፡፡

ቢቂሁስ እንደዚህ ነው ፣ ራሳችሁን ማሠልጠን ያለባችሁ ፡፡


11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى
اكتشاف أيقظ المرء بوعي الكون (DAOAU)

قال بوذا ، افعل الخير ، طهّر مع ترنيمة وموسيقى وأغاني

في إحدى المرات ، كان البهاغافا يسكنون بالقرب من سافاتثي ، في بستان جيتا ، متنزه أناثابيتشيكا. {ن} هناك ، علق البهاغافا البهاخوس:

- بخس.

- Bhaddante ، أجاب bhikkhus. قال البهاغافا:

سابقًا ، bhikkhus ، كان لدى Dasārahās طبلة تسمى Mudiṅga. عندما ينكسر طبل الدسارة يدخلون فيه الوتد. كان هناك وقت ، bhikkhus ، عندما اختفى الجلد والجسم الأصلي لطبل Mudiṅga. بقيت فقط مجموعة من الأوتاد.

بنفس الطريقة ، bhikkhus ، في المستقبل ، سيكون هناك bhikkhus الذين لن يستمعوا إلى نطق مثل هذه الخطابات التي هي كلمات Tathāgata ، عميقة ، عميقة في المعنى ، تقود إلى ما وراء العالم ، مرتبطة بالفراغ ، لن ألقوا الأذان ، فلن يطبقوا عقولهم على المعرفة ، ولن يعتبروا أن تلك التعاليم يجب أن تؤخذ وتتقن.

على العكس من ذلك ، سوف يستمعون إلى نطق مثل هذه الخطابات التي هي مؤلفات أدبية لشعراء ، كلمات بارعة ، حروف بارعة ، من قبل أشخاص من خارج [الداما] ، أو كلمات تلاميذ ، سوف يستمعون إليها ، وسوف يطبقونها عقلهم على المعرفة ، سوف يعتبرون هذه التعاليم يجب تناولها وإتقانها. هكذا ، bhikkhus ، الخطابات التي هي كلمات Tathāgata ، عميقة ، عميقة في المعنى ، تقود إلى ما وراء العالم ، مرتبطة بالفراغ ، ستختفي.

لذلك يجب أن تتدرب يا bhikkhus:

سنستمع إلى نطق مثل هذه الخطابات التي هي كلمات تاغاتا ، عميقة ، عميقة في المعنى ، تقود إلى ما وراء العالم ، مرتبطة بالفراغ ، سنستمع ، وسنطبق أذهاننا على المعرفة ، وسننظر في تلك التعاليم لكي يتم تناولها وإتقانها.

هكذا يجب أن تدربوا أنفسكم يا bhikkhus.



12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,
Արթնացածի հայտնաբերումը իրազեկման տիեզերքով (DAOAU)

ԼԱՎ ՄԱՔՐԵՔ ՄՏՔԸ, ասաց Բուդդան վանկարկումով, երաժշտությամբ և երգերով

Մի առիթով, Bhagavā- ն բնակվում էր Sāvatthī- ի մոտ, Jeta- ի պուրակում, Anāthapiṇḍika- ի այգում: {n} Այնտեղ Bhagavā- ն դիմեց բիկխուսին.

- Բհիկխուս:

- Բհադդանտե, պատասխանեց բհիկխուսը: Բհագավն ասաց.

Նախկինում ՝ bhikkhus, Dasārahā- ները ունեին թմբուկ `Mudiṅga անունով: Երբ ջարդվում էր Dasārahās- ի թմբուկը, նրանք այնտեղ ցց էին տալիս: Մի ժամանակ բհիկխուս կար, երբ Mudi Mga թմբուկի նախնական մաշկն ու մարմինը անհետացել էին: Այնտեղ մնաց միայն ցցերի հավաքածու:

Նույն կերպ, բհիկխուս, ապագայում, կգտնվեն բհխխուսներ, ովքեր չեն լսի այնպիսի դիսկուրսների արտասանություն, որոնք Տաթագատայի խոսքեր են, խորը, իմաստով խորը, տանում են աշխարհից այն կողմ, կապված դատարկության հետ, նրանք չեն ականջ դրեք, նրանք չեն կիրառի իրենց միտքը գիտելիքի վրա, նրանք չեն համարի, որ այդ ուսմունքները պետք է ընդունվեն և յուրացվեն:

Ընդհակառակը, նրանք կլսեն այնպիսի դիսկուրսների արտասանություն, որոնք բանաստեղծների, սրամիտ բառերի, սրամիտ նամակների, դրսից [Դամմայի] մարդկանց կողմից արված գրական ստեղծագործություններ են, կամ աշակերտների խոսքերը, նրանք ականջ կտան, կկիրառեն իրենց միտքը գիտելիքի վրա, նրանք կդիտարկեն, որ այդ ուսմունքները պետք է ընդունվեն և յուրացվեն: Այսպիսով, bhikkhus- ը, դիսկուրսները, որոնք Tathāgata- ի բառեր են, խորը, իմաստով խորը, աշխարհից այն կողմ տանող, դատարկության հետ կապված, կվերանան:

Ուստի, բհիկխուս, պետք է այսպես մարզվել.

«Մենք կլսենք այնպիսի դիսկուրսների արտասանությունը, որոնք Tathāgata- ի խոսքեր են, խորը, իմաստով խորը, տանում են աշխարհից այն կողմ, կապված դատարկության հետ, ականջ կտանք, մտքերը կկիրառենք գիտելիքների վրա, կքննարկենք այդ ուսմունքները: ինչպես վերցնել և յուրացնել »:

Ահա թե ինչպես, բհիկխուս, պետք է ինքներդ մարզվեք:


13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
Awareness Kainatı ilə Oyanan Birinin Kəşfi (DAOAU)

YAXŞI TƏHLİQ EDİN Budda şarkı, musiqi və mahnılarla söylədi

Bir dəfə Bhagavā Sāvatthi yaxınlığında, Jetanın meşəsində, Anthapiṇḍika parkında yaşayırdı. {N} Orada Bhagavā bhikkhusları heyran etdi:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, bhikkhus cavab verdi. Bhagava dedi:

Əvvəllər bhikkhus olan Dasārahas’ta Mudiṅga adlı bir təbil var idi. Dasarahas davulu qırıldıqda, içərisinə bir dirək qoyardılar. Bhikkhus, Mudiṅga barabanının orijinal dərisinin və bədəninin yox olduğu bir vaxt var idi. Yalnız bir dirək yığını qaldı.

Eyni şəkildə, bhikkhuslar, gələcəkdə, Tatatata sözləri olan, dərin, mənalı, dünyadan kənara çıxan, boşluqla əlaqəli bu cür danışıqları söyləyənləri eşitməyən bhikkhuslar olacaqdır. borc ver, ağıllarını bilik üzərində tətbiq etməyəcəklər, bu təlimləri qəbul edilmiş və mənimsənilmiş saymayacaqlar.

Əksinə, şairlər tərəfindən hazırlanan bədii əsərlər, hazırcavab sözlər, hazırcavab məktublar, xaricdən gələn insanlar tərəfindən [Dhamma] və ya şagirdlərin sözlərindən bəhs olunan bu cür danışıqları dinləyəcəklər, qulaq asacaqlar, tətbiq edəcəklər. bilik üzərində düşünsələr, bu təlimləri alındı və mənimsəniləcəklər. Beləliklə, Татиката sözləri olan dərin, mənalı, dünyadan kənara çıxan, boşluqla əlaqəli bhikkhuslar ortadan qalxacaq.

Buna görə bhikkhus, belə məşq etməlisən:

‘Tathagata’nın sözləri olan, dərin, mənalı, dünyadan kənara çıxan, boşluqla əlaqəli bu cür danışıqların nitqini dinləyəcəyik, qulaq asacağıq, bilik üzərində düşünəcəyik, bu təlimləri nəzərdən keçirəcəyik. alınacaq və mənimsəniləcək. ‘

Bhikkhus, özünüzü bu şəkildə öyrətməlisiniz.


14) Classical Basque- Euskal klasikoa,
Esnatuaren Aurkikuntza Unibertsoarekin (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND esan zuen Buda kantuarekin, musikarekin eta abestiekin

Behin batean, Bhagavā Sāvatthī inguruan zegoen, Jeta basoan, Anāthapiṇḍika parkean. {N} Bertan, Bhagavā bhikkhus-i zuzendu zitzaion:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, erantzun zuten bhikkhusek. Bhagavak esan zuen:

Antzina, bhikkhus, Dasārahāsek Mudiṅga izeneko danborra zuten. Dasārahāren danborra hautsi zenean, txirrina sartzen zuten. Bazen garai bat, bhikkhus, Mudiṅga danborradaren jatorrizko azala eta gorputza desagertu zirenean. Piken multzo bat besterik ez zen geratzen.

Modu berean, bhikkhus, etorkizunean, egongo dira Tathāgata-ren hitzak diren sakonak, esanahi sakonekoak, mundutik haratagokoak direnak, hutsarekin lotuak, diskurtso horien esana entzuten ez dutenak. belarriprest, ez dute beren burua ezagutzan aplikatuko, ez dituzte irakaspen horiek hartuko eta menperatzekotzat hartuko.

Aitzitik, poetek, hitz burutsuek, letra burutsuek, kanpotik [Dhamma] jendeak egindako literatura konposizioak diren diskurtso horien esaldia entzungo dute, edo ikasleen hitzak entzungo dituzte, aplikatuko dituzte ezagutza kontuan hartuta, irakaspen horiek hartu eta menperatzekotzat hartuko dituzte. Horrela, bhikkhus, Tathāgata-ren hitzak diren diskurtsoak, sakonak, esanahi sakonekoak, mundutik haratago doazenak, hutsarekin lotuta, desagertuko dira.

Beraz, bhikkhus, honela entrenatu beharko zenuke:

‘Tathāgata-ren hitzak diren diskurtso horien esamena entzungo dugu, sakonak, esanahi sakonekoak, mundutik haratago doazenak, hutsunearekin lotuta, belarriak emango ditugu, gure gogoa ezagutzetan aplikatuko dugu, irakaspen horiek kontuan hartuko ditugu. hartu eta menperatzeko moduan ».

Hau da, bhikkhus, zuek entrenatu behar duzue.


15) Classical Belarusian-Класічная беларуская,
Адкрыццё Абуджанага з Усведамленнем Сусвету (DAOAU)

ДАБРА АЧЫСТАЦЬ УМ, сказаў Буда са спевам, музыкай і песнямі

Аднойчы Бхагава жыў каля Саватхі, у гаі Джэта, у парку Анатапіцікі. {N} Там Бхагава звярнуўся да бхікху:

- Бхікхус.

- Бхаддантэ, адказаў мёртвых. Бхагава сказаў:

Раней, у бхікху, у Дасарахаў быў барабан на імя Мудзінга. Калі ламаўся барабан Дасарахаса, яны ўстаўлялі ў яго калок. Былі выпадкі, мехманы, калі першапачатковая скура і цела барабана Мудзінга зніклі. Засталася толькі сукупнасць калкоў.

Сапраўды гэтак жа, бхікху, у будучыні знойдуцца бхікху, якія не будуць слухаць прамовы такіх дыскурсаў, якія з’яўляюцца словамі Татхагаты, глыбокімі, глыбокімі па сэнсе, якія вядуць за межы свету, звязанымі з пустатой, яны не будуць Паслухайце, яны не будуць звяртаць увагу на веды, яны не будуць лічыць гэтыя вучэнні прынятымі і засвоенымі.

Наадварот, яны будуць слухаць прамову такіх дыскурсаў, якія ўяўляюць сабой літаратурныя кампазіцыі, зробленыя паэтамі, дасціпнымі словамі, дасціпнымі лістамі, людзьмі звонку [Дамы] альбо словамі вучняў, яны прыслухаюцца, будуць прымяняць разважаючы пра веды, яны будуць лічыць гэтыя вучэнні неабходнымі для засваення. Такім чынам, бхікху, дыскурсы, якія з’яўляюцца словамі Татхагаты, глыбокімі, глыбокімі па сэнсе, якія вядуць за межы свету, звязаныя з пустатой, знікнуць.

Такім чынам, мяккія, вы павінны трэніравацца наступным чынам:

“Мы будзем слухаць прамовы такіх дыскурсаў, якія з’яўляюцца словамі Татхагаты, глыбокімі, глыбокімі па сэнсе, якія выходзяць за межы свету, звязанымі з пустатой, мы прыслухаемся, мы прыкладзем свой розум да ведаў, разгледзім гэтыя вучэнні як быць узятай і асвоенай “.

Вось як, бхікху, вы павінны трэніравацца.


16) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা,
সচেতনতা ইউনিভার্স (ডিএওএইউ) দিয়ে জাগ্রত ব্যক্তির আবিষ্কার

ডিফ অব পিউরিফাই মন বলেছিলেন বুদ্ধ জপ, সংগীত এবং গান সহ with

একসময়, ভাগাভ আনতাপিয়িকের পার্কের জেটের গ্রোভের সাভথির কাছে বাস করছিলেন {{n} সেখানে, ভাগব ভিক্ষুকে সম্মানিত করেছিলেন:

- ভিক্ষুস

- ভদ্দনতে, ভিক্ষুদের উত্তর দিল। ভাগব বলেছেন:

পূর্বে, ভিক্ষুসে, দাসারাহাদের মুদিগা নামে একটি ড্রাম ছিল। দাসারাহের ড্রাম নষ্ট হয়ে গেলে তারা এতে একটি পেগ .ুকিয়ে দিত। এক সময়, ভিকখুস, যখন মুদিগা ড্রামের মূল ত্বক এবং দেহটি অদৃশ্য হয়ে গেল। কেবল পগের একটি সমাবেশ থেকে যায়।

একইভাবে, ভিক্ষুস, ভবিষ্যতে, এমন ভিক্ষু থাকবে যারা তথগৎ শব্দ, গভীর, গভীর অর্থ, বিশ্বজুড়ে অগ্রণী, শূন্যতার সাথে সংযুক্ত, তারা এ জাতীয় বক্তৃতাগুলি শুনবে না। কান ধার দিন, তারা জ্ঞানের উপর তাদের মন প্রয়োগ করবেন না, তারা সেই শিক্ষাগুলি গ্রহণ এবং দক্ষ হিসাবে বিবেচনা করবে না।

বিপরীতে, তারা এই জাতীয় বক্তৃতাগুলি শুনবেন যা কবিদের দ্বারা রচিত সাহিত্যিক রচনাগুলি, মজাদার শব্দ, মজাদার চিঠিগুলি, [ধম্ম] বাইরের লোকদের দ্বারা বা শিষ্যদের কথাগুলি, তারা কান ধার দেবে, তারা প্রয়োগ করবে জ্ঞানের উপর তাদের মন, তারা সেই শিক্ষাগুলি গ্রহণ এবং দক্ষ হিসাবে বিবেচনা করবে। সুতরাং, ভিক্ষুস, যে বক্তৃতাগুলি তথগাতার শব্দ, গভীর এবং অর্থহীন, বিশ্বজুড়ে অগ্রণী, শূন্যতার সাথে যুক্ত, অদৃশ্য হয়ে যাবে।

সুতরাং, ভিক্ষুস, আপনার এভাবে প্রশিক্ষণ দেওয়া উচিত:

‘আমরা এই জাতীয় বক্তৃতাগুলির কথা শুনব যা তত্ত্বগতার কথা, গভীর ও অর্থহীন, বিশ্বজুড়ে অগ্রসর হওয়া, শূন্যতার সাথে সংযুক্ত, আমরা কান দেব, জ্ঞানের উপর আমাদের মন প্রয়োগ করব, আমরা সেই শিক্ষাগুলি বিবেচনা করব হিসাবে নেওয়া এবং আয়ত্ত করা। ‘

এইভাবে, ভিক্ষু, আপনার নিজের প্রশিক্ষণ দেওয়া উচিত।


17) Classical  Bosnian-Klasični bosanski,
Otkriće Probuđenog sa Univerzumom svjesnosti (DAOAU)

DOBRO PROČISTI UM rekao je Buda uz pojanje, muziku i pjesme

Jednom je Bhagava stanovao u blizini Sāvatthīja, u Jetinom gaju, parku Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Tamo je Bhagavā obratio monahse:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, odgovorio je monah. Bhagava je rekao:

Nekada su, monasi, Dasarahe imali bubanj po imenu Mudi Mga. Kad bi se Dasārahāsov bubanj slomio, u njega bi umetnuli klin. Bilo je vremena, monahinje, kada su originalna koža i tijelo bubnja Mudiṅga nestali. Ostao je samo skup klinova.

Na isti način, monahinje, u budućnosti će postojati monahinje koje neće slušati izgovaranje takvih diskursa koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboke, duboke u značenju, vode izvan svijeta, povezane sa prazninom, neće Poslušajte, oni neće primijeniti svoj um na znanje, neće smatrati ta učenja kao preuzeta i savladana.

Suprotno tome, oni će slušati izgovor takvih diskursa koji su književne kompozicije koje su napravili pjesnici, duhovite riječi, duhovita pisma, ljudi izvan [Dhamme] ili riječi učenika, poslušat će ih, primijenit će misleći na znanje, smatrat će da su ta učenja prevladana i savladana. Dakle, monahusi, diskursi koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboki, duboki u značenju, vodeći izvan svijeta, povezani sa prazninom, nestat će.

Stoga, monahinje, trebali biste trenirati ovako:

‘Slušat ćemo izgovor takvih govora koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboke, duboke u smislu, vodeći izvan svijeta, povezane s prazninom, poslušit ćemo, primijenit ćemo svoj um na znanje, razmotrit ćemo ta učenja kako bi se preuzeo i savladao. ‘

Ovako, monahinje, trebali biste se uvježbati.

18) Classical Bulgaria- Класически българск,
Откриване на пробуден с Вселената на осъзнаването (DAOAU)

НАПРАВЕТЕ ПРЕЧИСТВАНЕ НА УМА, каза Буда с песнопение, музика и песни

Веднъж Бхагава живееше близо до Саватти, в горичката на Джета, парка на Анатапишика. {N} Там Бхагава се обръщаше към момчетата:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, отговориха мекхусите. Бхагава каза:

По-рано, монахи, Dasārahās имаха барабан на име Mudiṅga. Когато барабанът на Dasārahās се счупи, те вмъкваха колче в него. Имаше време, монахи, когато оригиналната кожа и тяло на барабана Mudiṅga бяха изчезнали. Остана само група от колчета.

По същия начин, монахи, в бъдеще ще има могили, които няма да слушат произнасянето на такива дискурси, които са думи на Татхагата, дълбоки, дълбоки по значение, водещи отвъд света, свързани с празнотата, те няма да Послушайте, те няма да прилагат ума си върху знанията, няма да считат тези учения за взети и усвоени.

Напротив, те ще слушат изговарянето на такива беседи, които са литературни композиции, направени от поети, остроумни думи, остроумни писма, от хора отвън [Dhamma], или думите на ученици, те ще послушат, ще кандидатстват разсъждавайки върху знанията, те ще считат тези учения за взети и усвоени. По този начин, bhikkhus, дискурсите, които са думи на Татхагата, дълбоки, дълбоки по значение, водещи отвъд света, свързани с празнотата, ще изчезнат.

Следователно, монахи, трябва да тренирате по следния начин:

„Ще слушаме изговарянето на такива беседи, които са думи на Татагата, дълбоки, дълбоки по значение, водещи отвъд света, свързани с празнотата, ще прислушаме, ще приложим ума си върху знанието, ще разгледаме тези учения като да бъде поета и овладяна. “

Ето как, монахи, трябва да се обучавате.


19) Classical  Catalan-Català clàssic,
Descobriment d’un despert amb univers de consciència (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND va dir Buda amb cant, música i cançons

En una ocasió, el Bhagavā vivia a prop de Sāvatthī, al bosc de Jeta, el parc d’Anathapiṇḍika. {N} Allà, el Bhagavā s’adreçava als bhikkhus:

- Monjos.

- Bhaddante, va respondre els monjos. El Bhagavā va dir:

Antigament, bhikkhus, els Dasārahās tenien un tambor anomenat Mudiṅga. Quan es trencava el tambor dels Dasārahās, hi introduïen una clavilla. Hi va haver un temps, monjos, quan la pell i el cos originals del tambor de Mudiṅga havien desaparegut. Només quedava un conjunt de clavilles.

De la mateixa manera, bhikkhus, en el temps futur, hi haurà bhikkhus que no escoltaran l’enunciat d’aquests discursos que són paraules del Tathāgata, profunds, de significat profund, que porten més enllà del món, connectats amb el buit, no ho faran presta atenció, no aplicaran la seva ment al coneixement, no consideraran que aquests ensenyaments siguin assumits i dominats.

Al contrari, escoltaran l’enunciat d’aquests discursos que són composicions literàries fetes per poetes, paraules enginyoses, cartes enginyoses, per gent de fora del Dhamma, o les paraules dels deixebles; tenint en compte el coneixement, consideraran que aquests ensenyaments són assumits i dominats. Així, desapareixeran els bhikkhus, els discursos que són paraules del Tathāgata, profunds, de significat profund, que porten més enllà del món, connectats amb el buit.

Per tant, monjos, heu d’entrenar-vos així:

‘Escoltarem la pronunciació d’aquests discursos que són paraules del Tathāgata, profunds, de significat profund, que porten més enllà del món, connectats amb el buit, prestarem orella, aplicarem la nostra ment al coneixement, considerarem aquests ensenyaments com per ser assumit i dominat “.

Així és com, monjos, us heu d’entrenar.


20) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo,
Pagdiskobre sa Nahigmata nga Usa nga adunay Kamalayan Universe (DAOAU)

ANG MAAYONG PURIFY MIND miingon ang Buddha nga adunay chant, musika ug mga kanta

Sa usa ka okasyon, ang Bhagavā nagpuyo sa duol sa Sāvatthī, sa kakahoyan sa Jeta, parke ni Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Didto, gisultihan sa Bhagavā ang mga bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, gitubag ang mga bhikkhus. Ang Bhagavā miingon:

Kaniadto, bhikkhus, ang mga Dasārahās adunay usa ka tambol nga ginganlan Mudiṅga. Kung nabuak ang tambol sa Dasārahās, gisulud nila kini sa usa ka lagdok. Adunay usa ka panahon, bhikkhus, kung kanus-a nawala ang orihinal nga panit ug lawas sa tambol nga Mudiṅga. Nagpabilin ra ang usa ka pagtigum sa mga peg.

Sa parehas nga paagi, ang mga bhikkhus, sa umaabot nga oras, adunay mga bhikkhus nga dili maminaw sa paglitok sa ingon nga mga diskurso nga mga pulong sa Tathāgata, lawom, lawom nga kahulugan, nga nagdala sa unahan sa kalibutan, nga konektado sa kamingaw, dili nila paminaw, dili nila ibutang ang ilang hunahuna sa kahibalo, dili nila isipon nga kana nga mga pagtolon-an ingon nga gikuha ug gikontrol.

Sa kasukwahi, paminawon nila ang paglitok sa ingon nga mga diskurso nga mga komposisyon sa panitik nga hinimo sa mga magbabalak, kataw-anan nga mga pulong, kataw-anan nga mga letra, sa mga tawo nga gikan sa gawas [the Dhamma], o mga pulong sa mga tinon-an, magpamati sila, mag-apply sila ang ilang hunahuna sa kinaadman, ilang pagaisipon ang kana nga mga pagtolon-an ingon nga gikuha ug gikontrol. Sa ingon, ang mga bhikkhus, ang mga diskurso nga mga pulong sa Tathāgata, lawom, lawom nga kahulugan, padulong sa unahan sa kalibutan, nga konektado sa kamingaw, mawala.

Busa, mga bhikkhus, kinahanglan ka magbansay sa ingon:

‘Paminawon namon ang paglitok sa ingon nga mga diskurso nga mga pulong sa Tathāgata, lawom, lawom nga kahulugan, padulong sa unahan sa kalibutan, konektado sa kamingaw, magpaminaw, igabutang naton ang atong hunahuna sa kahibalo, atong hunahunaon ang kana nga mga pagtulun-an ingon nga kuhaon ug agalon. ‘

Ingon niini ang pamaagi, mga bhikkhus, kinahanglan nimong bansayon ang inyong kaugalingon.


21) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa,
Kupeza Munthu Wodzutsidwa Ndi Chilengedwe Chodziwitsa (DAOAU)

Chitani ZABWINO KUKONZETSA Maganizo anati Buddha ndi nyimbo, nyimbo ndi nyimbo

Nthawi ina, a Bhagavā anali kukhala pafupi ndi Sāvatthī, kudera la Jeta, paki ya Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Kumeneko, a Bhagavā adakweza bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, adayankha bhikkhus. Bhagavā adati:

Poyamba, bhikkhus, a Dasārahās anali ndi ng’oma yotchedwa Mudiṅga. Ng’oma ya a Dasārahās ikathyoledwa, amalowetsa chikhomo. Panali nthawi, bhikkhus, pomwe khungu loyambirira ndi thupi la ng’oma ya Mudiṅga zidasowa. Panangotsala gulu la zikhomo.

Momwemonso, bhikkhus, mtsogolomo, padzakhala bhikkhus yemwe samvera kuyankhula kwa nkhani zotere zomwe ndi mawu a Tathāgata, ozama, omveka tanthauzo, otsogolera kupitilira dziko lapansi, olumikizidwa ndi zachabechabe, sadzatero tcherani khutu, sakhazikika m’maganizo mwawo pazidziwitso, sangaganizire zophunzitsidwazo kukhala zofunika kuziphunzira.

M’malo mwake, amvera zonena za nkhani zotere zomwe ndi zolemba za ndakatulo, mawu anzeru, zilembo zamatsenga, zopangidwa ndi anthu ochokera kunja kwa [Dhamma], kapena mawu a ophunzira, adzamvetsera, adzalemba malingaliro awo pakudziwa, adzawona ziphunzitsozi kuti zizitengedwa ndikukwaniritsidwa. Chifukwa chake, bhikkhus, nkhani zomwe ndi mawu a Tathāgata, zakuya, zomveka bwino, zotsogola padziko lapansi, zolumikizidwa ndi zopanda pake, zidzatha.

Chifukwa chake, bhikkhus, muyenera kuphunzitsa motere:

‘Tidzamvera zonena ngati izi zomwe ndi mawu a Tathāgata, ozama, otanthauzika, otsogolera kupitilira dziko lapansi, olumikizidwa ndi zopanda pake, timvetsera, tithandizira kudziwa, tilingalira za ziphunzitsozo. kuti atengeredwe ndikukhala akatswiri. ‘

Umu ndi momwe, bhikkhus, muyenera kudziphunzitsira.


22) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体),
认识宇宙觉醒者(DAOAU)

虔诚的心念佛陀说唱,音乐和歌曲

有一次,巴哈瓦(Bhagavā)住在Anāthapiṇḍika公园的Jeta树林里的萨瓦提(Sāvatthī)附近。

–比克胡斯。

– Bhaddante,比丘斯回答。巴哈瓦说:

比萨拉(Bhikkhus)以前是达萨拉(Dasārahās)的鼓,名叫穆迪加(Mudiṅga)。当达萨拉哈的鼓破裂时,他们会在其中插入一个钉子。比丘(Bhikkhus)曾经有一段时间,穆迪加(Mudiṅga)鼓的原始皮肤和身体消失了。只剩下一堆钉子了。

以同样的方式,比丘人,在将来的时候,将会有比丘人不听这些话语的话语,这些话语是塔塔加塔语,意义深远,意义深远,超越世界,与虚无联系,他们不会倾听他们的意见,他们不会将自己的思想放在知识上,他们不会认为这些教义是要被接受和掌握的。

相反,他们会听这些话语的话语,这些话语是诗人,机智的单词,机智的信徒,[法]外人士或门徒的话所构成的文学作品,他们会倾听,他们会采用他们对知识的意识,他们将考虑并掌握这些教义。因此,比丘的话语,即塔塔加塔语的话语,意义深远,意义深远,超越世界并与空虚联系在一起,将消失。

因此,比丘斯人,你应该这样训练:

“我们将聆听这些话语的话语,这些话语是Tathāgata的话,含义深刻,深刻,超越世界,与虚无联系,我们将倾听,我们将思想应用于知识,我们将考虑这些教义以便被掌握。”

比克胡斯,这就是你应该训练自己的方式。


23) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體),認識宇宙覺醒者(DAOAU)

虔誠的心念佛陀說唱,音樂和歌曲

有一次,巴哈瓦(Bhagavā)居住在Anāthapiṇḍika公園的Jeta樹林中的薩瓦提(Sāvatthī)附近。

–比克胡斯。

– Bhaddante,比丘斯回答。巴哈瓦說:

比薩拉(Bhikkhus)以前是達薩拉(Dasārahās)的鼓,名叫Mudiṅga。當達薩拉哈的鼓破裂時,他們會在其中插入一個釘子。有一段時間,比丘(Bhikkhus),穆迪加(Mudiṅga)鼓的原始皮膚和身體消失了。只剩下一堆釘子了。

以同樣的方式,比丘人,在將來的時候,將會有比丘人不聽這些話語的話語,這些話語是塔塔加塔語,意義深遠,意義深遠,超越世界,與虛無聯繫,他們不會傾聽他們的意見,他們不會將自己的思想放在知識上,他們不會認為這些教義將被採納和掌握。

相反,他們會聽這些話語的話語,這些話語是詩人,機智的話,機智的信徒,[法]外人士或門徒的話所組成的文學作品,他們會傾聽,他們會採用他們對知識的了解,他們會認為這些教義將被採納和掌握。因此,比丘的話語,即塔塔加塔語的話語,意義深遠,意義深遠,走向世界並與空虛聯繫在一起,將消失。

因此,比丘斯人,你應該這樣訓練:

“我們將聆聽這些話語的話語,這些話語是Tathāgata的話,含義深刻,深刻,超越世界,與虛無聯繫,我們將傾聽,我們將思想應用於知識,我們將考慮這些教義以便被掌握。”

比克胡斯,這就是你應該訓練自己的方式。


24) Classical Corsican-Corsa Corsicana,
Friends

Scuperta di Un Svegliu cù l’Universu di Sensibilizazione (DAOAU)
DO BON PURIFICATE MENTE hà dettu Buddha cun cantu, musica è canzoni
In una occasione, u Bhagavā stava vicinu à Sāvatthī, in u boscu di Jeta, u parcu d’Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Quì, u Bhagavā hà indirizzatu i bhikkhus:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, rispose i Bhikkhus. U Bhagavā hà dettu:
Antica, bhikkhus, i Dasārahās avianu un tamburu chjamatu Mudiṅga. Quandu u tamburinu di i Dasārahās era rottu, inserianu un peg in questu. Ci hè statu un tempu, bhikkhus, quandu a pelle è u corpu originali di u tamburu Mudiṅga eranu spariti. Restava solu un insemme di pioli.
Di a listessa manera, bhikkhus, in u tempu futuru, ci seranu bhikkhus chì ùn ascultanu micca a dichjarazione di tali discorsi chì sò parolle di u Tathāgata, profonde, profonde in significatu, chì portanu al di là di u mondu, cunnesse cù u viotu, ùn la faranu micca fate prestu, ùn appiegheranu micca a so mente nantu à a cunniscenza, ùn cunsidereranu micca quelli insegnamenti cum’è da esse ripresi è ammaestrati.
À u cuntrariu, asculteranu a dichjarazione di tali discorsi chì sò cumpusizioni letterarie fatte da pueti, parolle scherzose, lettere scherzose, da persone di fora [u Dhamma], o e parolle di i discìpuli, daranu orechja, appiccheranu a so mente nantu à a cunniscenza, cunsidereranu quelli insegnamenti cum’è da esse ripresi è ammaestrati. Cusì, i Bhikkhus, i discorsi chì sò parolle di u Tathāgata, profondi, profondi in significatu, chì portanu al di là di u mondu, cunnessi cù u viotu, sparisceranu.
Dunque, bhikkhus, duverete furmà cusì:
‘Staremu à sente a dichjarazione di tali discorsi chì sò parolle di u Tathāgata, profonde, profonde di significatu, chì portanu al di là di u mondu, cunnesse à u vuotu, daremu arechja, applicaremu a nostra mente à a cunniscenza, cunsidereremu quelli insegnamenti per esse ripresu è ammaestratu. ‘
Eccu cumu, bhikkhus, duvete furmassi voi stessi.
Il Grande Dittatore - Discorso all’Umanità | HQ
EMS co.
© United Artists; © Mk2 Multimedia SA, All Right Reserved.
Versione Audio con musica di Hans Zimmer: http://snd.sc/1b8Uujn
Versione in Lingua Originale (Eng): http://youtu.be/9-cM5FLTGhU
Scena finale de “Il Grande Dittatore”, in cui Charlie Chaplin tiene il suo famoso Discorso All’Umanità, ancora attuale.
Mi dispiace, ma io non voglio fare l’imperatore, non è il mio mestiere.
Non voglio governare ne conquistare nessuno. Vorrei aiutare tutti se possibile: ebrei, ariani, uomini neri e bianchi.
Tutti noi esseri umani dovremmo, aiutarci sempre. Dovremmo godere soltanto della felicità del prossimo. Non odiarci e disprezzarci l’un l’altro.
In questo mondo c’è posto per tutti. La natura è ricca, è sufficiente per tutti noi.
La vita può essere felice e magnifica, ma noi l’abbiamo dimenticato.
L’avidità ha avvelenato i nostri cuori, ha precipitato il mondo nell’odio, ci ha condotti a passo d’oca fra le cose più abiette. Abbiamo i mezzi per spaziare, ma ci siamo chiusi in noi stessi.
La macchina dell’abbondanza ci ha dato povertà, la scienza ci ha trasformati in cinici, l’abilità ci ha resi duri e cattivi.
Pensiamo troppo e sentiamo poco.
Più che macchinari, ci serve umanità, più che abilità ci serve bontà e gentilezza; senza queste qualità la vita è violenza e tutto è perduto.
L’aviazione e la radio hanno riavvicinato le genti, la natura stessa di queste invenzioni reclama la bontà dell’uomo, reclama la fratellanza universale, l’unione dell’umanità.
Perfino ora la mia voce raggiunge milioni di persone nel mondo; milioni di uomini, donne e bambini disperati, vittime di un sistema che impone agli uomini di torturare e imprigionare gente innocente.
A coloro che mi odono io dico: non disperate!
L’avidità che ci comanda è solamente un male passeggero, l’amarezza di uomini che temono le vie del progresso umano.
L’odio degli uomini scompare insieme ai dittatori e il potere che hanno tolto al popolo, ritornerà al popolo e qualsiasi mezzo usino, la libertà non può essere soppressa.
Soldati! Non cedete a dei bruti, uomini che vi disprezzano e vi sfruttano, che vi dicono come vivere, cosa fare, cosa dire, cosa pensare!
Che vi irreggimentano, vi condizionano, vi trattano come bestie!
Non vi consegnate a questa gente senza un’anima!
Uomini macchina con macchine al posto del cervello e del cuore, voi non siete macchine! Voi non siete bestie! Siete uomini!
Voi avete l’amore dell’umanità nel cuore, voi non odiate, coloro che odiano sono solo quelli che non hanno l’amore altrui.
Soldati, non difendete la schiavitù, ma la libertà!
Ricordate nel Vangelo di San Luca è scritto: «Il Regno di Dio è nel cuore dell’Uomo». Non di un solo uomo o di un gruppo di uomini ma di tutti gli uomini. Voi!
Voi, il popolo, avete la forza di creare le macchine, la forza di creare la felicità. Voi, il popolo, avete la forza di fare che la vita sia bella e libera, di fare di questa vita una splendida avventura, quindi in nome della democrazia usiamo questa forza, uniamoci tutti!
Combattiamo per un mondo nuovo, che sia migliore, che dia a tutti gli uomini lavoro, ai giovani un futuro, ai vecchi la sicurezza. Promettendovi queste cose dei bruti sono andati al potere.
Mentivano! Non hanno mantenuto quelle promesse e mai lo faranno!
I dittatori forse sono liberi perché rendono schiavo il popolo.
Allora combattiamo per mantenere quelle promesse, combattiamo per liberare il mondo eliminando confini e barriere, eliminando l’avidità l’odio e l’intolleranza.
Combattiamo per un mondo ragionevole, un mondo in cui la scienza e il progresso diano a tutti gli uomini il benessere.
Soldati! Nel nome della democrazia siate tutti uniti!
Music in this video
Learn more
Listen ad-free with YouTube Premium
Song
Hope Springs Eternal
Artist
Charlie Chaplin
Album
The Great Dictator (Remastered)
Licensed to YouTube by
[Merlin] IDOL Distribution (on behalf of Roy Export SAS)
Song
Il Grande Dittatore
Artist
Il Grande Dittatore
Licensed to YouTube by
UMG (on behalf of Universal Music); Warner Chappell, and 4 Music Rights Societies
The Great Dictator - Speech to Humanity | HD
©
United Artists, All Right Reserved. Audio Version with Music by Hans
Zimmer: http://snd.sc/1dLCpZI The final scene of “The Great Dictator”
where Charlie Ch…

25) Classical  Croatian-Klasična hrvatska,

Otkriće Probuđenog sa svemirom svijesti (DAOAU)

DOBRO ČISTI UM rekao je Budha uz pojanje, glazbu i pjesme

Jednom je Bhagavā stanovao u blizini Sāvatthīja, u Jetinom gaju, parku Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Tamo je Bhagavā obratio monahima:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, odgovorio je monah. Bhagavā je rekao:

Nekada su, monahinje, Dasārahās imali bubanj po imenu Mudiṅga. Kad bi se Dasārahāsov bubanj slomio, u njega bi umetnuli klin. Bili su vremena, monahinje, kada su izvorna koža i tijelo bubnja Mudiṅga nestali. Ostao je samo skup klinova.

Na isti način, monahinje, u budućem će vremenu postojati monahinje koje neće slušati izgovaranje takvih diskursa koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboke, duboke u značenju, vode izvan svijeta, povezane s prazninom, neće posuditi uho, neće primijeniti svoj um na znanje, neće smatrati ta učenja kao preuzeta i svladana.

Naprotiv, slušat će izgovor takvih diskursa koji su književne skladbe koje su napravili pjesnici, duhovite riječi, duhovita slova, ljudi izvan [Dhamme] ili riječi učenika, poslušat će ih, primijenit će misleći na znanje, smatrat će da su ta učenja prevladana i savladana. Dakle, monahinje, diskursi koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboki, duboki u značenju, vodeći izvan svijeta, povezani s prazninom, nestat će.

Stoga, monahinje, trebali biste trenirati ovako:

‘Slušat ćemo izgovor takvih govora koji su riječi Tathāgate, duboke, duboke u značenju, vodeći izvan svijeta, povezane s prazninom, posudit ćemo, primijenit ćemo svoj um na znanje, razmotrit ćemo ta učenja kao da se preuzme i savlada. ‘

Ovako, monahinje, trebali biste se uvježbati.

26) Classical  Czech-Klasická čeština,

Friends
Objev probuzeného s vesmírem povědomí (DAOAU)
DO GOOD PURIFY MIND řekl Buddha chorálem, hudbou a písněmi
Při jedné příležitosti Bhagavā bydlela poblíž Sāvatthī, v Jetiném háji, Anāthapiṇḍikově parku. {N} Tam Bhagavā oslovila bhikkhusy:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, odpověděl bhikkhus. Bhagavā řekla:
Dasārahāové dříve měli bhikkhus, buben jménem Mudiṅga. Když byl Dasarahův buben rozbit, zasunuli do něj kolík. Byla doba, bhikkhus, kdy původní kůže a tělo bubnu Mudiṅga zmizely. Zůstala tam jen hromada kolíků.
Stejným způsobem, bhikkhusi, v budoucnu budou bhikkhusové, kteří nebudou poslouchat promluvy takových diskurzů, kterými jsou slova Tathāgata, hluboká, hluboká ve smyslu, vedoucí mimo svět, spojená s prázdnotou, nebudou půjčují ucho, nebudou používat svou mysl na znalosti, nebudou považovat tato učení za přijatá a osvojená.
Naopak, budou poslouchat promluvy takových diskurzů, kterými jsou literární skladby básníků, vtipná slova, vtipné dopisy, lidé zvenčí [Dhamma] nebo slova učedníků, půjčí ucho, použijí svou mysl na znalosti budou považovat tato učení za přijatá a osvojená. Bhikkhus, diskurzy, které jsou slovy Tathāgaty, hluboké, hluboké ve smyslu, vedoucí za svět, spojené s prázdnotou, zmizí.
Proto, bhikkhus, byste měli trénovat takto:
„Budeme poslouchat promluvy takových diskurzů, kterými jsou slova tathágaty, hluboká, hluboká ve smyslu, vedoucí za svět, spojená s prázdnotou, půjčíme ucho, použijeme svou mysl na poznání, budeme uvažovat o těchto učení jak být zvednut a zvládnut. “
Takto byste se, bhikkhusi, měli trénovat.
Meditace pro zklidnění mysli
Liliana
14K subscribers
Tuto meditaci a všechny ostatní jsem z důvodu lepší zvukové kvality nahrála také ve studiu 🎤 🎧 a již nyní si ji můžete stáhnout ve formátu mp3 na mých webových stránkách www.meditaceliliana.online
Po objednání a zaplacení obdržíte okamžitě e-mail s odkazem na stažení.
Meditace je zpoplatněna z důvodů zvýšených výrobních nákladů 😞
Pro posluchače, kteří měli zájem o tzv. přenosné meditace - bez nutnosti připojení k internetu jsem připravila dvě CD 💿 📀
Více informací najdete na
💗
Technika ovládání myšlenek pomáhá vyčistit podvědomí od negativních představ a tím výrazně eliminovat strachy a úzkosti.
Použitá hudba:
Skladba: FLUIDSCAPE
Interpret: KEVIN Mac LOAD
License
Creative Commons Attribution license (reuse allowed)
Meditace pro zklidnění mysli
Tuto meditaci a všechny ostatní jsem z důvodu lepší zvukové kvality nahrála také ve studiu 🎤 🎧 a již nyní si ji můžete stáhnout ve formátu mp3 na mých webový…

27) Classical  Danish-Klassisk dansk,Klassisk dansk,

Opdagelse af Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sagde Buddha med sang, musik og sange

Ved en lejlighed boede Bhagavā i nærheden af Sāvatthī, i Jetas lund, Anāthapiṇḍikas park. {N} Der henvendte Bhagavā sig til bhikkhusene:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, svarede bhikkhus. Bhagavā sagde:

Tidligere bhikkhus havde Dasārahās en tromme ved navn Mudiṅga. Når Dasārahās tromle blev brudt, ville de indsætte en pind i den. Der var en tid, bhikkhus, da den originale hud og krop af Mudiṅga-tromlen var forsvundet. Der forblev kun en samling pinde.

På samme måde vil der i fremtiden være bhikkhus, der ikke vil lytte til udtalelsen af sådanne diskurser, der er ord fra Tathāgata, dybe, dybe i betydningen, der fører ud over verden, forbundet med tomhed, de vil ikke hør øre, de vil ikke anvende deres sind på viden, de vil ikke betragte denne lære som taget op og mestret.

Tværtimod vil de lytte til udtalelsen af sådanne diskurser, som er litterære kompositioner lavet af digtere, vittige ord, vittige breve, af mennesker uden for [Dhamma] eller disciples ord, de vil høre øre, de vil anvende når de tænker på viden, vil de betragte disse lærdomme som taget op og mestret. Således vil bhikkhus, diskurserne, der er ord fra Tathāgata, dybtgående, dybtgående i betydning, der fører ud over verden, forbundet med tomhed, forsvinde.

Derfor, bhikkhus, skal du træne således:

‘Vi vil lytte til udtalelsen af sådanne diskurser, der er ord fra Tathāgata, dybtgående, dybtgående i betydning, der fører ud over verden, forbundet med tomhed, vi vil høre øre, vi vil anvende vores sind på viden, vi vil overveje disse lærdomme for at blive taget op og mestret. ‘

Sådan skal du træne jer selv, bhikkhus.

28) Classical  Dutch- Klassiek Nederlands,

Ontdekking van Awakened One met Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DOE GOED ZUIVER GEEST zei Boeddha met gezangen, muziek en liederen

Op een keer woonde de Bhagavā bij Sāvatthī, in het bos van Jeta, het park van Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Daar spraken de Bhagavā de monniken toe:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, antwoordden de monniken. De Bhagavā zei:

Vroeger, monniken, hadden de Dasārahā’s een trommel genaamd Mudiṅga. Als de trommel van de Dasārahās kapot was gegaan, stopten ze er een pin in. Er was een tijd, monniken, dat de oorspronkelijke huid en het lichaam van de Mudiṅga-trommel verdwenen waren. Er bleef alleen een verzameling haringen over.

Op dezelfde manier, monniken, zullen er in de toekomst monniken zijn die niet zullen luisteren naar de uiting van zulke verhandelingen die woorden zijn van de Tathagata, diepgaand, diep in betekenis, leidend voorbij de wereld, verbonden met leegte, ze zullen niet luister, ze zullen hun geest niet op kennis richten, ze zullen die leringen niet beschouwen als opgenomen en beheerst.

Integendeel, ze zullen luisteren naar de uiting van dergelijke verhandelingen, die literaire composities zijn die zijn gemaakt door dichters, geestige woorden, geestige brieven, door mensen van buiten [de Dhamma], of de woorden van discipelen, ze zullen luisteren, ze zullen toepassen hun geest op kennis, zullen ze die leringen beschouwen als zijnde opgenomen en beheerst. Aldus, monniken, zullen de verhandelingen die woorden van de Tathāgata zijn, diepgaand, diep van betekenis, voorbij de wereld leiden, verbonden met leegte, verdwijnen.

Daarom, monniken, zou je als volgt moeten trainen:

‘We zullen luisteren naar de uiting van dergelijke verhandelingen die woorden van de Tathagata zijn, diepgaand, diep van betekenis, leidend voorbij de wereld, verbonden met leegte, we zullen luisteren, we zullen onze geest op kennis richten, we zullen die leringen overwegen om opgenomen en beheerst te worden. ‘

Dit is hoe, monniken, jullie moeten trainen.


30) Classical Esperanto-Klasika Esperanto,Malkovro de Vekita Kun Konscia Universo (DAOAU)

DO BONE PURIFI MIND diris Budho kun ĉanto, muziko kaj kantoj

Iam la Bhagavā loĝis proksime de Sāvatthī, en la arbareto de Jeta, la parko de Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Tie, la Bhagavā alparolis la bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, respondis la monstroj. La Bhagavā diris:

Antaŭe, bhikkhus, la Dasārahās havis tamburon nomatan Mudiṅga. Kiam la tamburo de la Dasārahās estus rompita, ili enigus kejlon en ĝi. Estis tempo, bhikkhus, kiam la originala haŭto kaj korpo de la Mudiṅga tamburo malaperis. Restis nur aro da kejloj.

Sammaniere, bhikkhus, en estonta tempo, estos bhikkhus, kiuj ne aŭskultos la eldiron de tiaj paroladoj, kiuj estas vortoj de la Tathāgata, profundaj, profundaj laŭ signifo, kondukantaj preter la mondo, ligitaj al malpleneco, ili ne volas. pruntedonu, ili ne atentos sciojn, ili ne konsideros tiujn instruojn kiel prenotajn kaj majstritajn.

Male, ili aŭskultos la eldiron de tiaj diskursoj, kiuj estas literaturaj komponaĵoj faritaj de poetoj, spritaj vortoj, spritaj leteroj, de homoj de ekster [la Darmo], aŭ la vortoj de disĉiploj, ili pruntedonos, ili aplikos pensante pri scio, ili konsideros tiujn instruojn kiel prenotajn kaj majstritajn. Tiel, bhikkhus, la diskursoj, kiuj estas vortoj de la Tathāgata, profundaj, kun signifo profunda, kondukanta preter la mondo, ligita kun malpleno, malaperos.

Sekve, monkoj, vi devas trejni tiel:

‘Ni aŭskultos la eldiron de tiaj paroladoj, kiuj estas vortoj de la Tathāgata, profundaj, profundaj en signifo, kondukantaj preter la mondo, ligitaj al malpleno, ni pruntedonos, ni aplikos nian menson al scio, ni konsideros tiujn instruojn kiel prenota kaj regata. ‘

Jen kiel, monkoj, vi devas trejni vin mem.

31) Classical Estonian- klassikaline eesti keel,

Teadvuse universumiga äratatud avastamine (DAOAU)

TEE HEA PUHASTUSMÕTET ütles Buddha laulu, muusika ja lauludega

Ühel korral elas Bhagavā Sāvatthī lähedal, Jeta salus, Anāthapiṇḍika pargis. {N} Seal adresseeris Bhagavā bhikkhusi:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, vastas bhikkhus. Bhagavā ütles:

Varem, bhikkhus, oli Dasārahasel trumm nimega Mudiṅga. Kui Dasārahāsi trummel oli katki, panid nad selle sisse. Oli aeg, bhikkhus, mil Mudiṅga trummi algne nahk ja korpus olid kadunud. Alles jäi ainult pulkade kogum.

Samamoodi, bhikkhus, on ka tulevikus bhikkhusi, kes ei kuula selliste diskursuste väljaütlemist, mis on Tathāgata sõnad, sügavad, sügava tähendusega, viivad maailmast väljapoole, on seotud tühjusega. Kuulake, nad ei rakenda oma meelt teadmistele, nad ei pea neid õpetusi omaksvõteteks ja õppimisteks.

Vastupidi, nad kuulavad selliste diskursuste väljaütlemist, milleks on luuletajate koostatud kirjanduslikud kompositsioonid, vaimukad sõnad, vaimukad kirjad, väljastpoolt pärit [Dhamma] inimeste või jüngrite sõnad, nad kuulavad, nad rakendavad kui nad mõtlevad teadmistele, peavad nad neid õpetusi omaksvõetavaks ja valdavaks. Seega kaovad bhikkhus, diskursused, mis on Tathāgata sõnad, sügavad, sügava tähendusega, mis viivad maailmast väljapoole ja on seotud tühjusega.

Seetõttu, bhikkhus, peaksite treenima nii:

“Kuulame selliste diskursuste väljaütlemist, mis on Tathāgata sõnad, sügavad, sügava tähendusega, viivad maailmast väljapoole, on seotud tühjusega, me kuulame, rakendame oma meelt teadmistele, kaalume neid õpetusi kui üles võtta ja valdada. “

Nii peaksite, bhikkhus, ennast koolitama.

32) Classical Filipino klassikaline filipiinlane,

Pagtuklas ng Awakened One with Awciousness Universe (DAOAU)

GUMAWA NG MABUTING ISIP SA PURIFY MIND sa Buddha na may chant, musika at mga kanta

Sa isang okasyon, ang Bhagavā ay naninirahan malapit sa Sāvatthī, sa halamanan ni Jeta, parke ni Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Doon, pinuno ng Bhagavā ang mga bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, sinagot ang mga bhikkhus. Sinabi ng Bhagavā:

Dati, bhikkhus, ang mga Dasārahā ay nagkaroon ng tambol na nagngangalang Mudiṅga. Kapag ang drum ng Dasārahās ay nasira, sila ay maglalagay ng isang peg sa ito. Mayroong isang oras, bhikkhus, kung kailan nawala ang orihinal na balat at katawan ng Mudiṅga drum. Nananatili lamang ang isang assemblage ng pegs.

Sa parehong paraan, ang mga bhikkhus, sa hinaharap na oras, magkakaroon ng mga bhikkhus na hindi makikinig sa pagsasalita ng mga naturang diskurso na mga salita ng Tathāgata, malalim, malalim na kahulugan, na humahantong sa kabila ng mundo, na konektado sa kawalan, hindi nila pakinggan, hindi nila ilalapat ang kanilang isip sa kaalaman, hindi nila isasaalang-alang ang mga katuruang iyon na aakoin at pinagkadalubhasaan.

Sa kabaligtaran, makikinig sila sa pagsasalita ng mga naturang diskurso na mga komposisyon ng panitikan na ginawa ng mga makata, nakakatawang salita, nakakatawang titik, ng mga tao mula sa labas [ng Dhamma], o mga salita ng mga alagad, magpapakinig sila, mag-aaplay sila ang kanilang pag-iisip sa kaalaman, isasaalang-alang nila ang mga katuruang iyon na dapat makuha at pinagkadalubhasaan. Sa gayon, ang mga bhikkhus, ang mga diskurso na salita ng Tathāgata, malalim, malalim na kahulugan, na humahantong sa kabila ng mundo, na konektado sa kawalan, ay mawawala.

Samakatuwid, mga bhikkhus, dapat kang magsanay ng ganito:

‘Makikinig kami sa pagsasalita ng mga naturang diskurso na mga salita ng Tathāgata, malalim, malalim sa kahulugan, na humahantong sa kabila ng mundo, na nauugnay sa kawalan ng laman, makikinig tayo, ilalapat natin ang ating isip sa kaalaman, isasaalang-alang natin ang mga turong bilang na dadalhin at mastered. ‘

Ganito, bhikkhus, dapat mong sanayin ang inyong sarili.

33) Classical Finnish- Klassinen suomalainen,

Herätyn löytäminen tietoisuusuniversumilla (DAOAU)

TEE HYVÄ PUHDISTUSMENE sanoi Buddha laululla, musiikilla ja kappaleilla

Erään kerran Bhagavā asui Sāvatthin lähellä Jetan lehdossa Anāthapiṇḍikan puistossa. {N} Siellä Bhagavā osoitti bhikkhuja:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, vastasi bhikkhus. Bhagavā sanoi:

Aikaisemmin, bhikkhus, Dasārahaisilla oli rumpu nimeltä Mudiṅga. Kun Dasārahāsin rumpu oli rikki, he työnsivät siihen tapin. Oli aika, bhikkhus, jolloin Mudiṅga-rummun alkuperäinen iho ja runko olivat kadonneet. Siellä oli vain naulakokoonpano.

Samalla tavalla, bhikkhus, tulevaisuudessa on bhikkhuja, jotka eivät kuuntele sellaisten keskustelujen lausumista, jotka ovat Tathāgatan sanoja, syvällisiä, syvällisiä, syvällisiä, johtavia maailman ulkopuolelle, liittyvät tyhjyyteen, he eivät Kuuntele, he eivät sovella mieltään tietoon eivätkä pidä näitä opetuksia otettavina ja hallittavina.

Päinvastoin, he kuuntelevat sellaisten puheiden lausumista, jotka ovat runoilijoiden tekemiä kirjallisia sävellyksiä, nokkelia sanoja, nokkelia kirjeitä [Dhamman] ulkopuolelta tulleilta ihmisiltä tai opetuslasten sanoja. mielensä tietämyksen suhteen, he pitävät näitä opetuksia omaksuttuina ja hallittavina. Siten bhikkhus, diskurssit, jotka ovat Tathāgatan sanoja, syvällisiä, syvällisiä ja syvällisiä, johtavia maailman ulkopuolelle, liittyvät tyhjyyteen, katoavat.

Siksi, bhikkhus, sinun tulisi kouluttaa näin:

‘Kuuntelemme sellaisten keskustelujen lausumista, jotka ovat Tathāgatan sanoja, syvällisiä, syvällisiä, syvällisiä, johtavia maailman ulkopuolelle, liittyvät tyhjyyteen, annamme korvan, käytämme mielemme tietoon, tarkastelemme näitä opetuksia otettavaksi ja hallittavaksi. ‘

Näin, bhikkhus, sinun tulisi kouluttaa itseäsi.

34) Classical French- Français classique,

Découverte de l’Éveillé avec l’univers de la conscience (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND dit Bouddha avec du chant, de la musique et des chansons

À une occasion, le Bhagavā habitait près de Sāvatthī, dans le bosquet de Jeta, le parc d’Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Là, le Bhagavā s’adressa aux bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, répondirent les bhikkhus. Le Bhagavā a dit:

Autrefois, les bhikkhus, les Dasārahās avaient un tambour nommé Mudiṅga. Lorsque le tambour des Dasārahās était cassé, ils y inséraient une cheville. Il fut un temps, bhikkhus, où la peau et le corps d’origine du tambour Mudiṅga avaient disparu. Il ne restait plus qu’un assemblage de chevilles.

De la même manière, bhikkhus, dans le temps futur, il y aura des bhikkhus qui n’écouteront pas l’énoncé de tels discours qui sont des mots du Tathāgata, profonds, profonds de sens, conduisant au-delà du monde, liés à la vacuité, ils ne prêter l’oreille, ils n’appliqueront pas leur esprit à la connaissance, ils ne considéreront pas ces enseignements comme étant repris et maîtrisés.

Au contraire, ils écouteront l’énoncé de tels discours qui sont des compositions littéraires faites par des poètes, des mots spirituels, des lettres spirituelles, par des gens de l’extérieur [le Dhamma], ou les paroles de disciples, ils prêteront oreille, ils appliqueront leur esprit sur la connaissance, ils considéreront ces enseignements comme étant repris et maîtrisés. Ainsi, bhikkhus, les discours qui sont des mots du Tathāgata, profonds, profonds de sens, conduisant au-delà du monde, liés à la vacuité, disparaîtront.

Par conséquent, bhikkhus, vous devriez vous entraîner ainsi:

“ Nous écouterons l’énoncé de tels discours qui sont des mots du Tathāgata, profonds, profonds dans leur sens, menant au-delà du monde, liés à la vacuité, nous prêterons l’oreille, nous appliquerons notre esprit sur la connaissance, nous considérerons ces enseignements pour être repris et maîtrisé.

Voilà comment, bhikkhus, vous devez vous entraîner.

35) Classical Frisian- Klassike Frysk,

Untdekking fan Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sei Buddha mei sjongen, muzyk en ferskes

Ien kear wenne de Bhagavā by Sāvatthī, yn Jeta’s bosk, it park fan Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Dêr sprekke de Bhagavā it bhikkhus oan:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, antwurde de bhikkhus. De Bhagavā sei:

Eartiids, bhikkhus, hienen de Dasārahās in trommel mei de namme Mudiṅga. Doe’t de trommel fan ‘e Dasārahās bruts, soene se der in pinne yn stekke. D’r wie in tiid, bhikkhus, doe’t de oarspronklike hûd en it lichem fan ‘e Mudiṅga-tromme ferdwûnen. D’r bleau mar in gearkomste fan pinnen.

Op deselde manier sil bhikkhus, yn ‘e takomstige tiid, bhikkhus wêze dy’t net harkje nei it utering fan sokke petearen dy’t wurden binne fan’ e Tathāgata, djip, djip yn betsjutting, dy’t de wrâld liede, ferbûn mei leechte, se sille net lien ear, se sille har geast net tapasse op kennis, se sille dy learingen net beskôgje as opnommen en behearske.

Krekt oarsom, se sille harkje nei it uterjen fan sokke petearen dy’t literêre komposysjes binne makke troch dichters, geastige wurden, geastige letters, troch minsken fan bûten [de Dhamma], of de wurden fan learlingen, se sille ear liene, se sille jilde har gedachten oer kennis, se sille dizze learingen beskôgje as opnommen en behearske. Sadwaande ferdwine bhikkhus, de diskusjes dy’t wurden binne fan ‘e Tathāgata, djip, djip yn betsjutting, dy’t bûten de wrâld liede, ferbûn mei leechte.

Dêrom, bhikkhus, soesto sa moatte traine:

‘Wy sille harkje nei it útsprekken fan sokke petearen dy’t wurden binne fan’ e Tathāgata, djip, djip yn betsjutting, dy’t bûten de wrâld liede, ferbûn mei leechte, wy sille ear liene, wy sille ús geast tapasse op kennis, wy sille dizze learingen beskôgje as wurde opnommen en behearske. ‘

Dit is hoe jo, josels, jo moatte traine.


36) Classical Galician-Clásico galego,

Friends
Descubrimento de Un espertado con universo de sensibilización (DAOAU)
DO GOOD PURIFY MIND dixo Buddha con canto, música e cancións
Nunha ocasión, o Bhagavā vivía preto de Sāvatthī, no souto de Jeta, o parque de Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Alí, o Bhagavā dirixiuse aos bhikkhus:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, responderon os monjos. O Bhagavā dixo:
Antigamente, bhikkhus, os Dasārahās tiñan un tambor chamado Mudiṅga. Cando o tambor dos Dasārahās estaba roto, inserían unha clavija nel. Houbo un tempo, bhikkhus, cando a pel e o corpo orixinais do tambor Mudi disappearedga desapareceran. Só quedaba un conxunto de clavijas.
Do mesmo xeito, bhikkhus, no tempo futuro, haberá bhikkhus que non escoitará a pronunciación de tales discursos que son palabras do Tathāgata, profundas, profundas no significado, que levan máis alá do mundo, relacionadas co baleiro, non presta atención, non aplicarán a súa mente ao coñecemento, non considerarán que estas ensinanzas son asumidas e dominadas.
Pola contra, escoitarán o enunciado de tales discursos que son composicións literarias feitas por poetas, palabras enxeñosas, cartas enxeñosas, por persoas de fóra do Dhamma, ou as palabras dos discípulos, prestarán oído, aplicarán pensando no coñecemento, considerarán que estas ensinanzas son asumidas e dominadas. Así, desaparecerán os bhikkhus, os discursos que son palabras do Tathāgata, profundos, profundos no significado, que van máis alá do mundo, conectados co baleiro.
Polo tanto, monjos, debes adestrar así:
‘Escoitaremos o enunciado destes discursos que son palabras do Tathāgata, profundas, profundas no significado, que levan máis alá do mundo, relacionadas co baleiro, prestaremos oído, aplicaremos a nosa mente ao coñecemento, consideraremos esas ensinanzas como para ser tomado e dominado “.
Así é como, bhikkhus, debedes adestrarvos.
Dios según Buda…
Iluminación
121K subscribers
youtube.com
Dios según Buda…
https://mega.nz/#F!s6xC1JhY!YMMdskSqbG0BtCy08UQRzw


37) Classical Georgian-კლასიკური ქართული,
გამოღვიძებული ადამიანის აღმოჩენა ცნობიერების ამაღლების სამყაროს საშუალებით (DAOAU)

კარგი გამწმენდი გონება თქვა ბუდამ გალობით, მუსიკითა და სიმღერებით

ერთ შემთხვევაში, ბჰაგავი ცხოვრობდა სივათუს მახლობლად, ჯეტას კორომში, ანთჰაპიჩიკას პარკში. {N} იქ ბჰაგავმა მიმართა ბიხუსებს:

- ბიხხუს.

- ბჰადდანტემ, უპასუხა ბჰიხუსმა. ბჰაგავმა თქვა:

ადრე, bhikkhus, Dasārahās- ს ჰქონდა დრამი, სახელად Mudiṅga. როდესაც დაშრაჰას ბარაბანი გატეხილი იყო, ისინი მასში ღეროს ჩადებდნენ. იყო დრო, bhikkhus, როდესაც Mudiṅga- ს ბარაბნის თავდაპირველი კანი და სხეული გაქრა. დარჩა მხოლოდ ღეროების ასამბლეა.

ისევე, როგორც bhikkhus, მომავალში იქნებიან bhikkhus, რომლებიც არ მოუსმენენ ისეთი დისკურსების წარმოდგენას, რომლებიც Tathāgata– ს სიტყვებია, ღრმა, ღრმა მნიშვნელობით, მსოფლიოს მიღმა, სიცარიელესთან დაკავშირებული, ისინი არ მოუსმინეთ ყურს, ისინი არ გამოიყენებენ გონებას ცოდნაზე, არ განიხილავენ იმ სწავლებებს, რომლებიც უნდა იქნას გამოყენებული და ათვისებული.

პირიქით, ისინი მოისმენენ ისეთი დისკურსის წარმოდგენას, რომელიც არის პოეტების, მახვილგონივრული სიტყვების, მახვილგონივრული წერილების, გარე [დჰამას] ხალხის მიერ გაკეთებული ლიტერატურული კომპოზიციები ან მოწაფეების სიტყვები, ისინი ყურს უგდებენ, გამოიყენებენ მათი აზრით ცოდნაზე, ისინი გაითვალისწინებენ იმ სწავლებებს, რომლებიც უნდა იქნას გამოყენებული და ათვისებული. ამრიგად, bhikkhus, დისკურსები, რომლებიც Tathāgata- ს სიტყვებია, ღრმა, ღრმა მნიშვნელობით, სამყაროს მიღმა მიმავალი, სიცარიელესთან დაკავშირებული, გაქრება.

ამიტომ, ბჰიხუს, ასე უნდა ივარჯიშო:

“ჩვენ მოვისმენთ ისეთი დისკურსების წარმოდგენას, რომლებიც ტატჰაგატას სიტყვებია, ღრმა, ღრმა მნიშვნელობით, მსოფლიოს მიღმა, სიცარიელესთან დაკავშირებული. როგორც უნდა აიღონ და აითვისონ. ‘

ასე უნდა ივარჯიშოთ, ბჰიხუს.

38) Classical German- Klassisches Deutsch,

Friends
Entdeckung des Erwachten mit dem Bewusstseinsuniversum (DAOAU)
DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sagte Buddha mit Gesang, Musik und Liedern
Einmal wohnte der Bhagavā in der Nähe von Sāvatthī in Jetas Hain, Anāthapiṇḍikas Park. {N} Dort sprach der Bhagavā die Bhikkhus an:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, antwortete der Bhikkhus. Der Bhagavā sagte:
Früher, Bhikkhus, hatten die Dasārahās eine Trommel namens Mudiṅga. Wenn die Trommel des Dasārahās gebrochen war, steckten sie einen Stift hinein. Es gab eine Zeit, Bhikkhus, in der die ursprüngliche Haut und der ursprüngliche Körper der Mudiṅga-Trommel verschwunden waren. Es blieb nur eine Ansammlung von Stiften übrig.
Auf die gleiche Weise, Bhikkhus, wird es in Zukunft Bhikkhus geben, die nicht auf die Äußerung solcher Diskurse hören werden, die Worte des Tathāgata sind, tiefgreifend, tiefgreifend in der Bedeutung, über die Welt hinaus, verbunden mit Leere, werden sie nicht Leihen Sie Gehör, sie werden ihren Verstand nicht auf Wissen anwenden, sie werden diese Lehren nicht als aufgegriffen und gemeistert betrachten.
Im Gegenteil, sie werden auf die Äußerung solcher Diskurse hören, die literarische Kompositionen sind, die von Dichtern, witzigen Worten, witzigen Briefen, von Menschen von außerhalb [des Dhamma] oder den Worten von Jüngern gemacht wurden. Sie werden Gehör schenken, sie werden sie anwenden Wenn sie sich auf Wissen konzentrieren, werden sie diese Lehren als aufgegriffen und beherrscht betrachten. So werden Bhikkhus, die Diskurse, die Worte des Tathāgata sind, tiefgreifend, tiefgreifend in der Bedeutung, über die Welt hinaus, verbunden mit Leere, verschwinden.
Deshalb, Bhikkhus, solltest du so trainieren:
„Wir werden auf die Äußerung solcher Diskurse hören, die Worte des Tathāgata sind, tiefgreifend, tiefgreifend in der Bedeutung, über die Welt hinaus, verbunden mit Leere, wir werden Gehör schenken, wir werden unseren Geist auf Wissen anwenden, wir werden diese Lehren betrachten aufgenommen und gemeistert werden. ‘
So, Bhikkhus, solltest du dich trainieren.
Die Geste der Erdberührung - Schlüsselszenen im Leben des Buddha - Ajahn Akincano
Buddhas Lehre
60.9K subscribers
“Erdberührung” = Bhumisparsha Mudra:
Diese Geste ist die Geste der Erdberührung. Dabei hängt der Arm über das Knie und die Handflächen zeigen nach innen. Alle Finger weisen nach unten. Die linke Hand liegt mit der nach oben geöffneten Handfläche auf dem Schoss.
Der sitzende Buddha berührt mit den Fingerspitzen die Erde um sie als Zeugin für die Wahrheit seiner Worte anzurufen.
Die Mudra hat ihren Ursprung in einer Legende.
Diese Geste erinnert an den Sieg Buddhas über Mara (Prinzip der Versuchung und des Todes). Bei der Meditation unter dem Bodhibaum versucht Mara Buddha in seiner Konzentration zu stören indem er Buddha seine schönen Töchter schickt. Einige Blicke aus den Augen Buddha’s liessen jedoch ihre Schönheit verwelken.
Die Töchter sind zwar in ihrer Äußerlichkeit schön, aber diese Schönheit hat nichts mit den innerlichen Werten zu tun. Mara der Gott der sinnlichen Begierde, der Herrscher über die Welt stellt Buddha noch einmal auf die Probe. Er will Buddha überzeugen, das dieser kein Recht hat auf dem Boden zu sitzen und dort zu meditieren.
Buddha verweist auf zahlreiche gute Taten aus seinem früheren Leben, die ihm das Recht geben auf das Stück Erde, auf dem er meditiert. Dabei ruft Buddha die Erde auf als Zeugin, für die Wahrheit seiner Worte, durch diese mit den Fingerspitzen zu berühren. Diese bezeugte die Aussagen von Buddha und erklärte, das er alle Pflichten einen Bodhisattva erfüllt hat. Dadurch hat Buddha das Recht auf der Erde zu bleiben und seine Lehre zu verkünden…
…Auf meiner Google+ Seite findet ihr auch buddhistische Texte, Zeitschriften, Bücher ( PDF ) zum Lesen, Downloaden und Teilen !
Wenn ihr nach etwas, zu einem bestimmten Thema sucht: einfach fragen ! Ich schaue, ob ich etwas dazu habe. ►► Alle TEXTE und BÜCHER ( ehemals auf Google + ) zum Lesen und Downloaden: https://drive.google.com/open?id=1A_C… !!!
youtube.com
Die Geste der Erdberührung - Schlüsselszenen im Leben des Buddha - Ajahn Akincano


39) Classical Greek-Κλασσικά Ελληνικά,

Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

ΚΑΝΤΕ ΚΑΛΟ ΚΑΘΑΡΙΣΜΟ, είπε ο Βούδας με ψάλματα, μουσική και τραγούδια

Σε μια περίπτωση, ο Μπαγκαβά έμενε κοντά στο Σάββατι, στο άλσος της Γέτα, στο πάρκο της Αναθάπη.

- Bhikkhus.

- Μπάχντεντ, απάντησε στους μπίκους. Ο Μπαγκαβά είπε:

Παλαιότερα, οι bhikkhus, οι Dasārahās είχαν ένα τύμπανο με το όνομα Mudiṅga. Όταν το τύμπανο του Dasārahās έσπασε, έβαζαν ένα μανταλάκι σε αυτό. Υπήρχε μια εποχή, μπικίκο, όταν το αρχικό δέρμα και το σώμα του τυμπάνου Mudiṅga είχαν εξαφανιστεί. Έμεινε μόνο μια ομάδα μανταλάκια.

Με τον ίδιο τρόπο, οι bhikkhus, στο μέλλον, θα υπάρχουν bhikkhus που δεν θα ακούσουν την ομιλία τέτοιων λόγων που είναι λόγια του Tathāgata, βαθιά, βαθιά στην έννοια, που οδηγούν πέρα από τον κόσμο, που συνδέονται με το κενό, δεν θα να δώσουν αυτιά, δεν θα εφαρμόσουν το μυαλό τους στη γνώση, δεν θα θεωρήσουν αυτές τις διδασκαλίες ότι πρέπει να ληφθούν και να κυριαρχηθούν.

Αντίθετα, θα ακούσουν την ομιλία τέτοιων λόγων που είναι λογοτεχνικές συνθέσεις από ποιητές, πνευματώδεις λέξεις, πνευματώδεις επιστολές, από ανθρώπους από το εξωτερικό [το Ντάμα] ή τα λόγια των μαθητών, θα δώσουν αυτιά, θα ισχύουν το μυαλό τους για τη γνώση, θα θεωρήσουν αυτές τις διδασκαλίες ότι πρέπει να ληφθούν και να κυριαρχηθούν. Έτσι, οι bhikkhus, οι λόγοι που είναι λόγια του Tathāgata, βαθιά, βαθιά στην έννοια, που οδηγούν πέρα από τον κόσμο, που συνδέονται με το κενό, θα εξαφανιστούν.

Επομένως, bhikkhus, πρέπει να εκπαιδεύσετε έτσι:

«Θα ακούσουμε την ομιλία τέτοιων λόγων που είναι λόγια του Tathāgata, βαθιά, βαθιά στην έννοια, που οδηγεί πέρα από τον κόσμο, που συνδέεται με το κενό, θα δώσουμε αυτιά, θα εφαρμόσουμε το μυαλό μας στη γνώση, θα εξετάσουμε αυτές τις διδασκαλίες για να ληφθεί και να κυριαρχήσει. “

Με αυτόν τον τρόπο, μπίσκοι, πρέπει να εκπαιδεύεστε.


40) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી,

જાગૃત બ્રહ્માંડ (ડીએઓએયુ) સાથે જાગૃત એકની શોધ

શુભ શુદ્ધ મન કરો બુદ્ધે જાપ, સંગીત અને ગીતો સાથે કહ્યું

એક પ્રસંગે, ભાગવ એ અનંતપીઠિક પાર્કના જેતાના ગ્રોવમાં, સવથાથી નજીક રહેતા હતા. {N} ત્યાં, ભગવને ભીખુસને એડ્રેસ કર્યા:

- ભિખકુ.

- ભડદાનતે, ભીખુસને જવાબ આપ્યો. ભાગવએ કહ્યું:

પહેલાં, ભીખુસ, દશરહસ પાસે મુદિગા નામનું ડ્રમ હતું. જ્યારે દશરાહનું ડ્રમ તૂટી ગયું ત્યારે તેઓ તેમાં એક પેગ નાખતા. એક સમય હતો, ભીખકુસ, જ્યારે મૂડીગા ડ્રમની મૂળ ત્વચા અને શરીર અદૃશ્ય થઈ ગયું હતું. ત્યાં ફક્ત પેગ્સનું એસેમ્બલીજ જ રહ્યું.

તેવી જ રીતે, ભિખ્ખુસ, ભવિષ્યના સમયમાં, એવા ભીખુસ હશે જે આવા પ્રવચનોની વાતો સાંભળશે નહીં, જે તાથગતનાં શબ્દો છે, ગહન, અર્થમાં, ગૌરવથી આગળ છે, ખાલી થઈને જોડાયેલા છે, તેઓ નહીં કરે કાન ધીર્યું, તેઓ જ્ mindાન પર પોતાનું મન લાગુ કરશે નહીં, તેઓ તે ઉપદેશોને લેવામાં આવશે અને નિપુણતા તરીકે જોશે નહીં.

તેનાથી ,લટું, તેઓ આવા પ્રવચનોની વાતો સાંભળશે જે કવિઓ દ્વારા રચિત સાહિત્યિક રચનાઓ છે, વિનોદી શબ્દો, વિનોદી પત્રો, [ધમ્મા] બહારના લોકો દ્વારા અથવા શિષ્યોના શબ્દો, તેઓ કાન ઉધાર આપશે, તેઓ લાગુ પડશે જ્ knowledgeાન પર તેમનું મન, તેઓ તે ઉપદેશોને ધ્યાનમાં લેવામાં આવશે અને લેવામાં આવશે. આમ, ભિખુસ, તે પ્રવચનો જે તાગગતનાં શબ્દો છે, ગૌરવપૂર્ણ, અર્થમાં ગહન, વિશ્વથી આગળ જતા, ખાલીપણું સાથે જોડાયેલા છે, અદૃશ્ય થઈ જશે.

તેથી, ભીખકુસ, તમારે આ પ્રશિક્ષણ લેવું જોઈએ:

‘આપણે આવા પ્રવચનોની વાતો સાંભળીશું, જે તાગગતનાં શબ્દો છે, ગહન, અર્થમાં ગહન, વિશ્વથી આગળ જતા, ખાલીપણું સાથે જોડાયેલા છે, આપણે કાન આપીશું, જ્ knowledgeાન ઉપર મન મૂકીશું, આપણે તે ઉપદેશોને ધ્યાનમાં લઈશું તરીકે લેવામાં અને માસ્ટર કરવામાં આવશે. ‘

આ રીતે, ભિખુસ, તમારે પોતાને તાલીમ આપવી જોઈએ.


41) Classical Haitian Creole-Klasik kreyòl,

Dekouvèt nan yon sèl leve ak Linivè Konsyantizasyon (DAOAU)

FE BON PURIFY MIND te di Bouda ak chant, mizik ak chante

Nan yon okazyon, Bhagavā la te rete tou pre Sāvatthī, nan estati Achera Jeta a, pak Anāthapiṇḍika a. {N} Gen, Bhagavā a adrese bhikkhus yo:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, reponn bhikkhus yo. Bhagavā a te di:

Anvan, bhikkhus, Dasārahās yo te gen yon tanbou yo te rele Mudiṅga. Lè tanbou Dasārahās yo te kase, yo ta mete yon pikèt ladan l. Te gen yon tan, bhikkhus, lè po orijinal la ak kò tanbou Mudiṅga te disparèt. Gen sèlman rete yon asanblaj nan pikèt.

Nan menm fason an, bhikkhus, nan tan kap vini, pral gen bhikkhus ki pa pral koute pawòl la nan diskou sa yo ki se mo nan Tathāgata a, pwofon, pwofon nan siyifikasyon, ki mennen pi lwen pase mond lan, konekte ak vid, yo pa pral prete zòrèy yo, yo pa pral aplike lide yo sou konesans, yo pa pral konsidere ansèyman sa yo kòm yo dwe pran ak metrize.

Okontrè, yo pral koute deklarasyon diskou sa yo ki se konpozisyon literè powèt yo fè, mo lespri yo, lèt lespri yo, moun ki soti andeyò [Dhamma a], oubyen pawòl disip yo, yo pral prete zòrèy yo, yo pral aplike lide yo sou konesans, yo pral konsidere ansèyman sa yo kòm yo dwe pran moute ak metrize. Se konsa, bhikkhus, diskou yo ki se mo nan Tathāgata, pwofon, pwofon nan siyifikasyon, ki mennen pi lwen pase mond lan, konekte ak vid, pral disparèt.

Se poutèt sa, bhikkhus, ou ta dwe antrene konsa:

‘Nou pral koute deklarasyon diskou sa yo ki se mo Tathāgata, pwofon, pwofon nan siyifikasyon, ki mennen pi lwen pase mond lan, ki konekte ak vid, nou pral prete zòrèy, nou pral aplike lide nou sou konesans, nou pral konsidere ansèyman sa yo kòm yo dwe pran moute ak metrize. ‘

Men ki jan, bhikkhus, ou ta dwe antrene tèt ou.


42) Classical Hausa-Hausa Hausa,

Gano wanda ya Farka tare da wayewar kai (DAOAU)

YI KYAUTATA HANKALIN TSARKI ya ce Buddha tare da rera, waƙa da waƙoƙi

A wani lokaci, Bhagavā yana zaune kusa da Sāvatthī, a cikin gandun daji na Jeta, wurin shakatawa na Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} A can, Bhagavā ya ɗora wa bhikkhus cewa:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, ya amsa bhikkhus. Bhagavā ya ce:

A baya, bhikkhus, Dasārahās suna da ganga mai suna Mudiṅga. Lokacin da aka buga duriyar Dasharah, sai su sanya mara a ciki. Akwai wani lokaci, bhikkhus, lokacin da asalin fata da gangar jikin Mudiṅga suka ɓace. Har yanzu akwai sauran tarin turaku.

Hakanan, bhikkhus, a nan gaba, za a sami bhikkhus wanda ba zai saurari maganganun irin waɗannan maganganun ba waɗanda kalmomin Tathāgata ne, masu zurfin fahimta, masu zurfin ma’ana, suna jagorantar bayan duniya, waɗanda ke da alaƙa da wofi, ba za su ba da bashi, ba za su yi amfani da hankalinsu kan ilimi ba, ba za su yi la’akari da waɗancan koyarwar ba kamar yadda za a karɓa kuma a ƙware su.

Akasin haka, za su saurari furucin irin waɗannan maganganu waɗanda rubutaccen adabi ne wanda mawaka, kalmomi marasa ma’ana, wasiƙu marasa ma’ana, da mutane daga waje [Dhamma], ko kalmomin almajirai suka yi, za su ba da bashi, za su yi aiki hankalinsu kan ilmi, za su yi la’akari da waɗancan koyarwar kamar yadda za a ɗauka kuma su ƙware. Don haka, bhikkhus, maganganun waɗanda kalmomin Tathāgata ne, masu zurfin ma’ana, ma’ana, ma’ana, jagorantar bayan duniya, haɗe da fanko, za su shuɗe.

Sabili da haka, bhikkhus, ya kamata ku horar kamar haka:

‘Za mu saurari maganganun irin waɗannan maganganun waɗanda kalmomin Tathāgata ne, masu zurfin ma’ana, masu ma’ana, waɗanda ke jagorantar bayan duniya, waɗanda ke da alaƙa da fanko, za mu ba da kunne, za mu yi amfani da hankalinmu kan ilimi, za mu yi la’akari da waɗannan koyarwar kamar yadda za a dauka sama da ƙware. “

Wannan shine, bhikkhus, ya kamata ku horar da kanku.


43) Classical Hawaiian-Hawaiian Hawaiian,

Friends
Kaʻike o kahi i ala aʻe me ka Universe Universe (DAOAU)
Hana maikaʻi KA MANAʻO PURIFY MINI iā Buddha me ke mele, mele a me nā mele
I kekahi manawa, e noho ana ka Bhagavā ma kahi kokoke iā Sāvatthī, ma ka ulu lāʻau ʻo Jeta, ka pā o Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Ma laila, ua kūkākūkā ka Bhagavā i nā bhikkhus:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, i pane aku i nā bhikkhus. Ua ʻōlelo ʻo Bhagavā:
Ma mua, bhikkhus, he pahu kā Dasārahās i kapa ʻia ʻo Mudiṅga. Ke haki ka pahu Dasārahā, hoʻokomo lākou i kahi kui i loko. Aia kekahi manawa, bhikkhus, i ka wā i nalowale ai ka ʻili kumu a me ke kino o ka pahu Mudiṅga. Ua koe wale kahi hui o nā kui.
Pēlā nō, nā bhikkhus, i ka wā e hiki mai ana, e loaʻa nā bhikkhus e hoʻolohe ʻole i ka haʻi ʻana o ia mau ʻano ʻōlelo i nā huaʻōlelo a ka Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu i ke ʻano, ke alakaʻi nei ma ʻō aku o ka honua, pili i ka ʻole, ʻaʻole lākou e Lohe pepeiao, ʻaʻole lākou e hoʻopili i ko lākou manaʻo i ka ʻike, ʻaʻole lākou e noʻonoʻo i kēlā mau aʻo e lawe ʻia a haku ʻia.
Ma ka ʻaoʻao ʻē, e hoʻolohe lākou i ka haʻi ʻana o ia mau haʻiʻōlelo i nā haku mele i haku ʻia e nā haku mele, nā hua ʻōlelo leʻaleʻa, nā leka leʻaleʻa, e nā poʻe o waho [ka Dhamma], a i ʻole nā huaʻōlelo a nā haumāna, e hāliu lākou i ka pepeiao, pili lākou ko lākou manaʻo i ka ʻike, e noʻonoʻo lākou i kēlā mau aʻo e like me ka lawe ʻana a haku ʻia. No laila, ʻo bhikkhus, nā kamaʻilio ʻōlelo a ka Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu i ka manaʻo, e alakaʻi ana ma ʻō aku o ka honua, pili i ka ʻole, e nalowale.
No laila, e bhikkhus, pono ʻoe e hoʻomaʻamaʻa penei:
E hoʻolohe mākou i ka haʻi ʻana o ia mau haʻiʻōlelo i nā huaʻōlelo a ka Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu i ka manaʻo, e alakaʻi ana ma ʻō aku o ka honua, pili i ka ʻole, e hoʻolohe mākou, e hoʻopili i ko mākou manaʻo i ka ʻike, e noʻonoʻo mākou i kēlā mau aʻo e lawe ʻia a haku ʻia. ‘
ʻO kēia pehea, e bhikkhus, e hoʻomaʻamaʻa iā ʻoukou iho.
HAWAIIAN MUSIC - ALOHA BREEZE [NON_STOP_VER]
Mr.21Superboy !
62.7K subscribers
COVERED [Non stop]
[Playlist]
00:00 Maui Chimes (マウイ・チャイムス)
02:06 Coconut Grove (ココナッツ・グローヴ)
04:32 Tiny Bubbles(タイニー・バブルズ)
07:35 Kaimana Hila (カイマナ・ヒラ)
10:39 Malihini Mele (マリヒニ・メレ)
12:53 On a Little Bamboo Bridge (小さな竹の橋)
16:01 On a Tropic Night (南国の夜)
19:26 Hawaiian Pradise (ハワイアン・パラダイス)
22:35 Little Brown Gal (リトル・ブラウン・ギャル)
25:38 MY TANE (私の彼氏(マイ・ターネ))
28:06 South Sea Island Magic (南海の魅惑の島)
31:12 MY LITTLE GRASS SHACK IN KEALAKEKUA (ハワイのわらぶき小屋)
33:51 The Hukilau Song (フキラウ・ソング)
36:20 Red Sails In The Sunset (夕日に赤い帆)
39:17 Now Is The Hour (今し別れの時)
42:13 Hawaiian Hospitality (ハワイアン・ホスピタリティ)
◆ Hawaiian music/Collection
◆ Beach cafe Music/Collection
◆ Cafe music/Collection
◆ Lounge Music/Collection
◆ Jet Stream . ジェットストリーム. Collection
◆ Japanese classic music (日本古典音楽)/Collection
◆ 沖縄民謡 - Okinawa Folk songs/Collection
◆ Healing music / Collection
◆ オルゴール全集☆ [music box]/Collection
◆ Christmas Music/Collection
youtube.com
HAWAIIAN MUSIC - ALOHA BREEZE [NON_STOP_VER]
COVERED
[Non stop] Photo/http://kobealohabz.com/2009_2013/2010/index.html
[Playlist] 00:00 Maui Chimes (マウイ・チャイムス) 02:06 Coconut Grove
(ココナッツ・グローヴ) 04:32 Tin…


44) Classical Hebrew- עברית קלאסית

תגלית של יקום עם יקום מודעות (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND אמר בודהה עם פזמון, מוסיקה ושירים

באחת הפעמים, הבגאווה התגוררה ליד סוואתתי, בחורשת של ג’טה, הפארק של אנאתפיצ’יקה. {N} שם פנו הבגאווה לבהיקהוס:

בהיקהוס.

- בהאדנטה, ענה הבהיקהוס. הבגאווה אמרו:

בעבר, בבייקהוס, לדאסארה היה תוף בשם מודיגא. כשהתוף של הדסארות נשבר, הם היו מכניסים אליו יתד. הייתה תקופה, בהיקהוס, כאשר עורו וגופו המקורי של תוף מודיג’ה נעלמו. נותר רק מכלול יתדות.

באותו אופן, בהיכוס, בעתיד, יהיו בהיכוסים שלא יקשיבו לאמירה של שיחות כאלה שהם מילות התאתגאטה, עמוקות, עמוקות במשמעות, מובילות מעבר לעולם, קשורות לריקנות, הן לא תשמע אוזן, הם לא ישימו את דעתם על ידע, הם לא יראו את התורות האלה כאלו נלקחים ונשלטים.

נהפוך הוא, הם יקשיבו לאמירה של שיחות כאלה שהם קומפוזיציות ספרותיות שנעשו על ידי משוררים, מילים שנונות, אותיות שנונות, על ידי אנשים מבחוץ [הדאמה], או דברי תלמידים, הם ישאילו אוזן, הם יחולו. את דעתם על הידע, הם יראו את התורות האלה כאלו נלקחות ונשלטות. לפיכך, bhikhus, השיחות שהם מילים של Tathāgata, עמוק, עמוק במשמעות, המוביל מעבר לעולם, מחובר לריקנות, ייעלם.

לכן, בהיכוס, עליכם להתאמן כך:

“נקשיב לאמירה של שיחים כאלה שהם מילים של התאתגאטה, עמוקות, עמוקות במשמעות, מובילות אל מעבר לעולם, קשורות לריקנות, נשאיב אוזן, נניח את דעתנו על ידע, נשקול את התורות האלה. כמו להילקח ולהשתלט עליו. ‘

כך עליכם להתאמן בעצמכם.

45) Classical Hmong- Lus Hmoob,Kev Tshawb Nrhiav Tsa Tawm nrog Ib Leeg Paub Txog Lub Ntiaj Teb (DAOAU)

UA ZOO PURIFY MIND tau hais tias Buddha nrog zaj nkauj, nkauj thiab nkauj

Muaj ib lub sijhawm, Bhagavā tau nyob ze Sāvatthī, hauv Jeta cov hav zoov, Anāthapiṇḍika cov tiaj ua si. {N} Nyob ntawd, Bhagavā tau hais tseg rau bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, teb bhikkhus. Lub Bhagavā hais tias:

Yav dhau los, bhikkhus, lub Dasārahās muaj ib lub nruas hu ua Mudiṅga. Thaum Dasas cov nruas tawg, lawv yuav ntsaws ib rab pas rau hauv. Muaj lub sijhawm, bhikkhus, thaum thawj daim tawv nqaij thiab lub cev ntawm Mudiṅga nruas tau ploj mus lawm. Muaj tsuas yog tseem ib qho kev sib dhos ntawm pegs.

Ib yam li ntawd, bhikkhus, nyob rau yav tom ntej, yuav muaj bhikkhus uas yuav tsis mloog cov lus tshaj tawm ntawm cov lus qhuab qhia uas yog cov lus ntawm Tathāgata, muaj txiaj ntsig, muaj txiaj ntsig hauv lub ntsiab lus, ua rau dhau ntawm lub ntiaj teb, kev sib txuas nrog tsis muaj dab tsi, lawv yuav tsis qev pob ntseg, lawv yuav tsis siv lawv lub siab rau kev paub, lawv yuav tsis xav txog cov kev qhia ntawv uas yuav tsum tau coj thiab mas.

Ntawm qhov tsis sib thooj, lawv yuav mloog cov lus tawm ntawm cov lus qhuab qhia zoo li ntawd uas yog sau paj huam los ntawm cov kws sau paj lug, cov lus tsis zoo, cov tsiaj ntawv tsis zoo, los ntawm cov neeg tuaj sab nraud [Lus Qhuab Qhia], lossis cov lus ntawm cov thwjtim, lawv yuav qev pob ntseg, lawv yuav thov lawv lub siab rau qhov kev paub, lawv yuav xav txog cov kev qhia ntawv uas yuav raug coj thiab ua tiav. Yog li, bhikkhus, cov lus qhuab qhia uas yog lo lus ntawm Tathāgata, hus hus, muaj txiaj ntsig rau lub ntsiab lus, ua rau dhau ntawm lub ntiaj teb, txuas nrog kev khoob, yuav ploj mus.

Yog li ntawd, bhikkhus, koj yuav tsum qhia li no:

‘Peb yuav mloog cov lus tshaj tawm ntawm cov lus qhuab qhia zoo li no uas yog cov lus ntawm Tathāgata, muaj txiaj ntsig, lub ntsiab lus tob tob, ua rau dhau ntawm lub ntiaj teb, txuas nrog lub qab ntuj, peb yuav qiv, peb yuav siv peb lub siab rau kev paub, peb yuav xav txog cov lus qhia ntawd raws li yuav tsum coj thiab mastered. “

Nov yog li cas, bhikkhus, koj yuav tsum cob qhia koj tus kheej.


46) Classical Hungarian-Klasszikus magyar,Az ébredt tudatosságú univerzummal felfedezése (DAOAU)

JÓ TISZTÍTÁS ÉSZÉRT mondta Buddha énekkel, zenével és dalokkal

Egy alkalommal a Bhagavā Sāvatthī közelében, Jeta ligetében, Anāthapiṇḍika parkjában lakott. {N} Ott a Bhagavā címezte a bhikkhust:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, válaszolta a bhikkhus. A Bhagavā azt mondta:

Korábban, bhikkhus, a Dasāraháknak volt egy Mudiṅga nevű dobjuk. Amikor a Dasārahās dobja eltört, csapot szúrtak be. Volt idő, bhikkhus, amikor a Mudiṅga dob eredeti bőre és teste eltűnt. Csak egy csapszeg maradt.

Ugyanígy, bhikkhusok, a jövőben lesznek olyan bhikkhusok, akik nem hallgatnak olyan beszédek kimondására, amelyek a Tathāgata szavai, mélyek, mély jelentésűek, túlmutatnak a világon, kapcsolódnak az ürességhez. füllel, nem fogják alkalmazni az elméjüket a tudásra, nem fogják úgy tekinteni ezeket a tanításokat, mint amelyeket át kell sajátítani és el kell sajátítani.

Éppen ellenkezőleg, hallgatni fogják az olyan beszédek megszólalását, amelyek költők által alkotott irodalmi kompozíciók, szellemes szavak, szellemes levelek, a [Dhamma] kívülről érkező emberek által, vagy a tanítványok szavai, meghallgatják, alkalmazzák tudásukra gondolnak, ezeket a tanításokat felvállalják és elsajátítják. Így a bhikkhus, a diskurzusok, amelyek a Tathāgata szavai, mélyek, mély jelentésűek, túlmutatnak a világon, kapcsolódnak az ürességhez, eltűnnek.

Ezért, bhikkhus, így kell edzened:

Hallgatni fogjuk az olyan beszédeket, amelyek a Tathāgata szavai, mélyek, mély jelentésűek, túlmutatnak a világon, kapcsolódnak az ürességhez. mint felvenni és elsajátítani. ‘

Így kell, bhikkhus, kiképezned magad.

47) Classical Icelandic-Klassísk íslensku,

Uppgötvun vakna með vitundarheima (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sagði Búdda með söng, tónlist og söngvum

Í eitt skiptið bjó Bhagavā nálægt Sāvatthī, í lundi Jeta, garðinum Anathapiṇḍika. {N} Þar ávarpaði Bhagavā bhikkhúsið:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, svaraði bhikkhusinu. Bhagavā sagði:

Fyrrum, Bhikkhus, höfðu Dasārahās trommu að nafni Mudiṅga. Þegar tromma Dasārahās var brotin, settu þeir pinna í hana. Það var tími, bhikkhus, þegar upprunalega skinnið og líkami Mudiṅga trommunnar var horfinn. Það var aðeins samansafn af pinnum.

Á sama hátt, bhikkhus, í framtíðinni verða bhikkhus sem munu ekki hlusta á framburð slíkra orðræða sem eru orð Tathagata, djúpstæð, djúpstæð merking, leiðandi út fyrir allan heiminn, tengd tómi, þau munu ekki ljáðu eyra, þeir munu ekki beina huganum að þekkingunni, þeir munu ekki líta á þessar kenningar sem teknar upp og valdið.

Þvert á móti munu þeir hlusta á framburð slíkra orðræða sem eru bókmenntasamsetningar gerðar af skáldum, hnyttnum orðum, hnyttnum bókstöfum, af fólki utan [Dhamma], eða orðum lærisveina, þeir munu ljá eyra, þeir munu eiga við hugur þeirra um þekkingu, þeir munu líta á þessar kenningar sem teknar upp og valdið. Þannig hverfur bhikkhus, orðræðurnar sem eru orð Tathāgata, djúpar, djúpar að merkingu, sem leiða út fyrir heiminn, tengdar tómarúmi.

Þess vegna, bhikkhus, þú ættir að æfa svona:

‘Við munum hlusta á framburð slíkra orðræða sem eru orð Tathagata, djúpstæð, djúpstæð merking, leiðandi út fyrir allan heiminn, tengd tómi, við munum ljá eyra, við munum beina huga okkar að þekkingu, við munum íhuga þessar kenningar eins og að taka upp og ná tökum á. ‘

Svona, bhikkhus, ættuð þið að þjálfa ykkur.


48) Classical Igbo,Klassískt Igbo,

Nchọpụta nke Onye tetara na mbara igwe (DAOAU)

BU EZI OZI ỌMA D said MMA kwuru Buddha na abụ, egwu na egwu

N’otu oge, Bhagavā bi na Sāvatthī, na ogwe aka Jeta, ogige Anāthapiṇḍika.

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, zara bhikkhus. Bhagavā kwuru, sị:

N’oge gara aga, bhikkhus, ndị Dasārahās nwere ịgbà aha ya bụ Mudiṅga. Mgbe a gbajiri drum Dasārahās, ha na-etinye ntanye na ya. E nwere oge, bhikkhus, mgbe anụ ahụ na ahụ nke Mudiṅga ahụ na-apụ n’anya. Ọ bụ naanị mkpokọ a ka nwere.

N’otu ụzọ ahụ, bhikkhus, n’ọdịnihu, a ga-enwe bhikkhus bụ onye na-agaghị ege ntị n’okwu nkwupụta okwu ndị dị otú ahụ bụ okwu nke Tathāgata, nke miri emi, nke miri emi pụtara, na-eduga n’ofe ụwa, jikọtara na efu, ha agaghị gbakwunye ntị, ha agaghị etinye uche ha na ihe ọmụma, ha agaghị ewere nkuzi ndị ahụ ka a ga-ewere ma mụta ha.

N’aka nke ozo, ha gere nti okwu nke okwu di otua bu ihe edere ede nke ede nke ndi ede ede, okwu nzuzu, akwukwo ozi ndi mmadu, nke ndi mmadu si na mpụga [Dhamma], ma obu okwu ndi na-eso uzo, ha ga-ege ntị, ha ga-etinye uche ha na ihe omuma, ha gha atule ozizi ndi a dika aga anabata ha. Yabụ, bhikkhus, okwu nkwupụta nke bụ okwu nke Tathāgata, nke miri emi, nke pụtara nke ọma, na-eduga n’ofe ụwa, jikọtara na efu, ga-apụ n’anya.

Yabụ, bhikkhus, ị kwesịrị ịzụ otu a:

‘Anyị ga-ege ntị n’okwu nke okwu dị otu a nke bụ okwu nke Tathāgata, nke miri emi, nke pụtara, na-eduga n’ofè ụwa, jikọtara na ịtọgbọrọ chakoo, anyị ga-ege ntị, anyị ga-etinye uche anyị n’ihe ọmụma, anyị ga-atụle nkuzi ndị ahụ dị ka a ga-eburu ma mụọ. ‘

Nke a bụ otu, bhikkhus, unu kwesịrị ịzụ onwe unu.


49) Classical Indonesian-Bahasa Indonesia Klasik,Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

LAKUKAN PIKIRAN BAIK MURNI kata Buddha dengan nyanyian, musik dan lagu

Pada suatu saat, Bhagavā sedang berdiam di dekat Sāvatthī, di hutan Jeta, taman Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Di sana, Bhagavā berbicara kepada para bhikkhu:

- Para bhikkhu.

- Bhaddante, jawab para bhikkhu. Bhagavā berkata:

Dahulu, para bhikkhu, para Dasārahā memiliki sebuah drum bernama Mudiṅga. Ketika genderang Dasārahās pecah, mereka akan memasukkan pasak ke dalamnya. Ada suatu masa, para bhikkhu, ketika kulit dan tubuh asli dari kendang Mudiṅga telah menghilang. Yang tersisa hanya kumpulan pasak.

Dengan cara yang sama, para bhikkhu, di masa yang akan datang, akan ada para bhikkhu yang tidak akan mendengarkan ucapan dari khotbah-khotbah semacam itu yang merupakan kata-kata dari Sang Tathāgata, mendalam, mendalam artinya, memimpin melampaui dunia, terhubung dengan kekosongan, mereka tidak akan bersabarlah, mereka tidak akan menerapkan pikiran mereka pada pengetahuan, mereka tidak akan menganggap ajaran-ajaran itu untuk diambil dan dikuasai.

Sebaliknya, mereka akan mendengarkan ucapan khotbah semacam itu yang merupakan komposisi sastra yang dibuat oleh penyair, kata-kata jenaka, surat-surat cerdas, oleh orang-orang dari luar [Dhamma], atau kata-kata para siswa, mereka akan mendengarkan, mereka akan menerapkan pikiran mereka pada pengetahuan, mereka akan menganggap ajaran-ajaran itu untuk diambil dan dikuasai. Dengan demikian, para bhikkhu, khotbah-khotbah yang merupakan kata-kata Sang Tathāgata, yang mendalam, dalam makna yang mendalam, memimpin melampaui dunia, terhubung dengan kekosongan, akan lenyap.

Oleh karena itu, para bhikkhu, Anda harus berlatih sebagai berikut:

‘Kami akan mendengarkan ucapan dari khotbah-khotbah semacam itu yang merupakan kata-kata dari Sang Tathāgata, mendalam, bermakna mendalam, memimpin melampaui dunia, terhubung dengan kekosongan, kami akan menyimak, kami akan menerapkan pikiran kami pada pengetahuan, kami akan mempertimbangkan ajaran-ajaran itu untuk diambil dan dikuasai. ‘

Beginilah, para bhikkhu, Anda harus melatih diri Anda sendiri.


50) Classical Irish-Indinéisis Clasaiceach,

Fionnachtana ar Dhúiseacht le Cruinne Feasachta (DAOAU)

Dúirt DO GO PURIFY MIND go raibh Búda le cantaireacht, ceol agus amhráin

Uair amháin, bhí an Bhagavā ina chónaí in aice le Sāvatthī, i garrán Jeta, i bpáirc Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Ann, chloígh an Bhagavā leis an bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, d’fhreagair an bhikkhus. Dúirt an Bhagavā:

Roimhe seo, bhikkhus, bhí druma ag na Dasārahās darb ainm Mudiṅga. Nuair a briseadh druma na Dasārahās, chuirfidís peg isteach ann. Bhí am ann, bhikkhus, nuair a bhí craiceann agus corp bunaidh an druma Mudiṅga imithe. Ní raibh ann ach bailiúchán de phionnaí.

Ar an gcaoi chéanna, bhikkhus, san am atá le teacht, beidh bhikkhus ann nach n-éistfidh le huafás na ndioscúrsaí sin ar focail iad na Tathāgata, as cuimse, as cuimse ó thaobh brí, a threoróidh thar an domhan, agus a bhaineann le folúntas, ní dhéanfaidh siad tabhair cluas ar iasacht, ní chuirfidh siad a n-intinn i bhfeidhm ar eolas, ní mheasfaidh siad go bhfuil na teachtaí sin tógtha agus máistreachta.

A mhalairt ar fad, éistfidh siad le huafás na ndioscúrsaí sin ar cumadóireacht liteartha iad a rinne filí, focail ghreannmhara, litreacha fánacha, daoine ón taobh amuigh [an Dhamma], nó focail deisceabail, tabharfaidh siad cluas dóibh, cuirfidh siad i bhfeidhm iad a n-intinn ar eolas, measfaidh siad go bhfuil na teachtaí sin tógtha agus máistreachta. Mar sin, imeoidh bhikkhus, na dioscúrsaí ar focail iad den Tathāgata, as cuimse, as cuimse, a théann níos faide ná an domhan, agus a bhaineann le folúntas.

Dá bhrí sin, bhikkhus, ba chóir duit traenáil mar seo:

‘Éistfimid le huafás a leithéid de dhioscúrsaí ar focail iad na Tathāgata, as cuimse, as cuimse ó thaobh brí, a threoróidh lasmuigh den domhan, a bhfuil baint acu le folúntas, tabharfaimid cluas ar iasacht, cuirfimid ár n-intinn i bhfeidhm ar eolas, déanfaimid machnamh ar na teachtaí sin. le glacadh agus le máistreacht. ‘

Seo mar ba chóir duit, a bhkhkhus, tú féin a oiliúint.


51) Classical Italian-Italiano classico,

Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

PURIFICARE BENE LA MENTE ha detto Buddha con canti, musica e canti

In un’occasione, la Bhagavā dimorava vicino a Sāvatthī, nel boschetto di Jeta, il parco di Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Là, la Bhagavā si rivolse ai bhikkhu:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, rispose il bhikkhu. La Bhagavā ha detto:

In precedenza, bhikkhu, i Dasārahā avevano un tamburo chiamato Mudiṅga. Quando il tamburo dei Dasārah si era rotto, vi inserivano un piolo. C’è stato un tempo, bhikkhu, in cui la pelle e il corpo originali del tamburo Mudiṅga erano scomparsi. Rimaneva solo un assemblaggio di pioli.

Allo stesso modo, bhikkhu, in futuro ci saranno bhikkhu che non ascolteranno l’espressione di tali discorsi che sono parole del Tathagata, profonde, di profondo significato, che conducono oltre il mondo, connesse con il vuoto, non lo faranno presta ascolto, non applicheranno la loro mente alla conoscenza, non considereranno quegli insegnamenti come da riprendere e padroneggiare.

Al contrario, ascolteranno l’espressione di tali discorsi che sono composizioni letterarie fatte da poeti, parole spiritose, lettere spiritose, da persone esterne [il Dhamma], o le parole dei discepoli, presteranno orecchio, applicheranno la loro mente sulla conoscenza, considereranno quegli insegnamenti come da riprendere e padroneggiare. Così, bhikkhu, i discorsi che sono parole del Tathagata, profondi, di profondo significato, che conducono oltre il mondo, connessi con il vuoto, scompariranno.

Pertanto, bhikkhu, dovresti allenarti così:

Ascolteremo l’espressione di tali discorsi che sono parole del Tathagata, profonde, di significato profondo, che conducono oltre il mondo, connesse con il vuoto, presteremo orecchio, applicheremo la nostra mente alla conoscenza, considereremo quegli insegnamenti da riprendere e padroneggiare.

Ecco come, bhikkhu, dovreste allenarvi.


52) Classical Japanese-古典的なイタリア語,

Friends
気づきの宇宙で目覚めた者の発見(DAOAU)
DO GOOD PURIFY MINDは、仏陀が聖歌、音楽、歌で言った
ある時、バガヴァは舎衛城の近く、ジェタの森、アナタピエカの公園に住んでいました。{n}そこで、バガヴァは比丘に服を着せました。
–比丘。
–バダンテ、比丘に答えた。バガヴァーは言った:
以前は比丘であったダサラハスには、ムディガという名前の太鼓がありました。 Dasārahāsのドラムが壊れたとき、彼らはそれにペグを挿入しました。 Mudiṅgaドラムの元の皮と体が消えた時がありました、bhikkhus。ペグの集合体だけが残っていました。
同様に、比丘は、将来、如来の言葉であるそのような言説の発話に耳を傾けない比丘が存在するでしょう、深遠で、意味が深遠で、世界を超えて導き、空虚と結びついています、彼らはそうしません耳を貸してください、彼らは知識に彼らの心を適用しません、彼らはそれらの教えが取り上げられて習得されると考えません。
それどころか、彼らは詩人、機知に富んだ言葉、機知に富んだ手紙、外部の人々[法]、または弟子たちの言葉によって作られた文学作品であるそのような談話の発話を聞き、彼らは耳を貸し、彼らは適用します知識に対する彼らの心は、彼らはそれらの教えが取り上げられ、習得されていると見なします。このように、如来の言葉である比丘、深遠で深遠な意味で、世界を超えて導き、空虚と結びついている比丘は消えます。
したがって、比丘、あなたはこうして訓練するべきです:
「私たちは如来の言葉であるそのような言説の発話に耳を傾け、深遠で、意味が深遠で、世界を超えて導き、空虚と結びつき、耳を貸し、知識に心を注ぎ、それらの教えを考慮します取り上げられ、習得されるように。」
これが、比丘、あなたが自分自身を訓練する方法です。
十三仏真言
eijun handa
18.6K subscribers
一、不動明王 二、釈迦如来 三、文殊菩薩 四、普賢菩薩 五、地蔵菩薩 六、弥勒菩薩
七、薬師如来 八、観音菩薩 九、勢至菩薩 十、阿弥陀如来 十一、阿閦如来 十二、大日如来
十三、虚空蔵菩薩
youtube.com
十三仏真言
一、不動明王 二、釈迦如来 三、文殊菩薩 四、普賢菩薩 五、地蔵菩


53) Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa,

Discovery of Awakened One with Awcious Universe (DAOAU)
Nindakake PALIFY PALIFY GOOD ngandika Buddha kanthi nyanyian, musik lan lagu
Ing sawijining kedadeyan, Bhagavā manggon ing sacedhake Sāvatthī, ing alas Jeta, taman Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Ing kana, Bhagavā menehi petunjuk marang para bhikkhu:
- Bhikkhus.
- Bhaddante, mangsuli para bhikkhu. Bhagavā ujar:
Biyen, bhikkhus, para Dasārahā duwe drum sing jenenge Mudiṅga. Nalika gendhing Dasārahās rusak, dheweke bakal masang pasak ing njero. Ana wektu, bhikkhus, nalika kulit lan awak asli drum Mudiṅga ilang. Mung ana kumpul pegs.
Mangkono uga, para bhikkhu, ing mbesuk, bakal ana wong-wong bhikkhu sing ora bakal ngrungokake pangandikan wacana kaya ngono yaiku tembung saka Tathāgata, teges sing jero, jero banget, nganti tekan jagad iki, gegandhengan karo kekosongan, dheweke ora bakal ngrungokake, dheweke ora bakal ngetrapake ilmu, ora bakal nganggep piwulang kasebut bakal dijupuk lan dikuasai.
Kosok baline, dheweke bakal ngrungokake omongan wacana kasebut yaiku komposisi sastra sing digawe dening pujangga, tembung lucu, huruf lucu, dening wong-wong saka njaba [Dhamma], utawa tembunge para sakabat, dheweke bakal ngupayakake, bakal ditrapake pikirane babagan ilmu, dheweke bakal nganggep piwulang kasebut kudu dijupuk lan dikuasai. Dadi, bhikkhus, wacana sing kalebu tembung saka Tathāgata, teges sing jero, jero banget, nganti tekan jagad iki, sing ana gandhengane karo kekosongan, bakal ilang.
Mula, para bhikkhu, kudune olahraga kaya mangkene:
‘Kita bakal ngrungokake omongan wacana kaya ngono, yaiku tembung saka Tathāgata, teges sing jero, jero, ing jagad iki, ana gandhengane karo kekosongan, kita bakal ngrungokake, bakal ngetrapake ilmu, lan bakal ngerteni piwulang kasebut sing arep diangkat lan dikuasai. ‘
Mangkene carane, bhikkhus, sampeyan kudu olahraga dhewe.
Mantra memuja,memanggil dan menghadirkan Kanjeng Ratu Kidul penguasa pantai selatan
jro pandit
26.3K subscribers
Ratu Segoro Kidul
youtube.com
Mantra memuja,memanggil dan menghadirkan Kanjeng Ratu Kidul penguasa pantai selatan

54) Classical Kannada- ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರೀಯ ಕನ್ನಡ,

ಜಾಗೃತಿ ಯೂನಿವರ್ಸ್ (DAOAU) ನೊಂದಿಗೆ ಜಾಗೃತಗೊಂಡವರ ಅನ್ವೇಷಣೆ
ಗುಡ್ ಪ್ಯೂರಿಫೈ ಮೈಂಡ್ ಬುದ್ಧನು ಪಠಣ, ಸಂಗೀತ ಮತ್ತು ಹಾಡುಗಳೊಂದಿಗೆ ಹೇಳಿದರು
ಒಂದು ಸಂದರ್ಭದಲ್ಲಿ, ಭಗವನು ಜೆಥಾ ತೋಪಿನಲ್ಲಿ, ಅನಾಥಾಪಿಸಿಕಾ ಉದ್ಯಾನವನದ ಸಾವತ ಬಳಿ ವಾಸಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದ. {N} ಅಲ್ಲಿ, ಭಗವನು ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳನ್ನು ಮೆಚ್ಚಿಕೊಂಡನು:
- ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳು.
- ಭದ್ದಾಂಟೆ, ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳಿಗೆ ಉತ್ತರಿಸಿದ. ಭಗವಾ ಹೇಳಿದರು:
ಹಿಂದೆ, ಭಿಖುಸ್, ದಾಸರಹರು ಮುಡಿಗ ಎಂಬ ಡ್ರಮ್ ಹೊಂದಿದ್ದರು. ದಾಸರನ ಡ್ರಮ್ ಮುರಿದಾಗ, ಅವರು ಅದರಲ್ಲಿ ಒಂದು ಪೆಗ್ ಅನ್ನು ಸೇರಿಸುತ್ತಿದ್ದರು. ಮುಡಿಗ ಡ್ರಮ್‌ನ ಮೂಲ ಚರ್ಮ ಮತ್ತು ದೇಹವು ಕಣ್ಮರೆಯಾದ ಸಮಯ, ಭಿಕ್ಖುಸ್. ಗೂಟಗಳ ಜೋಡಣೆ ಮಾತ್ರ ಉಳಿದಿದೆ.
ಅದೇ ರೀತಿಯಲ್ಲಿ, ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳು, ಮುಂದಿನ ಸಮಯದಲ್ಲಿ, ತಥಾಗತದ ಪದಗಳು, ಆಳವಾದ, ಅರ್ಥದಲ್ಲಿ ಆಳವಾದ, ಜಗತ್ತನ್ನು ಮೀರಿ ಮುನ್ನಡೆಸುವ, ಖಾಲಿತನದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸಂಪರ್ಕ ಹೊಂದಿದ ಇಂತಹ ಪ್ರವಚನಗಳ ಮಾತನ್ನು ಕೇಳದ ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳು ಇರುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಕಿವಿ ಸಾಲ ಕೊಡಿ, ಅವರು ಜ್ಞಾನದ ಮೇಲೆ ತಮ್ಮ ಮನಸ್ಸನ್ನು ಅನ್ವಯಿಸುವುದಿಲ್ಲ, ಅವರು ಆ ಬೋಧನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಕೈಗೆತ್ತಿಕೊಂಡು ಮಾಸ್ಟರಿಂಗ್ ಎಂದು ಪರಿಗಣಿಸುವುದಿಲ್ಲ.
ಇದಕ್ಕೆ ತದ್ವಿರುದ್ಧವಾಗಿ, ಅವರು ಕವಿಗಳು, ಹಾಸ್ಯದ ಮಾತುಗಳು, ಹಾಸ್ಯದ ಪತ್ರಗಳು, ಹೊರಗಿನ ಜನರು [ಧಮ್ಮ] ಅಥವಾ ಶಿಷ್ಯರ ಮಾತುಗಳಿಂದ ಮಾಡಿದ ಸಾಹಿತ್ಯ ಸಂಯೋಜನೆಗಳಾದ ಇಂತಹ ಪ್ರವಚನಗಳನ್ನು ಅವರು ಕೇಳುತ್ತಾರೆ, ಅವರು ಕಿವಿ ಸಾಲ ನೀಡುತ್ತಾರೆ, ಅವರು ಅನ್ವಯಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ ಜ್ಞಾನದ ಮೇಲಿನ ಅವರ ಮನಸ್ಸು, ಅವರು ಆ ಬೋಧನೆಗಳನ್ನು ಕೈಗೆತ್ತಿಕೊಂಡು ಮಾಸ್ಟರಿಂಗ್ ಎಂದು ಪರಿಗಣಿಸುತ್ತಾರೆ. ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ, ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳು, ತಥಾಗತದ ಪದಗಳು, ಆಳವಾದ, ಅರ್ಥದಲ್ಲಿ ಆಳವಾದ, ಪ್ರಪಂಚವನ್ನು ಮೀರಿ ಮುನ್ನಡೆಸುವ, ಖಾಲಿತನದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸಂಪರ್ಕ ಹೊಂದಿದ ಪ್ರವಚನಗಳು ಕಣ್ಮರೆಯಾಗುತ್ತವೆ.
ಆದ್ದರಿಂದ, ಭಿಕ್ಷುಗಳು, ನೀವು ಹೀಗೆ ತರಬೇತಿ ನೀಡಬೇಕು:
‘ನಾವು ತಥಾಗತದ ಪದಗಳು, ಆಳವಾದ, ಅರ್ಥದಲ್ಲಿ ಆಳವಾದ, ಪ್ರಪಂಚವನ್ನು ಮೀರಿ ಮುನ್ನಡೆಸುವ, ಖಾಲಿತನದೊಂದಿಗೆ ಸಂಪರ್ಕ ಹೊಂದಿದ, ನಾವು ಕಿವಿ ಸಾಲ ನೀಡುತ್ತೇವೆ, ಜ್ಞಾನದ ಮೇಲೆ ನಮ್ಮ ಮನಸ್ಸನ್ನು ಅನ್ವಯಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ, ಆ ಬೋಧನೆಗಳನ್ನು ನಾವು ಪರಿಗಣಿಸುತ್ತೇವೆ. ತೆಗೆದುಕೊಳ್ಳಬೇಕು ಮತ್ತು ಮಾಸ್ಟರಿಂಗ್ ಮಾಡಬೇಕು. ‘
ಈ ರೀತಿ, ಭಿಕ್ಷುಸ್, ನೀವೇ ತರಬೇತಿ ನೀಡಬೇಕು.
ಬುದ್ಧ ಹಾಗೂ ಬಡ ಹೆಣ್ಣು ಮಗಳ ಸಂವಾದ
Ashok Raj Urs
10.4K subscribers
youtube.com
ಬುದ್ಧ ಹಾಗೂ ಬಡ ಹೆಣ್ಣು ಮಗಳ ಸಂವಾದ
#budhastories #stories #love #peace #medtiation #yoga #spiritual

55) Classical Kazakh-Классикалық қазақ,

Оянғанның хабардар әлеммен ашылуы (DAOAU)

ЖАҚСЫ ТАЗАЛАҢЫЗ Будда әнмен, әнмен және әнмен айтты

Бірде Бхагава Саваттидің қасында, Джетаның тоғысында, Анатапииканың саябағында тұрған. {N} Онда Бхагава бхикхуларды таң қалдырды:

- Бикхус.

- Бхадтанте, - деп жауап берді бхикхулар. Бхагава:

Бұрын бхикхулар, дасарахтардың Мудиинга атты барабаны болған. Дасарахалардың барабаны сынған кезде, олар оған қазық қоятын. Мұхит барабанының түпнұсқа терісі мен денесі жоғалып кеткен уақыт, бхикхус. Тек қазықтардың жиынтығы қалды.

Дәл сол сияқты, бикхулар, келешекте тататагатаның сөздері, терең, мағынасы терең, әлемнен тысқары жатқан, бостандыққа байланысты мұндай дискурстардың айтылуын тыңдамайтын бикхулар болады, олар болмайды қарызға беріңіз, олар ақыл-ойларын білімге жұмсамайды, олар сол ілімдерді қабылданған және игерілген деп есептемейді.

Керісінше, олар ақындар шығарған әдеби шығармалар, тапқыр сөздер, тапқырлық хаттар, сырттан келген адамдар [Дхамма] немесе шәкірттердің сөздері сияқты осындай дискурстардың айтылуын тыңдайды, олар құлақ салады, олар қолданылады олардың білімге деген ойлары, олар сол ілімдерді қабылданған және игерілген деп санайды. Осылайша, татагатаның сөздері болып табылатын, терең, мағынасы терең, әлемнен тысқары жатқан, бостыққа байланысты дискурстар жоғалады.

Сондықтан, бхикхус, осылай жаттығу керек:

‘Біз Татагатаның сөздері болып табылатын, терең, мағынасы терең, әлемнен тысқары тұрған, бостыққа байланысты мұндай дискурстардың айтылуын тыңдаймыз, құлақ саламыз, ақыл-ойымызды білімге бағыттаймыз, сол ілімдерді қарастырамыз көтеріп, игеруге болатын сияқты. ‘

Бхикхус, осылай жаттығу керек.


56) Classical Khmer- ខ្មែរបុរាណ,

Friends
របកគំហើញនៃការភ្ញាក់ដឹងខ្លួនជាមួយសកលការយល់ដឹង (DAOAU)
DO GUR PURIFY MIND បាននិយាយថាព្រះពុទ្ធជាមួយនឹងការច្រៀងតន្រ្តីនិងចម្រៀង
មានគ្រាមួយព្រះបាវរៈទ្រង់គង់នៅជិតសុតវតៈក្នុងព្រៃចាចាឧទ្យានឧទ្យានរបស់ព្រះអានន្ទ។
- ភិក្ខុ។
- ប្រេតដាតឆ្លើយតបនឹងភិក្ខុ។ Bhagavāបាននិយាយថា៖
កាលពីមុនប៊ីធរឃ្យូសដាសរ៉ាមានស្គរមួយដែលមានឈ្មោះថាមឌាហ្កា។ នៅពេលស្គររបស់ដាសារ៉ាមបានបាក់ពួកគេនឹងបញ្ចូលឆ្នូតនៅក្នុងវា។ មានពេលមួយ, ភិក្ខុនៅពេលដែលស្បែកនិងរាងកាយដើមនៃស្គរMudiṅgaបានបាត់។ នៅសល់តែការប្រមូលផ្តុំនៃបណ្តុំ។
ដូចគ្នានេះដែរភិក្ខុក្នុងអនាគតកាលនឹងមានភិក្ខុដែលមិនស្តាប់នូវសុន្ទរកថាដែលជាពាក្យរបស់តថាគតមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅនាំទៅរកពិភពលោកដែលជាប់ទាក់ទងនឹងភាពទទេពួកគេនឹងមិនបាន ខ្ចីត្រចៀកគេនឹងមិនអនុវត្តគំនិតរបស់គេលើចំណេះដឹងពួកគេនឹងមិនពិចារណាការបង្រៀនទាំងនោះដែលត្រូវយកមកអនុវត្តនិងស្ទាត់ជំនាញឡើយ។
ផ្ទុយទៅវិញគេនឹងស្តាប់ការថ្លែងសុន្ទរកថាបែបនេះដែលជាការតែងនិពន្ធផ្នែកអក្សរសាស្ត្រធ្វើឡើងដោយកវីពាក្យមន្តអាគមអក្សរក្រមួនដោយមនុស្សមកពីខាងក្រៅ [ធម៌] ឬសំដីរបស់សិស្សគេនឹងអោយត្រចៀកគេនឹងអនុវត្ត គំនិតរបស់ពួកគេលើចំណេះដឹងពួកគេនឹងពិចារណាការបង្រៀនទាំងនោះដែលត្រូវយកមកអនុវត្តនិងស្ទាត់ជំនាញ។ ដូច្នោះហើយភិក្ខុដែលជាសុន្ទរកថាដែលជាពាក្យរបស់តថាគតមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅហើយមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅនាំទៅរកពិភពលោកទាំងមូលដែលជាប់ទាក់ទងនឹងភាពទទេនឹងរលាយសាបសូន្យ។
ដូច្នេះភិក្ខុអ្នកគួរបង្ហាត់ដូច្នេះ។
យើងនឹងស្តាប់នូវសុន្ទរកថាដែលជាពាក្យរបស់តថាគតមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅនិងមានអត្ថន័យជ្រាលជ្រៅឈានមុខគេនៅលើពិភពលោកដែលជាប់ទាក់ទងនឹងភាពទទេយើងនឹងអោយត្រចៀកយើងនឹងអនុវត្តគំនិតរបស់យើងលើចំណេះដឹងយើងនឹងពិចារណាលើការបង្រៀនទាំងនោះ។ ត្រូវគេលើកយកហើយស្ទាត់ជំនាញទៅ› ។
នេះជារបៀបដែលអ្នកគួរហ្វឹកហាត់ខ្លួនឯង។
ព្រះសមណគោតម មហាសាស្តាចារ្យនៃមនុស្សនិងទេវតា ២
Wat Jotanaram
13.4K subscribers
រៀបរៀងដោយលោក ឆឹង ផាន់សុផុន ដោយស្តាប់ទៅពីរោះជាប់ចិត្ត ទើបខ្ញុំបានចម្លងមកដាក់នេះដើម្បីបានស្តាប់ជាប់គ្នាតាមលំដាប់លំដោយ មិនពិបាកស្រាវជ្រាវចុចរក សូមអនុមោទនាបុណ្យកុសលគ្រប់យ៉ាង ។
youtube.com
ព្រះសមណគោតម មហាសាស្តាចារ្យនៃមនុស្សនិងទេវតា ២
រៀបរៀងដោយលោក ឆឹង ផាន់សុផុន ដោយស្តាប់ទៅពីរោះជាប់ចិត្ត ទើបខ្ញុំបានចម្លងមកដាក់នេះដើម្បីបានស្តាប់ជាប់គ្នាត…..

57) Classical Kinyarwanda,
Ivumburwa Ryakangutse hamwe no Kumenya Isanzure (DAOAU)

KORA ICYIZA CYIZA CYANE yavuze Buda hamwe n’indirimbo, umuziki n’indirimbo

Igihe kimwe, Bhagavā yari atuye hafi ya Sāvatthī, mu ishyamba rya Jeta, parike ya Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Ngaho, Bhagavā yabwiraga Bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, yashubije bhikkhus. Bhagavā yagize ati:

Kera, bhikkhus, Dasārahās bari bafite ingoma yitwa Mudiṅga. Iyo ingoma ya Dasārahās yamenetse, binjizamo urumogi. Hari igihe, bhikkhus, igihe uruhu numubiri byumwimerere byingoma ya Mudiṅga byari byarazimiye. Hasigaye gusa guteranya uduti.

Muri ubwo buryo nyene, bhikkhus, mugihe kizaza, hazabaho bhikkhus batazumva imvugo ya disikuru nkiyi ni amagambo ya Tathāgata, yimbitse, yimbitse mubisobanuro, iganisha hejuru yisi, ifitanye isano nubusa, ntibazabikora. utege ugutwi, ntibazashyira ubwenge bwabo kubumenyi, ntibazatekereza ko izo nyigisho zifatwa kandi zikamenyekana.

Ahubwo, bazumva imvugo ya disikuru nkiyi ni ibihimbano byubuvanganzo byakozwe nabasizi, amagambo yubwenge, inzandiko zubwenge, nabantu baturutse hanze [Dhamma], cyangwa amagambo yabigishwa, bazatega ugutwi, bazashyira mubikorwa ibitekerezo byabo kubumenyi, bazareba izo nyigisho nkizifatwa kandi zigezweho. Rero, bhikkhus, disikuru ari amagambo ya Tathāgata, yimbitse, yimbitse mubisobanuro, iganisha hejuru yisi, ifitanye isano nubusa, izashira.

Kubwibyo, bhikkhus, ugomba kwitoza gutya:

‘Tuzumva imvugo y’ibiganiro nk’ibi ari amagambo ya Tathāgata, yimbitse, yimbitse mu bisobanuro, biganisha ku isi, bifitanye isano n’ubusa, tuzatega amatwi, tuzashyira ubwenge bwacu ku bumenyi, tuzasuzuma izo nyigisho nko gufatwa no gutozwa. ‘

Uku nuburyo, bhikkhus, ugomba kwitoza.





58) Classical Korean-고전 한국어,인식 우주 (DAOAU)를 가진 깨어 난 자의 발견

노래, 음악 및 노래로 부처님이 말한

한 번은 Bhagavā가 Jeta의 숲, Anāthapiṇḍika의 공원에있는 Sāvatthī 근처에 거주하고있었습니다. {n} 그곳에서 Bhagavā는 비구에게 옷을 입혔습니다.

– 비구.

– Bhaddante, bhikkhus에게 대답했다. Bhagavā는 말했다 :

이전에는 Dasārahās 인 bhikkhus에 Mudiṅga라는 드럼이있었습니다. Dasārahās의 드럼이 부러 졌을 때 그들은 그것에 못을 삽입했습니다. 무디가 드럼의 원래 피부와 몸통이 사라진 때가있었습니다. 못의 집합체 만 남았습니다.

같은 방식으로, 비구들, 장래에 타타 가타의 말, 심오하고, 의미가 깊은, 세상을 넘어서, 공허함과 연결되어있는 그러한 담론의 발언을 듣지 않을 비구들이있을 것입니다. 귀를 기울이면 그들은 지식에 마음을 적용하지 않을 것이며, 그 가르침을 받아 들여 습득 할 것이라고 생각하지 않을 것입니다.

반대로 시인, 재치있는 말, 재치있는 편지, 외부인 [담마]의 문학적 구성, 제자들의 말 등의 설교를 듣게되면 귀를 기울일 것입니다. 지식에 대한 그들의 마음을, 그들은 그 가르침을 받아들이고 습득하는 것으로 고려할 것입니다. 따라서 공허함과 연결되어 세계를 넘어선 심오하고 심오한 의미의 담화 인 비구가 사라질 것이다.

그러므로 비구, 당신은 이렇게 훈련해야합니다 :

‘우리는 Tathāgata의 말, 심오하고 심오한 의미, 세상을 넘어 공허함과 연결되어 귀를 기울이고 지식에 우리의 마음을 적용하고 그 가르침을 고려할 것입니다. 받아 들여지고 숙달되는 것. ‘

이것이 비구, 당신이 스스로 훈련하는 방법입니다.


59) Classical Kurdish (Kurmanji)-Kurdî (Kurmancî),Vedîtina Yekê akiyarbûyî Bi Gerdeya Hişyarbûnê (DAOAU)

HIDY P PASTIFK BA B said Bûda bi stran, muzîk û stranan got

Carekê, Bhagavā li nêzê Sāvatthī, li deşta Jeta, parka Anāthapiṇḍika rûniştibû. {N} Li wir, Bhagavā bhikkhus navnîş kir:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, bersiv da bhikkhus. Bhagavā got:

Berê, bhikkhus, li Dasārahāsê defek hebû ku navê wî Mudiṅga bû. Gava ku defa Dasārahās hat şikestin, wan dê pêlekek têxin hundurê wê. Demek hebû, bhikkhus, ku çerm û laşê orîjînal ê Mûdîga gumanê winda bûbû. Li wir tenê civînek pîvokan ma.

Bi heman rengî, bhikkhus, di dema pêş de, dê bhikkhus hebin ku dê guh nede vegotinên gotinên wusa ku gotinên Tathāgata ne, kûr in, ji hêla wateyê ve kûr in, ji cîhanê diçin, bi valahiyê ve girêdayî ye, ew ê guhê xwe deynin, ew ê hişê xwe li zanînê neynin, ew ê wan hînkirinên ku têne destgirtin û serwer kirin nehesibînin.

Berevajî vê yekê, ew ê guh bidin vegotinên wusa gotinan ku ew besteyên wêjeyî ne ku ji hêla helbestvanan, peyvên şehreza, nameyên şehîn, ji hêla kesên ji derve [Dhamma] ve hatine çêkirin, an jî gotinên şagirtan, ew ê guhê xwe bidin, ew ê serî lê bidin hişê wan ê li ser zanînê, ew ê wan hînkirinên ku têne destgirtin û serwer kirin bifikirin. Ji ber vê yekê, bhikkhus, nîqaşên ku bêjeyên Tathāgata ne, kûr in, bi wateyek kûr in, ji cîhanê diçin, bi valahiyê ve girêdayî, dê winda bibin.

Ji ber vê yekê, bhikkhus, divê hûn bi vî rengî perwerde bikin:

‘Em ê guh bidin vegotina gotinên wusa ku gotinên Tathāgata ne, kûr in, ji hêla wateyê ve kûr in, li dervayî cîhanê rêve dibin, bi valahiyê ve girêdayî ne, em ê guhê xwe bidin, em ê hişê xwe li ser zanînê bi kar bînin, em ê wan hînkirinan bihesibînin wekî bête destgirtin û serwer kirin. ‘

Bi vî rengî, bhikkhus, divê hûn xwe perwerde bikin.

60) Classical Kyrgyz-Классикалык Кыргыз,Ойгонгон Ааламдын Ачуусун Ачуу (DAOAU)

ЖАКШЫ ТАЗА БОЛГУЛА Будда ырдап, музыка жана ырлар менен айтты

Бир жолу, Бхагава Саваттиге жакын жерде, Джетанын токойунда, Анатхапииканын паркында жашап жаткан. {N} Ал жерде Бхагава бхикхуларга суктанган:

- Bhikkhus.

- Бхадтанте, - деп жооп берди бхикхулар. Бхагава мындай деди:

Мурда Бхикхулар, Дасарахтарда Мудиинга аттуу барабан болгон. Дасарахтардын барабаны сынганда, ага казык салышат. Мидигага барабанынын түпкү териси жана тулку бойу жоголуп кеткен бир кез, бикхусс. Казыктардын гана топтому калган.

Ошол сыяктуу, бикхулар, келечекте тататата сөздөрү болгон, терең, терең мааниге ээ, дүйнөдөн ашып, боштук менен байланышкан мындай сөздөрдү укпаган бикхулар болот, алар болбойт карызга бергиле, алар акылдарын билимге колдонушпайт, ошол окууларды кабыл алынган жана өздөштүрүлгөн деп эсептешпейт.

Тескерисинче, алар акындар тарабынан жасалган адабий чыгармалар, көркөм сөздөр, тамгалар, сырттан келген адамдар [Дхамма] же шакирттердин сөзү сыяктуу сөздөрдү угушат, кулак салышат, колдонушат. алардын билимге болгон көз-карашы, ошол окууларды кабыл алуу жана өздөштүрүү деп эсептешет. Ошентип, татагатанын сөздөрү болгон терең, терең мааниге ээ, дүйнөдөн тышкары, боштук менен байланышкан бикхус сөздөр жок болот.

Ошондуктан, бхикхус, мындай машыгуу керек:

‘Татагатанын сөздөрү болгон, терең, терең маанидеги, дүйнөдөн ашып түшкөн, боштукка байланышкан мындай дискурстардын айтылгандарын угабыз, кулак төшөйбүз, акыл-эсибизди билимге колдонобуз, ошол окууларды эске алабыз. көтөрүлүп, өздөштүрүлүшү керек. ‘

Бикхулар, ушундайча машыгышыңар керек.


61) Classical Lao-ຄລາສສິກລາວ,ການຄົ້ນພົບຂອງ Awakened One ກັບຈັກກະວານປູກຈິດ ສຳ ນຶກ (DAOAU)

DO GUR PURIFY MIND ກ່າວວ່າພະພຸດທະເຈົ້າພ້ອມດ້ວຍການຮ້ອງເພັງແລະເພັງ

ໃນໂອກາດ ໜຶ່ງ, Bhagavāໄດ້ອາໄສຢູ່ໃກ້Sāvatthī, ໃນປ່າຂອງ Jeta, ສວນສາທາລະນະຂອງAnāthapiṇḍika.

- ພະໄຕ.

- Bhaddante, ຕອບ bhikkhus. Bhagavāກ່າວວ່າ:

ໃນເມື່ອກ່ອນ, bhikkhus, Dasārahāsມີກອງທີ່ມີຊື່ວ່າMudiṅga. ເມື່ອກອງDasārahāsຖືກແຕກ, ພວກເຂົາຈະເອົາໄມ້ຄ້ອນເທົ້າໃສ່ໃນນັ້ນ. ມີຊ່ວງເວລາ, bhikkhus, ໃນເວລາທີ່ຜິວຫນັງແລະຮ່າງກາຍຕົ້ນສະບັບຂອງກອງMudiṅgaໄດ້ຫາຍໄປ. ມີພຽງແຕ່ການປະກອບຂອງ pegs.

ໃນທາງດຽວກັນ, ໃນອະນາຄົດ, ໃນອະນາຄົດ, ຈະມີພະສົງທີ່ຈະບໍ່ຟັງຄວາມເວົ້າຂອງ ຄຳ ເວົ້າດັ່ງກ່າວຊຶ່ງເປັນ ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງເທບນິຍາຍ, ເລິກຊຶ້ງ, ເລິກເຊິ່ງໃນຄວາມ ໝາຍ, ນຳ ໜ້າ ໄປສູ່ໂລກ, ຕິດພັນກັບຄວາມເປົ່າ, ພວກເຂົາຈະບໍ່ຍອມ ກູ້ຢືມຫູ, ພວກເຂົາຈະບໍ່ ນຳ ໃຊ້ຄວາມຄິດຂອງພວກເຂົາກ່ຽວກັບຄວາມຮູ້, ພວກເຂົາຈະບໍ່ພິຈາລະນາ ຄຳ ສອນເຫຼົ່ານັ້ນວ່າຈະຖືກ ນຳ ໄປໃຊ້ແລະ ຊຳ ນານ.

ໃນທາງກົງກັນຂ້າມ, ພວກເຂົາຈະຟັງ ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງ ຄຳ ເວົ້າດັ່ງກ່າວເຊິ່ງເປັນການແຕ່ງຕົວ ໜັງ ສືທີ່ແຕ່ງຂື້ນໂດຍນັກກະວີ, ຄຳ ເວົ້າທີ່ຫຍາບຄາຍ, ຕົວອັກສອນ witty, ໂດຍຄົນຈາກພາຍນອກ [ທັມມະ] ຫລື ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງພວກສາວົກ, ພວກເຂົາຈະປ່ອຍຫູ, ພວກເຂົາຈະ ນຳ ໃຊ້ ຈິດໃຈຂອງພວກເຂົາກ່ຽວກັບຄວາມຮູ້, ພວກເຂົາຈະພິຈາລະນາ ຄຳ ສອນເຫລົ່ານັ້ນວ່າຈະຖືກ ນຳ ມາປະຕິບັດແລະຮຽນ. ດັ່ງນັ້ນ, ສາທຸ, ການສົນທະນາເຊິ່ງເປັນ ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງເທບທິກາ, ມີຄວາມ ໝາຍ ເລິກເຊິ່ງ, ມີຄວາມ ໝາຍ ເລິກເຊິ່ງ, ນຳ ໜ້າ ໄປສູ່ໂລກ, ເຊື່ອມໂຍງກັບຄວາມເປົ່າ, ຈະຫາຍໄປ.

ເພາະສະນັ້ນ, bhikkhus, ທ່ານຄວນຈະຝຶກອົບຮົມດັ່ງນັ້ນ:

‘ພວກເຮົາຈະຟັງ ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງ ຄຳ ເວົ້າດັ່ງກ່າວທີ່ເປັນ ຄຳ ເວົ້າຂອງTathāgata, ມີຄວາມ ໝາຍ ເລິກເຊິ່ງ, ມີຄວາມ ໝາຍ ເລິກເຊິ່ງ, ນຳ ໜ້າ ໄປສູ່ໂລກ, ເຊື່ອມໂຍງກັບຄວາມເປົ່າ, ພວກເຮົາຈະປ່ອຍຫູ, ພວກເຮົາຈະ ນຳ ໃຊ້ຈິດໃຈຂອງພວກເຮົາກ່ຽວກັບຄວາມຮູ້, ພວກເຮົາຈະພິຈາລະນາ ຄຳ ສອນເຫຼົ່ານັ້ນ ເປັນທີ່ຈະໄດ້ຮັບການປະຕິບັດແລະ mastered. “

ນີ້ແມ່ນວິທີທີ່ທ່ານຄວນຝຶກຝົນຕົນເອງ.

62) Classical Latin-LXII) Classical Latin,
Inventio autem suscitavit Awareness in Universo (DAOAU)

Buddha dixit facere bonum mentis LIQUET cum cantu et musica carmina

In unum occasionem, quod prope Sāvatthī Bhagavā videntis habitabat enim in Ieta lucos, Anāthapiṇḍika de parco. {N} ibi, quod est Bhagavā adressed bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, respondit bhikkhus. Bhagavā et dixit:

Olim bhikkhus, tympanum in nomine Mudiṅga Dasārahās habuit. Cum Dasārahās, tympanum fractus ea paxillus ut delete. Fuit tempus bhikkhus cum originali pelle tympanum Mudiṅga corpus esset. Supererat tantum conventum paxillos.

Et eodem modo, bhikkhus in futuro tempore erunt bhikkhus qui nolunt audire verba novissima eiusmodi quae verba in Tathagata, altum, altum videtur significationis, ducens quam mundo, quae sunt vanitatis loquentes, non operaest auribus non cognitione mentem nolunt considera et doctrinas esse sinant.

In contra, illi et audite vocem eiusmodi quae literary compositio est a poeta, dicta docta pro uitam salibus litterae, per homines de foris [Dhamma], seu verba Domini discipuli, ut non audias, non erit adhibere sui cognitionem, et considerate et doctrinas esse sinant. Et sic, bhikkhus, in sermone de verbis quae Tathagata, altum, altum videtur non ad sensum, ducens quam mundo, quae sunt vanitates frustra, neque ultra intuebitur eum.

Itaque bhikkhus tu exerce sic

‘Non et audi verba novissima eiusmodi quae verba in Tathagata, altum, altum videtur non ad sensum, ducens quam mundo, quae sunt vanitates frustra, nos commodare aurem, nos applicare nostrae mentis ad scientiam, deliberabimus easdem et cum conplerentur dies adsumptionis cepit.

Sic, bhikkhus tu exerceamini.


63) Classical Latvian-Klasiskā latviešu valoda,
Atmodinātā ar apzināšanās Visumu atklāšana (DAOAU)

DARI LABI TĪRĪT PRĀTU teica Buda ar dziedājumiem, mūziku un dziesmām

Vienu reizi Bhagavā dzīvoja netālu no Sāvatthī, Jetas birzī, Anāthapiṇḍika parkā. {N} Tur Bhagavā adresēja bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, atbildēja bhikkhus. Bhagavā teica:

Kādreiz, bhikkhus, Dasārahās bija bungas ar nosaukumu Mudiṅga. Kad Dasārahās cilindrs bija salauzts, viņi tajā ievietoja tapu. Bija laiks, bhikkhus, kad Mudiṅga bungas sākotnējā āda un korpuss bija pazuduši. Palika tikai mietiņu kopa.

Tādā pašā veidā, bhikkhus, nākotnē būs arī bhikkhus, kuri neuzklausīs tādu diskursu izteikšanu, kas ir Tathāgatas vārdi, dziļi, ar dziļu nozīmi, kas ved ārpus pasaules, ir saistīti ar tukšumu, viņi to nedarīs. aizdodieties, viņi nepielietos prātam par zināšanām, neuzskatīs, ka šīs mācības ir pārņemtas un apgūtas.

Gluži pretēji, viņi klausīsies tādu diskursu izteikumus, kas ir dzejnieku veidoti literāri skaņdarbi, asprātīgi vārdi, asprātīgas vēstules, ko veikuši cilvēki no [Dhammas] ārpuses, vai mācekļu vārdi, viņi aizklausīs, viņi pielietos domājot par zināšanām, viņi uzskatīs, ka šīs mācības ir pārņemtas un apgūtas. Tādējādi izzudīs bhikkhus, diskursi, kas ir Tathāgatas vārdi, dziļi, ar dziļu nozīmi, kas ved ārpus pasaules un ir saistīti ar tukšumu.

Tāpēc, bhikkhus, jums vajadzētu trenēties šādi:

Mēs klausīsimies tādu diskursu izteikšanu, kas ir Tathāgatas vārdi, dziļi, dziļi nozīmīgi, kas ved ārpus pasaules, ir saistīti ar tukšumu, mēs klausīsimies, mēs izmantosim savu prātu zināšanām, mēs apsvērsim šīs mācības kā tikt uzņemtam un apgūtam. ‘

Šādi, bhikkhus, jums vajadzētu apmācīt sevi.


64) Classical Lithuanian-Klasikinė lietuvių kalba,
Pažadinto žmogaus su sąmoningumo visata atradimas (DAOAU)

Daryk gerą švarą, sakė Buda su giesme, muzika ir dainomis

Vieną kartą Bhagavā gyveno netoli Savatthi, Jetos giraitėje, Anāthapiṇḍikos parke. {N} Ten Bhagavā adresavo bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, atsakė bhikkhus. Bhagavā sakė:

Anksčiau, bhikkhus, Dasārahās turėjo būgną, pavadintą Mudiṅga. Kai Dasārahās būgnelis buvo sulaužytas, jie į jį įkišo kaištį. Buvo laikas, bhikkhus, kai dingo pradinė „Mudiṅga“ būgno oda ir korpusas. Liko tik smeigtukų sąvadas.

Lygiai taip pat, bhikkhus, ateityje atsiras bhikkhus, kurie neklausys tokių diskursų, kurie yra gilūs, gilios prasmės, vedantys už pasaulio ribų, susiję su tuštuma, Tathāgatos žodžiai, jie to nepadarys. ausys, jie netaikys savo proto žinioms, nemanys, kad tie mokymai yra perimti ir įvaldyti.

Atvirkščiai, jie klausys tokių kalbų, kurios yra poetų sukurtos literatūrinės kompozicijos, šmaikščių žodžių, šmaikščių laiškų, iš išorės [Dhammos] kilusių žmonių, ar mokinių žodžių. Jie galvoja, kad tie mokymai yra perimti ir įsisavinti. Taigi, bhikkhus, diskursai, kurie yra gilūs, gilios prasmės Tathāgatos žodžiai, vedantys už pasaulio ribų, susiję su tuštuma, išnyks.

Todėl, bhikkhus, turėtumėte treniruotis taip:

Mes klausysimės tokių diskursų, kurie yra Tathāgatos žodžiai, gilūs, gilios prasmės, vedantys už pasaulio ribų, susiję su tuštuma, ausų, mes pritaikysime savo mintis žinioms, atsižvelgsime į tuos mokymus. kaip paimti ir įsisavinti “.

Štai kaip, bhikkhus, turėtumėte mokytis.


65) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,
Entdeckung vum Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sot de Buddha mat Gesang, Musek a Lidder

Op enger Geleeënheet huet de Bhagavā bei Sāvatthī, am Jeta sengem Grove, dem Anāthapiṇḍika Park gewunnt. {N} Do huet d’Bhagavā de Bhikhus adresséiert:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, huet de Bhikkhus geäntwert. De Bhagavā sot:

Fréier, bhikkhus, haten d’Dasārahās eng Tromm mam Numm Mudiṅga. Wann d’Dasārahās Tromm gebrach war, géife se e Peg dran setzen. Et war eng Zäit, bhikkhus, wéi d’originell Haut a Kierper vun der Mudiṅga Trommel verschwonne war. Et blouf nëmmen eng Versammlung vu Pegs.

Op déiselwecht Manéier, Bhikkhus, an der zukünfteger Zäit, gëtt et Bhikkhus, déi net zum Ausdrock vun esou Discourse lauschteren, déi Wierder vun der Tathāgata sinn, déifgräifend, déifgräifend a Bedeitung, féieren iwwer d’Welt, verbonne mat Eidelheet, si wäerten net léinen Ouer, si wäerten hir Gedanken net op Wësse uwenden, se betruechten dës Léiere net als opgeholl a beherrscht.

Am Géigendeel, si lauschteren op d’Aussoe vun esou Discoursen, déi literaresch Kompositioune si vun Dichter, witzeg Wierder, witzeg Bréiwer, vu Leit vun ausserhalb [der Dhamma], oder de Wierder vun de Jünger, si léinen Ouer, si gëllen hire Geescht u Wëssen, si wäerten dës Léiere betruechten als opgeholl a beherrscht ginn. Also, bhikkhus, d’Discoursen déi Wierder vun der Tathāgata sinn, déif, déif a Bedeitung, féieren iwwer d’Welt, verbonne mat Eidelheet, verschwannen.

Dofir, bhikkhus, sollt Dir sou trainéieren:

‘Mir lauschteren d’Aussoe vun esou Discoursen, déi Wierder vun der Tathāgata sinn, déifgräifend, déifgräifend a Bedeitung, féieren iwwer d’Welt, verbonne mat Eidelheet, mir léinen Ouer, mir wäerten eise Geescht u Wëssen uwenden, mir betruechten dës Léiere wéi opgeholl a beherrscht ginn. ‘

Dëst ass wéi, bhikkhus, Dir sollt Iech selwer trainéieren.


66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,
Откривање на разбудениот со универзумот за свесност (DAOAU)

НАПРАВЕТЕ ДОБРО ПОЧИСТЕЕ, рече Буда со пеење, музика и песни

Во една прилика, Багави живеел во близина на Саватти, во шумичката на Јета, паркот Анштапичика. {N} Таму, Багавците му се обратиле на Бихкус:

- Бихкус.

- Бахандте, одговори бихкусот. Багави рече:

Порано, бихкус, Дасарасите имаа тапан по име Мудигага. Кога ќе се скршеше тапанот на Дасарах, тие вметнуваа колче во него. Имаше време, бихкус, кога оригиналната кожа и тело на тапанот Мудигага исчезнаа. Остана само склоп на штипки.

На ист начин, бихкус, во идно време, ќе има и бихкус кој нема да го слуша изговорот на таквите дискурси кои се зборови на Татагата, длабоки, длабоки по значење, кои водат надвор од светот, поврзани со празнина, тие нема дај уво, тие нема да се посветат на знаењето, нема да сметаат дека тие учења треба да бидат земени и совладени.

Напротив, тие ќе го слушаат изговорот на ваквите дискурси кои се книжевни композиции направени од поети, духовити зборови, духовити букви, од луѓе од надвор [Дамата] или зборови на ученици, тие ќе го послушаат увото, ќе се применуваат нивниот ум за знаење, тие ќе сметаат дека тие учења треба да бидат земени и совладани. Така, бихкус, дискурсите што се зборови на Татагата, длабоки, длабоки по значење, водат надвор од светот, поврзани со празнината, ќе исчезнат.

Затоа, бхикус, треба да тренираш на овој начин:

„Willе го слушнеме изговорот на ваквите дискурси кои се зборови на Татагата, длабоки, длабоки по значење, кои водат надвор од светот, поврзани со празнина, ќе го послушаме увото, ќе го примениме умот на знаењето, ќе ги разгледаме тие учења како да бидат земени и совладани. ‘

Вака, бихку, треба да се обучите.

67) Classical Malagasy,
класичен малгашки,Fahafantarana ny iray nofohazina niaraka tamin’izao rehetra izao momba ny fanentanana (DAOAU)

MITADIAVA NY SAINY TSARA TSARA hoy Buddha tamin’ny tononkira, mozika ary hira

Indray mandeha, ny Bhagavā dia nipetraka teo akaikin’i Sāvatthī, tao amin’ny ala Jeta, zaridainan’i Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Tao no nametrahan’ny Bhagavā ireo bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, namaly ireo bhikkhus. Hoy ny Bhagavā:

Taloha, bhikkhus, ny Dasārahās dia nanana amponga antsoina hoe Mudiṅga. Rehefa tapaka ny amponga an’ny Dasārahās, dia nanisy fantsika izy ireo. Nisy fotoana, bhikkhus, izay nanjavona ilay hoditra sy vatan’ny amponga Mudiṅga tany am-boalohany. Tsy nisy afa-tsy fitambarana fantsika.

Toy izany koa, bhikkhus, amin’ny fotoana ho avy, hisy ny bhikkhus izay tsy hihaino ny famelabelaran-kevitra toy izany izay tenin’ny Tathāgata, lalina, lalina amin’ny heviny, mitarika any ankoatr’izao tontolo izao, mifamatotra amin’ny fahabangana, izy ireo dia tsy mandrenesa, tsy hampihatra ny sainy amin’ny fahalalana izy ireo, tsy hihevitra ireo fampianarana ireo ho raisina sy hifehezana.

Mifanohitra amin’izay no izy, izy ireo dia hihaino ny feon’ireo lahateny toy izany, izay forongon-tononkalo nataon’ny poeta, ny teny mahatsikaiky, ny taratasy mahatsikaiky, nataon’ny olona avy any ivelany [the Dhamma], na ny tenin’ny mpianatra, hihaino izy ireo, hampihatra ny sainy amin’ny fahalalana, izy ireo dia handinika ireo fampianarana ireo ho raisina sy hofehezina. Noho izany, bhikkhus, ireo lahateny izay tenin’ny Tathāgata, lalina, lalina amin’ny heviny, mitarika an’izao tontolo izao, mifandray amin’ny fahabangana, dia hanjavona.

Noho izany, ry bhikkhus, tokony hampiofana toy izao ianao:

‘Hihaino ny feon’ireo lahateny toy izany izahay, izay tenin’ny Tathāgata, lalina, lalina amin’ny heviny, mitarika any ankoatra an’izao tontolo izao, mifandraika amin’ny fahabangana, hihaino isika, hampihatra ny saintsika amin’ny fahalalana isika, handinika ireo fampianarana ireo ho entina ary hofehezina. ‘

Izao no tokony hampiofananao, ry bhikkhus.


68) Classical Malay-Melayu Klasik,
Penemuan Awakened dengan Alam Kesedaran (DAOAU)

PIKIR DO PURIFY BAIK kata Buddha dengan nyanyian, muzik dan lagu

Pada satu kesempatan, Bhagavā tinggal di dekat Sāvatthī, di kebun Jeta, taman Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Di sana, Bhagavā menekankan para bhikkhu:

- Bhikkhu.

- Bhaddante, menjawab para bhikkhu. Bhagavā berkata:

Dahulu, para bhikkhu, Dasārahās memiliki sebuah gendang bernama Mudiṅga. Apabila gendang Dasārahās pecah, mereka akan memasukkan pasak di dalamnya. Ada suatu masa, para bhikkhu, ketika kulit asli dan tubuh drum Mudiṅga telah hilang. Yang tinggal hanyalah kumpulan pasak.

Dengan cara yang sama, para bhikkhu, di masa yang akan datang, akan ada para bhikkhu yang tidak akan mendengarkan ucapan wacana seperti kata-kata dari Tathāgata, yang mendalam, mendalam makna, yang memimpin di luar dunia, yang dihubungkan dengan kekosongan, mereka tidak akan mendengarkan, mereka tidak akan menggunakan akal budi pada pengetahuan, mereka tidak akan menganggap ajaran-ajaran itu harus diambil dan dikuasai.

Sebaliknya, mereka akan mendengar ujaran wacana seperti komposisi sastera yang dibuat oleh penyair, kata-kata cerdas, surat cerdas, oleh orang-orang dari luar [Dhamma], atau kata-kata murid, mereka akan mendengarkan, mereka akan menerapkan mereka akan pengetahuan, mereka akan menganggap ajaran-ajaran itu harus diambil dan dikuasai. Oleh itu, para bhikkhu, khotbah-khotbah yang merupakan kata-kata dari Tathāgata, makna yang mendalam, mendalam, yang memimpin di luar dunia, yang dihubungkan dengan kekosongan, akan hilang.

Oleh itu, para bhikkhu, anda harus melatih dengan demikian:

‘Kami akan mendengarkan ucapan wacana-wacana seperti kata-kata Tathāgata, mendalam, dalam arti, memimpin di luar dunia, terhubung dengan kekosongan, kita akan mendengarkan, kita akan menggunakan pikiran kita pada pengetahuan, kita akan mempertimbangkan ajaran-ajaran itu untuk diambil dan dikuasai. ‘

Beginilah, para bhikkhu, anda harus melatih diri.


69) Classical Malayalam-ക്ലാസിക്കൽ മലയാളം
ബോധവൽക്കരണ പ്രപഞ്ചവുമായി ഉണർന്നിരിക്കുന്നവന്റെ കണ്ടെത്തൽ (DAOAU)

ഗുഡ് പ്യൂരിഫി മൈൻഡ് ബുദ്ധൻ മന്ത്രവും സംഗീതവും പാട്ടുകളും പറഞ്ഞു

ഒരു അവസരത്തിൽ, ഭഗവൻ സീതത്തിനടുത്ത്, ജെതയുടെ തോട്ടത്തിൽ, അനതാപികയുടെ പാർക്കിലായിരുന്നു താമസിച്ചിരുന്നത്. {N} അവിടെ, ഭഗവൻ ഭിക്ഷക്കാരെ അഭിസംബോധന ചെയ്തു:

- ഭിക്ഷുസ്.

- ഭദ്ദന്തെ, ഭിക്ഷക്കാർക്ക് ഉത്തരം നൽകി. ഭഗവൻ പറഞ്ഞു:

പണ്ട് ഭിക്ഷുമാരായ ദശരന്മാർക്ക് മുദിഗ എന്ന ഡ്രം ഉണ്ടായിരുന്നു. ദസറസിന്റെ ഡ്രം തകർന്നപ്പോൾ, അവർ അതിൽ ഒരു കുറ്റി തിരുകും. മുദിഗ ഡ്രമ്മിന്റെ യഥാർത്ഥ തൊലിയും ശരീരവും അപ്രത്യക്ഷമായ ഒരു കാലം, ഭിക്ഷുസ്. കുറ്റി കൂടിച്ചേരൽ മാത്രമേ അവശേഷിച്ചുള്ളൂ.

അതുപോലെ തന്നെ, ഭിക്ഷുമാർ, ഭാവിയിൽ, അത്തരം പ്രഭാഷണങ്ങളുടെ ഉച്ചാരണം കേൾക്കാത്ത ഭിക്ഷുക്കളുണ്ടാകും, അത് തതഗതയുടെ വാക്കുകൾ, അഗാധമായ, അർത്ഥത്തിൽ അഗാധമായ, ലോകത്തിനപ്പുറത്തേക്ക് നയിക്കുന്ന, ശൂന്യതയുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു, ചെവി കടം കൊടുക്കുക, അവർ അറിവിൽ മനസ്സ് പ്രയോഗിക്കുകയില്ല, അവർ ആ പഠിപ്പിക്കലുകൾ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുകയും പ്രാവീണ്യം നേടുകയും ചെയ്യില്ല.

നേരെമറിച്ച്, കവികൾ നിർമ്മിച്ച സാഹിത്യ രചനകൾ, രസകരമായ വാക്കുകൾ, രസകരമായ അക്ഷരങ്ങൾ, പുറത്തുനിന്നുള്ളവർ [ധർമ്മം], അല്ലെങ്കിൽ ശിഷ്യന്മാരുടെ വാക്കുകൾ, അത്തരം പ്രഭാഷണങ്ങളുടെ ഉച്ചാരണം അവർ ശ്രദ്ധിക്കും, അവർ ചെവി കടം കൊടുക്കും, പ്രയോഗിക്കും അറിവിലുള്ള അവരുടെ മനസ്സ്, അവർ ആ പഠിപ്പിക്കലുകൾ ഏറ്റെടുക്കുകയും പ്രാവീണ്യം നേടുകയും ചെയ്യും. അങ്ങനെ, തഗീതയുടെ വാക്കുകളായ അഗാധവും അർത്ഥത്തിൽ അഗാധവുമായതും ലോകത്തിനപ്പുറത്തേക്ക് നയിക്കുന്നതും ശൂന്യതയുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നതുമായ പ്രഭാഷണങ്ങൾ അപ്രത്യക്ഷമാകും.

അതിനാൽ, ഭിക്ഷുക്കളേ, നിങ്ങൾ ഇങ്ങനെ പരിശീലിപ്പിക്കണം:

‘തത്തഗതയുടെ വാക്കുകൾ, അഗാധമായ, അർത്ഥത്തിൽ അഗാധമായ, ലോകത്തിനപ്പുറത്തേക്ക് നയിക്കുന്ന, ശൂന്യതയുമായി ബന്ധപ്പെട്ടിരിക്കുന്നു, ഞങ്ങൾ ചെവി കടം കൊടുക്കും, അറിവിൽ നമ്മുടെ മനസ്സ് പ്രയോഗിക്കും, അത്തരം പഠിപ്പിക്കലുകൾ ഞങ്ങൾ പരിഗണിക്കും. ഏറ്റെടുക്കാനും മാസ്റ്റേഴ്സ് ചെയ്യാനും. ‘

ഇങ്ങനെയാണ്, ഭിക്ഷുക്കളേ, നിങ്ങൾ സ്വയം പരിശീലിപ്പിക്കണം.


70) Classical Maltese-Klassiku Malti,
Skoperta ta ‘Wieħed Qajjem b’Univers ta’ Għarfien (DAOAU)

DO PURIFY MIND TAJBA qal Buddha b’kant, mużika u kanzunetti

Darba minnhom, il-Bhagavā kien joqgħod ħdejn Sāvatthī, fil-masġar ta ‘Jeta, il-park ta’ Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} Hemm, il-Bhagavā indirizza l-bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, wieġeb il-Bhikkhus. Il-Bhagavā qal:

Qabel, bhikkhus, id-Dasārahās kellhom ċilindru jismu Mudiṅga. Meta t-tanbur tad-Dasārahās kien imkisser, huma kienu jdaħħlu peg fih. Kien hemm żmien, bhikkhus, meta l-ġilda u l-ġisem oriġinali tat-tanbur Mudiṅga kienu sparixxew. Baqa ‘biss ġabra ta’ inxir.

Bl-istess mod, bhikkhus, fil-ħin futur, se jkun hemm bhikkhus li ma jisimgħux il-kliem ta ‘diskorsi bħal dawn li huma kliem tat-Tathāgata, profondi, profondi fit-tifsira, li jwasslu lil hinn mid-dinja, konnessi mal-vojt, ma jkunux isma ‘widen, ma japplikawx moħħhom fuq l-għarfien, ma jikkunsidrawx dak it-tagħlim bħala meħud u mħaddem.

Għall-kuntrarju, huma se jisimgħu l-espressjoni ta ’diskorsi bħal dawn li huma kompożizzjonijiet letterarji magħmula minn poeti, kliem witty, ittri witty, minn nies minn barra [d-Dhamma], jew il-kliem tad-dixxipli, huma jsellfu widen, se japplikaw moħħhom fuq l-għarfien, huma jikkunsidraw dak it-tagħlim bħala meħud u mħaddem. Għalhekk, bhikkhus, id-diskorsi li huma kliem tat-Tathāgata, profondi, profondi fit-tifsira, li jwasslu lil hinn mid-dinja, konnessi mal-vojt, se jisparixxu.

Għalhekk, Bhikkhus, għandek tħarreġ hekk:

‘Aħna se nisimgħu l-espressjoni ta’ diskorsi bħal dawn li huma kliem tat-Tathāgata, profondi, profondi fit-tifsira, li jwasslu lil hinn mid-dinja, konnessi mal-vojt, aħna nagħtu widna, aħna napplikaw moħħna fuq l-għarfien, nikkunsidraw dak it-tagħlim bħala meħud u mħaddem. ‘

Dan huwa kif, Bhikkhus, għandek tħarreġ lilkom infuskom.


71) Classical Maori-Maori Maori,
Te Discovery o te Whakaoho Kotahi me te Maaramatanga o te Ao (DAOAU)

HE MAHI ATU KI TE MAHI MAI i kii a Buddha me nga waiata, waiata me nga waiata

I tetahi wa, ko te Bhagavā e noho ana i te taha o Sāvatthī, i te ngahere o Jeta, te papa o Anāthapiṇḍika. {N} I reira, ka toro atu te Bhagavā ki nga bhikkhus:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, i whakahoki nga bhikkhus. I kii te Bhagavā:

I mua, bhikkhus, he pahu ta nga Dasārahās ko Mudiṅga te ingoa. Ka pakaru te pahu a nga Dasārahā, ka whakauruhia he titi ki roto. He wa, bhikkhus, i te wa i ngaro ai te kiri taketake me te tinana o te pahu Mudiṅga. He toe noa iho te kohinga titi.

Waihoki, ko nga bhikkhus, a te wa kei te heke mai, ka tae mai nga bhikkhus e kore e whakarongo ki te whakaputa i nga korero penei i nga kupu a te Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu te tikanga, ahu atu ki tua atu o te ao, hono atu ki te koretake, kaore ratau e whakarongo, e kore e toro o raatau hinengaro ki te matauranga, kaore e aro ki era whakaakoranga ki te whaiwhai ake ki te rangatira.

Engari, ka whakarongo ratou ki nga korero o aua korero, ara he tuhinga tito e mahia ana e nga kaitito, kupu ngahau, pukapuka reta, na nga tangata o waho [te Dhamma], nga kupu ranei a nga akonga, ka whakarongo ratou, ka tono to ratau hinengaro mo te matauranga, ka whakaarohia e raatau aua whakaakoranga kia mau ki te taumata. Na, ko nga bhikkhus, ko nga korerorero he kupu na te Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu te tikanga, puta noa i te ao, hono atu ki te koretake, ka ngaro.

No reira, bhikkhus, me whakangungu koe penei:

‘Ka whakarongo matou ki nga korero o enei whaikorero he kupu na te Tathāgata, hohonu, hohonu te tikanga, puta noa i te ao, hono atu ki te kore kau, ka whai taringa tatou, ka tuku o taatau whakaaro ki nga matauranga, ka whakaaroarohia e taatau nga whakaakoranga. kia piki ake, kia rangatira. ‘

Koinei te tikanga, bhikkhus, me whakangungu koutou.


72) Classical Marathi-क्लासिकल माओरी,
जागृत विश्वासह जागृत व्यक्तीचा शोध (डीएओएयू)

बुड जप, संगीत आणि गीतांनी सांगितले

एकदा प्रसंगी, भागता संताच्या जवळ, जेताच्या ग्रोव्ह, अनथपियसिकाच्या उद्यानात राहत होता. {N} तेथे, भगव्यांनी भिक्खूंना अभिषेक केला:

- भिक्खुस.

- भडदानते, भिक्खूसला उत्तर दिले. भगव म्हणाले:

पूर्वी, भिख्खस, दशारास मुडीगा नावाचा एक ड्रम होता. जेव्हा दशरहाचा ड्रम तुटला तेव्हा ते त्यात एक पेग घालायचे. एक काळ असा होता, भिख्खस, जेव्हा मुडीगा ड्रमची मूळ त्वचा आणि शरीर अदृश्य होते. तिथे फक्त पेगची असेंब्लीझ राहिली.

तशाच प्रकारे, भिक्खस, भविष्यात असे भिक्खस असतील जे तात्त्विकतेचे शब्द, प्रगल्भ, प्रगल्भ, जगाच्या पलीकडे जाणा ,्या, शून्यतेने जोडलेल्या अशा भाषणांचे ऐकणार नाहीत. कान द्या, ते ज्ञानावर आपले मन लावणार नाहीत, त्या शिकवण्या घेतल्या गेलेल्या आणि शिकविलेल्या गोष्टीचा विचार करणार नाहीत.

उलटपक्षी, अशा प्रवचनांचे उच्चार ते ऐकतील जे कवींनी केलेल्या साहित्यिक रचना आहेत, मजेदार शब्द आहेत, विनोदी अक्षरे आहेत, [धम्मा] बाहेरील लोकांद्वारे किंवा शिष्यांचे शब्द ते कान देतात, ते लागू होतील त्यांचे ज्ञान ज्ञानावर अवलंबून असेल तर ते त्या शिकवण्यांचा स्वीकार केला जाईल आणि त्या यावर प्रभुत्व असेल. अशा प्रकारे, भिख्खस, जे व्याख्यान म्हणजे तथागतचे शब्द आहेत, अर्थाने सखोल, प्रगल्भ आहेत, जगाच्या पलीकडे, शून्यतेसह जोडलेले आहेत, अदृश्य होतील.

म्हणून, भिख्खूस, तुम्ही असे प्रशिक्षण घ्यावे:

‘आम्ही अशा प्रवचनांचे उच्चार ऐकू जे तागतगटाचे शब्द आहेत, अर्थाने सखोल, प्रगल्भ, जगाच्या पलीकडे जाणे, शून्यतेने जोडलेले, आपण कान देऊ, ज्ञानावर आपले मन लागू करू, आम्ही त्या शिकवणींचा विचार करू वर घेतले आणि मास्टर म्हणून. ‘

अशा प्रकारे, भिख्खूस, तुम्ही स्वतःला प्रशिक्षित केले पाहिजे.


73) Classical Mongolian-Сонгодог Монгол,
Орчлон ертөнцийг танин мэдсэн сэрсэн хүнийг нээх нь (DAOAU)

БУРХАНЫГ САЙН ЦЭВЭРЛЭГЭЭРЭЙ гэж Будда уншлага, хөгжим, дуугаар хэлэв

Нэг удаа Бхагава Саваттигийн ойролцоо Анатапичинагийн цэцэрлэгт хүрээлэнгийн Жетагийн төгөлд амьдардаг байв. {N} Тэнд Бхагава хуврагуудыг бишрэн шүтдэг байв.

- Хуврагууд.

- Бхаддента гэж хуврагууд хариулав. Бхагава хэлэхдээ:

Өмнө нь хуврагууд, Дасарахачуудад Мудиюга нэртэй бөмбөр байсан. Дасарахуудын бөмбөр эвдэрвэл тэд түүнд хадаж оруулдаг байв. Мудигага бөмбөрийн анхны арьс, бие нь алга болсон үе байсан, хуврагууд. Зөвхөн бэхэлгээний бэхэлгээ үлдсэн байв.

Үүнтэй адилаар, хуврагууд, ирээдүйд Татагатагийн үгс, гүн гүнзгий, гүн гүнзгий утга агуулгатай, дэлхийгээс давсан, хоосон хоосон байдалтай холбогдсон ийм ярианы яриаг сонсдоггүй хуврагууд байх болно. зээл өг, тэд мэдлэгээ оюун ухаандаа ашиглахгүй, эдгээр сургаалыг авч, эзэмшсэн гэж үзэхгүй.

Эсрэгээрээ тэд яруу найрагчдын зохиосон уран зохиолын найруулга, уран цэцэн үг, ончтой захидал, гаднаас ирсэн хүмүүс [Дамма], эсвэл шавь нарын үг гэх мэт ярианы яриаг сонсож, сонсох болно. мэдлэгийн талаархи оюун ухаандаа эдгээр сургаалыг авч, эзэмшсэн гэж үзэх болно. Ийнхүү Татхагатагийн үгс болох гүн гүнзгий, гүн гүнзгий утга агуулгатай, ертөнцийн гадна орших хоосон байдалтай холбоотой үгс болох хуврагууд алга болно.

Тиймээс, хуврагууд, та дараахь байдлаар сургах хэрэгтэй.

‘Татагатагийн үгс, гүн гүнзгий, гүн гүнзгий утга агуулгатай, дэлхийгээс давсан, хоосон байдалтай холбогдсон ийм ярианы яриаг бид сонсож, сонсох болно, оюун ухаандаа мэдлэг оюун ухаанаа ашиглаж, эдгээр сургаалыг авч үзэх болно. авч, эзэмших болно. ‘

Биххусууд та нар өөрсдийгөө ингэж сургах хэрэгтэй.

74) Classical Myanmar (Burmese)-Classical မြန်မာ (ဗမာ),
နိုးကြားသောသူအားသတိရှိရှိစကြ ၀ withာဖြင့်ရှာဖွေတွေ့ရှိခြင်း (DAOAU)

ကောင်းသောအကျင့်ကိုကျင့်သုံးပါဗုဒ္ဓသာသနာ၊

အခါတစ်ပါး၌အသျှင်သာရိပုတြာသည်သာဝတ္ထိပြည်အနာထပိဏ်သူဌေး၏အရံဖြစ်သောဇေတဝန်ကျောင်း၌ (သီတင်းသုံး) နေတော်မူ၏။

- ရဟန်းတို့။

- ဘဒ္ဒန္တ၊ အဆိုပါBhagavā said:

ရဟန်းတို့ရှေးကဖြစ်ဖူးသည်ကားဒါဒရာ၌မြူဒါဂါဟူသောစည်သည်ရှိ၏။ ဒါဆာရာ၏စည်ပြိုကွဲသွားသောအခါတံစို့ကိုထည့်လိုက်သည်။ ရဟန်းတို့မူဒူဂါဗုံ၏အသားအရေနှင့်ခန္ဓာကိုယ်ပျောက်ကွယ်သွားသည့်အချိန်ရှိခဲ့သည်။ တံစို့တစ်ခုစုအဝေးသာရှိနေဆဲဖြစ်သည်။

ထိုနည်းတူစွာရဟန်းတို့အနာဂတ်ကာလ၌မြတ်စွာဘုရား၏နက်နဲသောအနက်အဓိပ္ပာယ်နက်နဲသောအနက်ဖွင့်ဆိုချက်စကားများဖြစ်သောမြတ်စွာဘုရားဟောကြားတော်မူသောစကားကိုဟောကြားတော်မူမည့်ရဟန်းတို့သည်ဤလောကကိုစွန့်ကုန်၏၊ နားထောင်ကြလော့။ သူတို့သည်ပညာကိုမကျင့်၊ ထိုတရားကိုယူဆောင်ယူအပ်ကုန်၏၊

ဆန့်ကျင်ဘက်အနေဖြင့်၎င်းတို့သည်ကဗျာဆရာများ၊ လိမ္မာပါးနပ်သောစကားလုံးများ၊ လိမ္မာပါးနပ်သောစာပေများ၊ ပြင်ပမှလူများ (သို့မဟုတ်) တပည့်များ၏စကားများဖြစ်သောသူတို့၏ဟောပြောချက်များကိုနားထောင်ကြလိမ့်မည်၊ သူတို့ကအသိပညာအပေါ်သူတို့စိတ်ကို, ထိုသွန်သင်ချက်များကိုတက်ယူနှင့်ကျွမ်းကျင်အဖြစ်ထည့်သွင်းစဉ်းစားပါလိမ့်မယ်။ ရဟန်းတို့ဤသို့လျှင်မြတ်စွာဘုရား၏တရားစကားဖြစ်သောနက်နဲသောအနက်ရှိုင်းသောအနက်ဖွင့်ဆိုချက်စကားများဖြစ်သောလောကကြီးကို ကျော်လွန်၍ အနတ္တနှင့်ဆက်နွှယ်သောဟောပြောချက်များပျောက်ကွယ်သွားလိမ့်မည်။

ရဟန်းတို့ထို့ကြောင့်သင်သည်ဤသို့ကျင့်ရမည် -

မြတ်စွာဘုရားသည်မြတ်စွာဘုရား၏အနက်ဖွင့်ဆိုချက်စကားများဖြစ်သောမြတ်စွာဘုရားဟောကြားတော်မူသောစကားကိုဟောကြားတော်မူပါကုန်၏၊ တက်ယူ။ ကျွမ်းကျင်ခံရဖို့အဖြစ်။ ‘

ရဟန်းတို့ဤသို့လျှင်သင်တို့ကျင့်ရမည်။

75) Classical Nepali-शास्त्रीय म्यांमार (बर्मा),जागरूकता यूनिवर्स (DAOAU) को साथ जागृत एकको आविष्कार

राम्रो पुरी मन गर्नुहोस् बुद्धले मन्त्र, संगीत र गीतहरूको साथ भने

एक अवसरमा, भागव सन्तथाको नजिकै बसेका थिए, जेताको ग्रोव, अन्तापियसिका पार्कमा। {n} त्यहाँ, भगवले भिक्खुलाई सम्बोधन गरे:

- भिख्खस।

- भददान्तले जवाफ दिए। भगवले भनेः

पहिले, भिख्खुस, दशरसको मुडिṅगा नामको ड्रम थियो। जब दशरसको ड्रम भाँचिन्थ्यो, तिनीहरूले यसमा पेग घुसाउँथे। एक समय, भिख्खस थियो, जब मुडिगा ड्रमको मूल छाला र शरीर हराएको थियो। त्यहाँ केवल पेगको असेंब्लेज बने।

त्यस्तै गरी, भिख्खुस, भविष्यमा पनि, भिख्खस हुनेछन् जसले ताथगताका शब्दहरू, गहन, गहिरो अर्थ, संसारको परिक्रमा गर्ने, शून्यतासँग जोडिएको, त्यस्ता प्रवचनहरूको वाणी सुन्ने छैनन्। कान दिनुहोस्, तिनीहरू ज्ञानमा दिमाग लगाउँदैनन्, तिनीहरूले ती शिक्षा ग्रहण गर्दैनन् र महारतको रूपमा लिनेछन।

यसको विपरित, तिनीहरू यस्ता प्रवचनहरूको बोली सुन्नेछन् जुन कविहरू, बुद्धिको शब्दहरू, बुद्धिको अक्षरहरू, [धम्मा] बाहिरका मानिसहरूले बनाएका साहित्यकार रचनाहरू वा चेलाहरूका शब्दहरू सुन्ने छन्, तिनीहरूले कान सुन्नेछन्, तिनीहरूले लागू गर्नेछन्) ज्ञान मा दिमाग, तिनीहरूले लिइएको र मास्टर को रूपमा ती शिक्षा विचार गर्नेछन्। तसर्थ, भिख्खस, प्रवचन जुन ताथगताका शब्दहरू हुन्, गहन, गहन अर्थमा, विश्वको अगाडि अग्रणी, शून्यतामा जोडिएको, लोप हुनेछ।

तसर्थ, भिख्खुस, तपाईंले यस्तो तालिम दिन सक्नुहुन्छ:

‘हामी त्यस्ता प्रवचनहरूको बोली सुन्नेछौं जुन टाथगटका शब्दहरू हुन्, गहन, गहिरा अर्थपूर्ण, संसारको पार गर्दै शून्यतामा जोडिएको, हामी कान दिनेछौं, हामी ज्ञानमा आफ्नो मन लगाउनेछौं, हामी ती शिक्षाहरूमा विचार गर्नेछौं को रूप मा लिन र मास्टर गर्न को लागी। ‘

यो कसरी हुन्छ, भिख्खस, तपाई आफैले प्रशिक्षण लिनु पर्छ।

76) Classical Norwegian-Klassisk norsk,
Discovery of Awakened One with Awareness Universe (DAOAU)

DO GOOD PURIFY MIND sa Buddha med sang, musikk og sanger

Ved en anledning bodde Bhagavā i nærheten av Sāvatthī, i Jetas lund, Anāthapiṇḍikas park. {N} Der adresserte Bhagavā bhikkhusene:

- Bhikkhus.

- Bhaddante, svarte bhikkhusene. Bhagavā sa:

Tidligere bhikkhus hadde Dasārahās en tromme som het Mudiṅga. Når Dasārahās tromme ble ødelagt, satte de en pinne i den. Det var en tid, bhikkhus, da den opprinnelige huden og kroppen til Mudiṅga-trommelen hadde forsvunnet. Det gjensto bare en samling pinner.

På samme måte, bhikkhus, i fremtiden, vil det være bhikkhus som ikke vil lytte til ytring av slike diskurser som er ord fra Tathāgata, dyp, dyp i betydning, som fører utover verden, forbundet med tomhet, de vil ikke hør øre, de vil ikke bruke tankene sine på kunnskap, de vil ikke betrakte denne læren som tatt opp og mestret.

Tvert imot, de vil lytte til ytring av slike diskurser som er litterære komposisjoner laget av poeter, vittige ord, vittige bokstaver, av mennesker utenfor [Dhamma], eller disiplene, de vil høre øre, de vil bruke når de tenker på kunnskap, vil de betrakte denne læren som tatt opp og mestret. Dermed vil bhikkhus, diskursene som er ord fra Tathāgata, dyp, dyp i mening, som fører ut over verden, forbundet med tomhet, forsvinne.

Derfor, bhikkhus, bør du trene slik:

‘Vi vil lytte til uttalelsen av slike diskurser som er ord fra Tathāgata, dyp, dyp i betydning, som fører utover verden, forbundet med tomhet, vi vil høre øre, vi vil bruke vårt sinn på kunnskap, vi vil vurdere disse læresetningene. som å bli tatt opp og mestret. ‘

Dette er hvordan, bhikkhus, dere skal trene dere.

77) Classical Odia (Oriya),
ସଚେତନତା ବ୍ରହ୍ମାଣ୍ଡ ସହିତ ଜାଗ୍ରତ ହୋଇଥିବା ଆବିଷ୍କାର (DAOAU)

ଭଲ ଶୁଦ୍ଧ ମିନି କରନ୍ତୁ ବୁଦ୍ଧ ଜପ, ସଙ୍ଗୀତ ଏବଂ ଗୀତ ସହିତ କହିଛନ୍ତି |

ଏକ ସମୟରେ, ଭଗ āā ā ସ୍ ā ତ th ନିକଟରେ, ଅନାଥାପିକାଙ୍କ ପାର୍କର ଜେଟାର ଗ୍ରୋଭରେ ରହୁଥିଲେ।

- ଭିକ୍କୁସ୍ |

- ଭଦାନ୍ତେ, ଭିକ୍କୁ ଉତ୍ତର ଦେଲେ | ଭଗବାନ କହିଛନ୍ତି:

ପୂର୍ବରୁ, ଭିକ୍କସ୍, ଦଶରହଙ୍କର ମୁଦିଗା ନାମକ ଏକ ଡ଼୍ରମ୍ ଥିଲା | ଯେତେବେଳେ ଦଶରାହଙ୍କ ଡ୍ରମ୍ ଭାଙ୍ଗିଗଲା, ସେମାନେ ସେଥିରେ ଏକ ପେଗ୍ ଭର୍ତ୍ତି କରିବେ | ଏକ ସମୟ ଥିଲା, ଭିକ୍କସ୍, ଯେତେବେଳେ ମୁଦିଗା ଡ୍ରମର ମୂଳ ଚର୍ମ ଏବଂ ଶରୀର ଅଦୃଶ୍ୟ ହୋଇଯାଇଥିଲା | ସେଠାରେ କେବଳ ଖଣ୍ଡର ଏକ ସମାବେଶ ରହିଲା |

ସେହିଭଳି, ଭିକ୍କସ୍, ଭବିଷ୍ୟତରେ, ସେଠାରେ ଭିକ୍କସ୍ ରହିବେ, ଯେଉଁମାନେ ଏପରି ବକ୍ତବ୍ୟର କଥା ଶୁଣିବେ ନାହିଁ ଯାହା ଟାଥଗାଟାର ଶବ୍ଦ, ଗଭୀର, ଅର୍ଥର ଗଭୀର, ଦୁନିଆ ବାହାରେ, ଶୂନ୍ୟତା ସହିତ ସଂଯୁକ୍ତ, ସେମାନେ କରିବେ ନାହିଁ | କାନ କର, ସେମାନେ ଜ୍ଞାନ ଉପରେ ସେମାନଙ୍କର ମନ ପ୍ରୟୋଗ କରିବେ ନାହିଁ, ସେମାନେ ସେହି ଶିକ୍ଷାଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିବେ ଏବଂ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିବେ ବୋଲି ବିଚାର କରିବେ ନାହିଁ |

ଅପରପକ୍ଷେ, ସେମାନେ ଏପରି ବକ୍ତବ୍ୟର ଉଚ୍ଚାରଣ ଶୁଣିବେ ଯାହା କବି, ଚତୁର ଶବ୍ଦ, ଚତୁର ଅକ୍ଷର, ବାହ୍ୟ [ଧାମ] ର ଲୋକମାନଙ୍କ ଦ୍ୱାରା ନିର୍ମିତ ସାହିତ୍ୟିକ ରଚନା, କିମ୍ବା ଶିଷ୍ୟମାନଙ୍କ ଶବ୍ଦ, ସେମାନେ କାନ ଦେବେ, ସେମାନେ ପ୍ରୟୋଗ କରିବେ | ଜ୍ଞାନ ଉପରେ ସେମାନଙ୍କର ମନ, ସେମାନେ ସେହି ଶିକ୍ଷାଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିବେ ଏବଂ ଗ୍ରହଣ କରିବେ ବୋଲି ବିଚାର କରିବେ | ଏହିପରି, ଭିକ୍କୁସ୍, ବକ୍ତବ୍ୟଗୁଡ଼ିକ ଯାହା ତଥଗାଟାର ଶବ୍ଦ, ଗଭୀର, ଅର୍ଥର ଗଭୀର, ବିଶ୍ beyond ର ବାହାରେ, ଶୂନ୍ୟତା ସହିତ ଜଡିତ, ଲୋପ ପାଇବ |

ତେଣୁ, ଭିକ୍କସ୍, ତୁମେ ଏହିପରି ତାଲିମ ଦେବା ଉଚିତ୍:

‘ଆମେ ଏପରି ବକ୍ତବ୍ୟର ଉଚ୍ଚାରଣ ଶୁଣିବୁ ଯାହା ଟାଥଗାଟାର ଶବ୍ଦ, ଗଭୀର, ଅର୍ଥର ଗଭୀର, ବିଶ୍ beyond ର ବାହାରେ, ଶୂନ୍ୟତା ସହିତ ଜଡିତ, ଆମେ କାନ end ଣ କରିବୁ, ଜ୍ଞାନ ଉପରେ ଆମର ମନ ପ୍ରୟୋଗ କରିବୁ, ଆମେ ସେହି ଶିକ୍ଷାଗୁଡ଼ିକୁ ବିଚାର କରିବୁ; ଯେପରି ନିଆଯିବ ଏବଂ ପ ed ଼ାଯିବ। ‘

ଏହିପରି, ଭିକ୍କସ୍, ତୁମେ ନିଜକୁ ତାଲିମ ଦେବା ଉଚିତ୍ |

78) Classical Pashto- ټولګی پښتو
79) Classical Persian-کلاسیک فارسی
80) Classical Polish-Język klasyczny polski,
81) Classical Portuguese-Português Clássico,
82) Classical Punjabi-ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,
83) Classical Romanian-Clasic românesc,
84) Classical Russian-Классический русский,

85) Classical Samoan-Samoan Samoa,

86) Classical Sanskrit छ्लस्सिचल् षन्स्क्रित्

87) Classical Scots Gaelic-Gàidhlig Albannach Clasaigeach,
88) Classical Serbian-Класични српски,
89) Classical Sesotho-Seserbia ea boholo-holo,

90) Classical Shona-Shona Shona,
91) Classical Sindhi,
92) Classical Sinhala-සම්භාව්ය සිංහල,
93) Classical Slovak-Klasický slovenský,

94) Classical Slovenian-Klasična slovenska,

95) Classical Somali-Soomaali qowmiyadeed,
96) Classical Spanish-Español clásico,
97) Classical Sundanese-Sunda Klasik,
98) Classical Swahili,Kiswahili cha Classical,

99) Classical Swedish-Klassisk svensk,
100) Classical Tajik-тоҷикӣ классикӣ,
101) Classical Tamil-பாரம்பரிய இசைத்தமிழ் செம்மொழி,
102) Classical Tatar
103) Classical Telugu- క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు,
104) Classical Thai-ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก,
105) Classical Turkish-Klasik Türk,
106) Classical Turkmen
107) Classical Ukrainian-Класичний український,
108) Classical Urdu- کلاسیکی اردو

109) Classical Uyghur,

110) Classical Uzbek-Klassik o’z,

111) Classical Vietnamese-Tiếng Việ,

112) Classical Welsh-Cymraeg Clasurol,

113) Classical Xhosa-IsiXhosa zesiXhosa,

114) Classical Yiddish- קלאסישע ייִדיש


115) Classical Yoruba-Yoruba Yoruba,

116) Classical Zulu-I-Classical Zulu


https://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta/nidana/sn20-007.html


SN 20.7 (S ii 266)

Āṇi Sutta


— The peg —
[āṇi]


A very important thing is reminded to us by the Buddha: for our
own benefit as well as for the benfit of the generations yet to come,
we must give most importance to his own actual words, and not so much to
whoever else pretends nowadays or has pretended in the past to be a
proper (Dhamma) teacher.





05) Classical Pāḷi




29) Classical English,Roman


Ekaṃ samayaṃ bhagavā sāvatthiyaṃ viharati Jeta·vane anāthapiṇḍikassa ārāme. Tatra kho bhagavā bhikkhū āmantesi:


On one occasion, the Bhagavā was dwelling near Sāvatthī, in Jeta’s grove, Anāthapiṇḍika’s park.{n} There, the Bhagavā adressed the bhikkhus:


‘Bhikkhavo’ ti.

‘Bhaddante’ ti te bhikkhū bhagavato paccassosuṃ. Bhagavā etad·avoca:


– Bhikkhus.

– Bhaddante, answered the bhikkhus. The Bhagavā said:

Bhūta·pubbaṃ, bhikkhave, dasārahānaṃ ānako nāma mudiṅgo ahosi. Tassa dasārahā ānake phaḷite aññaṃ āṇiṃ odahiṃsu. Ahu kho so, bhikkhave, samayo yaṃ ānakassa mudiṅgassa porāṇaṃ pokkhara·phalakaṃ antaradhāyi. Āṇi·saṅghāṭo·va avasissi.


Formerly, bhikkhus, the Dasārahās had a drum named Mudiṅga. When the
Dasārahās’ drum was broken, they would insert a peg in it. There was a
time, bhikkhus, when the original skin and body of the Mudiṅga drum had
disappeared. There only remained an assemblage of pegs.

Evam·eva kho, bhikkhave, bhavissanti bhikkhū anāgatam·addhānaṃ, ye te suttantā tathāgata·bhāsitā gambhīrā gambhīr·atthā lok·uttarā suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttā, tesu bhaññamānesu na sussūsissanti, na sotaṃ odahissanti na aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessanti na ca te dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissanti.


In the same way, bhikkhus, in future time, there will be bhikkhus who
will not listen to the utterance of such discourses which are words of
the Tathāgata, profound, profound in meaning, leading beyond the world,
connected with emptiness, they will not lend ear, they will not apply
their mind on knowledge, they will not consider those teachings as to be
taken up and mastered.

Ye pana te suttantā kavi·katā kāveyyā citt·akkharā citta·byañjanā bāhirakā sāvaka·bhāsitā, tesu bhaññamānesu sussūsissanti sotaṃ odahissanti aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessanti, te ca dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissanti. Evam·etesaṃ, bhikkhave, suttantānaṃ tathāgata·bhāsitānaṃ gambhīrānaṃ gambhīr·atthānaṃ lok·uttarānaṃ suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttānaṃ antaradhānaṃ bhavissati.


On the contrary, they will listen to the utterance of such discourses
which are literary compositions made by poets, witty words, witty
letters, by people from outside [the Dhamma], or the words of disciples,
they will lend ear, they will apply their mind on knowledge, they will
consider those teachings as to be taken up and mastered. Thus, bhikkhus,
the discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound, profound in
meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with emptiness, will
disappear.

Tasmātiha, bhikkhave, evaṃ sikkhitabbaṃ:ye te suttantā tathāgata·bhāsitā, gambhīrā gambhīr·atthā lok·uttarā suññata·p·paṭisaṃyuttā, tesu bhaññamānesu sussūsissāma sotaṃ odahissāma aññā cittaṃ upaṭṭhāpessāma, te ca dhamme uggahetabbaṃ pariyāpuṇitabbaṃ maññissāmati. Evañhi vo, bhikkhave, sikkhitabban·ti.


Therefore, bhikkhus, you should train thus: ‘We will listen to the
utterance of such discourses which are words of the Tathāgata, profound,
profound in meaning, leading beyond the world, connected with
emptiness, we will lend ear, we will apply our mind on knowledge, we
will consider those teachings as to be taken up and mastered.’ This is
how, bhikkhus, you should train yourselves.

Bodhi leaf



05) Classical Pāḷi

06) Classical Devanagari,Classical Hindi-Devanagari- शास्त्रीय हिंदी,
07) Classical Cyrillic
08) Classical Afrikaans– Klassieke Afrikaans

09) Classical Albanian-Shqiptare klasike,
10) Classical Amharic-አንጋፋዊ አማርኛ,
11) Classical Arabic-اللغة العربية الفصحى
12) Classical Armenian-դասական հայերեն,

13) Classical Azerbaijani- Klassik Azərbaycan,
14) Classical Basque- Euskal klasikoa,
15) Classical Belarusian-Класічная беларуская,
16) Classical Bengali-ক্লাসিক্যাল বাংলা,
17) Classical  Bosnian-Klasični bosanski,
18) Classical Bulgaria- Класически българск,
19) Classical  Catalan-Català clàssic
20) Classical Cebuano-Klase sa Sugbo,

21) Classical Chichewa-Chikale cha Chichewa,

22) Classical Chinese (Simplified)-古典中文(简体),

23) Classical Chinese (Traditional)-古典中文(繁體),

24) Classical Corsican-C
orsa Corsicana,

25) Classical  Croatian-Klasična hrvatska,
26) Classical  Czech-Klasická čeština


27) Classical  Danish-Klassisk dansk,Klassisk dansk,
28) Classical  Dutch- Klassiek Nederlands,
29) Classical English,Roman
30) Classical Esperanto-Klasika Esperanto,

31) Classical Estonian- klassikaline eesti keel,

32) Classical Filipino klassikaline filipiinlane,
33) Classical Finnish- Klassinen suomalainen,

34) Classical French- Français classique,

35) Classical Frisian- Klassike Frysk,

36) Classical Galician-Clásico galego,
37) Classical Georgian-კლასიკური ქართული,
38) Classical German- Klassisches Deutsch,
39) Classical Greek-Κλασσικά Ελληνικά,
40) Classical Gujarati-ક્લાસિકલ ગુજરાતી,
41) Classical Haitian Creole-Klasik kreyòl,

42) Classical Hausa-Hausa Hausa,
43) Classical Hawaiian-Hawaiian Hawaiian,

44) Classical Hebrew- עברית קלאסית
45) Classical Hmong- Lus Hmoob,

46) Classical Hungarian-Klasszikus magyar,

47) Classical Icelandic-Klassísk íslensku,
48) Classical Igbo,Klassískt Igbo,

49) Classical Indonesian-Bahasa Indonesia Klasik,

50) Classical Irish-Indinéisis Clasaiceach,
51) Classical Italian-Italiano classico,
52) Classical Japanese-古典的なイタリア語,
53) Classical Javanese-Klasik Jawa,
54) Classical Kannada- ಶಾಸ್ತ್ರೀಯ ಕನ್ನಡ,
55) Classical Kazakh-Классикалық қазақ,

56) Classical Khmer- ខ្មែរបុរាណ,

57) Classical Kinyarwanda
58) Classical Korean-고전 한국어,
59) Classical Kurdish (Kurmanji)-Kurdî (Kurmancî),

60) Classical Kyrgyz-Классикалык Кыргыз,
61) Classical Lao-ຄລາສສິກລາວ,
62) Classical Latin-LXII) Classical Latin,

63) Classical Latvian-Klasiskā latviešu valoda,

64) Classical Lithuanian-Klasikinė lietuvių kalba,
65) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,

66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,
67) Classical Malagasy,класичен малгашки,
68) Classical Malay-Melayu Klasik,
69) Classical Malayalam-ക്ലാസിക്കൽ മലയാളം,

70) Classical Maltese-Klassiku Malti,
71) Classical Maori-Maori Maori,
72) Classical Marathi-क्लासिकल माओरी,
73) Classical Mongolian-Сонгодог Монгол,

74) Classical Myanmar (Burmese)-Classical မြန်မာ (ဗမာ),

75) Classical Nepali-शास्त्रीय म्यांमार (बर्मा),
76) Classical Norwegian-Klassisk norsk,
77) Classical Odia (Oriya)
78) Classical Pashto- ټولګی پښتو
79) Classical Persian-کلاسیک فارسی
80) Classical Polish-Język klasyczny polski,
81) Classical Portuguese-Português Clássico,
82) Classical Punjabi-ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,
83) Classical Romanian-Clasic românesc,
84) Classical Russian-Классический русский,

85) Classical Samoan-Samoan Samoa,

86) Classical Sanskrit छ्लस्सिचल् षन्स्क्रित्

87) Classical Scots Gaelic-Gàidhlig Albannach Clasaigeach,
88) Classical Serbian-Класични српски,
89) Classical Sesotho-Seserbia ea boholo-holo,

90) Classical Shona-Shona Shona,
91) Classical Sindhi,
92) Classical Sinhala-සම්භාව්ය සිංහල,
93) Classical Slovak-Klasický slovenský,

94) Classical Slovenian-Klasična slovenska,

95) Classical Somali-Soomaali qowmiyadeed,
96) Classical Spanish-Español clásico,
97) Classical Sundanese-Sunda Klasik,
98) Classical Swahili,Kiswahili cha Classical,

99) Classical Swedish-Klassisk svensk,
100) Classical Tajik-тоҷикӣ классикӣ,
101) Classical Tamil-பாரம்பரிய இசைத்தமிழ் செம்மொழி,
102) Classical Tatar
103) Classical Telugu- క్లాసికల్ తెలుగు,
104) Classical Thai-ภาษาไทยคลาสสิก,
105) Classical Turkish-Klasik Türk,
106) Classical Turkmen
107) Classical Ukrainian-Класичний український,
108) Classical Urdu- کلاسیکی اردو

109) Classical Uyghur,

110) Classical Uzbek-Klassik o’z,

111) Classical Vietnamese-Tiếng Việ,

112) Classical Welsh-Cymraeg Clasurol,

113) Classical Xhosa-IsiXhosa zesiXhosa,

114) Classical Yiddish- קלאסישע ייִדיש


115) Classical Yoruba-Yoruba Yoruba,

116) Classical Zulu-I-Classical Zulu

comments (0)
GVL Narasimha Rao Democracy at Risk! Can we trust our Electronic Voting Machines? Dedicated to the Citizens of Prabuddha Bharat
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 11:30 am
The Election Commission insists EVMs cannot be rigged to achieve a pre-determined outcome. (Rhythum Seth/<b/>The Quint)”><br /><font size=



http://news.webindia123.com/…/India/20100828/1575461.html
logo
RSS favours paper ballots, EVMs subjected to public scrutiny
New Delhi | Saturday, Aug 28 2010 IST
Joining
the controversy regarding the reliablity of Electronic Voting Machines
(EVMs) which have been questioned by political parties, the RSS today
asked the Election Commission (EC) to revert back to tried and tested
paper ballots and subject EVMs to public scrutiny whether these gadgets
are tamper proof. In an editorial titled ‘Can we trust our EVMs?’, The
Organiser, the RSS mouthpiece, noted it was a fact that till date an
absolutely tamper-proof machine had not been invented and credibility of
any system depends on ‘transparency, verifiability and trustworthiness’
than on blind and atavistic faith in its infallibility. The issue is
not a ‘private affair’ and it involves the future of India. Even if the
EVMs were genuine, there was no reason for the EC to be touchy about it,
the paper commented. The Government and the EC can’t impose EVMs as a
fait accompli on Indian democracy as the only option before the voter.
There were flaws like booth capturing, rigging, bogus voting, tampering
and ballot paper snatching in the ballot paper system of polling leading
the country to switch over to the EVMs and all these problems were
relevant in EVMs too. Rigging was possible even at the counting stage.
What made the ballot papers voter-friendly was that all aberrations were
taking place before the public eye and hence open for corrections
whereas the manipulations in the EVMs is entirely in the hands of powers
that be and the political appointees manning the sytem, the paper
commented. The EVM has only one advantage — ’speed’ but that advantage
has been undermined by the staggered polls at times spread over three to
four months. ‘’This has already killed the fun of the election
process,’’ the paper noted. Of the dozen General Elections held in the
country, only two were through the EVMs and instead of rationally
addressing the doubts aired by reputed institutions and experts the
Government has resorted to silence its critics by ‘intimidation and
arrests on false charges’, the paper observed, recalling the arrest of
Hyederabad-based technocrat Hari Prasad by the Mumbai Police. Prasad’s
research has proved that the EVMs were ‘vulnerable to fraud’. The
authorities want to send a message that anybody who challenges the EC
runs the risk of persecution and harassment, the RSS observed. Most
countries around the world looked at the EVMs with suspicion and
countries like the Netherlands, Italy, Germany and Ireland had all
reverted back to paper ballots shunning EVMs because they were ‘easy to
falsify, risked eavesdropping and lacked transparency’. Democracy is too
precious to be handed over to whims or an opaque establishment and
network of unsafe gizmos. ‘’For the health of Indian democracy it is
better to return to tried and tested methods or else elections in future
can turn out to be a farce,’’ the editorial said.
– (UNI) — 28DI28.xml

Today
the very same fraud EVMs which was doubted by RSS on Saturday, Aug 28
2010 has been tampered in favor of 1% RSS’s Bevakoof Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP)
for Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) who WERE HATERS, who ARE
HATERS and will CONTINUE TO BE HATERS.

Though
the Supreme Court had ordered to replace all the fraud EVMs with fool
proof voting system that is being followed by 120 democries of the world
and the tried and tested paper ballots used in the recent UK elections,
the ex CJI Sathasivan committed a grave error of judgement in allowing
the fraud EVMs to be replaced in phases as suggested by the ex CEC
Sampath because of the cost of Rs 1600 crore involved in replacing the
fraud EVMs totally.
Now the country is OF
the fraud EVMs favored 1% Horrorist, Militant, Violent, Intolerant,
Heckling, Lynching Stealth hindutva chitpawan brahmin RSS’s Bevakoof
Jhoothe Psychopaths  (BJP) for Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)!
BY
the fraud EVMs favored 0.1% Terrorist, Militant, Violent, Intolerant,
Heckling, Stealth hindutva chitpawan brahmin RSS’s Bevakoof
Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) for Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)!!

FOR
the fraud EVMs favored 1% Terrorist, Militant, Violent, Intolerant,
Heckling, Stealth hindutva chitpawan brahmin RSS’s Bevakoof
Jhoothe Psychopaths (BJP) for Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)!!!

AND
OFF
the 99% Sarvajan Samaj i.e., all societies including LOYAL Arogya
Rakshakas (Safai Karmacharis)/SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities and Poor Upper
Castes!
to
BUY
the 99% Sarvajan Samaj i.e., all societies including LOYAL Arogya
Rakshakas (Safai Karmacharis)/SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities and Poor Upper
Castes!
FAR
the 99% Sarvajan Samaj i.e., all societies including LOYAL Arogya
Rakshakas (Safai Karmacharis)/SC/STs/OBCs/Minorities and Poor Upper
Castes!

Once
again the Supreme Court has to be pursued by 99.9% Sarvajan Samaj i.e.,
All Societies literates to SCRAP all the Central and Sate Elections
conducted with these fraud EVMs and order for fresh elections with FOOL
PROOF VOTING SYSTEM. Since the MEDIA has become DEADWOOD for the 99% and
ALIVE just for 0.1% chitpavan brahmins and Baniyas HIGHLIGHT this issue both ONLINE
by creating WEBSITES, BLOGS, Emails, SMSs etc., and OFFLINE by taking
the message directly to the people.                                                                                                                   Democracy at Risk ! Can we trust our Electronic Voting Machines?
published on July 17, 2010

Author – Shri.G.V.L. Narasimha Rao

Electronic Voting Machines (shortly called EVMs) have become an intrinsic part of Indian elections. However lay public have least understanding and awareness on EVMs and thus their associated risks. This book is written with an objective of filling this information and awareness gap. It has been dedicated to the Citizens of India who deserve a fully transparent and verifiable electoral system. Â

The author of the book is a leading survey researcher, election analyst and political commentator whose columns and articles have appeared in leading dailies. He has been amazingly investigative to make this book truly a ‘Shocking exposé️ of the Election Commission’️s failure to assure the integrity of India’️s electronic voting system’️. He is also the only author of a book on ‘Indian EVMs’️.  With this distinction, the book has rightly earned – a foreword by Shri. L.K. Advani (Chairman of BJP), message of Shri. N. Chandrababu Naidu (techno savvy politician) and Prof. David Dill, Stanford University. Â

The book is divided into 16 Chapters with each uncovering untold facts on ‘Indian EVMs’️. The reader is first introduced to the scenario wherein EVMs make their advent into elections in U.S. and Western Europe as an alternative to Paper Ballots and how they draw criticisms from many quarters for not meeting minimal standards of system integrity, transparency, verifiability and accountability in case of disputes. The author mentions the case of countries like Germany, Holland, Ireland who abandon EVMs and go back to paper ballots & U.S. whose 32 out of 50 states pass legislation making it mandatory to have verifiable physical record of every single vote cast.

Parallel runs the sad story on how the Election Commission of India (ECI) has been publicly spreading ‘Big Lies’️ that Indian EVMs cannot be tampered while experts worldwide feel otherwise. Not many readers would know that Bharat Electronics Ltd. (BEL) and Electronics Corporation of India Ltd. (ECIL) who are the ‘manufacturers’️ of ECI-EVMs outsource the crucial task of fusing the “secret” source code (program for counting poll results) onto microchips used in EVMs to foreign companies. The author questions the motive behind the actions of these 100% Govt. owned PSUs when they could have done the job themselves! One is lost for words to note how the ECI, its expert committee headed by Prof. P.V. Indiresan, BEL and ECIL all remain admittedly unconfirmed on the originality of the hence ‘fused’️ source code and also the supplied microchips before and after the ECI puts the EVMs to use in elections!

The reply given under RTI by the ECI to Sri. V.V. Rao in Page 33 reads, “Out of 13.78 lakh EVMs, 9.30 lakh EVMs were old machines and 4.48 lakh EVMs were new machines…. Upgraded EVMs were used in all the Parliamentary Constituencies of Arunachal Pradesh. Bihar, Chhattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat, Manipur, Mizoram, Meghalaya, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Dadra & Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu and Lakshadweep.” Mentioning the vulnerabilities of Old EVMs the author fires a series of questions related to the choice of states where they were employed. These have failed to elicit any response from the ECI till date. Also mentioned are instances where the ECI shows no regard to its own expert committee recommendations and goes ahead in conducting polls.

  The author in his inimitable style gives a lively run up to the 2009 General Elections with many expecting a hung parliament. Chapter 4 vividly describes the case studies of abnormal functioning of some EVMs during polls. May 16th  shocks one and all, thus going against the normally foretelling Exit Polls! Political parties start expressing their fears over the use of EVMs. The reader is advised to see these in the light of how some parties were approached by “Electronic Fixers” demanding hefty sums to fix elections in their desired constituencies portrayed as a thriller in Chapter 5!

Later explained is the paradox of how the ECI has been in blocking every effort of public spirited individuals and Indian IT experts in demonstrating the vulnerability of its own EVMs. Whether use of EVMs is constitutionally valid? Are the 2004 & 2009 Lok Sabha Polls legal? More to add, the book offers solutions to the problem of ‘Indian EVMs’️. Though the matter of ‘Indian EVMs’️ is pending at court, one hopes for a landmark judgment delivered as was the case in other successful democracies. This book is a journey in itself and should be an invaluable possession for all those who cherish and stand by democracy. It will be remembered forever as a unique book which triggered a nationwide debate and the one which led to healthy reforms in Indian elections.


https://www.deshgujarat.com/2019/05/21/evm-reforms-and-lk-advani-dr-subramanian-swamy-and-gvl-narsimha-rao/
EVM reforms and LK Advani, Dr Subtramanian Swamy and GVL Narasimha Rao
Starting from year 2010 BJP learder, LK Advani and Subramanian Swamy opposed EVMs and EVMs needs to be abolished.
What Advani had said about EVMs ?
LK Advani had written a forward in a book ‘Democracy at Risk’ in 2010. The Book was written by another BJP leader GVL Narasimha Rao.

Cover Demcracy at Risk-FINAL.cdr

Foreword

In many democracies of the world the issue of electronic voting
machines has become a matter of wide-spread public
discussion. In India we have been conducting our elections
through this device for the last two Lok Sabha elections and
also in various Assembly elections held recently. But as yet
there has been little debate on how useful these machines have
proved. So when the author of this book G.V.L. Narasimha Rao
approached me and requested me to write its Foreword, I not
only accepted his plea, but complimented him for his efforts to
compile all the facts he could on the subject and initiate a
debate. The title of the book is certainly provocative.

Electoral Reforms has been my favourite subject of study since
the mid sixties. When I was elected to Rajya Sabha in 1970, I
discussed the matter with Shri Vajpayee who was at that time
a member of Lok Sabha. He agreed to raise the issue in the
Lower House, and try to have a JPC set up to study the
question. Those days the issue of defections, abuse of
governmental power in polls and growing misuse of money
power in elections were three evils causing concern to everyone
concerned with the health of Indian democracy. It was at the
initiative of Shri Vajpayee that in 1970 a Joint Parliamentary
Committee for Electoral Reforms was set up. Both he as well
as I served on this Committee. This Committee proved short
lived because the Lok Sabha was dissolved in 1971.

After the 1971 general elections, Shri Vajpayee raised the issue
once again and saw to it that a new JPC was constituted. This
Committee which gave its report in 1972 made several
important recommendations some of which were accepted. The
initiative taken by Vajpayee did not end there. Since then,
several other committees have been formed, all aimed at
reforming the poll process. My party has been proactively
cooperating with all such efforts - be it the Tarkunde Committee
(1974) or the Dinesh Goswami Committee (1990) or the Indrajit
Gupta Committee (1998). The NDA Government headed by Shri
Vajpayee also took several initiatives. But I must admit that
the phenomenal increase in the cost of elections and increasing
corruption that is being witnessed is extremely worrisome.

http://www.indianevm.com/book_democracy_at_risk_2010.pdf

GVL Narasimha Rao

Democracy at Risk!

Can we trust our Electronic Voting Machines?

Copyright @ GVL Narasimha Rao 2010
All rights reserved

Published in 2010 by

Citizens for Verifiability,
Transparency & Accountability
in Elections
B4/ 137, Safdarjung Enclave, New Delhi 110 029
vetabooks@gmail.com, democracyatrisk@gmail.com
Phone: 91 9873300800 (Sagar Baria)

Printed in India by:
Sharp Prints, G-5, Red Rose Building,
49-50 Nehru Place, New Delhi-110019
Email: raman@sharppr.net

Dedicated to the Citizens of Prabuddha Bharat:

They deserve a fully transparent and
verifiable electoral system

Contents

Foreword by Shri L.K. Advani
Message from Shri N. Chandrababu Naidu
Message from Prof. David L. Dill, Stanford University
Acknowledgments

Introduction 1

  1. 1  The India EVM Story 7

  2. 2  The Big Lie 19

  3. 3  Questionable Decisions of Election Commission 31

  4. 4  Faulty Machines Cause Tampering Concerns 41

  5. 5  Electronic Fixers Demand Hefty Sums 57

  6. 6  The X Factor 65

  7. 7  Vote of No Confidence 83

  8. 8  Farce of Enquiry by Election Commission 97

  9. 9  Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 111

  10. 10  Voting Machines Demystified 123

  11. 11  Software Isn’t Safe… 133

  12. 12  …..Nor is Hardware 147

  13. 13  Weak Links in the Chain 159

  14. 14  Hacking EVMs, Hijacking the Mandate 173

  15. 15  Are Indian EVMs Constitutional? 179

  16. 16  Restore Transparency & Verifiability 187

List of Annexures

1. ‘Resolution on Electronic Voting,’ Verified Voting
Foundation 195

  1. ‘Use of Electronic Voting Machines
    Unconstitutional’ – Judgment of Federal
    Constitutional Court of Germany (Press
    Release)

  2. ‘We Do Not Trust Machines’ (Article in
    Newsweek)

197

203

  1. ‘How To Trust Electronic Voting’ (Editorial in New
    York Times)
    206

  2. ‘The Good News (Really) About Voting
    Machines’ (Article in New York Times)
    208

  1. ‘A Single Person could Swing an Election’
    (Article in Washington Post)

  2. Election Petition of Congress candidate Alok
    Jena in Orissa High Court (Extracts)

  3. Writ petition of Subramanian Swamy in Delhi
    High Court (Extracts)

213

215

221

Message

There is an on-going debate in the country on the efficacy of
EVMs in recording of votes according to the wish of the voter
concerned. A leading non-governmental organization, Jana
Chaitanya Vedika has demonstrated before the press the
vulnerability of these machines. Sri Omesh Saigal, a former
Secretary to the Government of India, has also complained that
it is “possible and plausible” to manipulate EVMs to obtain a
perverse result.

The standard defence put forward by the Election Commission
of India is that the EVMs are manufactured and supplied by
the leading public sector undertakings and they were introduced
after a series of field trials and expert checks. However, the facts
do not support the confidence expressed by the Election
Commission. The experts highlight several lacunae which give
rise to doubts about the integrity of the EVMs.

Credibility is the essence of the election process, and one cannot
ignore the fact that technologically advanced countries like
Germany, Ireland, Netherlands and the U.S.A. are either
banning or prescribing stringent conditions for the usage of
EVMs for registering the public vote.

I feel that it is incumbent on the Election Commission of India
to address the concerns of the public seriously and to take steps
to ensure that EVMs are used in future only with adequate
safeguards.

I wish to congratulate GVL Narasimha Rao, whom I have known
for many years, for the immense effort he has put in to bring
out this important book. It presents a very comprehensive
analysis of all the issues concerning EVMs, backed up by facts
and the views of Indian and international experts. I do hope
that the book opens up the issue for a national debate, and
that we may soon have a reformed voting system in which our
citizens can repose confidence.

February 1, 2010

(N. Chadrababu Naidu)

Message

An important function of elections is to establish the
legitimacy of the elected officials in the eyes of the public.
Skeptical, untrusting observers should be able to see that
election results are accurate. It is not sufficient for election
results to be accurate; the public must know that the results
are accurate. Civil society is damaged if elections are not
credible, even in the absence of demonstrable fraud.

In traditional elections, paper ballots contribute to election
credibility because voters can ensure that their votes have been
properly recorded (when they write them on the ballot), and poll
workers and observers at the polling place can ensure that
ballots are not changed, added or removed after being deposited
in the ballot box.

In contrast, purely electronic voting machines do not allow
voters to verify that their votes have been accurately recorded,
and do not allow observers to witness that the ballots have not
been tampered with. Electronic voting machines provide no
evidence during or after the election to convince a skeptic that
the election results are accurate.

It is not clear that this situation would be acceptable even if
electronic voting machines could be guaranteed to be accurate
and honest. But such assurances are well beyond the current
state of computer technology. It is not practical to design fully
error-free and reliable computing equipment. More importantly,
it is not feasible to prevent malicious changes to the machines’
hardware or software. Electronic voting machines are especially
vulnerable to malicious changes by insiders such as designers,
programmers, manufacturers, maintenance technicians, etc. Of
course, these problems are magnified enormously when the
design of the machines is held secret from independent
reviewers.

With current technology, the only trustworthy voting
technologies are those that allow individual voters to verify that
their votes have been properly recorded on a paper ballot. In
the United States, most voting systems rely on paper ballots
that are filled out directly by the voters, and counted either by
hand or by machine. If the votes are counted by machine, it is
necessary to audit the performance of the machines by choosing
groups of ballots at random and counting them by hand.

In 2003 in the U.S., I authored the “Resolution on Electronic
Voting,'’ which has been endorsed by thousands of computer
professionals including many of the World’s most respected
computer scientists. It states: “Computerized voting equipment
is inherently subject to programming error, equipment
malfunction, and malicious tampering.'’

It is time to recognize the reality that there is no basis for public
trust in paperless electronic voting equipment.

This book by Mr. Narasimha Rao on Indian electronic voting
machines brings out the fact that Indian EVMs are subject to
the same questions raised about electronic voting in other
countries. I hope that it will spark a long-overdue public debate
on these issues.

David L. Dill

February 3, 2010 Professor of Computer Science

Stanford University, Gates Bldg Rm 344
Stanford, CA 94305-9030
Office: (650) 725-3642, Fax: (650) 725-6949
dill@cs.stanford.edu

Acknowledgments

This book would not have been possible without all those who
shared much information and insights over the seven
months that it has taken me to complete the effort. I owe my
heartfelt thanks to each one of them.

For editing the book and making many suggestions over several
weeks on content, style and design, I would like to thank K.
Balakrishnan, formerly Research Editor of the Times of India.
It was his suggestion that led me to focus on marshalling
compelling arguments based on factual reports, field based
evidences, published materials, international experiences etc
and helped me to turn out something far more substantial than
what would otherwise have been an academic discourse.
Balakrishnan and I had co-authored a book titled “Indian
elections in the Nineties” a decade ago.

Hari Prasad, managing director of NetIndia Private Ltd. and a
“hactivist” was the key source of technical information and
insights presented in this book. I would like to thank Hari
Prasad and his colleagues Arun Kumar K, Vasavya Y, PSV
Prasad and Suresh K for their invaluable contribution.

There are two eminent political leaders who lent moral strength
to this effort. My heartfelt thanks to Shri L. K. Advani for readily
consenting to write the Foreword for the book. A politician of
unmatched intellect, Shri L.K. Advani is receptive to ideas and
has recently done a blog on the EVMs on his personal website
highlighting his concerns. As the Chairman of the BJP
parliamentary party, I sincerely hope that he would take up the
issue in parliament.

I owe gratitude to Shri Chandrababu Naidu, who readily agreed
to write a message for the book. As India’s first laptop-toting
techno savvy politician, he understands both the positives and
negatives of information technology. With his famed networking
skills, I am confident that Shri Naidu will bring about a political
consensus to effect necessary safeguards in our voting system.

A lot of background material on the subject was furnished by
V.V. Rao, petitioner in the public interest litigation filed in the
Supreme Court. I owe him a big thank you. Thanks are also
due to Satya Dosapati based in New Jersey for networking with
many leading international experts on the subject.

Some of my colleagues also deserve my thanks: Parimal Kumar
Singh for compiling information on international experiences
and Shalu George for filing, typing many annexures and other
background materials and printing several drafts of the chapters
for review.

My wife, Mydhili Rao and my two school going sons, Vishal and
Vineel have supported me throughout the period of writing this
book. Mydhili read through many of my earlier chapters, gave
suggestions to make it readable and kept my motivation high.
My sons put up with my long hours on our home computer
which I barely allowed them to use during the period.

My thanks are due to you, readers, for taking time off to
read this book. I hope that this book would make you sit up,
think and act in the interest of protecting our wonderful
democracy.

I shall be happy to receive any comments and suggestions at
nrao@drsindia.org

Introduction

Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty.

Thomas Jefferson

Electronic voting machines (EVMs) were introduced
on an experimental basis in a limited way in Indian
elections in 1982, and they have been in universal use
since the general elections of 2004, when paper ballots
were phased out completely.

Is it possible therefore to say now, that the horror
stories of the earlier era – of doctored electoral rolls,
voter intimidation, booth capturing, et al – are a distant
memory, and that we have entered a new and glorious
age of clean, free and fair elections? Though the Election
Commission of India would have us believe so, the
ground reality is different and quite disturbing.

It is noteworthy that over this period EVMs came into
use extensively in many countries around the world,
particularly in the U.S. and Western Europe. But their
experience has not been happy. Everywhere, the
electronic voting systems have come to be criticized, by
citizens’ groups, IT experts, lawyers and academicians,
for not meeting minimal standards of system integrity,
transparency, verifiability and allowing for a fair recount
in case of disputes.

Democracy at Risk

A group of over a thousand international technical
experts have subscribed to a “Resolution on Electronic
Voting’ that categorically asserts*:

“Election integrity cannot be assured without
openness and transparency. But an election without
voter-verifiable ballots [physical proof of voting]
cannot be open and transparent: The voter
cannot know that the vote eventually reported is
the same as the vote cast, nor can candidates or
others gain confidence in the accuracy of the
election by observing the voting and vote counting
processes.”

“There is no reliable way to detect errors in
recording votes or deliberate election rigging with
these machines. Hence,
the results of any election
conducted using these machines are open to question.”

http://www.verifiedvotingfoundation.org

The Federal Constitutional Court of Germany
(equivalent to the Supreme Court in India) in a landmark
judgment in March, 2009 held that
electronic voting is
unconstitutional because the average citizen could not be
expected to understand the exact steps involved in the
recording and tallying of votes by the electronic voting
machines.
Following the Court’s verdict, Germany has
banned use of electronic voting machines.

Holland and Ireland too have abandoned EVMs and
have gone back to paper ballots. And developed and
technologically advanced countries in our region like
Japan and Singapore have so far stuck to paper ballot
voting, owing to their simplicity, verifiability and voter
confidence in the system.

Today, reliability of Electronic Voting Machines and
the integrity of electoral verdicts is a subject of intense
political debate and media scrutiny across the world.

* See Annexure 1
See Annexure 2

A group of over a thousand international technical
experts have subscribed to a “Resolution on Electronic
Voting’ that categorically asserts*:

“Election integrity cannot be assured without
openness and transparency. But an election without
voter-verifiable ballots [physical proof of voting]
cannot be open and transparent: The voter
cannot know that the vote eventually reported is
the same as the vote cast, nor can candidates or
others gain confidence in the accuracy of the
election by observing the voting and vote counting
processes.”

“There is no reliable way to detect errors in
recording votes or deliberate election rigging with
these machines. Hence,
the results of any election
conducted using these machines are open to question.”

http://www.verifiedvotingfoundation.org

The Federal Constitutional Court of Germany
(equivalent to the Supreme Court in India) in a landmark
judgment in March, 2009 held that
electronic voting is
unconstitutional because the average citizen could not be
expected to understand the exact steps involved in the
recording and tallying of votes by the electronic voting
machines.
Following the Court’s verdict, Germany has
banned use of electronic voting machines.

Holland and Ireland too have abandoned EVMs and
have gone back to paper ballots. And developed and
technologically advanced countries in our region like
Japan and Singapore have so far stuck to paper ballot
voting, owing to their simplicity, verifiability and voter
confidence in the system.

Today, reliability of Electronic Voting Machines and
the integrity of electoral verdicts is a subject of intense
political debate and media scrutiny across the world.

* See Annexure 1
See Annexure 2

Excerpts from two recently published reports in reputed
international publications, the Newsweek magazine and
the New York Times, would give a flavour of the
prevailing opinion.*

We Do Not Trust Machines; people reject electronic
voting
by Evgeny Morozov, Published May 23, 2009

A backlash against e-voting (on electronic voting
machines) is brewing all over the continent
(Europe)…State and local governments across the
United States, much like European governments,
are getting increasingly impatient with e-voting.
Voters would be justified in (asking for) dispensing
with e-voting altogether. At the moment, there’s
very little to like about it.

Editorial

How to Trust Electronic Voting

Published: June 21, 2009

Electronic voting machines that do not produce a
paper record of every vote cast cannot be trusted…In
paperless electronic voting, voters mark their
choices, and when the votes have all been cast, the
machine spits out the results. There is no way to be
sure that a glitch or intentional vote theft - by
malicious software or computer hacking - did not
change the outcome. Few issues matter as much as
ensuring that election results can be trusted.

Thirty-two of the 50 states in the U.S. have passed
legislation making it mandatory to have verifiable
physical record of every single vote cast. Another six

* See Annexures 3 & 4

states are following the same safeguards, though it is
not mandatory according to their statutes.

In a 2005 report titled Building Confidence in U.S.
Elections,
Jimmy Carter (former president of the United
States) and James Baker III (former secretary of state),
co-chairs of the bipartisan Commission on Federal
Election Reform suggested that all electronic voting
machines be equipped with a voter-verifiable paper audit
trail for the following four reasons.

  1. a)  To increase citizens’ confidence that their vote
    will be counted accurately

  2. b)  To allow for a recount

  3. c)  To provide a back up in cases of loss of votes
    due to malfunction

  4. d)  To test – through a random selection of
    machines – whether the paper result is the
    same as the electronic result

Independent experts are agreed that Indian
EVMs meet none of the above criteria. And the concerns
on these grounds are by no means theoretical or
academic. There have been complaints galore at the
ground level by ordinary voters, political parties across
the spectrum, and candidates contending that they
have been unfairly denied their share of the vote. The
complaints, requests for information under Right to
Information (RTI) Act, election petitions and legal
challenges filed in various High Courts and the Supreme
Court have all been systematically stonewalled by the
Election Commission of India (ECI) which maintains the
ludicrous refrain that Indian EVMs are unique and
‘tamper-proof’.

The truth, however, is not merely that our EVMs,
like any other in the world, are prone to tampering in
any number of ways by external hackers, but that the
more insidious and ever present danger which the EC
refuses to acknowledge is ‘insider fraud’ - by any of the
thousands of ‘authorised’ personnel having access to the
machines. These include the Indian developers and
manufacturers of the machines, the vendors supplying
the components including the foreign companies who
have been assigned the security-sensitive job of fusing
the software onto the microchips sourced from them,
the local officials who have the custody of the machines
before, during and after elections, the technicians
assigned for maintenance, repair and testing of the
machines, etc etc. Field reports documented in this book
clearly indicate that there is room for strong suspicion
of insider fraud.

In our system of representative democracy, elections
provide the only occasion when the people directly
exercise their sovereign power. Immediately thereafter
this power is ceded to the elected representatives. If
this sacred power is vitiated by a voting system of
dubious integrity open to insidious fraud, it is evident
that our democracy is seriously endangered.

There is insufficient appreciation among the lay
public of the facts and issues about this matter
that vitally concerns them - largely due to the
mystique concerning anything technological, and to the
implicit faith in a constitutional body such as the
Election Commission. Sadly, the national media has
been complacent in this regard. However, the local
media has been full of detailed factual reports on these
matters which unfortunately do not find national
salience.

This book has been written with the objective of
filling this information and awareness gap. It is hoped
that the issues raised herein will become a matter of
national debate, leading to initiation of steps towards a
reformed and truly transparent, verifiable and
accountable voting system.

This is the year in which the Election Commission
of India is celebrating its Diamond Jubilee. The Indian

public has a vital interest in ensuring that the year ends
in something substantial to celebrate by way of a
reformed voting system and not merely a celebration of
the passing of years.

1

1

The India EVM Story

Electronic voting machines, like all other machines,
are prone to errors and malfunctioning. No machine
ever made anywhere in the world is infallible. They can
never be. For instance, the electronic voting system
installed in India’s parliament, the country’s most
powerful institution in the country, has failed on a
number of occasions and the members of parliament
have had difficulty in registering their votes on the
system.

In the crucial confidence vote to decide the fate
of the Manmohan Singh government in September 2008,
the whole nation witnessed on live television how
as many as 54 elected members of the lower house
of parliament failed to register their votes electronically.
Utter chaos and confusion prevailed and finally,
these members of parliament were allowed to vote
manually.

If the country’s lawmakers, 543 in number, have
difficulty in voting on an electronic system installed in
India’s parliament, isn’t it commonsensical to ask if
India’s 714 million strong electorate – many of whom can
neither read nor write – have any difficulty voting on
electronic voting machines? We tend to assume that
the voting system is working fine because we have never
delved into the subject deeply.

The reality is that the electronic voting machines
used in Indian elections, which belong to the class of
what are internationally known as Direct Recording
Electronic (DRE) voting machines, have failed on a
number of occasions and suffer from numerous
deficiencies. I have cited in chapter 4 several examples
of how the electronic voting machines have
malfunctioned in a number of states and constituencies.
There are several instances of ballots lost and machines
‘misbehaving’ on a large scale resulting in disruption of
the polling process.

Machines Prone to Manipulations

Machines are also prone to manipulations.
Indian electronic voting machines are no exception.
If the computers in the prime minister’s office and the
personal computer of no less than the national security
adviser, M.K. Narayanan have been hacked, isn’t it ludicrous
to assume that electronic voting machines locked up in store
rooms in districts and remote rural locations would remain
secure and not fall prey to the miscreants?

There are several instances that we have come
across where machines have ’switched’ votes between
candidates and have even ‘produced’ votes that were
never cast!! All the field reports cited in chapter 4 are
incontrovertible accounts of real happenings in the 2009
parliamentary elections and in the assembly elections
that followed the same year.

Not just that. There are several personal accounts
of senior politicians who have been approached by
electronic “fixers” demanding hefty sums to fix elections
in their favour. One such report pegs the asking amount
for fixing an election in an assembly constituency at
Rs. 5 crore*. Sounds like a staggering sum? Not so today.
Given the scale of corruption in Indian politics, it doesn’t
sound huge at all.

“Insider” Fraud a Concern

Personal accounts from well placed sources and
experts say that those demanding these vast sums are
“insiders”. Who are these insiders? Unlike in the
traditional ballot system where only the election officials
were the “insiders”, electronic voting machine regime
has spawned a long chain of insiders, all of whom are
outside the ambit and control of the Election
Commission of India, the constitutional body vested with
the authority to conduct free and fair polls. There is
every possibility that some of these “insiders” are
involved in murky activities in fixing elections. This is
not hallucination. The whole world-except us in India –
is alive to the dangers of insider fraud in elections,
mostly by insiders in the electronic voting machine
industry.

Jimmy Carter, former president of the U.S. and
James Baker III, former secretary of state, co-chairs of
the Commission on Federal Election Reform, U.S. in
their report titled,
Building Confidence in U.S.
elections” said,
“There is no need to trust the insiders in the
election industry anymore than in other industries, such as
gambling, where sophisticated insider fraud has occurred
despite extraordinary measures to prevent it.”

The most important among the “insiders” are the
manufacturers of India’s electronic voting machines
namely, Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) and
Electronics Corporation of India Ltd. (ECIL). Both are
wholly government owned central public sector
undertakings under the administrative control of the
government of India.

* In the commonly used Indian numbering system, one lakh equals
1,00,000 and one crore is 100 lakh or 10 million.

them have malicious programming. To say the least, this

is shocking.

If the microchips in the electronic voting machines
contain malicious software (commonly referred to as
Trojan), elections results can be manipulated easily.
Malicious programming can remain dormant during
normal testing processes, but get activated later at the
time of elections. This would result in an election fraud
that can neither be detected before elections nor proved
after elections.

Curiously, BEL and ECIL could have done the
‘fusing’ of the software onto microcontrollers in their
own premises in a secure manner. That being the case,
why did they prefer to do this in a foreign country?
At whose instance was this decision taken and
what were the compelling reasons for taking the
decision? Was the Election Commission responsible for
taking this decision? If no, did it approve of the decision
by the manufacturers? And, was it at least aware of it?
Despite repeated queries, there are no answers
forthcoming from the Election Commission to any of
these questions.

“Black Box Testing” by the Expert Committee

According to the RTI replies given by the Election
Commission, the software program (referred to as source
code) in the EVMs is not available with it. The Expert
Committee of the Election Commission headed by Prof.
P.V. Indiresan, which approved the EVMs currently in
use in elections, has done “Black Box testing”. This
means that the Committee did not examine and certify
the software program in the EVMs. It is the software in
the EVMs that drives all its functions. By apparently
not examining the software and merely relying on
functionality tests, the Expert Committee has left a
gaping hole in the security of the EVMs. This is
horrifying.

12 Democracy at Risk

“Black-box” and “White-box” Testing

State certification procedures [in the US for
electronic voting machines] rely on a procedure
called the “Logic and Accuracy” (L&A) test. The L &
A test is called a “black-box” test, whereas
examining the source code is called “white-box”
testing.

According to Arnold B. Urken, who founded Election
Technology Laboratories, the first voting-machine
testing lab, white-box testing - eyes-on examination
of the source code - should be mandatory if
certification is to mean anything. Urken told me
that he refused to certify ES&S (then called AIS)
because the company would not allow him to
examine its source code.

Bev Harris, author of Black Box Voting

“Authorised” Private Players Have Access to EVMs

Prior to elections, all electronic voting machines are
subject to ‘first level checks’ in the field. These checks
are carried out by “authorised” technicians deputed by
the manufacturing companies. During these checks,
the technicians have unfettered access to the voting
machines. Physical access to the machines increases
the risk of tampering.

Questionable Decisions

There are several decisions taken by the Election
Commission which are questionable. First, the Election
Commission has used as many as 9.3 lakh old electronic
voting machines in 2009 parliamentary elections,
ignoring the recommendations of its own Expert
Committee. Only 4.48 lakh voting machines (about one-
third of all EVMs used) are new or upgraded machines
and meet the specifications suggested by the Expert
Committee.

Secondly, the choice of states for the use of new/
upgraded electronic voting machines is bereft of any logic

The India EVM Story 13

and even smacks of bias. New/improved EVMs have
relatively improved security features and were supplied
just before elections unlike old EVMs which have
remained in storage for years and hence are more
vulnerable. For instance, new EVMs were not used in
any of the states ruled by the ruling United Progressive
Alliance (UPA) coalition at the Centre in 2009
parliamentary elections.

Thirdly, electronic voting machines owned by some
state governments were used in 2009 Lok Sabha polls.
Many states buy the same electronic voting machines
from BEL and ECIL for their use in local body elections.
Due to the shortage of electronic voting machines that
the Election Commission had directly purchased from
the manufacturers, the Commission had allowed chief
electoral officers of states to use EVMs owned by the
state governments in the 2009 parliamentary polls. How
does it matter who owns them, you may be wondering?
It does matter. The Election Commission knows nothing
about the integrity of the voting machines that have
remained under the control of state governments. It has
no way to even check if they are free from any bugs.

An election petition filed in the Orissa High Court
by some Congress party leaders had alleged that 80,000
EVMs procured by the state government were used to
manipulate 2009 assembly and Lok Sabha elections in
the state. Ghulam Nabi Azad, General Secretary of the
Congress party in charge of Orissa and present union
health minister told the media after his party’s
disastrous performance in the state in 2009 polls, “EVMs
were manipulated during the poll which resulted in the
defeat of many Congress candidates.” (IANS, June 18,
2009)

EC is Clueless on Technology

None of the election commissioners (neither the
present commissioners nor their predecessors) has a
proper understanding of the EVM technology. The same

14 Democracy at Risk

goes for the entire administrative set up of the Election
Commission of India. The Commission has a strong line
up of young, impressive and suave deputy election
commissioners. But they too have neither a technical
background nor an appreciation of the vulnerabilities
of the electronic voting machines that the Commission
uses in elections. This glaring limitation became
apparent to me in the couple of meetings that I had
attended in the Election Commission of India to discuss
vulnerabilities of electronic voting machines.

Owing apparently to its lack of familiarity, the
Election Commission had delegated a number of crucial
functions regarding the conduct of elections – like
manufacturing, checking and maintenance of EVMs –
to the manufacturers and other agencies over which it
has no administrative control.

Recognizing the Election Commission’s limitation, a
CPI (M) delegation led by Prakash Karat which met the
Commission in early September, 2009 suggested, “The
entire manufacturing process has to be done under the
control of the Election Commission and for this an
exclusive technical department needs to be established.”

“Faith based” Elections

An average Indian voter does not understand how
an electronic voting machine works in recording and
tallying votes. Most political parties and candidates do
not have much understanding of these voting machines
or the election operations involving them. Many of them
have deep suspicions about the voting machines, but
have spoken always in hushed tones for being ridiculed
for their lack of knowledge and ignorance.

The Election Commission says that it has a number
of checks and balances in place and people should
“trust” the electronic voting machines despite their
gaping security holes; then “trust” the myriad players –

domestic public and private sector companies and

The India EVM Story 15

foreign companies – engaged in manufacturing and
checking these machines and “trust” the district and
local officials that guard these machines at all times
and handle them at the time of elections with their
woefully inadequate understanding of the technology,
its limitations and their potential to manipulate
elections?

All this begs a simple question: are we running “faith
based” elections that we should “trust” all these insiders and
not question their actions shrouded in mystery?
We cannot
pride ourselves being a vibrant democracy if our election
results are reduced to merely our faith in agencies
involved in the conduct of elections.

This excessive reliance on “faith” and not on what
can you see and verify is a consequence of the new
electronic voting regime. In the days of paper ballots,
voters and candidates could see every stage of the voting
process in a transparent manner. You saw what you
got. In case of any doubt, you had the opportunity of a
recount of individual physical ballots. In the electronic
voting machines, votes are recorded electronically and
if the data is manipulated and the original mandate gets
lost, you would not get an opportunity to establish that
this has been done and, of course, no consequential
remedy is possible.

Viable Alternatives

How do we promote transparency in our voting
system? If you want a simple solution, revert to the old
paper ballot system. There is no system that can be more
transparent than that. This is what a number of
countries like Germany, Holland and Ireland have
discovered after experimenting with the electronic voting
machines. In Europe today, elections are predominantly
conducted through paper ballots. That speaks a lot about
a technology that was fashionable to adopt sometime
ago but has been discarded for fear of undetected
manipulation and lack of transparency.

16 Democracy at Risk

If you firmly believe that India should not move away
from electronic voting machines, which admittedly have
some advantages, the next best thing is to adopt what
is commonly referred to as Voter Verified Paper Audit
Trail (VVPAT). Under VVPAT, the voting machines
produce a paper record (a print out) of every single vote
cast by the voters on the voting machines. After casting
the vote on the EVM, the voter will examine the physical
print out for its accuracy and if satisfied that there is
no discrepancy, deposit the vote in a ballot box. This
would ensure that even if the machine is manipulated,
you still have the paper record to establish the election
fraud.

VVPAT system generates a print out of every vote,
much like the slip that the ATM machine spits out every
time you carry out a transaction on it. Would you be
comfortable with the idea of withdrawing or depositing
cash in an ATM if it has no provision to give you a proof
of transaction in the form of a print out? I am sure most
people won’t be comfortable with the idea. We all are
very careful in protecting our money. Then, why do we
become complacent and meekly surrender our sovereign
right to choose our governments? Doesn’t our democracy
deserve better than these voting machines which
function as black boxes and we as voters, have no clue
as to what happens inside them?

In the United States, 32 of the 50 states have passed
legislations mandating voter verified paper record and
another six are maintaining physical record of every vote
cast even without a formal legislation. There is a federal
legislation pending in the U.S. Congress that seeks to
mandate the paper record of every vote in the U.S
federal elections. India needs a similar legislation.
There is no reason why it would not work in India.

There is a writ petition filed in the Delhi High Court
by Dr. Subramanian Swamy, former law minister
seeking direction to the Election Commission to

The India EVM Story 17

introduce the VVPAT system in the electronic voting
machines. The developments in the case will be keenly
watched even as the Election Commission is resisting
attempts to introduce transparency in the voting
process.

Sordid State of Affairs in India

The Election Commission of India would have you
believe that the electronic voting systems were banned
in these countries because they were less secure than
our indigenously developed electronic voting systems.
No. They were banned not due to any evidence of
electoral fraud but due to fears of tampering and lack
of transparency associated with the electronic voting
systems. If anything, these concerns and risks are much
greater in India and thus warrant a serious scrutiny
and study. This book is a serious research and
investigative effort to expose the threats posed by the
electronic voting machines to the sanctity of our
electoral mandates.

Many of these countries where the electronic voting
systems have been banned are mature democracies
with more aware citizenry, a vigilant media and a
proactive judiciary. On the other hand, India continues
to persist with the electronic voting machines, despite
their myriad problems. Lack of public awareness, lack
of proper scrutiny by the media and a rather indifferent
judiciary – courts have left all matters concerning
electronic voting machines to the Election Commission
of India which has a pre-judged mind on the issue –
have all contributed to the sordid state of affairs in our
country.

Raging Controversy

For the first time since their introduction in Indian
elections, the EVMs have now become suspect in the
eyes of the political class. A number of political parties
have raised concerns regarding use of electronic voting

18 Democracy at Risk

machines. A host of public interest litigations and
election petitions have also been filed in the Supreme
Court and High courts all across the country.

The raging debate on the reliability of the electronic
voting machines in the aftermath of the 2009
parliamentary elections has brought to the fore several
murky aspects regarding their development and use.
Rather than address such concerns, the Election
Commission of India has been making frenetic attempts
to resist scrutiny and stifle criticism and concerns by
spreading half truths about the electronic voting
machines.

2

2

The Big Lie

If one lies, one should lie big.

Adolf Hitler

In his 1925 autobiography titled Mein Kampf, Adolf
Hitler, the authoritarian German leader, referred to
what he called the “Big Lie” technique. Hitler said:

19

“A big lie always has a certain force of credibility;
because the broad masses of a nation more readily
fall victims to the big lie than the small lie. It would
never come into their heads to fabricate colossal
untruths, and they would not believe that others
could have the impudence to distort the truth so
infamously”.

The Election Commission of India has applied
the Big Lie technique to perfection to lay to rest
serious concerns regarding EVMs in the wake of 2009
general elections. The Commission has done this by
repeatedly saying that the “ECI-EVMs are fully tamper
proof”. Admittedly, this worked for the Election
Commission as the vast masses of the country-media
and elites included – as Hitler theorized, have fallen

20 Democracy at Risk

victim to the colossal untruth fabricated by the Election
Commission.

In a press statement dated August 1, 2009, the
Commission said, “The Election Commission remains
entirely satisfied that EVMs cannot be tampered with.
These are fully tamper-proof.” The three Election
Commissioners, Navin Chawla, S.Y. Qureshi and V.S.
Sampath have repeatedly stated that the “EVMs are fully
tamper proof” at every opportunity.

That this is a “big lie” becomes clear from the
2006 Report of the Expert Committee set up by the
Election Commission itself. The Report had categorically
stated:

“If the integrity of original program in the microchip
is maintained, and the key pressed by the voter on
ballot unit is faithfully recorded by the control unit,
then the election through EVM will be fair.” It adds,
“The faithful recording of the voting data, unbiased
& tamper proof functioning of control unit are
critical to the conduct of a fair election.”

“….the Committee unanimously certifies that the
EVM system is tamper-proof in the intended
environment when due precautions are taken. For
these reasons, the Committee recommends that the
upgraded EVM with suggested modifications, testing
and operating precautions may be accepted and put
to use.”

In other words, the Election Commission’s Expert
Committee had clearly said that tamper-proof working
of the electronic voting machines could only be ensured
if a number of conditions were met. Among them was
the need to maintain the integrity of original program
(source code) and use of upgraded EVMs with suggested
modifications, testing and operating precautions.

In reply to an RTI query, the Election Commission
has clearly stated that it does not check the originality

The Big Lie 21

of the software installed in the electronic voting
machines. Interestingly, the Election Commission
maintains that it does not even have access to the EVM
software. With these bare truths staring in the face,
how on earth could the Election Commission guarantee
the integrity or originality of the EVM software and
ensure fairness of elections conducted through the
electronic voting machines? Seen from that perspective,
the Election Commission may be considered to have
violated the constitutional mandate under Article 324
to hold free and fair elections.

The Election Commission had ignored another key
recommendation of the Expert Committee; to use
upgraded EVMs in elections. In the 2009 Lok Sabha
election, the Election Commission had used as many
as 9.3 Lakh ‘old’ EVMs (against only 4.48 Lakh upgraded
EVMs). These old EVMs do not meet the security
standards suggested by its own Technical Committee.
Not just that; even after serious concerns were raised
in the aftermath of 2009 general elections regarding
the vulnerabilities of EVMs, the Election Commission
had used old EVMs in the elections held to the states
assemblies of Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand in
the second half of 2009.

Having failed to implement the most basic of
requirements to maintain the integrity of Indian
elections, the Election Commission’s claim that its EVMs
are “fully tamper proof” is absurd. It is evident that the
Election Commission of India, a constitutional body, has
resorted to falsification to mislead the public and the
political parties that the ECI-EVMs are fail safe and fool
proof.

All EVMs are “Tamper Prone”

A “Resolution on Electronic Voting” adopted by over
a thousand technologists and academicians from United
States of America says that all electronic voting systems
can be deliberately corrupted at any stage and the

22 Democracy at Risk

methods used are extremely difficult to foresee and
detect. Here, we have the Indian Election Commission
that assumes that nothing can go wrong with its
electronic voting machines, whereas the whole world
believes that the integrity of electronic voting systems
cannot be taken for granted and adequate safeguards
need to be provided.

“All electronic systems are subject to subtle errors.
Moreover, voting systems can be deliberately
corrupted at any stage of their design, manufacture,
and use. The methods used to do this can be
extremely difficult to foresee and detect. Most
importantly, there is no reliable way to detect errors
in recording votes or deliberate election rigging with
these machines. Hence,
the results of any election
conducted using these machines are open to
question.”

http://www.verifiedvotingfoundation.org

Burden of Proof on the Election Commission

David L. Dill, Professor of Computer Science and
Electrical Engineering at Stanford
University, an international expert on
voting systems and a founder of the
Verified Voting Foundation believes that
the Indian Election Commission’s repeated
claims that its electronic voting machines
are fully tamper-proof has no scientific

basis. He believes that the burden of proof is on the
Election Commission to show that it is difficult to commit
an undetected election fraud using the Indian EVMs.

“…….the legitimacy of elections depends on whether
the populace can trust the results… the burden of
proof should be on the advocates of an election
system to show that it is difficult to commit
undetected election fraud… No such claims should

The Big Lie 23

be accepted unless the methods are disclosed and
debated openly with experts on the other side.”
(Statement of Prof. David L. Dill of Stanford University
in the Rejoinder Affidavit filed by Dr. Subramanian
Swamy in the High Court of Delhi)

Our EVMs are “Different”

At a time when electronic voting machines across
the world are being either discarded or subjected to
stringent security and verifiability standards, the
Election Commission is seeking to avoid any questions
being raised on Indian EVMs by uttering untruth: that
the Indian electronic voting machines are unique and
different from the EVMs used elsewhere in the world
and are infallible. A statement released by the
Commission said:

“Not comparable with EVMs Abroad”

The Commission has come across some
comparisons between ECI-EVM and EVMs used by
foreign countries. Such comparisons are both
misplaced and misguided. Most of the systems used
in other countries are PC based and run on
operating Systems. Hence, these could be
vulnerable to hacking. The EVM in India on the
other hand is a fully standalone machine without
being part of any network and with no provision for
any input. As already stated, the software in the EVM
chip is one time programmable and is burnt into
the chip at the time of manufacture. Nothing can be
written on the chip after manufacture. Thus, the
ECI-EVMs are fundamentally different from the
voting machines and processes adopted in various
foreign countries. Any surmise based on foreign
studies or operating system based EVMs used
elsewhere would be completely erroneous. The ECI-
EVMs cannot be compared with those EVMs.
(ECI
Press Release, August 8, 2009)

24 Democracy at Risk

Contrary to the Election Commission’s contention,
electronic voting machines used all over the world are
“stand alone” machines. They are not part of any
network, as inaccurately (and not inadvertently)
suggested by the Election Commission. The effort
needed to tamper with an EVM in India and elsewhere
in Europe or the United States of America is nearly the
same, irrespective of whether they run on operating
system or otherwise.

The Election Commission’s loud proclamations that
the Indian EVMs are “different” are intended to mislead
public opinion in the country and to escape public
scrutiny at a time when the whole world is rejecting
them and the very idea of “unverified” voting where
machines only record votes electronically without any
physical and verifiable record of voting.

Election Bodies Worldwide Resist Reform

If you are wondering why would a body like the
Election Commission of India resort to such tactics, let
me inform you that this is the nature and temperament
of election bodies all over the world, not just in India.
In no country in the world, election authorities took the
initiative of reforming their voting systems and nowhere
in the world have they taken kindly to any suggestions
in this regard. It was only intervention of Courts, active
role played by the civil society, the pressure exerted by
the media and the legislative actions that have helped
reform voting systems throughout the world.

Significantly, election authorities and vendors in
countries like Germany, Holland, Ireland and the United
States have all resorted to the application of the same “big lie”
technique to ward off challenges to electronic voting
machines in their countries. They all have claimed that their
machines were not networked; they weren’t computers but
special purpose devices and therefore not prone to
manipulation. But, in the end, their bluff was called and the
voting machines were dispensed with.

The Big Lie 25

Dr. Ulrich Wiesner, a physicist and software
engineer who filed the lawsuit in the Federal
Constitutional Court of Germany finds that
the Election Commission of India is
adopting a similar approach as its
counterparts elsewhere in the world. The
Court had ruled in March, 2009 in the case
filed by Wiesner that electronic voting was
unconstitutional for lack of transparency
and violation of the principle of democracy. I quote below

a statement on Indian EVMs by Wiesner.

“(Electronic voting machines)..banned in the
Netherlands, Irelands and Germany are not
networked…similar to the Indian EVMs…work stand
alone with no connection to internet or other
networks during the election and counting phase.
The lack of the network connection was one of the
(invalid) reasons given by the vendor and by
authorities in the three countries why the
machines could not be hacked. The vendor also
claimed that his devices were not real computers
but special purpose devices which were designed to
only count votes and could not be used for any other
purpose….someone with access to the machines
can replace the implemented software with any
software, including vote stealing software.

“When the Indian Election Commission claims the
(voting) machines are not riggable…it is common
sense that someone who has sufficient access to
open the machines and replace the software or
hardware can implement virtually any
functionality, including vote stealing functionality,
that is only activated under certain circumstances
and would not be spotted in tests.”

(Statement of Dr. Ulrich Wiesner in the Rejoinder
Affidavit filed by Dr. Subramanian Swamy in the High
Court of Delhi in Writ Petition No. 11879 of 2009)

26 Democracy at Risk

EVM is Secure as Software is “One time programmable”

“Software in the EVM chip is one time programmable
and is burnt into the chip at the time of manufacture.
Nothing can be written on the chip after manufacture,”
says the Election Commission. It is true that the
software on the chip cannot be rewritten. But, ironically,
the microchip that contains the software itself can be
replaced with another tampered microchip and the EVM
will continue to function normally. None of the checks
presently conducted by the EVM manufacturers or by
the technicians can detect any evidence of such
tampering as the originality of the microchip in the EVM
is not checked at any stage. Thus, no one can ever figure
out if the original microchip is replaced with a fake one.
That is how perhaps a number of hackers, referred to
in chapter 5, are getting away with hacking EVMs.

‘Authentication Unit’ Project is Scrapped

The Election Commission gives the impression that
checking the originality of software in EVMs is not
possible as OTP-ROM or ‘masked’ chips are used. That
is untrue. Not just the software, even the integrity of
the hardware could be checked with the help of an
authentication unit (or verification tool). The Expert
Committee in its 2006 report had suggested that the
manufacturers must undertake diagnostic checks and
certify the integrity of both the hardware and the
software of the EVMs. Accordingly, the upgraded EVMs
developed by the manufacturers had provision for an
interface to an ‘Authentication Unit’ which would have
helped in detecting manipulation of EVM software &
hardware.
However, shockingly, the Election Commission
scrapped the project to develop and introduce the
“Authentication Unit”.
The details are as follows.

In 2006, the EVM manufacturers, BEL and ECIL
engaged the services of SecureSpin, a software services
firm in Bangalore for the development of the
Authentication Unit. The authentication unit project

The Big Lie 27

was discussed with the Expert Committee of the Election
Commission and the prototype was readied by mid 2007
in accordance with the parameters spelt out by the
Committee and tested with the EVM.

As the project was ready for implementation,
mysteriously, the Expert Committee suddenly called it off.
The General Manager (GM) of BEL under whose supervision
the project was being implemented was transferred out. The
new GM informed SecureSpin that the project had been
shelved as per the directions of the Election Commission.

The prototype “Authentication
Unit” that was mysteriously
shelved.

By scrapping the project,
the Election Commission
has done away with a key
component of the upgraded
EVM system that was
designed specifically to
ensure the integrity of both
the EVM software &
hardware.

Tampering of EVMs being
a serious concern, why did
the Election Commission
shelve the project? Repeated
attempts to ascertain
details in this regard did not

yield any response from the Election Commission.

Complete Procedural Security is a Chimera

“The Commission has in place elaborate
administrative measures and procedural checks and
balances aimed at prevention of any possible misuse or
procedural lapses,” says a press release from the
Election Commission dated August 8, 2009.

The Election Commission of India would like us to
believe that these “checks and balances” are sufficient
to prevent any mischief by any of all the thousands of
“insiders” involved in election operations, including the

28 Democracy at Risk

manufacturers, their suppliers and “authorised”
technicians and local officials.

Just as in banks, there is a greater threat of electoral
fraud from insiders than outsiders. This is the belief
worldwide.
“There is no reason to trust the insiders
anymore in election industry than in any other
industry,” said Jimmy Carter (former president, U.S.)
and James Baker III (former secretary of state, U.S.),
co-chairs of the bipartisan U.S Commission on Federal
Election Reform in a report titled
Building Confidence in
U.S. Elections
.

“The concept that insiders will only tamper with
certain things but not with electronic voting machines
is ludicrous. And the concept that human nature will
change if a machine is used, so that human beings will
not tamper, is equally silly, “says Bev Harris, founder
of Black Box Voting and an activist fighting for the voters’
rights in the U.S.

EC Says We Don’t Need Paper Back Up

All over the world today, transparency and
verifiability of voting are the hallmarks of a credible
voting process. Jimmy Carter and James A. Baker III
stated in their report, “the purpose of voting technology
is to record and tally all votes accurately and provide
sufficient evidence to all participants – especially the
losing candidates and their supporters that the election
results accurately reflect the will of the voters.”

Electronic voting machines that do not generate a
voter verifiable physical record can neither give
confidence to the voters that their vote had been
properly recorded and counted nor can the candidates
and parties get a fair opportunity of recount in cases of
electoral disputes.

In its attempts to stifle opposition, the Election
Commission of India has been defending the
indefensible: a non-transparent and unverifiable voting

The Big Lie 29

process. Today, the world finds paperless voting on
Direct Recording Electronic (DRE) Voting machines
unacceptable.

Prof. David L. Dill of Stanford University, USA and a
strong votary of verified voting says:

The right to have one’s vote counted properly is a
cornerstone of our democratic system. Making sure
that our election systems are reliable and publicly
verifiable enfranchises voters and increases public
confidence and participation in our political process.
www.verifiedvoting.org

In response to Dr. Subramanian Swamy’s writ petition
pending in the Delhi High Court seeking the
Court’s directions to the Election Commission not to use
EVMs in elections unless they incorporate a (voter
verified) paper trail of every vote cast, the Election
Commission made the following statement in its counter
affidavit:

“…..if the system of paper trail is allowed to be used,
the salient feature of the present system of being
user friendly and simple to use and understand will
be lost. Instead, the voter will be burdened to
understand that he has not only to vote on the EVM
but to obtain a ballot-receipt which he must then
deposit in a ballot box. …Even in present day and
time, the system of elections is dependent on
symbols only because of the uneducated and
illiterate voter. How is he likely to read the ballot-
paper printout? It is much possible that the voter
will find such system as harassment and may even
deter him from coming to the polling booth to cast
the vote. Such system is likely to be counter
productive.”

The Election Commission’s observations and
apprehensions are unfounded. Commission’s concern

30 Democracy at Risk

that voters may perceive it as a burden is totally
misplaced. Any step aimed at increasing the voter
confidence and trust in voting will be welcomed by voters.
That is how the whole world views it. If uneducated and
illiterate voters could learn to vote on electronic voting
machines, surely they would have no problem in reading
the ballot-paper printout, which would also contain the
same symbols?

With such unconvincing and irrational arguments,
the Election Commission gives an inescapable
impression that it has a vested interest in perpetuating
the electronic voting system about which most parties
today have serious concerns. A key question arises: why
is the Election Commission so devoted to a voting system
that is distrusted and discredited all over the world
today? This will remain a subject of speculation as long
as the Commission is seen to be blocking improvements
and safeguards in electronic voting.

3

3

Questionabile Decisions of
Election Commission

There are some major administrative decisions made
by the Election Commission which show it in poor light.
Two of these have turned out to be particularly
consequential – the deployment of old model electronic
voting machines in 2009 general elections, ignoring the
recommendations of its Expert Committee, and the use
of state government owned EVMs.

Use of Old EVMs

In the 2009 Lok Saba polls, as many as 13.78 lakh
EVMs were deployed all over the country. Of these, only
4.48 lakh EVMs – less than one third – are new/
upgraded EVMs, which are as per the technical
specifications prescribed by the Expert Committee report
(2006) to make them “tamper-proof”.

The remaining 9.3 lakh EVMs deployed are old EVMs
which are less secure. The Election Commission’s
decision to ignore the recommendations its own Expert
Committee that only the “upgraded EVM with suggested

31

32 Democracy at Risk

modifications, testing and operating precautions may
be accepted and put to use” raises serious questions.
Why did the Election Commission, which had more than
two years to act on the recommendations of the
Committee, persist with the use of less secure EVMs
in 2009 general elections? Not just that, why did the
Election Commission use these old EVMs in the
elections to the assemblies of Maharashtra, Haryana
and Jharkhand, held after 2009 general elections?

Bias in Choice of States with New, Upgraded EVMs

Even more bizarre is the Election Commission’s
choice of states where the new, upgraded EVMs were
used in 2009 Lok Sabha polls. The RTI reply cited above
says that the Election Commission had deployed new
EVMs in the states of Bihar, Chattisgarh, Goa, Gujarat,
Uttar Pradesh, West Bengal, apart from all north eastern
states except Assam. In all others states, old EVMs were
used.

A look at the states where the new EVMs were used
reveals that no meaningful criteria (like the geographic
location of a state or its size or the phase in which the
states went to polls) appear to have been used for the
choice of states with new/ upgraded EVMs..

New/ upgraded EVMs were used in some states
ruled by the BJP led National Democratic Alliance
(Bihar, Chhattisgarh and Gujarat) and some ruled by
major opposition parties (like the Left Front ruled West
Bengal, Bahujan Samaj Party ruled Uttar Pradesh).

Significantly, the new/upgraded EVMs were not used
in any of the prominent states ruled by the Congress
party and its pre poll allies. Old EVMs were used in all
states ruled by the Congress party or its allies, namely
Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Delhi, Haryana, Maharashtra,
Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu. (See Box on the opposite
page)

In the alphabetical sequence in which states with

Questionabile Decisions 33

ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA

NIRVACHAN SADAN, ASHOKA ROAD, NEW DELHI-110001
No.RTI/2009-EMS/ 39 Dated: 21st July, 2009

Sh V. Venkateshwar Rao,
6-1-68/4/1 Second Floor, Lootheran Church Road,
Lakdikapool, Hyderabad-500004, Andhra Pradesh.

Subject: Information under RTI on EVMs

Sir,
I am directed to refer to your letter dated lst July, 2009 on
the subject cited & to submit the information, as under:
I) About 13.78 Lakhs EVMs (the EVMs which are involved
in Election Petitions/ Court cases were not used) were
used in 2009 Parliamentary elections. Out of 13.78 lakh
EVMs, 9.30 lakh EVMs were old machines and 4.48 lakh
EVMs were new machines.

Old Machines:



Year

BEL

ECIL

Total

2000-01

66900

71274

138174

2001-02

72184

67754

139938

2002-03

94887

95697

190584

2003-04

167850

168195

336045

2004-05

38325

87286

125611

Total

440146

4902061

930352

New Machines:

2) New machines mentioned above are upgraded EVMs as
recommended by the Committee headed by Prof. Indiresan.
Upgraded EVMs were used in all the Parliamentary
Constituencies of Arunachal Pradesh. Bihar.
Chhattisgarh. Goa, Gujarat, Manipur, Mizoram,
Meghalaya, Nagaland, Sikkim, Tripura, Uttar Pradesh,
West Bengal, Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Dadra &
Nagar Haveli, Daman & Diu and Lakshadweep.

Yours faithfully,

(K. N. Bhar)

Under Secretary/CPIO



Year

BEL

ECIL

Total

2006-07

137000

113000

250000

2008-09

106400

81600

188000

During LS’09

10000

0

10000

Total

253400

194600

448000

34 Democracy at Risk

new/ upgraded EVMs are listed in the RTI reply, the
UPA ruled states of Andhra Pradesh, Assam, Delhi,
Haryana, Maharastra, Rajasthan and Tamil Nadu (which
fall in the same sequence) are missing.

Was this a mere coincidence? On the face of it, it
does not appear so. Who were the persons responsible
for making these decisions? What was the basis for
making such decisions? When were these decisions
made? Persistent questions posed to the Election
Commission by the petitioners in the Supreme Court,
who were directed by the Supreme Court to approach
the Election Commission, failed to elicit any response.

Old EVMs more Tamper-prone

Election Commission’s later actions confirm that the
old EVMs are more tamper-prone. In the by-elections
held to Tamil Nadu assembly in August, three months
after 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the Election Commission
had used new/ upgraded EVMs following complaints of
political parties that the EVMs used in general elections
weren’t reliable. If the old EVMs were indeed tamper
proof, why did the Commission volunteer to use new,
upgraded EVMs in by-elections?

On the other hand, if the old EVMs are indeed
vulnerable, as the Commission seemed to acknowledge
in Tamil Nadu by-elections, why did the Election
Commission use the same old EVMs in the recent
elections to the state assemblies of Haryana,
Maharashtra and Jharkhand?

“Planned” Shortage of EVMs

Commissioning the required number of EVMs is
necessary for the smooth conduct of elections. Election
Commission failed to make a proper estimate of the
required number of EVMs for the 2009 general elections.
On October 1, 2008, six months before scheduled
parliamentary elections in April-May 2009, the Chief
Election Commissioner, N. Gopalaswami stated that the

Questionabile Decisions 35

Election Commission had estimated the requirement
of EVMs to be 10.7 Lakh machines in 2009 general
elections. (The Hindu, October 1, 2008)

To meet this requirement, the Election Commission
had placed an order for supply of 1.8 Lakh new EVMs,
of which 1.02 Lakh were sourced from the BEL and the
rest from the ECIL. But, the actual number of electronic
voting machines used in the 2009 parliamentary
elections was 13.78 Lakh. Evidently, the Election
Commission failed to properly estimate the EVM
requirement for 2009 polls.

The above figures indicate that the Election
Commission had under-assessed the EVM requirements
in 2009 Lok Sabha polls by a whopping 3.08 Lakh
machines. How it met the shortfall of electronic voting
machines by such a large number is an interesting
story.

State Government Owned EVMs

Throwing all caution to the wind, the Election
Commission of India met the shortfall in the electronic
voting machines by commissioning state government
owned EVMs.

Some state governments buy electronic voting
machines (EVMs) from the same manufacturers namely,
BEL and ECIL to hold local body elections. Article 243
of the Constitution vests the responsibility of conducting
elections to the Panchayats (and urban local bodies) in
State Election Commissions, which are headed by State
Election Commissioners appointed by the state
governments.

The Election Commission of India has no
superintendence powers over State Election
Commissions as its mandate is confined to holding
elections to only Parliament and legislature.

Days before the first phase of polling in 2009 general
elections, the Election Commission had directed the

36 Democracy at Risk

chief electoral officers of states (who work directly under
the superintendence of the Election Commission of
India) to paste “Election Commission of India” stickers
on the state government owned EVMs used in
parliamentary elections until the elections were over.
Accordingly, the Election Commission of India had
allowed use of state-owned EVMs in 2009 general
elections. (EC letter no. No.51/8/7/2009-EMS dated
12th April, 2009) The letter is reproduced below:

ELECTION COMMISSION OF INDIA

Nirvachan Sadan, Ashoka Road, New Delhi-110001

No.51/8/7/2009-EMS Dated: 12th April, 2009

I am directed to state that some states are using
the EVMs of State Election Commission of their
states or of other states. It has been brought to the
notice of the Commission that the EVM of State
Election Commission are inscribed with the word
‘SEC of Maharashtra’ and so on. The day the ECIL
arranged a demo of the SEC’s ‘Multi-vote’ - ‘Multi -
post’ EVM by setting for ‘Single-vote’ and ‘Singlepost’
a sticker was shown to the Commission like
‘Election Commission of India’.

The Commission has decided that the states using
the SEC’s EVM will inform the manufacturer of the
EVM to supply such sticker ‘Election Commission of
India’ and paste it on the inscription of ‘SEC of
(name of the state)’ on both the Control Units and
Ballot Units. Once the election is over and such
EVMs are being returned the sticker so pasted will
be peeled off and the EVMs cleaned and then
returned properly to the respective State Election
Commissions.

Yours faith fully,
(K.N.BHAR)

Questionabile Decisions 37

While doing so, the Commission had either ignored
or failed to realize that its decision to commission state
government owned EVMs was fraught with serious
security hazards. The integrity of voting machines that
are owned by the state governments and have remained
all along in the custody of some state governmental
agencies is suspect. Details regarding the states and
parliamentary constituencies where the state
government owned electronic voting machines have been
used are not available. That information could be quite
revealing. The allegations by some Congress leaders in
Orissa offer some insight.

Orissa Allegations

An election petition filed in the Orissa High Court
by Alok Jena, Congress party’s candidate in
Bhubaneswar (Central) constituency made startling
allegations.

In the election petition, the Congress candidate has
alleged that the identification and machine numbers
allotted to a number of polling stations have been
changed and new EVMs were used in their place. In
support of this claim, the petitioner has given details of
all polling stations where such unannounced changes
were made. (See Box on the next page)

The allegations in Orissa are indeed serious. The
Orissa case signals the risks associated with the
Election Commission’s serious indiscretion in allowing
the use of state government owned EVMs.

In respect of other states, it is not known as to how
many state-owned EVMs were used in Lok Sabha
elections. But, given the shortfall of over three lakh
EVMs-the gap between what the Commission had
purchased on its own and the number deployed in 2009
parliamentary elections – my guesstimate is that over
three lakh state owned EVMs were used in 2009 general
elections. Attempts to seek details in this regard have
gone unanswered.

38 Democracy at Risk

Election Petition of Congress Party
Alleges Tampering

“According to the law and instructions of the Election
Commission (of India), these EVMs were to be
procured from recognized/authorized manufacturers
/ suppliers. In express violation of the above rule
and instructions of the Election Commission, the
agency in charge of conducting the state election for
reasons best known to them procured 80,000 EVMs
through
Idcol Software Limited, which is a
Government of Orissa undertaking and a group of
hand picked, tainted officers were kept in its
controlling and managing positions at the behest of
Sri Pyarimohan Mohapatra during the relevant
period on order to complete the process for EVM
procurement. The trustworthiness of these EVMs
was never tested nor demonstrated.

These EVMs were procured in two phases. In the
first phase, 74,000 EVMs were procured but the
same were not brought to the office of the chief
electoral officer at Bhubaneswar nor to a place
nearer to the office of the chief electoral officer at
Bhubaneswar. On the contrary, it was directed to be
stocked/ stored in the abandoned godown of Konark
Jute mill at Dhanmandal. In the second phase,
6,000 EVMs were stocked and stored in unit-ix High
school, Bhubaneswar”*

***
The Election Commission of India has endangered

the security of electronic voting machines by deploying
old EVMs and allowing the use of state government
owned EVMs.

The next time around, if the Election Commission falls
short of EVM requirements, don’t be surprised if it allows use
of EVMs owned by political parties or individual candidates!!

* See Annexure 7 for more details

Questionabile Decisions 39

Or, it may allow private companies – some corporates had
dialogue with EVM manufacturers to buy EVMs! – to deploy
their EVMs to meet the shortfall.

In the field of electronics, frequent changes in
technology and design warrant repeated replacement
of old machines with new to keep them secure and up-
to-date with technology. Let alone effecting such
constant improvements, the Election Commission has
failed even to ensure proper working of the EVMs as
voters across the country, specifically in the states of
Tamil Nadu and Orissa, have encountered serious
problems on the polling day in voting on the EVMs raising
serious questions about their integrity.

40

Democracy at Risk

In a country where the 543
lawmakers elected by the nation’s
electorate to the lower house of
Parliament cannot vote properly on an
electronic voting system, it is hard to
assume that its 714 million strong
electorate – a third of whom can
neither read nor write – has no
problem voting on EVMs.

4

4

Faulty Voting Machines

Cause Tampering Concerns

You won the elections, I won the count.

Anastasio Somoza

Have the electronic voting machines helped in
maintaining the integrity of electoral verdicts, or are
they largely responsible for the surprising and
unexpected election outcomes in Indian elections? Do
ordinary voters – many of whom lack even basic literacy
skills – find voting on electronic voting machines easy
and comfortable? These are some questions that merit
a proper scrutiny.

On July 22, 2008, a crucial vote was held in India’s
lower house of Parliament, the Lok Sabha. The vote was
to decide the fate of the Manmohan Singh led UPA
government at the Centre which was reduced to a
minority following the withdrawal of support to the
government by the Left front.

41

42 Democracy at Risk

In the parliament, there is a provision for members
to vote on the electronic voting system fitted in their
seats. All that the members were required to do was to
press the button correctly to register their vote either
in support or against the confidence motion moved by
prime minister.

To everyone’s shock, the votes of as many as 54 of
the 543 elected Lok Sabha members were not registered
on the electronic voting system. This is not an isolated
incident. Similar scenes are witnessed every time the
electronic voting system is used in parliament. Members
do not press the buttons correctly and or the system
does not record their votes properly; and a round of
manual voting follows with a number of MPs being issued
paper ballots.

Confusion after electronic voting shows govt win

IANS, 2008-07-22
New Delhi: There was considerable confusion in the
Indian parliament Tuesday night, after a day of high
drama, after results of electronic voting showed
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh’s government win
the crucial confidence vote in the Lok Sabha by 253
votes to 232.

The voting recorded two abstentions in a house with
487 votes registered. Apparently, many members
had either not voted properly or had waited to do
manual voting that the Speaker said would follow.
However, it was later announced that 54 votes were
still to be counted, including of four members who
voted in the inner lobby. They included former prime
minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee who could not be
present in the chamber because of illness.

Speaker Somnath Chatterjee said the final results
were yet to be declared, but MPs began crowding
around a smiling Prime Minister and Congress
chief Sonia Gandhi to congratulate them.

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 43

In a country where the 543 lawmakers elected by
the nation’s electorate to the lower house of Parliament
cannot vote properly on an electronic voting system, it
is hard to assume that its 714 million strong electorate –
a third of whom can neither read nor write – has no
problem voting on EVMs.

Ordinary voters do have a problem voting on
EVMs. It is just that no one looked into their problems
with an open mind and presented them with
alternatives. This chapter attempts to document many
such problems.

Voters’ Problems with EVMs

A news report filed by the news agency IANS in the
November-December 2009 Jharkhand assembly
elections caught my attention.

Nirmal Ho, a tribal and a marginal farmhand in the
Chatarpur block of Palamau district, who feels that ballot
papers were easy to understand, is more scared of the
EVMs than of the Maoists who have been intimidating
voters in the region. Stories like these make you wonder
if the EVMs have truly served the interests of the country
well. (See box)

EVM Failures

The EVM related problems cited in this chapter have
been gathered from a plethora of sources and with
limited resources and efforts. The magnitude of such
problems in my assessment is quite large and this is
borne out by reports in the local press and personal
experiences of candidates contesting elections.
However, the Election Commission which should be
compiling such information and analysing it with a view
to remedying the system refuses to acknowledge the
problem and repeatedly claims that the electronic voting
machines are “foolproof and fail safe,” while there is a
whole lot of evidence to the contrary.

44 Democracy at Risk

Tribal voters in Jharkhand reckon with EVM
technology
Published: Fri, 20 Nov 2009 at 10:04 IST

Fifty-year-old Hasulal Topno has never seen an

electronic voting machine (EVM)

The impoverished Oraon tribal, who gathers
firewood from the forest outlying the Palamau Tiger
Reserve, a Maoist hotbed 35 km from Daltonganj
town, got his voter identity card two years ago. “This
is the first time I will vote in my life and I am so
excited,” the malnourished tribal, a father of four,
told IANS. “But I am scared of the voting machine.
I heard from the villagers that people have to cast
their votes in a machine. I am illiterate, so is my
wife as well as my eldest son who is 19. We will all
vote this year.”

Nirmal Ho, a tribal and a marginal farmhand in the
Chatarpur block of Palamau district, is
more scared
of the EVM than of the Maoists,
who have clamped
down an unwritten election boycott whip.
“Technology scares me. I have never been to school;
neither have my forefathers,” the elderly man told
IANS. Ho will take a day off to attend an EVM
demonstration in Chatarpur town December 6.

EVMs are still not a familiar sight in tribal
Jharkhand, barring the urban pockets, because of
inaccessibility, Maoist violence, illiteracy and poor
awareness. “Our women are scared of such
complicated machines. The ballot papers were easy
to understand. Earlier, someone would point out the
symbols and we would vote,” the head of the group,
Subal Mahto, told IANS. (Source: IANS)

Machine Problems frustrate voters

The Case of Tamil Nadu

In hundreds of polling stations across Tamil Nadu,
voting machines frustrated voters, leading to disruption
in voting and replacement of voting machines midway
during polling. In many polling stations, complaints by
voters were ignored and the polling was held even when

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 45

the problem persisted. The case of Tamil Nadu in 2009
general elections perhaps qualifies as one of the worst
ever elections conducted using electronic voting
machines.

Different types of problems were cited by voters all
across Tamil Nadu. The most common problems are as
follows:

  • Whenthevoterspressedthebuttontovoteforoneparty,
    the light flashed on another:
    At several places, AIADMK
    supporters complained that the light flashed against
    the DMK symbol when they pressed the AIADMK
    button. Perambalur parliamentary constituency
    (Manachanallur), Villupuram P.C (Keezhappalayam,
    Namachivapuram, Melur, Thagamtheerthapuram,
    Karunguzhi), Coimbatore P.C (polling station nos. 49
    in the city, 13 and 14 in Singanallur assembly),
    Pollachi P.C (polling station no. 107)

  • Light did not flash after vote was ‘cast’ in the EVM:
    Perambalur P.C (Veppanthattai), Thanjavur P.C (Booth
    No.162 in Mannargudi assembly)

  • EVM did not produce beep sound raising suspicions:
    Mayiladuthurai P.C (Tandamthottam, Tirunarayur)

  • Buttons got stuck and did not function: Mayiladuthurai
    P.C (Vilandakandam Panchayat, Cholanmaligai)
    Papanasam P.C (Ayyampetai, Ammapetai), Thanjavur
    (Senthalai, Nagathi)

  • EVM gave continuous non stop beep: Kumbakonam P.C
    (Tirunallur)

  • The voting machine did not make beep sound
    after casting the vote:
    Mayiladuthurai P.C (Darasuram,
    Kumbakonam polling station no. 99, Papanasam
    P.C (Keelakovil-158, Vilayapetai-179, Tiruvalanchuli-
    180, Sundaraperumalkovil-183), Coimbatore
    P.C (Coim-batore North assembly-polling station nos.
    43, 47)

  • Multiple beeps were produced by the EVMs, but ignored
    by officials:
    Coimbatore P.C (Singanallur assembly–

46

Democracy at Risk

polling station nos. 38, 165, 52, 150, 2, 13, 29,
Coimbatore North assembly-polling station nos. 3,1)
and Pollachi P.C (PS No. 92)

Seals found broken: in Trichy West Assembly
Constituency, Ward No. 51, polling station 66A, two
paper seals (Nos. 15AA017514 & 15AA017515 were
found to be damaged.

The Case of Orissa

In Orissa, which went to Lok Sabha polls on April 16
and 22, 2009 voting was delayed in a number of polling
stations across the state due to faulty EVMs. The
Congress and BJP supporters alleged that the EVMs did
not record votes in favour of Congress and BJP
candidates and irrespective of whichever candidate they
chose, the votes were being recorded in favour of Biju
Janata Dal (BJD) candidate only. Voters became agitated
and clashed with polling officials at some places
suspecting foul play.

A report in the popular website, Orissa Matters
published on April 20, 2009 vividly captures the situation.
Opposition parties including the Congress and the BJP
and many common voters in Orissa felt that the
electronic voting machines have been tampered with
in the state. (See box)

In Maharashtra, votes given to any candidate in booth
no. 265 of Mukhed Vidhansabha in the Nanded
Parliamentary Constituency in Maharashtra were being
recorded in favour of the Congress. A similar problem
was noticed in booth no. 183 of Shivadi Assembly in the
South Mumbai Parliamentary Constituency.

Another major problem cited by voters across the country
is that the polling officials suspend voting for some time
saying that the EVM has developed some problem. The
polling is resumed shortly thereafter after “setting” the
machine in order raising suspicion in the minds of the voters
that officials may be up to some mischief. There seems to be

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 47

some basis for such suspicion as the polling officials know
nothing more than operating the machine. How could they be
repairing them?

Electronic voting machines tampered with in Orissa?

Posted on April 23, 2009 by Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

Subhas Chandra Pattanayak

Second and final phase of voting in Orissa is
witnessing voters’ wrath against polling officers in
most of the booths as till now, i.e. noon, the
Electronic Voting Machines (EVM) are not working.
In the first phase of election on April 16, EVM
problems had affected voting in many booths. Voters
had taken that to be technical defects. Many voters
had gone back from the booths and the day’s last
information from the Chief Election Officer had put
the polling percentage at 52.6%. But on April 17, the
percentage was finally placed at 65.9%. This
enhancement was attributed to casting of votes
beyond the voting time as that was allowed to
compensate time lost due to defect in EVMs. This
high rise in voting numbers was looked at askance
in certain quarters, even though general public had
accepted it as normal.

But the present scenario is so massive that many
people suspect that the EVMs are tampered with.
The EVMs are high-tech machines created with
excellent technical know-how and carry certificate
of faultlessness on the basis of meticulous testing.
They should not have shown such defects in normal
condition; but they may develop defect only if
tampered with, suggest techno-academics that we
contacted.

No wonder, voters in a Cuttack booth have
manhandled the polling staff suspecting tampering
of the EVMs. Apolitical intellectuals feel that there
should be credible inquiry over non-functioning of
the EVMs in such massive scale.

http://orissamatters.com/2009/04/23/1389_evm/

48 Democracy at Risk

As all the EVMs are checked and certified by the
“authorised” technicians of the manufacturers barely
a couple of weeks before their deployment in elections,
what could be the reasons for the malfunctioning of
EVMs on a large scale? The only plausible reason is their
manipulation and tampering. This disproves the Election
Commission’s claims that the EVMs are fail safe and
tamper proof.

Lost Ballots

Vote is a sacred right enjoyed by citizens in a
democracy. Nothing should prevent a voter from
exercising this right. The EVMs have usurped this basic
human right of voters at many places as their votes went
missing either due to technical glitches or tampering
of EVMs.

At many polling stations, EVMs worked perfectly on
the polling day, but failed to read the stored voting data
on the counting day. We have come across a large
number of such cases in which the EVMs failed to
read data stored in the memory of the EVMs. In all such
cases, the returning officers discarded the polling data.

For instance, in Andhra Pradesh, in six polling
stations of Parkal assembly constituency (numbering
185, 197, 209, 212, 221 and 224), all the votes cast in
the control units have been lost. A similar situation was
observed in several other constituencies: Ramagundam
assembly constituency (polling stations 60 and 61),
Alampur (SC) constituency (polling stations 60 and 69),
Panyam (polling stations 44 and 45). This is only an
indicative list and not exhaustive.

In Puducherry parliamentary constituency, in polling
station no. 6 of Ozhukarai assembly segment, all the
555 votes were discarded as the control unit
malfunctioned on the day of counting.

In a number of cases, where the control units (of
EVMs) were replaced midway on the polling day due to

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 49
malfunctioning of EVMs, the votes polled in the faulty

EVMs could not be retrieved.

To cite two such instances, in the assembly
constituency of Pedakurapadu (Andhra Pradesh), in
Nagireddypalem Village, the control unit was replaced
in polling station number 2 as the EVM malfunctioned.
122 votes polled in the replaced EVM were discarded.
In a similar incident, in Uravakonda assembly (A.P) 120
votes polled till the first EVM developed a problem were
discarded.

In Tamil Nadu, a large number of voting machines
were replaced due to their malfunctioning. In several
such cases, the voting data stored in the malfunctioning
EVMs was lost. In Tiruchirapalli city, in Ward number.
36 and Polling station no. 96, 289 votes were lost which
were cast until 11.30 A.M in the morning when the
voting machine was replaced. Similarly, in Coimbatore
parliamentary constituency, votes were lost in the
following polling stations: PS No. 38 (ward number 2),
PS No. 149 (ward number 12), PS No. 25 (ward number
19), PS No. 34 (ward number 58), PS No. 55 (ward number
61).

The EVM is like a black box in which you cast your
vote. You don’t know what happens to it. It does not
generate any physical record of voting. As a result, if
the EVM fails to read the data stored in its memory,
the voting data gets left out. Voters in such polling
stations feel ‘cheated’ as their democratic choice finds
no expression in the results.

A news report on elections in Finland reports
that 2% of votes cast on electronic voting machines
were lost leading to the Court’s decision to cancel the
election result. The irony in our case is that we don’t
even know the scale of such ‘errors’ and the extent of
missing votes.

50 Democracy at Risk

On Second Thought, Finnish Gov’t Rejects Defective
E-Voting Results

Back in February, we found it disturbing that
Finland was allowing the results of an election to
stand, despite the fact that at least 2% of the
votes had gone missing due to e-voting glitches.
However, it looks like some sense of sanity has
been restored as a higher court has now rejected the
election results and ordered a new election. One
hopes that the new election won’t involve similarly
screwed up e-voting machines. Speaking of which…
in a separate article, we find yet another story of e-
voting machines that were “mis-calibrated” in such
a way that made it difficult to impossible for people
to vote for candidates of their choice. At some point,
given all of these problems with e-voting machines,
you have to ask why elections officials still rely on
them.

http://www.techdirt.com

EVMs Record More Votes than were Cast!

There are other instances of “discrepancies” in vote
counts. On the polling day, after the polls close, the
presiding officers hand over Form 17-C to the polling
agents of all parties which contains the number of votes
polled in that polling station. This number is sacrosanct
and no votes can either go missing or get added to this
after the polls close.

But in a large number of polling stations, differences
have been observed between the number of votes
actually polled on the polling day (as recorded in form
17-C) and the votes retrieved from that EVM on the
counting day.

In Bhandara (Maharashtra) parliamentary
constituency, difference was observed between the

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 51
votes polled and votes counted in respect of 61 polling

stations.

In the elections held to Maharashtra assembly in
October, 2009, similar discrepancies were reported. In
one assembly constituency, the number of votes counted
from the EVMs was more than the number of votes
polled, while in another assembly, votes counted from
the EVMs was less than the number of votes actually
polled on the polling day. Both the cases reported in
the Times of India raise suspicion.

Tiroda, Arjuni-Morgaon EVMs under cloud

TNN 25 October 2009

GONDIA: The discrepancy in the actual figures of
polling and shown by the electronic voting
machines (EVMs) on the counting day has raised
doubt in two assembly constituencies in Gondia
district - Tiroda and Arjuni-Morgaon.

According to official figures of voting which were
made available to the media on October 14, and the
figures shown by EVMs did not tally. There were
some discrepancies in the figures of voting on date
of counting in Tiroda and Arjuni-Morgaon. The
issue has gained importance as the difference in
the top two candidates was 623 votes.

According to figures given on October 14 out of
1,97,696 voters 1,42,700 cast their franchise,
whereas on the October 22, the EVM figure showed
1,43,056. The difference was of 356 votes. These
votes could have made a lot of difference in final
tally. However, as the difference of the votes
between both candidates was over 500, recounting
was rejected.

In Arjuni-Morgaon out of 2,02,556 voters, 1,49,061
exercised their franchise. However, after counting the
total votes received by all contestants comes to
1,49,390.
Here the difference is of 329 votes.

52 Democracy at Risk

Perhaps, anticipating such problems, in a number
of polling stations in Orissa, it was alleged that the
mandatory Form 17-C was not even issued!

According to reports available, there are huge
discrepancies between votes actually polled and votes
counted in several polling stations across the country.
These problems go unreported in the national media as
the entire focus on the Election Day is on declaring the
winners and the overall performance of leading parties.

In the present EVM regime, counting and declaration
of results happens so fast that no one gets to notice
anything. Once the result is out, nobody even bothers
to know the details. The results of 2009 general election
were practically known by 10 A.M, less than two hours
after the counting began.

Machines “Switching” Votes

In Noida parliamentary constituency (Uttar Pradesh),
independent candidates received 415 of the 417 votes
polled in polling station located in Sector 25, Jalvayu
Vihar. All the major political parties together received
only two votes. The details are as under:

PC Name
AC Name
Booth No.
Location Jalvayu Vihar, Sec.
Total Votes polled

Anil Kumar (Independent)
Sher Singh (Independent)
Rishi Singh (Independent)
Other Independents
Mahesh Sharma (BJP)
Samajwadi Party

- Gautambudh Nagar
- Noida
- 61
- 25

- 417
- 247
- 153
- 9

- 6
- 1
- 1

We have contacted over 100 voters in the polling
station area who categorically stated that they have

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 53

neither voted for any of these “independent” candidates
nor have they even heard of them. Many voters recalled
that the voting machine had malfunctioned for half an
hour and this could have resulted in this fake outcome.

***
In Ghaziabad (Uttar Pradesh) parliamentary

constituency, an independent candidate by name Satish
secured only 998 votes in 24 rounds. But, all 501 votes
polled in polling station No. 247 went to him and the
candidates of the BJP and Congress received no votes
at all and the BSP candidate Amar Pal Sharma got just
1 vote. Local enquiries revealed that the candidate in
question does not belong to that area and nobody in the
area seemed to know him, let alone vote for him.

***

The Elections to assembly and Lok Sabha were held
simultaneously in Andhra Pradesh in April, 2009. A
curious case of vote switching happened in polling station
Number 73 in Rellivalasa village of Vizianagaram
Parliamentary Constituency. In this polling station, the
Congress candidate had secured only 11 votes in the
Lok Sabha election and in the assembly election, the
TDP had secured only 10 votes. Both these are highly
improbable as these are the principal parties in the
state. The unlikely beneficiaries are the BJP in Lok
Sabha election, which secured 319 votes (against only
3 votes in assembly) and the BSP in assembly with 115
votes (against 7 votes in Lok Sabha).

Cases mentioned above in this chapter are only
illustrative of the extensive reports originating from
across the country about malfunctioning and suspected
tampering of electronic voting machines. The Election
Commission has been oblivious to such reports even
when they were brought to its notice.

Need for Post-poll Audit

Various problems associated with the EVMs have

54 Democracy at Risk

been highlighted in this chapter. Some of these could
be due to technical glitches, while others offer clinching
evidence of tampering of EVMs. No one comes to know
about these glitches or deliberate election fraud
because there is no attempt on the part of the Election
Commission to carry out any post poll audit of the EVMs
used in elections.

Post election audit refers to an in-depth examination
of the accuracy of the voting process as a whole. With
proper record keeping, an audit can facilitate a step-
by-step examination of how a voting machine recorded
cast ballots and computed vote totals to determine
whether it performed accurately or not. An audit can
examine any aspect of the election process that can be
measured or recorded.

There has never been any post election audit on
EVMs to understand the problems and the causes and
magnitude of their occurrence. There is a dire need to
document all cases of malfunctioning and misbehaviour
of the EVMs and investigate them.

The Election Commission has not conducted any
such audit or review till date because it believes that
the ECI-EVMs are fail safe!! In the absence of such a
systematic study, any assessment regarding the nature
and magnitude of variations can only be a matter of
speculation. But my estimate from various personal
accounts is that it happens on a large scale.

Electronic voting machines (EVMs) are man made
machines and are prone to errors. Further, they suffer
from several technical vulnerabilities. EVMs used in
Indian elections have gaping holes in their security and
can easily be manipulated by miscreants; both from
outside and inside as well. From various problems cited
in this chapter, it is evident that hackers already appear
to have done so. It is human tendency to exploit such
weaknesses and security lapses. And, it is difficult to
assume that several vices associated with Indian

Faulty Machines Cause Concerns 55
elections earlier, like booth capturing have suddenly

disappeared, post introduction of EVMs!

In the era of paper ballots, booth capturing became
public knowledge whenever it happened. In the present
electronic system, a meticulously planned and executed
tampering operation in the EVM regime could go
completely undetected, leaving no traces of evidence
whatsoever. Beware, a perfect murder of democracy is
possible! Only crude and failed tampering attempts
would cause the EVMs to malfunction and misbehave
as in several instances cited in this chapter.

As the muscle men exit the election scene, welcome
the new breed of ‘e-capturers’ who are subverting
people’s mandate at will, via the electronic voting
machines.

56

Democracy at Risk

Electronic voting machines seem
to have spawned a specialized
breed of techies offering enterprising
solutions to “fix” electronic voting
machines.

5

5

Electronic Fixers Demand
Hefty Sums

Is alleged tampering of electronic voting machines
merely a figment of imagination or is there any truth
in this? The answer to this question lies in personal
experiences and encounters of a number of senior
political leaders with “EVM fixers”. From these personal
accounts narrated by important and credible individuals,
it is evident that there is more to the EVM story than
what meets the eye. Take a look at some such shocking
incidents narrated to me ever since I began to explore
electronic voting machines in the wake of surprising
election outcomes.

Insider “Fixing”

(Want EVMs fixed? Pay Rs. 5 Crore)

Weeks after elections to the state assemblies of
Maharastra, Haryana and Arunachal Pradesh held in
October, 2009, I met Omesh Saigal, a retired IAS officer
and a whistle blower on the poor security of electronic
voting machines.

57

58 Democracy at Risk

“I was in Maharashtra in October. I met an
ex-MP from the Congress party there. He confirmed my
worst fears about EVMs”, Saigal said.

“What did you hear from him”, I queried.

“The ex-MP’s son stood for the Maharastra assembly
elections recently. The ex-MP told me that they were
approached by some “authorised”
engineers (apparently representing one
of the EVM manufacturers or their
agents) who offered to manipulate
election results in 50% of the polling
stations of his assembly constituency for
the princely sum of Rs. 5 Crore. The
engineers said that the candidate could
choose whichever polling stations he

Omesh Saigal
wanted manipulated.”

“Scandalous. What happened then?” I asked Saigal.

“The ex-MP refused to believe them. He said that
this couldn’t be true. The engineers gave some (client)
references to him and asked him to verify for himself,
if he so desired”, Saigal added.

Parties Scouting for Hackers

While the previous case referred to some ‘authorised’
technicians scouting for political clients to fix polls,
there have also been some cases of
political parties and candidates scouting

for hackers to fix polls.

A few days after the notification was
issued for October 2009 assembly polls, I
received a call from Hari Prasad,
managing director of a technologies firm,
NetIndia based in Hyderabad.

“Today, some representatives of Hari Prasad
a prominent regional party came to meet
us in Hyderabad. They said that they were aware that
some techies from Hyderabad or Bangalore are “fixing”

Electronic Fixers 59
elections in favour of parties and candidates. Can you

do this for us?” Hari Prasad was asked.

“Gosh, that is unbelievable. Of all people, why did
they approach you?” I asked Hari.

“They said that they did not know who exactly was
involved in the tampering EVMs and were making
discrete enquiries to locate the guys fixing polls.” Hari
said. “They seemed desperate to find the real hackers
and were willing to pay any amount”, Hari added.

Hari Prasad’s firm had earlier developed a “look alike”
EVM. He and his technical team along with V.V. Rao,
the main petitioner who filed public interest litigation
in the Supreme Court organized demonstrations at many
places to show how easily EVMs could be tampered.
That’s perhaps why the regional party in question
approached them for fixing elections.

“What did you tell them?” I asked.

“I told them that they came to the wrong guys. We
know EVMs are vulnerable but can’t help you in this
regard. But, we can help you to educate your candidates
and voters on EVMs by organizing training for them.”
Hari said.

“They (party representatives) seemed visibly
disinterested in any such proposal. They were just
looking out for techies who could fix polls for them”, Hari
informed me.

There were even more brazen attempts. NetIndia
engineers were approached by some adventurous chaps
from a small state seeking help in defeating a candidate
from that state citing public interest as the motive.
“They even sent us an email giving details, the techie
who received the mail told me. They were promptly told
that they couldn’t be helped,” Hari said.

Low Tech “Fixers”

While the above two incidents happened on the eve
of assembly elections to Maharashtra, Haryana and

60 Democracy at Risk

Arunachal Pradesh, many such stories began to
circulate in the immediate aftermath of 2009 general
elections.

A few days after the parliamentary election results,
a State President of a national party that performed
below its expectations told me, “Some engineers
approached us offering to manipulate electronic voting
machines to fix polls. They were very confident of
manipulating results in our favour. We brushed them
off as we did not take them seriously. Now, I shudder
to think if our rivals had employed them.”

The fixers in this episode met the party leader
through a sitting Member of Parliament, who lost in
2009 Lok Sabha polls.

“The engineers approached me directly saying that
they could tamper with the EVMs in select polling
stations”, the concerned ex-M.P told me later, after he
lost his election.

“How would they do it?” I quizzed him.

“They said they would fix some wire manufactured
by their associates in Mumbai in the EVMs at the ballot
unit”, the ex-M.P reported.

“Do these guys have access to the voting machines
kept in secure environment?” I asked.

“No. They don’t have access to the machines lying
in the store rooms. They told us that they would train
one voter selected by us in every polling station for
tampering. He can enter the polling station as an
ordinary voter and fix the wire as trained by them without
getting noticed. All the votes thereafter would get polled
in our favour” the ex-MP added.

“How many polling stations can they tamper for you?”
I asked.

“They asked us to select about 100 to 150 weak
polling stations in the parliamentary constituency where
tampering of EVMs is to be done”, the ex-MP added.

Electronic Fixers 61
“How much money did they demand? I queried.

“They asked us for Rs. 20 Lakh for tampering
EVMs in each Lok Sabha constituency” added the
ex-MP.

Many such instances of ‘election fixers’ approaching
party leaders and candidates have been narrated to me
in the weeks that followed.

Types of Fixers

Electronic voting machines seem to have spawned a
specialized breed of techies offering enterprising
solutions to “fix” electronic voting machines. There are
two kinds of fixers in the market as I gathered from
various sources.

The first category comprises those who claim to be
“authorised” engineers purportedly working on behalf
of the EVM manufacturers. These people have free
access to the EVMs and can play havoc with the election
results. Given these strengths, they offer high cost, high
precision services. The Maharashtra episode cited
earlier puts this cost at a whopping Rs. 5 Crore per
assembly constituency.

The second category is less sophisticated techies
who offer fixing services at a much lower cost. They
reportedly charge only Rs. 20 Lakh for each
parliamentary constituency to fix elections in select
polling stations. They adopt crude methods in tampering
the EVMs in the polling stations. They would train one
registered voter in each selected polling station who is
a supporter of the candidate. On the polling day, he
would enter the polling station to cast his vote as a
common voter. Once inside the polling area, he would
insert a jumper into the cable that connects the ballot
and control units at the ballot unit end. It would take
only a few seconds to fix the jumper. As the ballot unit
is kept in a separate compartment, the polling officials
wouldn’t suspect any foul play.

62 Democracy at Risk

A jumper is a short length of conductor used to close
a break in or bypass part of an electrical circuit. The
jumper is inserted at the ballot end into the cable that
connects the ballot and control units such that all the
votes would get registered in favour of the candidate in
whose behest the election is to be fixed, irrespective of
which candidate’s button is pressed.

Voters wouldn’t suspect any foul play as the ballot
unit would continue to function normally and the LED
next to the candidate’s button would glow normally and
a beep sound is heard from the control unit.

Tampering with the help of a jumper is possible only
in the older EVMs. These old EVMs were extensively
used in the parliamentary polls in several states. In the
new/ upgraded EVMs used in select states, dynamic
key coding logic doesn’t allow such tampering. There
are however, other tampering possibilities in the new
and upgraded EVMs which contain separate
microcontrollers in the ballot units.

Whatever I have cited above are personal experiences
narrated to me by credible people. Admittedly, all the
politicians referred above are those who have received
such “offers”. We have no confirmation from anyone who
has actually engaged them to ‘steal’ elections. That is
understandable. How can we expect anyone to own up
one’s own electoral fraud?

In the absence of such confessions or detection,
whether the ‘fixers’ have indeed tampered with the
EVMs used in elections can only be a matter of
speculation.

One thing I can say for sure: this is not a ‘con’ job by
crooks to make some fast bucks from unsuspecting and
eager politicians. After all, would anyone dare to mess
around with top politicians who are all powerful? Most
likely not.

One might argue that the incidents narrated above
may be isolated and rare cases. Let me inform you that

Electronic Fixers 63

this is not the case. If you know any top ranking
politician well, do find out. Chances are that he/she
would have some such experience to narrate to you. In
political circles, there is a strong buzz that techies are
offering “EVM fixing” solutions to win elections.

Thanks to such experiences, after romancing with
the EVMs for nearly a decade, most political parties in
the country are now entertaining serious doubts about
the reliability of the EVMs. The distrust among political
leaders and parties, cutting across party lines and
political divides, is so widespread that many of them
are wondering if the integrity of election verdicts is safe
anymore.

Much before I learnt about these insidious
developments, the story of EVMs began to unfold for me
on May 16, 2009 itself, the day election results were
declared for 15th Lok Sabha.
How come, I wondered, no
one expected the results of the 2009 general elections to be
what they were?
Neither the winners nor the losers had
any clue about the final outcome. The same is true of
the media, pollsters and the international community.
Lest you forgot the “real” happenings at the time, I have
narrated in chapter 6 the sequence of events and the
uncertainty that gripped the nation in the run up to
the 2009 general elections.

64

Democracy at Risk

Is there something esoteric and
mysterious in the fact that the only
two parliamentary elections in India’s
parliamentary history, where the
pollsters in general have gone horribly
wrong, were totally ‘electronic’
elections in which electronic voting
machines (EVMs) were used all over
the country?

6

6

The X-Factor

“Anything that is unexpected is the X-factor.”

Dante Hall, American football player

May 16, the D Day

May 16, 2009 was a very important day in the political
history of the country; the day when the election results
were to be declared for the 15th Lok Sabha, India’s lower
house of parliament. It was the D-Day for scores of
political leaders and prime ministerial aspirants as also
for contestants vying for the membership in the nation’s
most coveted club, the Indian Parliament.

With their fate already sealed in the electronic voting
machines and having completed their mandatory
reviews, all of them had only one thing left to do. Hope.
Hope for the best outcome. Yet, no one was sure. At
least not this time. They anxiously waited for the
morning of May 16 for the counting of votes and
declaration of results.

Even as no party or pre-poll alliance appeared
confident of victory, no party felt that it was out of the
reckoning. Hope was writ large on every leader’s face

65

66 Democracy at Risk

and even regional satraps with only a modicum of
strength began to fancy their chances of making it to
the highest office of the land, the exalted office of the
prime minister.

There were many other minor players who were
readying to perk up their demands in return for support
for government formation. After all, the deals struck in
the run up to the confidence vote in July, 2008 to save
the Manmohan Singh led United Progressive Alliance
(UPA) government at the Centre, after the withdrawal
of support by the left parties, were still fresh in their
minds.

A repeat of the unsavoury events witnessed in the
run up to the Manmohan Singh Government’s trust vote
win appeared to be on the cards, and for the political
parties the political ‘bazaar’ never appeared so attractive.
The impending election outcome in the form of a hung
verdict appeared to be yet another dream run that would
make every minor party relevant and every newly
elected Member of Parliament a prized catch. So,
everyone thought.

The five phases of polling for the 15th Lok Sabha
which ended on May 13 saw a vicious election campaign
unleashed by political rivals. Even as the parties were
busy fighting what appeared to be the most fiercely
fought election in the recent memory, simultaneously,
they began hectic lobbying and back channel mano-
euvrings to clinch the outcome of the election in what
was amusingly billed as the ’sixth phase’ of elections i.e
political deal making after the declaration of election
results on May 16. There appeared to be near unanimity
among all-the political leaders, independent political
analysts and observers – that the country was heading
towards a simmering season of sizzling political deals.

Unsure Congress

A number of actions and statements by the members
of the Congress party’s first family, the Nehru-Gandhi

The X-Factor 67

household, in the run up to the parliamentary election
reinforced the perception that the country was headed
for a splintered verdict and that no party or alliance,
not even the Congress party led United Progressive
Alliance (UPA), was comfortably placed in the electoral
sweepstakes.

In a much publicized press conference on May 5, after
more than two thirds (372 of the 543) of the
parliamentary constituencies had already
voted in the first three phases of polls,
Rahul Gandhi betrayed signs of
nervousness as the polling process was
drawing to a close. In an unusual twist
to the developing sordid political drama,
Rahul Gandhi showered fulsome praise
on the Congress party’s sworn political
rivals such as the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) leader N.
Chandrababu Naidu, Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar
and subtly hinted that his party was willing to work with
them in the post poll scenario. Nothing appeared to be
coming in the way of soliciting support.

10 days to go, Rahul reaches out to rivals

MAY 6: The first leader from his party to do so
openly, Gandhi praised rivals Nitish Kumar of the
JD (U) and Chandrababu Naidu of the TDP, and
talked about the Congress’s common ground with
the Left. This was clearly a bid to isolate the BJP,
undercut the Third Front and project the Congress
as the pivot of a coalition after the results come in
on May 16.

At an hour-long press conference before the fourth
phase of polling on Thursday, Gandhi claimed the
Congress was not going to sit in Opposition,
claiming that the party would be the only option for
regional parties after May 16.
(Indian Express, May 7,
2009)

68 Democracy at Risk

The message from Rahul Gandhi’s press conference
was loud and clear: there were no permanent rivals in
politics and anyone having a few seats in Parliament is
a valued friend in these uncertain times.

At that time, party and political circles were abuzz
with rumours that the Gandhi parivar was making last
ditch efforts for the Congress party to lead the next
government after the polls and should the attempts fail –
which the party considered to be a distinct possibility –
Rahul Gandhi would be anointed Leader of the
Opposition in the Parliament to prepare him for a prime
ministerial bid in 2014.

Evidently, there was growing unease in the Congress
party’s first family about the impending election outcome
and the ‘crown prince’ of the Congress party was himself
proving to be a bundle of nerves.

Another instance of the Gandhi household’s pre-poll
jitters was evident from Priyanka Gandhi Vadra’s
interview to the Outlook magazine. In the interview
published in the magazine’s May 11, 2009 issue just
days before the declaration of election results, Priyanka
was asked as to what her prediction was for the
Congress party in the election. Her reply was candid
and matter of fact. She said, “I think this election is
very touch and go. Touch and go in the sense that it is
going to be a close call.”

In the Outlook interview, Priyanka had this to say
about Rahul,
“During the last elections (2004), the only one
who had the numbers exact was my brother. All the rest of
us thought we were not going to do well, but he was very
clear right from the beginning, and he had all the numbers
and papers lined up and they were actually pretty accurate”.

Sonia Gandhi, mother of Rahul and Priyanka, is the
party’s undisputed leader of the Congress party. To her
credit, Italy born Sonia has come a long way in her
political career and breathed life into the moribund
Congress party. At a time when most people had written

The X-Factor 69

off the Congress party, Sonia’s strategy of striking astute
electoral alliances, combined with a quirk of
circumstances brought the Congress party back to power
at the Centre in 2004, defeating a seemingly invincible
Atal Bihari Vajpayee led National Democratic Alliance
(NDA) regime at the Centre. With her party’s victory in
2009 polls, Sonia has given her party stunning back to
back victories in parliamentary elections in the face of
a strong anti incumbency sentiment.

Throughout the campaign for the 2009 parliamentary
election, Sonia was circumspect and unlike her
children, did not reveal her mind on the impending
election outcome. Was Sonia confident of a favourable
election outcome? No. Being more cautious and guarded
by nature, she spoke nothing. But, Sonia, like her
children, was on pins and needles about the election
outcome.

Highly placed Congress sources at the time revealed
that one action by Sonia clearly showed that she was
jittery. She had got the Manmohan Singh government
to withdraw the Interpol’s Red Corner Notice (RCN)
against Ottavio Quattrocchi, an Italian businessman and
a family friend. As they say, deeds speak louder than
words. (See Box on the next page)

Alliance hopping

The run up to the 2009 general elections saw parties
deserting the two principal alliances, namely the
Congress party led United Progressive Alliance (UPA)
and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) led National
Democratic Alliance (NDA). In the two months preceding
the Lok Sabha election, many time tested alliances
broke apart from their long term friends.

On the eve of 2009 polls, most of the regional parties
reckoned that neither the Congress nor the BJP would
be able to capture power at the Centre as the prospect
of a hung Parliament loomed large. Regional parties

70 Democracy at Risk

In last days of UPA govt, Quattrocchi is off
CBI’s wanted list
April 28: With just three weeks to go before the
Congress-led UPA government’s term ends, Ottavio
Quattrocchi, the lone surviving suspect in the
Bofors payoff case, no longer figures in the Central
Bureau of Investigation (CBI)’s list of wanted
persons. The 12-year Interpol Red Corner Notice
(RCN) against the Italian businessman has been
taken off the “Interpol Notices” section of the
agency’s website.

Sources have confirmed to The Indian Express that
last week Minister of State for Personnel Prithviraj
Chavan and Law Minister Hansraj Bhardwaj held
meetings with the CBI Director on the issue. When
contacted, Chavan said: “I will have to find out what
the position is. The agency is doing independent
work.” (Indian Express, April 29, 2009)

deserting the UPA and the NDA preferred to keep
their options open or join the third front to
enhance their bargaining power in the post-poll
scenario. The emergence of the Third Front, a
conglomeration of regional parties joined by the left
parties and a Fourth Front, comprising regional, caste
based parties in the cow belt took shape only weeks
ahead of Lok Sabha polls.

The BJP led NDA that ruled at the Centre between
1999 and 2004 had as many as 23 parties as its
constituents. The Congress led UPA government, which
came to power in 2004, was also a large conglomeration
with a number of parties either joining it or supporting
it from outside. Thus, in the last decade, India was ruled
by coalition governments, either led by the Congress
party or the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The X-Factor 71

The sudden political activity and realignments
preceding the 2009 Lok Sabha polls signalled that the
coalition era, which took root in the past decade, was
here to stay as no single party, be it the BJP or the
Congress, had the electoral strength and appeal to
acquire a big tally on its own.

The BJD Shock

The rival challenger to the Congress led UPA, the
BJP led NDA suffered the first blow with the exit of the
Biju Janata Dal (BJD) led by Naveen Patnaik, a long
time BJP ally and a member of the NDA, who deserted
the alliance barely weeks before the simultaneous polls
to the Lok Sabha and the Orissa state assembly. Though
there were some early signs that a break-up may be in
the offing, the wily Patnaik who had made up his mind
much earlier, kept the BJP guessing until the last
moment and dumped it after making all his
preparations.

What was it that made a risk averse Patnaik bold
enough to desert the BJP unceremoniously? Around the
time the break up happened, there were reports, not
entirely unfounded, that the Congress party had a hand
in the developments. The Congress party’s managers
had apparently conveyed to Patnaik through their BJD
friends in Delhi that the national party was willing to
offer a quid pro quo deal: it would extend support to
Naveen Patnaik in case he fell short of numbers in the
assembly in return for the BJD’s support to a Congress
led government at the Centre. The manner the Orissa
unit of the Congress allowed the BJD government to
survive immediately after the BJP had withdrawn its
support to the Naveen Patnaik government in March
2009 lends credence to this theory of a clandestine
arrangement between the erstwhile arch rivals in
Orissa.

The Congress party was willing to forsake its
interests in the state of Orissa by sewing up a covert

72 Democracy at Risk

alliance with its arch political rival for two decades, the
Biju Janata Dal (BJD). The Congress party reckoned
that a break-up of the BJD-BJP alliance would push the
NDA tally down by a minimum of 15 to 18 seats and
that was a large number that the NDA would find
impossible to make up for elsewhere.

Expectedly, the BJP suffered heavily from its
split with the BJD. Besides losing a crucial state
like Orissa, it made the BJP led NDA’s challenge look
much weaker. As it is, for want of viable election
alliances, the NDA was a non starter in
several battleground states like Andhra Pradesh,
West Bengal and Tamil Nadu accounting for as many
as 123 states in the Lok Sabha. The loss of Orissa, a
BJD-BJP bastion, which had delivered a rich harvest
in successive Lok Sabha elections since 1998, cost the
NDA dearly.

The Congress party’s covert support to the BJD had
a strategic intent. The party, unsure of a strong
performance at the national level, apparently believed
that weakening the rival NDA was a way to keep its
hopes of recapturing power alive.

UPA Deserters

The Congress party revelled in the discomfiture
of the rival NDA camp at the exit of the BJD. It
had little idea that there would be
desertions from its own camp soon there
after. Lalu Prasad Yadav led Rashtriya
Janata Dal (RJD) and Ram Vilas Paswan’s
Lok Janshakti party (LJP) abandoned the
United Progressive Alliance (UPA) barely

weeks before elections.

RJD and the LJP, two Bihar specific regional parties
along with the Mulayam singh Yadav led Samajwadi party
(SP) came together to form a ‘fourth front’. Both the RJD
and the LJP were members of the UPA coalition since

The X-Factor 73

2004 and participated in the Manmohan Singh
government holding key ministries. The Samajwadi
party – despite its crucial support to the Manmohan
Singh government in the 2008 confidence vote in
Parliament which helped it to survive after the
withdrawal of support by the left parties – had given up
on the Congress party for getting too ambitious with its
seat sharing demands without having enough support
base in the state of Uttar Pradesh.

The RJD and the LJP humiliated the Congress party
by unilaterally deciding to contest 37 of
the 40 parlia-mentary seats in Bihar,
leaving merely three seats for the national

party and head of the United Progressive
Alliance (UPA). The Congress party
pleaded with Lalu Prasad Yadav to offer
it a more respectable number of seats.
Political sources at the time revealed that
the Congress party had demanded eight seats but would
have settled for even six seats to keep the alliance going.

But, Lalu Prasad was in no mood to relent. He argued
that he could not give more than three seats to the party
and there could be no reconsideration of his party’s
decision. It was a ‘take it or leave it’ offer and not one
of accommodation which usually marks such electoral
negotiations.

Both Lalu Prasad Yadav and Paswan are grassroots
politicians and would not have treated the Congress
party in a cavalier manner if they had even an inkling
that the Congress party would comfortably return to
power at the Centre. In a sense, they both dumped the
Congress party on the eve of elections to keep their post
election options open.

Alliances in Fray

Thus, four pre-poll rival alliances were in the
fray in the 2009 general elections. They were the

74 Democracy at Risk

ruling Congress party led United Progressive Alliance
(UPA); its principal challenger, the Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP) led National Democratic Alliance (NDA); the
left parties’ led Third Front comprising of disparate
regional parties; and the fourth front comprising the
Mulayam Singh Yadav led Samajwadi party (SP), the
Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and the Lok Janshakti
party (LJP).

One thing was clear to all: that no pre-poll alliance –
neither the one led by the Congress party nor the BJP
nor any other – was likely to be anywhere close to
winning a majority of 272 seats in the 543 member Lok
Sabha.

NDA’s Accretion of Strength

On May 10, the NDA organized a massive rally in
Ludhiana to exhibit its strength and unity. Organised
by the NDA ally, the Shiromani Akali Dal led by Prakash
Singh Badal, the NDA used the Ludhiana event to send
out a signal that it was brimming with confidence about
its electoral prospects. This became necessary after
Rahul Gandhi made a desperate attempt to poach in
the rival NDA camp by praising Nitish Kumar, Bihar
chief minister and long standing ally of the BJP in his
press conference on May 5.

Nitish Kumar, the favourite target of the Congress
party, attended the Ludhiana rally and his bonhomie
with the BJP’s leaders put paid to all intelligently
motivated propaganda that he was likely to support a
Congress party led dispensation at the Centre.

The big surprise of the Ludhiana rally was the
participation of K. Chandrasekhar Rao, Founder and
President of the Telengana Rastra Samiti (TRS). TRS
fought elections as a member of the Third Front in
alliance with the Telugu Desam Party (TDP) and the
left parties in Andhra Pradesh.

With less than a week to go for elections, when most

The X-Factor 75

parties preferred to keep all their options open, Rao’s
decision to support the BJP led NDA just days before
the declaration of results was seen as a shot in the
arm for the NDA and augured well for its government
formation efforts.

US Envoy meets Indian leaders

The suspense regarding the 2009 election outcome
gripped not just India’s political leaders and its
electorate; even the international community appeared
to be anxious about the outcome, particularly due to
the unusual division witnessed in the Indian political
class over the Indo-US Civilian Nuclear Agreement,
popularly known as the Indo-US nuclear deal.

US diplomat’s meetings trigger political row

May 14, 2009

New Delhi: A US diplomat’s meetings with Indian
political leaders at the fag end of the Lok Sabha
elections has sparked a row with the Left Thursday
accusing Washington of meddling in New Delhi’s
internal affairs and the US embassy denying the
charge.

The US embassy said that no political meaning
should be read into the meetings. ‘He (Burleigh) met
with (Chandrababu) Naidu for routine consultations.
The US categorically denies any attempt to
interfere in India’s democratic political process,’ a
spokesperson for the US embassy said.

The US is closely watching the Indian election,
which is expected to produce a fractured mandate.

With the Left fiercely opposed to the India-US
nuclear deal and the larger strategic relationship
between the two countries, there is concern in
Washington about the Communists wielding
influence in the next government.

76 Democracy at Risk

The Communist Party of India (Marxist) led Left Front
had withdrawn support to the Manmohan Singh
government earlier in July 2008 due to ideological
differences with the Congress party over the signing of
the nuclear deal. The nuclear deal became a reference
point for realignment of political forces into pro and anti
nuclear deal camps. The nuclear deal had acquired a
high degree of salience in Indian politics and the BJP
and the left parties, with diverse ideological positions,
appeared to be on the same side of the nuclear deal
debate, though for entirely different reasons.

In the backdrop of these developments, the 2009 Lok
Sabha election became a subject matter of great interest
to the United States and other countries that have a
stake in the continuation of the nuclear deal. What
would be the fate of the already inked Indo-US Civilian
Nuclear Agreement in case the Congress party failed
to return to power, they wondered? Thus, American
Embassy in Delhi was anxious about the election
outcome and its implications for the nuclear deal.

Barely a few days before the election results were
to be declared, the US Charge d’ Affaires. A Peter
Burleigh met with the BJP’s Prime Ministerial
candidate LK Advani in New Delhi and the Telugu
Desam Party (TDP) Chief, Nara Chandrababu Naidu and
Praja Rajyam party Chief and actor Chiranjeevi in
Hyderabad.

Though what transpired in these meetings is
unknown, the speculation was that a worried American
administration was trying to understand how these
parties would approach the nuclear deal; how the events
were likely to unfold after the declaration of results and
what their implications would be for the Indo-US
relations.

I am citing this incident to highlight that even the
international diplomatic community, which generally
has a good fix on ongoing political developments, had

The X-Factor 77
widely anticipated a fractured mandate and an

inclement political weather post elections.
***

The Countdown, May 16

9 A.M

The initial trends began to flash on television screens
and they showed the Congress party performing much
better than expected in a number of states. These were
early trends but pointed towards a sizeable lead for the
Congress party. Are these early trends reliable? Early
reporting is usually based on the initial trends from a
very limited number of polling stations. From my TV
broadcasting experience, I knew it would take at least
an hour for constituencies to report firm trends based
on a reasonable progress of counting. The trends,
however, began to consolidate in favour of the Congress
party as the counting progressed. But, many states were
still to report trends as the counting process is slow in
some states.

10 A.M

The election results began to look firm as all states
had started reporting by this time. The Congress party
and its allies were sweeping the polls in the Southern
states, except Karnataka (where the BJP held sway)
and were even leading in battleground states like
Maharashtra and West Bengal. It became clear that the
BJP led NDA lost out in the race due to severe electoral
setbacks it received in north Indian states like Uttar
Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana, Delhi and Uttaranchal.
The Congress led UPA seemed to have the momentum.
Yet, it didn’t appear to be heading towards a majority of
its own.

11 A.M

The election trends came as a huge disappointment
for the principal challenger, the BJP led NDA. The BJP

78 Democracy at Risk

conceded defeat by 11 A.M. L.K. Advani, the prime
ministerial candidate of the NDA congratulated the
Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on the Congress
party’s stunning victory. Prakash Karat, General
Secretary of the Communist Party of India (Marxist) and
the principal architect of the third alternative to the
Congress and the BJP conceded defeat by the afternoon
after the trends showed that his party and the left front
had suffered major setbacks in both Kerala and West
Bengal, considered to be red bastions.

***

The After Shocks

Proving its own assessments wrong, the Congress
party won a stunning victory by winning as many as 206
seats (up from the 145 seats it won in the 2004 polls)
and a near majority in parliament for its United
Progressive Alliance (UPA) by winning 263 seats in the
543 member house, just nine short of an absolute
majority.
The Lok Sabha election results stunned the
Congress leaders as much as they stunned its rivals.

None of the key players – political leaders, media,
poll pundits, diplomats etc. – had had any inkling about
the final election result: a near majority for the UPA
and a whopping tally of over 200 seats for the Congress
party. Nor had anyone expected the opposition to be
trounced so badly.

The BJP and the Left Front suffered their worst
electoral defeats in many decades. Regional parties that
had weathered many a political storm and survived and
thrived at all times did not know what catastrophe struck
them. All these parties were utterly unprepared for the
electoral Tsunami that hit them and swept them away.
In a span of just three hours, an electoral earthquake
that hit the Indian political coast, perhaps the biggest
and the most unexpected ever, left a trail of devastation.

May 16 was a day that shattered many dreams. The

The X-Factor 79

conjured images of a hung parliament that appeared to be the
hallmark of 2009 election until that morning proved to be
unreal and illusory. The much anticipated “6th phase” of
elections that was expected to see intense jockeying and
bargaining also proved to be a chimera.

***

Exit Polls Go Awry

Exit polls did no better. All the ‘Exit polls’ estimated
that the best performing alliance was likely to be afar
by nearly 50 seats from securing a simple majority of
272 seats in the 543 member Lok Sabha. After the 2004
Exit poll fiasco, once again, the media polls completely
missed the Congress surge in 2009 Lok Sabha polls.

E-Voting Fails Exit Pollsters

The track record of exit pollsters in India was
remarkable until 1999. My own projections for
successive Lok Sabha elections in 1996, 1998 and 1999
were spot on. Why is it that the Indian pollsters have
failed to read the voter mood correctly in the 2009 and
2004 Lok Sabha elections when they were able to do so
very accurately until 1999? (Refer Table at the end of
this chapter)

Is there something esoteric and mysterious in the
fact that the only two parliamentary elections in India’s
parliamentary history, where the pollsters in general
have gone horribly wrong, were totally ‘electronic’
elections in which electronic voting machines (EVMs)
were used all over the country?

Ever since Indian elections went electronic with the
nation-wide use of electronic voting machines, voting
patterns have become extremely unpredictable. The
results of 2004 and 2009 parliamentary elections and
the recent elections to the state assemblies of
Maharashtra and Haryana bear out this assessment.
That leads us to ask the natural question: are the

80 Democracy at Risk

electronic voting machines responsible for the jerky
election outcomes in Indian elections? In other words,
do EVMs constitute the enigmatic ‘X factor’ in the recent
Indian elections?

A series of questions kept coming to me in quick
succession as election after election began to surprise
all, including the voters. Are the EVMs reliable? Do they
record votes accurately? What has been the experience
of the common voters in using EVMs?

The Star News-Nielsen Exit poll predicted a hung
Parliament and a close fight between the Congress-
led UPA and the BJP-led NDA. The survey gave 202
seats to the UPA and 198 seats to the NDA. The Exit
poll projected a close race for the single largest party
status giving 157 and 154 seats respectively for the
Congress and the BJP.

The NDTV Exit Poll predicted that the Congress-led
UPA would emerge well ahead with 216 seats,
followed by the NDA (177 seats), Third front (105
seats) and the Fourth Front (30 seats). The Exit poll
forecast 160 seats for the Congress party.

Exit poll by the CNN-IBN TV News channel initially
gave 185-205 seats for the UPA and 165-185 seats
for the NDA. Barely a few hours before the counting
began for the 2009 Lok Sabha elections, the CNN-
IBN News Channel revised its projections giving the
Congress led UPA 210-225 seats in the 543 member
house and 165 seats for the Congress party.

The Times of India-Times Now TV News channel
came up with political assessment reports based on
extensive inputs received from their correspondents
around the country. Its projections: 198 seats for the
Congress party led UPA and 183 seats for the BJP led
NDA. It gave 154 seats for the Congress and 142 for
the BJP.

The X-Factor 81



1:EXIT POLL PROJECTIONS: LOK SABHA ELECTION, 2009

TV Network

Total

BJP+

Congress+

Others

Star News

543

198

202

143

NDTV

543

177

216

150

CNN-IBN (First)

543

175

195

173

CNN-IBN (Final)

543

188

218

137

Times Now*

543

183

198

162

ACTUAL RESULTS

ALL INDIA

543

159

263

121



2:EXIT POLL PROJECTIONS: LOK SABHA ELECTION, 2004

TV Network

Total

BJP+

Congress+

Others

Sahara Samay

543

270

176

97

Star News

543

270

181

92

Aaj Tak

543

248

189

106

Zee News

543

249

176

118

NDTV

543

240

197

106

ACTUAL RESULTS

ALL INDIA

543

185

217

141

3: Exit Poll Predictions (1996, 1998, 1999)

Lok Sabha Election

Alliance

Projection

Actual

1996

BJP+

188

189

Congress+

142

132

Others

212

215

1998

BJP+

252

252

Congress+

140

147

Others

145

138

1999

BJP+

287

298

Congress+

174

135

Others

77

105

* Political Assessment
Poll prediction by G.V.L. Narasimha Rao for Times of India/ Doordarshan;
Source: Indian Elections in Nineties by GVL Narasimha Rao and K. Balakrishnan
(Published, 1999)

82

Democracy at Risk

For the first time since the
nationwide introduction of EVMs
in 2004, a number of parties began to
wonder if the EVMs could have cost
them the election. The concerns
regarding the EVMs were widespread
and cut across the entire political
spectrum.

7

7

Vote of No Confidence

“The Democrats think Republicans are stealing elections. The
Republicans think Democrats are stealing elections. And, those
of us who are neither, know they are both right.”

Kevin Zeese, American Political Activist

The Lok Sabha election results had shocked both the
winners and the losers, though understandably in
different ways. The 2009 parliamentary election, after
a gap of exactly two decades, truly saw a resurgent
Congress occupy centre stage in the national politics.
The Congress party – with its unexpected tally of 206
seats in the election – surpassed its own expectations.
The accretion in Congress party’s parliamentary
strength was dramatic and meteoric.

Losers’ Consternation

The unexpected scale of defeat had caused
consternation among the parties which had performed
much worse than their expectations. Most of the leaders
of the losing parties – this included leaders of the BJP,
left parties or regional parties – had an eerie feeling that
something had gone wrong with the elections. No one
exactly knew what.

83

84 Democracy at Risk

“The Purpose of voting
technology is to record
and tally all votes
accurately and to
provide sufficient
evidence to assure all
participants-especially
the losing candidates
and their supporters-
that the election results
accurately reflects the
will of the voters.”

Jimmy Carter &
James Baker III

Nonetheless, for the first
time since the nationwide
introduction of EVMs in 2004, a
number of parties began to
wonder if the EVMs could have
cost them the election. The
concerns regarding the EVMs
were widespread and cut across
the entire political spectrum.
Even the Congress party that
had spectacularly won the 2009
polls had serious apprehensions
that it had lost in Orissa
because the EVMs were
manipulated in that state by its
political rivals.

Congress’s Complaints

At a press conference in Bhubaneswar on June 18,
2009 Ghulam Nabi Azad, Congress party’s general
secretary in charge of Orissa and present
Union Health minister alleged large
scale manipulation of EVMs by the ruling

Biju Janata Dal.

The Congress party had its
own reasons to be suspicious. In the
state of Orissa, in simultaneous assembly
and parliamentary polls, the Congress

party had won a paltry 27 of the 147 assembly seats
and six of the 21 Lok Sabha constituencies.

The ruling party, Biju Janata Dal (BJD), led by Chief
Minister Naveen Patnaik –BJD fought elections alone
following its split with the BJP – swept the polls winning
103 assembly and 14 Lok Sabha seats.

Vote of No Confidence 85

Voting machines ‘manipulated’ in Orissa polls: Azad

Thursday, June 18, 2009

Bhubaneswar: Congress general secretary in
charge of the party’s affairs in Orissa Ghulam Nabi
Azad today alleged “manipulation” of electronic
voting machines (EVMs) had led to the party’s defeat
in the assembly and parliamentary elections in the
state.

“EVMs were manipulated during the poll which
resulted in defeat of many Congress candidates,”
Azad said in a press conference here.

Azad met the candidates in the twin polls and
reviewed the reasons of dismal show, constituency
wise. After the review meeting, he also charged the
BJD with misusing the official machinery during
the polls.

“There was a wide-scale misuse of official
machinery by the ruling BJD, which led to the
debacle of the Congress party in the poll,” he alleged.
(IANS)

In 2009 Lok Sabha polls, the Congress party had
registered vote gains in most states where it is in the
opposition. Surprisingly, it suffered a loss of eight
percentage points in votes in Orissa and its vote share
dropped from 40.4 per cent to 32.8 per cent. This is the
lowest vote share ever polled by the Congress party in
Orissa in parliamentary polls.

There were no apparent reasons as to why a
nationally resurgent Congress party should suffer losses
in a state where the party had been out of power for a
decade. Following widespread complaints that the EVMs
malfunctioned during polls due to their tampering, the
Congress party leaders filed an election petition in the
Orissa High Court. The petition alleged large scale

86 Democracy at Risk

tampering and manipulation of EVMs by the ruling Biju
Janata Dal.*

Congress blames BJD of EVM tampering in Orissa

PTI
Wednesday, June 17, 2009 23:47 IST

Bhubaneswar: Maintaining that free and fair
election would have taken place under Central rule,
some Congress leaders accused the ruling BJD of
manipulating EVMs, misusing government
machinery and even poll officials, state Congress
media cell chairman Kailash Acharya told reporters.

“It was felt that replacement of several EVMs at
many places in a fraudulent manner and bogus
voting led to defeat of a large number of Congress
candidates,” he said.

Many Congressmen claimed though there was no
visible wave in favour of BJD, the party scored a
landslide victory through rigging and manipulation
of EVMs, Acharya said.

L.K. Advani’s Apprehensions

Two weeks after the Congress party voiced its
apprehensions on Orissa mandate, L.K. Advani,
NDA’s prime ministerial candidate expressed doubts
about the reliability of the EVMs. L.K. Advani was,
however, gracious and careful not to make allegations
like rigging or malpractices in the elections.

Lal Krishna Advani (82) is a tall national leader and
was deputy prime minister in Atal Behari Vajpayee
government at the Centre. He was the Leader of the
Opposition in the 14th Lok Sabha and the NDA’s
prime ministerial candidate in the Lok Sabha polls.

* See Annexure 7

Vote of No Confidence 87

Advani is a widely respected
parliamentarian and the quintessential
organization man credited for the
ascendance of the Bharatiya Janata party
(BJP) in national politics and for its
emergence as an alternate pole to the
Congress party in national politics.

Advani has doubts about EVM, wants ballot
papers back
Suman K Jha
Sunday, Jul 05, 2009

BJP leader L.K. Advani has demanded the
reintroduction of ballot papers in elections,
beginning with the Maharashtra Assembly elections
in October, and three other states later this year.

“We should revert to ballot papers unless the
Election Commission is able to ensure that
Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) are foolproof and
every possibility of their malfunctioning is taken
care of,” Advani told The Sunday Express here on
Saturday.

Citing the instances of Germany (which has banned
electronic voting altogether) and the US (which has
elaborate guidelines for voting through EVMs),
Advani stressed that “no one was raising any
questions like rigging or malpractices in the
elections”, but larger questions about the
“possibility of EVMs’ malfunctioning…must be
addressed”.

After the recent elections, some state units of the
BJP had leveled allegations of “malpractices through
EVMs”. The issue also figured in a meeting of the
BJP’s newly-elected MPs last month.

88 Democracy at Risk

Advani has a habit of telling it like it is. He applies
his mind on all important issues and reflects on them
before making his views public. He measures his words
carefully and presents his views in a lucid and succinct
manner and does not tend to obfuscate issues.

Though L.K. Advani raised his concerns on EVMs
many days after other leaders like Ghulam Nabi Azad
(Congress), Chandrababu Naidu (Telugu Desam Party)
and Jayalalithaa (AIADMK) had aired them, the EVM
debate had acquired urgency and national prominence
only after L.K. Advani spoke about it.

The After Shocks

L.K. Advani’s views had brought the subject of EVMs
onto the centre stage. So significant and compelling
were Advani’s views that even parties that have a strong
adversarial relationship with the BJP like the
Communist Party of India (Marxist), Rashtriya Janata
Dal (RJD), Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), Janata Dal
(Secular) have instantly endorsed Advani’s
apprehensions.

In all this, it appeared as though a consensus
was developing on the need to review and remedy
the present voting system. The number of parties
having serious misgivings about the EVMs continues to
swell.

Communists Express Reservations

Echoing the apprehensions expressed by L.K. Advani,
CPI (M) Polit Bureau member Sitaram Yechury said,
“Many questions have already been raised relating to
the EVMs. These are serious issues and if we want to
strengthen our democracy, then we should consider the
matter very seriously.'’ Noting that many developed
countries have reverted to ballot papers, Yechury felt
that there was a need to reconsider options. He even
called for a probe into charges of malfunctioning of EVMs
in many places.

Vote of No Confidence 89

Prakash Karat, CPI (M) General
Secretary, in a letter to the Chief Election
Commissioner Navin Chawla dated
September 1 wrote, “In the recent period,
a number of questions have been raised
about the reliability of the EVMs in the
polling process. Amongst the concerns is
the possibility of tampering with the
program chip embedded in the EVMs and further the
lack of any verifiable record of the vote cast by a voter”.

Memo to the Election Commission

7 September 2009

Questions on reliability of EVMs:

  1. Possibility of incorporating a Trojan horse into the
    chip.

  2. Possibility of manipulation of chips during
    manufacturing, insertion and transportation stages.

  3. Lack of EC control on the entire technical process of
    the EVMs.

  4. Lack of third party check/inspection/guarantee on the
    programming of the chips used in the EVMs.

  5. Banning the usage of EVMs in some Western
    countries particularly in Europe.

  6. Reporting of errors in some machines and the
    discrepancies in the results.
    Steps that need to be taken to restore the
    confidence of the political parties and people on
    the usage of the EVMs:

  1. The entire manufacturing process has to be done
    under the control of the Election Commission and for
    this an exclusive technical department needs to be
    established.

  2. Both hardware and software should be in public
    domain.

  3. The chips manufactured by ECIL, BEL should be
    allowed for yearly random third party inspections
    either by NIC or IITs.

  4. All the machines should be randomly changed from
    state to state and within the country in every election.

  5. A verification tool should be developed and made

    available to all.

90 Democracy at Risk

Adding that many countries, having the requisite
technological know-how had stopped the use of EVMs
or prescribed conditions for their use, Karat wrote, “It
is important that all doubts about the use of the EVMs
for voting are removed, so that people’s faith in the
democratic system is not affected”.

Karat, a no-nonsense politician, demanded that the
poll panel should hold a meeting of all parties and
technical experts to clear doubts and allay
apprehensions about the use of electronic voting
machines. The Election Commission refused to oblige
Karat and his demand for an all party meet remains
unheeded. However, the Election Commission invited
Prakash Karat for a discussion. Prakash Karat and his
fellow comrades met the Commission on September 7,
2009 and submitted a memo highlighting their concerns.

Southern Discomfort

Well before L.K. Advani and Prakash Karat voiced
their concerns on EVMs, southern regional satraps led
by Telugu Desam party (TDP) chief, Chandrababu Naidu
in Andhra Pradesh and the All India Anna Dravida
Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) Supremo, Dr. J.
Jayalalithaa of Tamil Nadu articulated their vehement
opposition to the electronic voting machines.

Chandrababu Naidu and Jayalaithaa were the first
to fire salvos against the EVMs alleging that they were
susceptible to rigging. Both the leaders demanded that
the Election Commission of India (ECI) should junk the
EVMs and return to the old ballot paper system to ensure
that the people’s voting choices are properly registered.

Tech Savvy Naidu Says No to EVMs

N. Chandrababu Naidu, former chief minister of
Andhra Pradesh, is indisputably India’s first techno savvy
and laptop-toting politician. Naidu had captivated the
entire political class with his abiding interest in IT. This
coupled with his professional approach to politics and

Vote of No Confidence 91

governance had earned Chandrababu Naidu, when he
was the state’s chief minister, the epithet of Chief
Executive Officer (CEO) of Andhra
Pradesh.

Naidu is convinced that the electronic
voting in the present form practiced in
India is unreliable and must be
jettisoned. Though a passionate
enthusiast of information technology, he
never tires of highlighting the dangers of
electronic voting.

Jayalalithaa Boycotts By-Elections

Even as the polling for parliamentary election was
underway in Tamil Nadu, the AIADMK General
Secretary, Dr. J. Jayalalithaa aired her concerns over
the malfunctioning of the EVMs. Jayalalithaa told the
media on May 13 – the day all the 39 parliamentary
seats in Tamil Nadu went to polls – “In many polling
stations in Tamil Nadu, EVMs are not functioning
properly. Even votes polled in favour of the AIADMK are
being registered in favour of other candidates.”

The AIADMK and its ally, the PMK believed that the
Lok Sabha polls in the state were ‘fixed’ to deliver false
victories to their rivals. Jayalalithaa had
demanded that the Election Commission
must jettison EVMs in the by-elections
scheduled to the five assembly
constituencies in the state on August 18,
2009 three months after Lok Sabha polls.
When the Commission refused to heed
the suggestion, AIADMK boycotted the by-

elections.

Predictably, Jayalalithaa’s accusations that the
EVMs were tampered in Tamil Nadu rattled the Election
Commission and prompted it to use the new, upgraded
electronic voting machines in the by-elections in the

92 Democracy at Risk

state in place of the old EVMs used in Lok Sabha
elections in Tamil Nadu.

Like Naidu, Jayalalithaa also believes that a physical
record of voting is necessary to give confidence to the
voter that her/ his vote had been recorded properly. Says
Jayalalithaa, “In a democracy, every voter has a right
to know whether the vote she/ he has cast has gone to
the candidate or party it was meant for. In the absence
of such certainty, the entire democratic process will be
rendered a mockery”.

Ever in Power PMK Smells a Plot

Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), a regional party in
Tamil Nadu founded by Dr. S. Ramadoss strongly
opposes the EVMs. The PMK was an ally of the
DMK and a constituent of the UPA at the Centre until
the announcement of Lok Sabha polls. The PMK
switched to the rival AIADMK on the eve of 2009 Lok
Sabha polls.

The regional party had switched effortlessly before
every election in the last decade between the rival
Dravidian parties, the Karunanidhi led DMK and the
Jayalalthaa led AIADMK. But it always ended up being
in the victor’s camp. The widely held notion in the
political circles was: wherever the PMK goes, the
alliance emerges the winner as the party had an
uncanny ability to read the public mood and pick the
winner. The PMK draws support heavily from the
Vanniar caste and has secured a minimum of four Lok
Sabha seats in the previous three Lok sabha elections.
This time around, however, the PMK proved to be
unlucky and drew a blank in Lok Sabha polls.

The PMK leaders believe that the electoral rout was
the result of fixing of EVMs by its political rivals. Unable
to accept the verdict, the PMK filed a writ petition in
the Madras High Court alleging that the EVMs were
tampered in Lok Sabha elections in Tamil Nadu. Madras

Vote of No Confidence 93
High Court directed the petitioners to approach the

Election Commission to air their grievances.

In their petition to the Election Commission, the
PMK representatives wrote: “(U)nder the electronic
voting system,
neither the election agents nor the voters
have the facility and satisfaction of scrutinizing the ballot-
boxes and ballot-papers prior to and during the casting of
vote. And there is no physical reconstruction of the vote in
case of dispute. These deficiencies have severely eroded
voter’s faith in the electronic voting system,
despite its
technological underpinning.”

Winners Join the Anti-EVM Chorus

Not just losers, several parties that performed
creditably in 2009 polls also joined the anti-EVM chorus.
Trinamool Congress which swept Lok Sabha polls in West
Bengal, the Janata Dal (United) which swept polls in
Bihar and the Congress party in Orissa which registered
a nationwide spectacular performance raised concerns
about EVMs.

Mamata Banerjee, President of
Trinamool Congress party welcomed L.K.
Advani’s suggestion to revert to the
traditional paper ballot system. She
recalled that a year earlier, in 2008,
when the Trinamool Congress swept the
panchayat polls in which ballot papers
were used, she had demanded that ballot

papers be used in Lok Sabha polls as Electronic Voting
Machines (EVMs) can easily be tampered and alleged
that the CPM had been rigging the polls through EVMs.

Mamata Banerjee alleged that the strong rooms
where EVMs are kept before counting are manned by
the state government employees and police. “The CPM
is manipulating the machines and reversing the public
mandate in Bengal. This year’s panchayat elections
proved it. Ballot papers are used even in developed

94 Democracy at Risk

countries. Why can’t India revert to ballot papers,” said
the Trinamool chief then.

Sharad Yadav, President of Janata Dal (United),
which swept Lok Sabha polls in Bihar with its alliance
partner, the BJP also supported the idea
of reviewing the use of EVMs in elections.
He said that he had received complaints
on malfunctioning of EVMs from the PMK
leader S Ramadoss and TDP leader N
Chandrababu Naidu and demanded that
the poll panel should convene a meeting
of various political parties to allay their

apprehensions.

Mulayam Singh Yadav, President of the SP
demanded that an all-party meeting be called by the
Election Commission to quell doubts about
the EVMs. SP general secretary, Amar

Singh said, “There is a lot of controversy
over EVMs in India as well as in the West.
It is found that they can be manipulated. In
democracy, perception is very important. If
there is doubt among a large section of
people, then it has to be addressed”.

Ram Vilas Paswan, President of the Lok Janshakti
Party and a cabinet minister in the UPA government
for five years lost his own election for the first time from
the Hajipur parliamentary constituency. He said his
party had encountered complaints against EVMs,
ranging from their malfunctioning to their manipulation
by the state government and presiding officers. In some
cases, officials cast the votes while demonstrating the
use of these machines to gullible villagers, he alleged.

Congress Party’s Reservations

Like most others, the Congress party also seems to
wonder if the EVMs are good or bad for the country.
The Congress party is on record alleging that their rival

Vote of No Confidence 95

in Orissa, Biju Jana Dal (BJD) had manipulated elections
in that state by resorting to large scale tampering of
EVMs.

Earlier, in 2001, Amarinder Singh, former Chief
Minister of Punjab and Congress leader criticised EVMs
and demanded a roll back to the ballot papers.

How to tamper with voting machines! Demo by
Amarinder Singh

March 11, 2001
Tribune News Service

Can electronic voting machines (EVMs) be tampered
with?

“Yes”, says Mr Amarinder Singh, president, Punjab
Pradesh Congress Committee, supporting his
assertion by giving a demonstration of how an EVM
with a cleverly programmed chip installed in it can
transfer votes polled by one candidate to another
leaving no remnants of the original voting pattern.

“Convinced that these EVMs can be manipulated…,
we are going to request him (Chief Election
Commissioner, M.S. Gill) to revert to the original
system of voting using ballot papers,” asserts Mr
Amarinder Singh.

“We got suspicious…The ruling party did well
wherever EVMs were used while at other places, we
did well. This we did by analysing all elections in the
state since 1997,” says the PPCC chief.

“Let bygone be bygone. We do not want this
’sophisticated booth-capturing’ to continue anymore.
We do not want EVMs but want that in all future
elections in Punjab the conventional ballot paper
should be used.

“The EVMs remain in the custody of the
government, thus leaving scope for their
manipulation,” he added.

96 Democracy at Risk

Even in the recent assembly elections to the
Maharashtra assembly, which the Congress-Nationalist
Congress Party (NCP) combine won convincingly, a
number of candidates of the Congress and NCP,
particularly from Nashik district, have alleged that they
lost due to tampering of EVMs by their rival candidates.

Lack of Trust in EVMs

Thanks to the EVMs, the credibility of electoral
verdicts has suffered greatly. Parties are looking at EVMs
with great suspicion and dread the prospect of EVMs
“defeating” them. This mistrust in EVMs is not confined
to any single party and is all pervasive.

Today, it is difficult to find parties that vouch for the
continued use of EVMs in Indian elections. On the
contrary, there is a flood of opposition to the EVMs from
the political class.

The political class cutting across all sides of the
divide has just one verdict:
We don’t trust the EVMs. This
vote of “no confidence” stems from the personal
experiences of parties and leaders as well as the nature
of results thrown up by the EVMs. The Election
Commission was expected to take the concerns of
political parties and citizens’ groups regarding EVMs
seriously and look into possible remedies. Far from it,
the hearings of the Election Commission conducted into
the matter turned out to be a farce.

8

8

Farce of Enquiry by Election
Commission

The Election Commission of India (ECI) began to
“hear” complaints on electronic voting machines after
the Supreme Court directed the petitioners of the public
interest litigation (PIL) on the EVMs to approach the
Election Commission at the first instance. Accordingly,
the Commission had invited all complainants including
petitioners in different court cases, political leaders and
others to demonstrate the points made in their
allegations in the Nirvachan Sadan, the headquarters
of the Election Commission.

However, the engagement proved to be a futile
exercise as the Commission wasn’t serious in
addressing the concerns of those who had grave doubts
about the electronic voting machines and converted the
so called “enquiry” into a farce.

The EC had procured about 100 EVMs from
around the country and challenged the complainants
to tamper with them then and there without opening
them.

97

98 Democracy at Risk

On the face of it, the challenge thrown at the critics
of EVMs seemed fair. But the EVMs – solely
manufactured for use in elections – are not available
in the open market and no one can demonstrate the
tamperability of the machines without being given
sufficient access to the EVMs.

How could anyone tamper a voting machine in the
commission’s custody without opening it, inspecting it
and tinkering with it? Perhaps the Election Commission
wanted them to display some skills in black magic. Or,
the Election Commission expected the criminal-hackers
whom I referred to in chapter 5 to come to Nirvachan
Sadan and show how they do tampering. That was silly
indeed.

To hack an EVM and manipulate its functioning, one
has to open the machine and alter the source code
(program) in the EVM. For this, the microchip in the
EVM has to be replaced with a tampered microchip. Once
a tampered microchip is made ready, it would take
hardly a few minutes to tamper an EVM. The
Commission wouldn’t allow any of this.

“The challenge that the Commission posed was not
a viable challenge and goes against the fundamental
principles of security testing” said Hari Prasad,
Managing Director, NetIndia and a “hactivist”, when the
Election Commissioners asked him to hack the EVMs
on August 17, 2009.

Polite to Perfection

The Commission officials seemed to believe that
questioning the reliability of EVMs was an attack on
the impartiality and integrity of the Election
Commission. Possibly due to this reason, Election
Commission representatives at these meetings were
clearly a worried lot. To overcome this anxiety, the three
election commissioners and senior officials were polite
to perfection in all the meetings. That was a ploy to win

Farce of Enquiry 99
over the complainants and reduce their virulent

opposition to the EVMs.

This strategy had clearly paid off with most of the
complainants feeling happy that they had been treated
well and they had dominated the discussions. Little did
they realise that this was a trap laid out for them to
kill their opposition with gestures of phoney kindness.
The real attitude of the EC soon became evident.

As soon as the series of “demonstrations” organized
between August 3 and 8 finished, the Election
Commission issued a press statement claiming, “Today,
the Commission once again completely reaffirms its faith
in the infallibility of the EVMs. These are fully tamper-
proof, as ever.”

The press statement issued by the Commission
distorted the real nature of conversations that went
inside these meetings and failed to even make note of
the vulnerabilities of EVMs that were pointed out by the
complainants. It became clear that the Election
Commission had tricked them; inviting all for a
tampering demonstration and not giving them a real
opportunity to demonstrate the same.

Many of those who attended meetings with the
Election Commission were left seething with anger. Kirit
Somaiya, ex-MP, BJP and Omesh Saigal were cut up
with the EC’s press statement and shot off letters to
the Commission objecting to the same. Omesh Saigal
asked the Election Commission in an RTI query to supply
video tapes of the meeting he attended and the written
proceedings of the meeting he attended on August 8.

Quite curiously, the Election Commission refused
to furnish the video proceedings of the meeting under
the pretext that the “enquiry” was still going on. Election
Commission adopted a totally opaque policy with regard
to the deliberations and proceedings at meetings that
should have been open to public scrutiny.

100 Democracy at Risk

All the meetings held at the Commission were
recorded by video cameras. Some assistants and
stenographers were also present at these meetings to
record the proceedings.

To give you a glimpse of what happened at these
meetings, I have reproduced below a summary of
deliberations that took place at the meetings between
petitioners in the Supreme Court led by V.V. Rao and
the Election Commission representatives on August 17
and September 13 and the correspondence exchanged
between them.

August 17, 2009, 4.30 P.M

Nirvachan Sadan

In the meeting held on August 17, petitioners requested
the Commission to clarify several concerns regarding the
vulnerability of the EVMs raised in their
writ petition. After initial introduction

and discussions, the following
conversation took place in the meeting.

Navin Chawla (Chief Election
Commissioner, EC):
Instead of wasting
time, you should cut short the discussion
and demonstrate tamperability of the
EVMs.

Hari Prasad (Managing Director, Net India; petitioners):

Please put an EVM on the table so that I can practically
explain vulnerabilities of EVMs. We would also like to ask
some technical questions.

Navin Chawla (impatiently intervenes): I would like you
to raise all such questions later in writing. Instead, I
want you to demonstrate the tamperability of EVMs.

Hari Prasad: The way you (Election Commission) are
asking us to demonstrate is illogical. This is also against
the fundamentals of security testing. This is not how
ethical hacking is done. We will suggest a procedure for
ethical hacking. The manner you want the
demonstration done is not viable.

Farce of Enquiry 101

Prof. Indiresan (Technical Expert, Election
Commission):
I cannot comment on that. You should
prove the tamperability of ECI-EVM as suggested by the
CEC, Mr. Navin Chawla.

Hari Prasad: We are prepared to give a demonstration.
But we have to agree on rules and procedures. Give us a
few EVMs and allow us to tamper those using “reverse
engineering” technique with the help of necessary tools.
Then tell us which of the EVMs have been tampered. If
you fail to detect the tampered EVMs, you have to accept
that tampering is possible. I am certain that when we
tamper them, even the Commission’s technical experts
cannot detect which machines have been tampered.

Navin Chawla: All right. We would allow you to tamper
some EVMs. You can use your tools over many days. But
it will be in our premises.

Hari Prasad: We are willing to do the ethical hacking in
your premises. We will also suggest a procedure that we
propose to adopt for ethical hacking. That will be the
basis on which ethical hacking will be done.

Navin Chawla: We welcome any suggestions that can
strengthen the security of EVMs. Whatever questions you
have, give in writing and the Commission will furnish
replies in writing.

Election Commissioners were quite concerned about
the technical team led by Hari Prasad as they had seen
several demonstrations conducted by them earlier which
had shocked the audiences in Delhi, Bhubaneshwar,
Chennai, Nagpur and Hyderabad. They were clearly
worried that this was one team that had the
understanding and capacity to demolish the EC’s claims
that their EVMs are tamper proof. The EVMs used for
such demonstrations were built by NetIndia following
the same specifications as that of the ECI-EVMs.

On the sidelines of the meeting, a wary Chief
Election Commissioner asked Hari Prasad why they
were pursuing the matter so seriously and whether

102 Democracy at Risk

they really wanted the General Election result
overturned.

Following the August 17 meeting, in a letter dated
August 28, 2009, the petitioners had submitted to the
Election Commission a list of questions concerning the
process, design, manufacturing and administration of
EVMs and a “Suggested Procedure for demonstration of
the tamperability of the Electronic Voting Machines”.
Petitioners had expected the Election Commission to
furnish its response before the next meeting scheduled
on September 3.

The procedure suggested for demonstration entailed
ECI providing 20 EVMs, a mix of new and old EVMs, used
in the elections in different constituencies. Petitioners’
team would tamper three or four of these EVMs and
then, give all 20 back to the ECI. If the ECI is unable to
detect which of these EVMs are tampered, and the
petitioners thereafter are able to demonstrate how votes
can be switched on the EVMs tampered by them, the
Commission should then accept that the demonstration
was successful and the tamperability of EVMs has been
established.

Anyone would consider that this is a fair challenge.
If the manufacturers and technical experts of the
Election Commission cannot detect tampering, how on
earth would they expect the district officials to detect
tampering of EVMs?

But the Election Commission wanted to play safe.
Neither did it furnish answers to any of the questions
raised by the petitioners, nor did it comment on the
procedure for demonstration. Instead, the petitioners
were slapped with a legal notice by one of the
manufacturers, the Electronics Corporation of India
(ECIL) which threatened criminal and civil action
against the petitioners for highlighting the
vulnerabilities of EVMs through their writ petition in
the Supreme Court and in their demonstrations at many

Farce of Enquiry 103

places using a look-alike EVM developed by them. The
next meeting on September 3, 2009 took place in the
Election Commission against this background.

September 3, 2009, 3.30 P.M

Nirvachan Sadan

Here are some details of how the discussions proceeded
on September 3, 2009.

J.P. Prakash, Deputy Election Commissioner (Dy. EC):

Let us see the demonstration right away.

Hari Prasad: We have to first define what constitutes
tamperability and agree on a demonstration procedure.
We have submitted a procedure for demonstration.
Without commenting on these, how can we begin to show
tamperability? Your approach is illogical and unscientific.

Prof. Indiresan: Demonstrate the tamperability of EVMs
at various stages of the electoral process; like polling
station Level, Returning Officer level, manufacturer level
etc.

J.P. Prakash: As you have alleged tamperability, we
would like you to begin demonstration.

Hari Prasad: As you have not agreed on procedure for
demonstration, let me begin today inspection of your
machines and explain the vulnerabilities at different
stages as suggested by Prof. Indiresan.

Prof. Indiresan: I will touch your feet if you tamper the
EVMs without replacing the microchips.

This unseemly challenge from the venerable
professor surprised the petitioners. Indiresan had made
irresponsible and insensitive statements earlier to
defend the reliability of EVMs. In a television interview
on CNN-IBN, the ageing professor had said, “This
(doubting the reliability of EVMs) is like, you know,
asking Sita to prove her virginity by having Agni
Pariksha.” Here he was making yet another wild
statement.

104 Democracy at Risk

“This is like, you know,
asking Sita to prove her
virginity (sic) by having
Agni Pariksha. That is all
I can say”

Subramanian Swamy (Former
law minister):
(Taking strong
objection to Prof. Indiresan’s
comments) It is a silly
comment for you to make.
What more can be expected
from you? You are an electrical
engineer and you know no
more than soldering two wires.
You are not technically
competent to comment on
electronic voting systems. To
hide your own and EVM’s
weaknesses, you are making
wild statements like “EVMs are
as pure as Sita”.

Hari Prasad: It is elementary that the program inside the
microchip cannot be altered as it is one time programmable.
But, in the manner Election Commission conducts its field
level checks, there is no way you can find out if a hacker
replaces the entire microchip or the mother board inside the
control unit of the EVM.

Prof. Indiresan: I agree that it is theoretically possible. But can
anyone replace the microchips in all 13.8 Lakh EVMs in the
country?

(Indiresan is missing the point. One doesn’t have to
tamper with all the EVMs to win elections. Elections
are won by small margins
and even if a few EVMs are

managed to alter the votes
in one’s favour, it can
possibly turn a loser into
the winner and vice versa.)

J.P. Prakash: Let us start the
process of demonstration.

Hari Prasad: Let me begin the
process today by inspecting the
old and new EVMs used in
elections which would be the
first stage of demonstration i.e

“You are not
technically
compe-
tent…to hide
your own
and EVM’s
weaknesses,
you are
making wild
statements

like “EVMs are pure as
Sita”…..

Farce of Enquiry 105
inspection and analysis. Can you bring a few new and old EVMs

to examine and inspect?

J.P. Prakash: Bring whatever EVMs they want to examine.

Hari Prasad: I want these
EVMs opened so that we can
comment on their
vulnerabilities.

There was a sense of
unease among the ECIL/
BEL engineers who did
not want to open the
machines. When Hari
Prasad said that no
machine can be hacked
without opening it, the
reluctant BEL engineers
were told by the Election
Commission officials and
Prof. Indiresan to allow
the petitioners’ technical
representatives to
examine and inspect the
EVMs to make necessary
preparations for their
tamperability demons-
tration.

The technical team
led by Hari Prasad continued their inspection of the
ballot and control units and began to note down the
details of card and circuit level checks on plain paper
provided by the Election Commission. Hari Prasad and
his colleagues looked at each other several times during
this process. While noting down the details of the old
EVMs, they animatedly discussed the technical flaws
and vulnerabilities of the EVMs, which were overheard
by the engineers of manufacturers and EC’s expert
committee members. That was perhaps a tactical
mistake they had made as their confidence and the

How many votes do you
need to flip an election?
Flipping elections doesn’t
require fixing EVMs on a
nationwide scale. Winning or
losing elections is decided on

small margins.

In 2009 Lok Sabha elections,
164 seats were won by a
margin of less than 4 per cent.
Of these, 26 were in Uttar
Pradesh, 15 each in Andhra
Pradesh and Maharastra,
Gujarat (13), Tamil Nadu (11),
Karnataka (11).

In such marginal constituen-
cies, switching 10,000 votes
can turn a runner-up in a Lok
Sabha election into the
winner.

In case of closely fought
assembly contests, switching of
a mere 1200 votes would do
the trick!

106 Democracy at Risk

expressions on their faces showed that tampering these
EVMs would be child’s play for them.

(After the meeting, they told me that they were
indeed surprised that the architecture of the ECI-EVMs
is extremely dated and the ‘look alike’ EVMs that they
had built for demonstrations were far superior to the
ECI-EVMs. Hari Prasad was emphatic that it did not
require their level of skill to hack the ECI-EVMs and
even an ordinary technician can tamper with the ECI-
EVM’s easily.)

As the technical team of petitioners progressed, the
BEL Engineers continued to be wary of the inspection
being carried out. They suddenly became jittery and
rushed to the deputy commissioners and Prof. Indiresan
to stall the inspection process lest they be exposed.

J.P. Prakash: Let us stop the inspection of EVMs here.

Hari Prasad: Why?

J.P. Prakash: We need to take the consent of the Election
Commissioners before going ahead with the demonstration.

For the first time, since the Election Commission began to dare
anyone to demonstrate the tamperability of EVMs, it was clear that
the Election Commission and its technical experts had blinked.
They appeared to have suddenly lost all their faith in the EVMs
which they had claimed to be fully tamper-proof.

J.P. Prakash: (Adopting a conciliatory tone) The Election
Commission has an open mind and would welcome any
suggestions to improve the EVMs. There is no technology that
cannot be improved upon.

Prof. Indiresan: (Betraying a deep sense of anxiety) We
want you to submit all your written notes made during the
process of inspection.

Jayant Das (Senior Advocate, Supreme Court): On what
grounds are you asking us to return the notes? You have
invited us for a demonstration and allow us to do it.

Subramanian Swamy: You have been asking everyone,
including politicians like me who have written to you over the
past two months daring us to demonstrate their vulnerability.
Why are you scuttling the process now?

Farce of Enquiry 107

Prof. Indiresan: Give us an indemnification regarding the
knowledge that you have gained through the process of
inspection that it will not be used for replication.

Jayant Das: (Losing his patience, he asked) Did the
officials of the Election Commission of India, members of the
Expert Committee and the manufacturers of the EVMs
indemnify the people of the country against the misuse of EVMs
about which they had exclusive technical knowledge?

Seeing the jitteriness of the EVM manufacturers
and the members of the expert committee was a sight
to be watched. For the first time, petitioners saw the
Election Commission representatives in a totally
panicked state. Clearly, the confidence they had
exhibited hitherto in the EVMs, thanks to the repeated
assurances given to them by the expert committee, had
been shaken.

Delay Tactics & Change in Stance

The next opportunity for a discussion and
demonstration that the Commission officials had
promised to the petitioners did not materialize for over
three months despite repeated reminders from the
petitioners. In the meanwhile, the Commission went
ahead with elections to the state assemblies of
Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand using the “old
EVMs” which did not meet the improvements suggested
by the Indiresan Committee, 2006. Significantly, in the
wake of protests from political parties in Tamil Nadu,
the Election Commission had stopped use of old EVMs
in by-elections held in Tamil Nadu in August, 2009 but
had no qualms using the same old EVMs in elections to
state assemblies of Maharashtra, Haryana and
Jharkhand.

After repeated reminders, the Election Commission
wrote a letter to the petitioners on December 14, 2009.
The following are excerpts from this communication:

108 Democracy at Risk

“You may do only normal tampering”

On 31st August, 2009, we received a letter dated
27.8.2009 from you, wherein you suggested some
procedures for demonstrating alleged tamperability
and also raised a number of technical and
procedural questions which you had not raised in
your Writ Petition before the Supreme Court…The
Commission informed you that the issues raised in
your said letter would be examined after obtaining
necessary details from the manufacturers and
expert committee.

The Commission has now decided to offer you one
more chance to demonstrate alleged tamperability
of EVMs as available in the field as a final response
to your allegations of tamperability of EVMs…
However this has to be restricted to the framework of
normal tampering that can happen in the field under
security of procedures in place. Any attempt at Reverse
Engineering is not acceptable. It violates IP held by the
manufacturers of ECI-EVMs.

The Election Commission’s letter of December
14, 2009 acknowledges that the petitioners had
suggested procedures for demonstrating tamperability
and raised a number of technical and procedural
questions in their letter dated 27 August, 2009. Did the
Commission not find three and half months (over 100
days) adequate to respond to the questions raised by
the petitioners in their writ petition (in Supreme Court)
and otherwise? Does this uncooperative attitude on the
part of the Election Commission not show that the
Supreme Court’s trust in this constitutional body is
misplaced? If it was serious about the reference made
by the Supreme Court, would it take the Commission
to clarify issues raised before the Supreme Court over
100 days?

The lack of response of the Commission to the
questions raised by the petitioners clearly shows that
the Commission had much to hide and had no convincing

explanations to offer to a
wide range of questions that
the petitioners had raised in
the Supreme Court and
thereafter.

Another instance of the
Commission’s shifting
stance becomes clear from
the unrealistic conditions
the Commission sought to
impose on the petitioners in
proving the tamperability of
the EVMs. In their reply,
the petitioners wrote to the
Commission vide letter
dated December 22, 2009:

Comment by an

International Expert

Isn’t that funny? If research
and proper investigation of the
equipment is prohibited
because it might violate the IP
of the manufacturers, a
demonstration of vulnerabilities
will be impossible. Someone
who wants to steal an election
is unlikely going to be too
concerned about the
manufacturers’ intellectual
property!

Ulrich Wiesner, Successful
petitioner in the EVM case in
Federal Constitutional Court of
Germany

Farce of Enquiry

109

“Arbitrary and unreasonable”

In our August 17th meeting and the meeting held
with several other complainants, the Commission
had agreed to give full access to your EVMs and that
we could work on them for several days, if necessary
at the Nirvachan Sadan to demonstrate how they
can be tampered with. Going back on this promise,
when we inspected the EVMs on September 3
representatives of EVM manufacturers and your
technical committee experts appear to have
panicked, resulting in a sudden suspension of
inspection.

After repeated requests from us, we are now being
invited for a demonstration by imposing what on the
face of it are arbitrary and unreasonable pre-
conditions on the proposed tamperability
demonstration. You may kindly note that
hackers of
the real world do not work under any such artificially
imposed conditions. Then, why impose such conditions
on us when we are interested in carrying out an “ethical
hacking” operation for promoting the Commission’s
mandate of holding free and fair elections?

110 Democracy at Risk

The above communications between the Commission
and the petitioners bring out some glaring facts. First,
the Commission refuses to clarify any questions
regarding vulnerability of EVMs raised by the petitioners
in their writ petition in the Supreme Court. Secondly,
the Commission wants a demonstration on tamperability
without allowing the petitioners to inspect the machines
and hack them as any hacker would do. The
Commission simply wanted to impose unrealistic
conditions that would make it impossible for the
petitioners to show tamperability.

This uncooperative attitude of the commission did
not, however, surprise the petitioners. It was precisely
for this reason that the petitioners had approached the
Supreme Court at the first instance in July, 2009. At
the end of January, 2010, the petitioners exasperated
with Commission’s uncooperative attitude, were
contemplating to approach the Supreme Court again.

9

9

Commission Blocks
Ethical Hacking

Contrary to the Election Commission’s loud claims
that “nobody could hack our EVMs”, the Election
Commission had thwarted genuine “ethical hacking”
attempts at tampering the EVMs by a team of technical
experts from NetIndia representing the petitioners in
the Supreme Court.

Hackers and Hactivists

The term ‘hacker’ is used in popular media to
describe someone who attempts to break into computer
systems. Typically, this kind of hacker is a proficient
programmer or an engineer with sufficient technical
knowledge to understand the weak points in a security
system

But all hackers do not have bad intentions. Many
organizations employ ‘ethical’ hackers to test a security
system and use the same methods as their less
principled counterparts, to find and fix computer security
vulnerabilities instead of taking advantage of them. An

111

112 Democracy at Risk

ethical hacker is a computer and network expert who
attacks a security system on behalf of its owners,
seeking vulnerabilities that a malicious hacker could
exploit. Illegal hacking (i.e gaining unauthorized access
to computer systems) is a crime, but ethical hacking
done at the request of the owner of the targeted
system(s) is not.

One such hactivist is Rop Gonggrijp who by his daring
demonstration on television at great personal risk
exposed the vulnerabilities of EVMs used in Netherlands
and this led to instant banning of EVMs in the country.

Rop Gonggrijp is the famed
‘hacktivist’ from Holland who was
instrumental in having EVMs
banned in Netherlands. He
demonstrated the security
vulnerability of EVMs in a live show
on national television barely weeks
before national elections, leading to
the EVM vendor pressing charges

against him for ‘terrorism’!

His organization “We do not trust voting machines’ also
questioned the inherent lack of transparency when
the vote count only happens inside the voting
machine. These efforts convinced the Dutch public
and government that standalone electronic voting
machines are not trustworthy. Holland has since
gone back to voting by paper ballots.

Gonggrijp is a key figure in the growing
international movement for election transparency
and verifiability. He co-authored the technical report
on EVMs called for by the Federal Constitutional
Court of Germany, on the basis of which the Court
went on to ban EVMs in Germany.

He is the founder of the hacker magazine Hack-Tic,
and the chief organizer of hacker events held every
four years that are attended by thousands of hackers
from around the world.

Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 113

The Election Commission ought to have engaged
ethical hackers to understand the vulnerabilities of
EVMs. In the event, it should have welcomed ethical
hackers who came forward to lay bare its vulnerabilities.
On the contrary, the Election Commission did everything
possible to sabotage such genuine efforts.

Election Commission Aborts Demonstration

At a tamperability demonstration organized in
Nirvachan Sadan, the headquarters of the Election
Commission, referred to in chapter 8, the Commission
representatives prematurely aborted an ethical hacking
effort. This incident took place on September 3, 2009
when the Commission invited the petitioners of the
public interest litigation in the Supreme Court to
demonstrate vulnerability of EVMs. I was present at this
meeting and witnessed these developments personally.

Panic stricken Election Commission abruptly halts
EVM tampering demonstration

By: Chnarendra
New Delhi : India
September 4, 2009

Going back on its oft repeated assertions that nobody
has come forward to demonstrate tampering of the
ECI-EVMs, betraying signs of utter panic and
nervousness, the Election Commission of India
(ECI) has abruptly halted the process of tampering
demonstration initiated by the technical experts of
the petitioners led by V.V. Rao who filed a writ
petition in the Hon’ble Supreme Court earlier.
Ironically, the petitioners went to the ECI on a
written invitation of the Election Commission to
demonstrate Tamperability of EVMs after the
Supreme Court has referred the matter to the
Election Commission.

114 Democracy at Risk

A couple of days after the meeting, Hari Prasad,
managing director of NetIndia who inspected the EVMs-
the first activity in a tamperability demonstration–at
the Election Commission on September 3 wrote in the
comments sections of the Indian Express:

By Hari Prasad | Sunday, 6 Sept’09: Surprisingly,
we were halted abruptly while identifying the
vulnerabilities saying that they (Election
Commission representatives) need to take
permission from the CEC on our process of
tampering. And, yes. We found the EVMs, especially
the old ones (9.7 lacs used in this election)
appeared so vulnerable to tamper and I can say a
Diploma guy can tamper these machines within no
time. And, I am sure even the technical committee
which has certified these machines noticed us
reaching the weak points in these machines and
abruptly stopped us to proceed further. Now they said
they will give us a fresh date after approval from
CEC. Let’s hope they stand by it.

http://www.indianexpress.com/comments

Commission Imposes Unreasonable Conditions

Stung by the humbling experience on September
3 when it hurriedly called off the tamperability
demonstration, the Election Commission suddenly fell
silent and became incommunicado. After several letters
and follow up calls, on December 14, 2009, Election
Commission wrote to V.V. Rao, the main petitioner in
the Supreme Court case on tamperability of EVMs.

The letter made a significant departure from its
earlier approach and imposed unrealistic and illogical
constraints on the petitioners in conducting the
tamperability demonstration. The EC letter said:

“You are allowed to demonstrate the alleged
tampering. However, this has to be restricted to the
framework of normal tampering that can happen in

Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 115

the field under security of procedures in place. Any
attempt at Reverse Engineering is not acceptable. It
violates IP held by the manufacturers of ECI-EVMs.”

This statement gives away the story. This is in fact a tacit
admission that the so called “non-tamperability” of the ECI-
EVMs claimed by the Commission is subject to many
conditions being met.

Insider Fraud

Election Commission wants to restrict tampering to
“normal tampering” that can happen in the field under
security of procedures in place. Simply put, the
Commission wants to restrict the access of EVMs to the
petitioners in conducting a tampering demonstration.
Hackers of the real world with a criminal intent do not
work under any such “framework of normal tampering”.

The big assumption that the Commission makes hear
is that hackers cannot gain access to the machines in
the field as security procedures are in place. That is
bunkum. The biggest threat to the EVMs comes from
insiders – the manufacturers, their engineers,
engineers hired by them for maintenance and checking
of EVMs, microchip suppliers, other vendors and
distributors and finally, the district and lower officials
etc. – who have access to the machines at different
stages in the life cycle or supply their crucial parts.

The Commission wants us to believe that all those
handling the EVMs at different stages are angels with
unquestionable integrity. The incidents that I have
narrated in chapter 5 show that many of these
scoundrels involved in this organized crime are insiders
having easy access to EVMs. Throughout the world, it
has been recognized that the real threat from the
electronic voting machines comes from insiders.

A Report prepared by a Commission on Election
Reform, co-chaired by the former President of the
United States, Jimmy Carter and a former Secretary of

116 Democracy at Risk

State, James A. Baker III gives a health warning. The
Election Commission and the political parties in India
would surely benefit from this wisdom.

The greater threat to most systems comes not from
external hackers, but from insiders who have direct
access to the machines. Software can be modified
maliciously before being installed into individual
voting machines. There is no reason to trust
insiders in the election industry any more than in
other industries, such as gambling, where
sophisticated insider fraud has occurred despite
extraordinary measures to prevent it.
(Building
Confidence in US Elections, Report of the Commission on
Federal Election Reform, September 2005, co-chaired by
Jimmy Carter and James A. Baker III)

Prof. David D. Dill, an acknowledged international
expert on voting systems also cautions about the
potential dangers of an insider job in election fraud.
Says he,
“Although many discussions of “hacking” electronic
voting systems focus on corruption of the machines by third
parties, the greatest threat comes from changes made by
someone with legitimate access to the hardware or software
design or manufacturing process.”
(Rejoinder Affidavit filed
by Dr. Subramanian Swamy in the High Court of Delhi
in Writ Petition No. 11879 of 2009.)

The above comments by international experts seem
to offer an international perspective to the murky
developments on the domestic front. In chapter 5, I have
referred to “EVM fixing solutions” being offered by insider
fixers by quoting staggering sums. While such “insider
fixing” concerns have been openly expressed in the
United States and elsewhere, in India, we have been
sanguine about the role of the EVM manufacturers and
their agents, suppliers etc. and have taken their
integrity for granted. In a sense, the Indian political
parties have not yet fully woken up to the true dangers
of electronic voting.

Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 117
“Reverse Engineering” Not Allowed for Demonstration

One more condition laid down by the Election
Commission relates to not permitting use of “reverse
engineering” technique for hacking the electronic voting
machines. The petitioners found this condition amusing
and ironical as the Commission’s learned experts had
learnt about the possibility of hacking the ECI-EVMs
through the “reverse engineering” process from the
petitioners in their previous meetings held on August
17 and September 3. In the earlier meetings, the Expert
Committee members had contended that ‘reverse
engineering’ was not possible with ECI-EVMs.
Amusingly, they were now insisting that “reverse
engineering” will not be allowed.

The reason given by the Election Commission for
disallowing reverse engineering was that this violates
the intellectual property rights of manufacturers. Would
any hacker with a criminal intent ever keep in mind
the rights of the owners and manufacturers before
hacking them?

Commission Changes Demonstration Ground Rules
Midway

Earlier, the Chief Election Commissioner himself
promised that he would allow the challengers to do
everything they needed with the EVMs and for any
number of days to demonstrate the tamperability of
EVMs. The only condition imposed by him was that such
demonstrations should take place in its Nirvachan
Sadan premises and he would not allow the EVMs to be
taken out. By stalling the demonstration abruptly, the
Commission had gone back on this promise.

Excuse of Intellectual Property Rights!

Desperate to see that the demonstration on
tamperability fails, the Election Commission has now
come up with the feeble logic that the intellectual
property rights held by the EVM manufacturers should

118 Democracy at Risk

not be violated by any demonstration of their
tamperability.

It is preposterous for the manufacturers of EVMs to
claim the IPR over the EVMs. It is equally so for the
Commission to readily and ungrudgingly cede these
rights to the manufacturers as the electronic voting
machines have been devised and designed by Election
Commission in collaboration with the manufacturers.
The Election Commission of India website, in its
Frequently Asked questions (FAQ’s) section says,

“The EVMs have been devised and designed by
Election Commission in collaboration with two
Public Sector undertakings viz., Bharat Electronics
Ltd., Bangalore and Electronics Corporation of India
Ltd., Hyderabad after a series of meetings, test-
checking of the prototypes and extensive field trials.
The EVMs are now manufactured by the above two
undertakings.”

The EVMs were jointly developed by the Election
Commission and EVM manufacturers. This is what the
Election Commission says on its own website. That being
the case, how could the Commission surrender
intellectual property rights to the manufacturers. It
sounds bizarre. Further, the EVMs are in the public
domain for performance and conduct of free and fair
elections. In such a situation, how could the Election
Commission willingly cede its intellectual property
rights?

On the face of it, it might have seemed that the
Election Commission, a public institution was being
guided not by public interest but by obscure interests
of the EVM manufacturers. But, perhaps that was not
the real motive. The real motive was to use it as a ploy
to place hurdles in the path of the petitioners. Being a
public body, it could not be seen to be ranged directly
against the petitioners. It has thus used the phony plea

Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 119

of IP rights of EVM manufacturers to block challengers
from demonstrating their tamperability. It didn’t stop
there. The manufacturers even resorted to
reprehensible strong arm tactics to stall the challengers
in tracks by threatening them with legal action.

Threat of Legal Action

Just days before the scheduled demonstration before
the Election Commission on September 3, the
Electronics Corporation of India Limited (ECIL) sent a
legal notice to all the petitioners in the Supreme Court
threatening them with criminal and civil action for
demonstrating the tamperability of the EVMs on a look-
alike EVM and for alleging that even the ECI-EVMs can
be tampered in a similar manner. The legal notice served
on the petitioners said:

My client states that your allegations against the
EVM even before the Hon’ble Supreme Court in your
affidavits are to be categorized as false statements
as you never had an opportunity to experiment on
the EVM as the same is not available any where
openly in the market. This clearly shows your
approach to the Court of Law is only to abuse the
process of law.

My client states that you have tried to build a
prototype of the EVM manufactured by my client for
exhibiting to the public. My client states that except
from external look alike you could not make the
machine work exactly like the EVM of my client as
you do not have the source code…My client states
that by building a look alike of my client machine,
you have violated the intellectual property rights of
my client pertaining to Patent and Design of EVM
which are registered with authorities in India.

(Excerpts from the Legal Notice served on petitioners by
ECIL’s lawyer)

The petitioners had earlier demonstrated at different
places in the country how the EVMs could be used to

120 Democracy at Risk

manipulate election results. As the ECI-EVMs are legally
not available for hacking purposes, the NetIndia team
built its own EVMs, which are similar to the ECI-EVMs
in specifications and functionality.

Monday, Aug 03, 2009

EVMs not foolproof, say technocrats

Staff Reporter
They hold demonstration in a packed IDCOL auditorium
to prove their point.
- Photo: Lingaraj Panda

RAISING DOUBTS:
Members of the Orissa
Jana Sammilani giving
a demonstration to prove
tampering of Electronic
Voting Machine in
Bhubaneswar on
Sunday.

BHUBANESWAR: A
group of social activists
and technocrats claimed

that Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) were not
tamper-proof and demonstrated how desired
electoral results could be achieved by manipulation
here on Sunday.

An EVM, which was developed by Netindia, an
embedded technology-based company from Hyderabad
by reportedly meeting all standards and following
manuals of Election Commission, was put to test in
a packed IDCOL auditorium here.

The demonstration showed an open voting taken in
front of politicians, retired bureaucrats and media
gave a different result as the machine was
tampered with. Orissa was the fifth State where
such demonstration on manipulating EVMs was
held. The team was going to demonstrate as to how
EVMs were vulnerable before Election Commission
of India on August 6.

Commission Blocks Ethical Hacking 121

On September 3, at the meeting of the petitioners
with the Election Commission, Supreme Court’s senior
counsel, Jayant Das and Dr. Subramanian Swamy,
former Union law minister took serious objection to the
legal notice sent to the petitioners by the ECIL, one of
the manufacturers of EVMs threatening criminal and
civil proceedings for highlighting concerns regarding
tamperability of EVMs. These representatives informed
the Election Commission that against the background
of the invitation extended by the Commission to the
petitioners the threat of legal action by one of its EVM
suppliers, the ECIL amounted to intimidation of
petitioners who were pursuing a cause in public
interest.

ECIL’s attempts to browbeat the petitioners from going
ahead with their plans to expose the tamperability of
the EVMs was a sinister attempt to block their
tamperability demonstration as the notice was served
just a day after the petitioners were invited by the
Commission to demonstrate the tamperability of the
EVMs.

I have personally attended two meetings held in the
Election Commission: one on August 7 accompanying
Kirit Somaiya, a former BJP Member of Parliament and
Convener of the BJP’s cell on EVMs and another on
September 3 led by V.V. Rao, main petitioner in the PIL
in the Supreme Court.

Both these meetings, each lasting over two hours
and my interactions with various other experts clearly
brought out one glaring fact: the Election Commission
apparently lacks knowledge regarding the technology
and various other aspects concerning the EVMs.
Through the process of the “EVM” enquiry proceedings,
the Election Commission officials, ever ready with the
“tamper proof” theory, seem to have had their confidence
shaken.

122 Democracy at Risk

My investigation into the EVMs ran parallel to the
Election Commission’s farcical enquiry. This probe
yielded many insights and revealed many shocking facts
about EVMs, which I have summarized in chapters 11
to 13.

10

10

Voting Machines Demystified

Electronic voting machines used in Indian elections
belong to the class of what are called Direct Recording
Electronic (DRE) voting machines - as they store the
voting data electronically at the press of a button by
the voter.

The most crucial aspect involving electronic voting
machines is the process involved in registering votes
in elections as the integrity of election outcomes
depends on the reliability of this simple process.

123

124 Democracy at Risk

Electronic Voting Machines used in India consist of
two independent units, namely, ‘Control Unit’ and
‘Balloting Unit’. These two units are interconnected,
when the voting machine is put in operation, by means
of a five meter long cable permanently fixed at one end
with the balloting unit. The free end is plugged into the
Control Unit at the time of operation.

Balloting unit is the unit on which you register your
vote inside the voting compartment confidentially. On
the balloting unit, there is a provision for display of the
ballot paper containing the names of contesting
candidates along with the symbols allotted to them. The
voter casts his/ her vote by pressing the blue button
next to the candidate’s name and symbol on the ballot
unit.

The vote cast on the Ballot unit then gets
transmitted to the Control unit via the interconnecting
table and gets stored in the control unit memory. Thus,
control unit is the main unit in which all the voting
data is stored from where it is accessed on the day of
the counting.

Embedded System

In technical terms, the Electronic Voting Machine
(EVM) used in Indian elections is a simple embedded
computing system designed to perform a
few dedicated functions, like recording votes and
accessing information like the total number of votes
recorded and votes polled in respect of different
candidates etc.

The EVM System consists of three hardware
sub-systems (balloting unit, control unit and
the interconnecting cable) and the software program
(or source code) embedded in the microcontroller
installed in the control unit. The software dictates the
functioning of the control unit and is critical to its proper
functioning.

Voting Machines Demystified 125
Vote Registration Process

Hardly a few voters who have voted in elections on
the electronic voting machines, if any at all, understand
the exact process involved in recording of our votes.
Except to say that we pressed a button to register our
vote on the EVMs, most of the voters, even the most
informed and educated, do not know how the EVMs work
and record our votes.

When I began to explore the EVMs, I asked
the question myself. I could not recall the process
accurately myself. I asked many people I know of to see
if they could recollect the voting process on the EVMs.
It was the same experience with them. Hardly anyone
I know of could recall the exact steps involved. Try
recalling all the steps yourself. In all probability, you
too can’t.

In the good old system of paper ballots, we
knew exactly how we voted and how our votes
were counted. Thanks to the EVMs, we simply trust
the voting machines and the election officials to
record and count our votes accurately. In exactly a
similar situation, the Federal Constitutional Court of
Germany held that the use of EVMs is unconstitutional
because ordinary voters could not be expected to
understand the exact steps involved in recoding of votes
on the EVMs.

Now, read the full description of the voting process
on electronic voting machines in the Box. It is important
that these steps are understood before I take you
through the complex technical and legal issues involved
in the subsequent chapters.

126 Democracy at Risk

Voting Process on EVMs

On the day of polling, after the procedural
requirements relating to identification of an elector
are completed, indelible ink is applied on the
elector’s forefinger and his/ her signature/ thumb
impression is obtained. Then, the elector is allowed
to record vote his/ her on the voting machine kept
in a separate compartment.

The Presiding Officer/ Polling Officer in-charge of
the Control Unit of the voting machine then presses
the ‘Ballot’ button on the Control Unit. This makes
the ballot unit(s) ready for recording the vote of the
elector and the lamp marked ‘Ready’ starts glowing
green on the ballot unit (s) kept in the voting
compartment. This is an indication that the Ballot
Unit (s) is now ready to record the vote.

For recording the vote, the elector will have to press
the blue button (called the candidate’s button)
provided on the right hand side of the name and
symbol of the candidate of his choice on the ballot
unit. For each candidate, a separate blue button is
provided against his name and symbol.

When the elector presses the candidate’s blue
button, the ‘Ready’ lamp emitting green light on the
balloting unit goes off and the corresponding
candidate’s lamp (LED) provided near his blue button
on the ballot unit starts glowing red. Also, a ‘beep’
sound from the Control Unit is heard by all present,
which is a sort of confirmation that the vote has
been registered in the Control unit, where all the
votes are stored. As soon as the control unit gives
the beep sound, Red Light on the balloting unit goes
off automatically.

The ballot unit then gets automatically locked and
the next vote can be recorded only when the ‘Ballot’
button on the control unit is pressed again by the
presiding officer/ polling officer to allow the next
voter to record his vote.

Voting Machines Demystified 127

The process of voting goes on these lines under the
supervision of Presiding Officer until the polling is
concluded. At the end of the polling process, the
Presiding Officer presses the button indicating the
closure of recording of the votes in the Control Unit
and seals the Unit.

EVMs are Black Boxes

When we vote on electronic voting machines, we are
voting into a “Black Box”, whose internal working is a
mystery to us. We don’t know what happens to our vote
and in whose favour it gets recorded and counted.

The façade of trust and dependability of the
electronic voting machines, in the form of audio
visual signals generated by the EVMs, has been designed
to give a false sense of confidence to the voters. The
gullible voters are led into believing that their votes have
been securely delivered to the candidates of their
choice.

To elucidate the point, let me draw an analogy from
personal computers which most people use today. Ballot
Unit on which the vote is recorded is just an input
device, similar to a keyboard on a personal computer,
while the control unit where the vote is stored is like
the Central Processing Unit (CPU) of a personal
computer. As in personal computers, the ballot and
control units are joined by a cable.

Routinely, we come across many occasions when the
CPU fails to receive proper commands or inputs given
through the key board due to various reasons. We come
to know that such a mistake has occurred as we can
see the visual output of our actions on the PC monitor.
What if there was no monitor and you just had to give
input to the CPU without being able to see the results
of your actions? Would you be comfortable just typing
into a black box? Certainly not. But, that is what we
are made to do when we vote on electronic voting

128 Democracy at Risk

machines. Electronic voting machines are veritable
black boxes. As voters, we have no clue what happens
inside them.

Why Voters Don’t Suspect EVMs

If the voters cannot be sure that EVMs correctly
record their votes, then how come they do not protest
their use in elections? There are several reasons for a
lack of distrust in the electronic voting machines.

First, the EVMs have been cleverly designed to give
the voters a false sense of assurance that their vote
has been delivered properly. When a voter casts vote by
pressing the candidate key, the LED (red) light next to
the candidate button glows instantly and a beep sound
emanates from the control unit. These audio visual
signs make the voter believe that his/ her vote has been
recorded properly. These audio visual signals are
illusory and deceptive.

These audio visual signs only indicate that the vote
has been recorded in the control unit. Whether the vote
has been recorded properly and in favour of the
candidate voted for depends on several factors like a)
proper linking of ballot and control units, b)
interconnecting cable is joined properly between the two
units and that c) the software in the voting machine is
not tampered with.

Experts of the Election Commission admit this. “The
data is transferred from Balloting unit to the control unit
through the Interconnecting Cable. The faithful recording of
the voting data, unbiased and tamper proof functioning of
Control unit is critical to the conduct of a fair election,”
observed the Report of the Expert Committee (2006) of
the Election Commission.

Unaware of this aspect, voters feel secure when the
red light glows next to their chosen candidate (and a
beep sound is heard). Voters get hassled only when the
red light does not glow properly. The reality is that an

Voting Machines Demystified 129

apparently robust EVM may exhibit audio visual signs
correctly even when it has been tampered with. A large
number of cases cited in chapter 4 would not have
occurred if this was not the case.

Secondly, the voters’ distrust of polling officials is
so high that gullible voters naively believe that officials
cannot manipulate votes cast on sophisticated
machines. Thirdly, voters are mystified and bamboozled
by technology and tend to trust it implicitly.

EVM Manufacturers

The Indian EVMs have been devised and designed
by Election Commission in collaboration with two central
Public Sector undertakings viz., Bharat Electronics Ltd.,
Bangalore and Electronics Corporation of India Ltd.,
Hyderabad keeping mostly intact the salient features
of the earlier system in which ballot paper and ballot
boxes were used. All the EVMs used in Indian Elections
are manufactured by these two central PSUs.

Whenever anyone raises questions regarding the
security of the EVMs, the Election Commission is quick
to cite this fact. A press release issued by the Election
Commission dated August 8, 2009 said; “ECI-EVMs are
manufactured only by Electronics Corporation of India
Limited (under the Department of Atomic Energy) and
Bharat Electronics Limited (Ministry of Defence), both
Central Public Sector Undertakings, which are
entrusted with development of very high security
product/ equipment development.”

Both these companies are 100 per cent government
owned and government controlled companies. The
Election Commission of India has no administrative
control over these public sector companies, whatsoever.
CPI (M) General Secretary, Prakash Karat told the
Election Commissioners in a meeting on September 7,
2009, “Election Commission must get the manufacture
of the EVMs directly under its supervision and control.”

130 Democracy at Risk

Omesh Saigal, a retired senior IAS officer wrote
to the Commission on June 30, 2009 expressing
reservations on similar lines saying, “The fact that
the BEL and the ECIL are 100% government owned
and controlled does not in the least alter the
position (offer any protection): in fact, it makes it
worse. The Venezuela election of 2004 is under a cloud
merely for the fact that the voting machines were made
by Bizta, a company in which government had 28%
shares.”

Types of EVMs

There are two types of EVMs that are being currently
used: old EVMs and new EVMs. Old EVMs are those
manufactured before 2006 and lack certain security
features. Upgraded EVMs manufactured after 2006 have
security features like dynamic coding of Key numbers
to enhance the security of data transmitted from Ballot
Unit to Control Unit and ‘date-time stamping’ that
records the time and date of every key pressed on the
EVM in its memory.

The Expert Committee of the Election Commission
headed by Prof. P.V. Indiresan in 2006 recommended
that EVMs be upgraded for their tamper proof working.

Use of Upgraded EVMs Recommended

The Committee stated, “…the committee to the best
of its ability has looked into all possibilities of tampering
with the EVM and has come to the conclusion that there
is no way of altering the results of the polls before,
during and after the poll duration provided, due security
precautions already in force and additional modifications
suggested by the committee are enforced and the
sealing at various stages is adhered to.”

It further added, “In view of all these factors, the
Committee unanimously certifies that the EVM system is
tamper-proof in the intended environment when due
precautions are taken. For these reasons, the Committee

Voting Machines Demystified 131

recommends that the upgraded EVM with suggested
modifications, testing and operating precautions may be
accepted and put to use.”

In the above two points, it is noteworthy to mention
that the Committee had emphasized that the EVMs will
be tamper proof only if additional security precautions
are enforced and the EVMs are upgraded with the
suggested modifications, testing and operating
precautions.

Disregarding the recommendations of its own Expert
Committee, the Election Commission has extensively
used old EVMs in the recently concluded Lok Sabha and
assembly elections.

Upgraded EVMs

Following the recommendations of the Committee,
ECI-EVMs were upgraded or manufactured anew
incorporating suggestions made by the Expert
Committee. However, these are only ‘relatively’ tamper
proof.

The expression ‘relatively’ tamper proof is being
used here as the Committee had overlooked some
key security aspects of the EVMs. For instance, it
failed to ensure that a software and hardware audit
is carried out on every EVM before its use in
elections (with the help of an “Authentication Unit”)
and instead, approved the idea of conducting
functionality tests which are superficial and cannot
detect tampering of EVMs. Further, it failed to
recommend use of more secure microcontrollers rather
than easily swappable ‘generic’ microcontrollers used
by the manufacturers.

Nonetheless, the upgraded EVMs offer a better level
of security with provisions like dynamic coding of Key
numbers to enhance the security of data transmitted
from Ballot Unit to Control Unit and ‘date-time stamping’
that records every key pressed on the EVM in its

132 Democracy at Risk

memory. Given these provisions, while tampering of the
improved EVMs is also possible, as in the case of old
EVMs, a post election audit is likely to expose the
fraudulent attempts as all keys pressed are recorded
in its memory.

11

11

EVM Software isn’t Safe…

If there is one thing that can make the EVMs prone
to tampering, it is undoubtedly the source code
(commonly referred to as software program) in the
EVMs. Source code is critical to the functioning of an
EVM and controls all the operations of the control unit
of EVMs where the voting data is stored. The electronic
voting machines are safe and secure only if the source
code used in the EVMs is genuine and is not tampered
with.

Source Code

Source code is a collection of statements written in
a human-readable computer programming language
that helps the EVMs to perform a set of dedicated
functions and computing tasks. The hex/ binary code
generated from the source code is “fused” onto the
microcontrollers (commonly referred to as computer
chips) installed in the control units of the EVMs.

Therefore, to ensure that the election results are
not manipulated by unscrupulous individuals, the source
code in the microcontrollers must remain unaltered.

133

134 Democracy at Risk

The following observation made in the Report of the
Expert Committee on EVMs appointed by the Election
Commission (2006) corroborates this view;

The Election Commission claims that it has taken
many steps to ensure that the source code is properly
protected. Each of these steps is riddled with serious
shortcomings and gaping security holes.

“Secrecy” of the Source Code

The Election Commission says that the source code
is highly protected and no one has access to it, except
the high ranking officials of the two manufacturing PSUs
namely, the Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), Bangalore
and the Electronics Corporation of India Limited (ECIL),
Hyderabad.

This is untrue. There are many others who have
access to the source code other than the above
individuals. One such group is the programmers who
have developed the source code used in the EVMs. While
some of them may be working with the manufacturers,
others may have left.

The Election Commission thinks that the ’secret’
programming code in the hands of central PSUs and
known to a select few will remain with them and not
be disclosed to anyone even in the government.

A famous Spanish proverb reads, “A secret between
two is God’s secret, between three is all men’s.”
This
couldn’t be truer if the ’secret’ happens to be a piece of
vital information concerning such a sensitive process
as elections.

Can we smugly assume that the source code
available with a few persons would remain a heavily

“If the integrity of original program in the microchip
is maintained…., then the election through (the)
EVM will be fair.”

EVM Software isn’t Safe… 135

guarded secret? Certainly not. In chapter 5, I have
cited specific instances of some purportedly
“authorised” engineers of EVM manufacturers
going around striking deals with candidates for
fancy amounts for “fixing” elections. Against this
background, making an assumption that the source code
of EVMs is completely secure is utterly ridiculous and
dangerous.

The Election Commission repeatedly avers that we
have to trust the PSUs because they are government
owned and supply highly sensitive defence equipment.
But, knowing how generally the central public sector
organizations function in India, is it possible for them
to deny access to the source code if some higher up in
the echelons of government were to demand it?

Not convinced? Come on, if some central PSUs can
make donations to the ruling party for fighting elections,
is it unreasonable to assume that they would reveal
the source code used in the EVMs to those in charge of
their administrative ministries?

BJP questions donations to Congress by PSUs

New Delhi, Oct 26 (PTI) Strongly objecting to two
public sector firms paying political donations to the
Congress party, BJP today said this violated all
propriety and demanded action against the guilty.

“The Congress and the two public sector companies
MMTC and STC, whose names have figured in
reports, should clarify their stand on this issue,”
senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley said.

He said the details of these donations, which were
reportedly obtained through an RTI application,
should be furnished to the Income Tax Department
and the Election Commission as well.

“The question is not what amount was involved but
what it means if public sector companies start
giving donations. We would like a clarification from
them (Congress and the PSUs),” he added.

136 Democracy at Risk

Unraveling the Source Code

Even if we (unrealistically) assume that the ’secret’
source code known to a select few is completely secure
and a leakage has not occurred, a determined hacker
can unravel the software with some effort. Curious, how
that is possible?

A team of American scientists from the University
of California have shown how hackers can ’steal’ ballots
from Electronic Voting Machines using a ‘reverse
engineering’ technique even if they had no access to
the source code or any other proprietary information.

Computer Scientists Take Over Electronic Voting Machine
with New Programming Technique

Science Daily (Aug. 11, 2009) - Computer scientists demonstrated
that criminals could hack an electronic voting machine and steal
votes using a malicious programming approach that had not been
invented when the voting machine was designed.

“Voting machines must remain secure throughout their entire
service lifetime, and this study demonstrates how a relatively
new (return-oriented programming) technique can be used to take
control of a voting machine that was designed to resist takeover,
said Hovav Shacham, a professor of computer science at UC San
Diego’s Jacobs School of Engineering and an author on the new
study presented on August 10, 2009 at the 2009 Electronic Voting
Technology Workshop / Workshop on Trustworthy Elections (EVT/
WOTE 2009), the premier academic forum for voting security
research.

The computer scientists had no access to the machine’s source
code-or any other proprietary information-when designing the
demonstration attack.

“Based on our understanding of security and computer technology,
it looks like paper-based elections are the way to go…These kinds
of paper-based systems are amenable to statistical audits, which
is something the election security research community is shifting
to,” said Shacham. “If you are using electronic voting machines,
you need to have a separate paper record at the very least.”

“This work shows how difficult it is to design voting machines that
will remain secure over time. It’s impossible to anticipate what
new kinds of attacks will be discovered in the future,” said
Halderman.

Source: http://www.sciencedaily.com

EVM Software isn’t Safe… 137

The U.S. demonstration has revealed that reverse
engineering technique can be used to unravel the
’secret’ source code. For this, a hacker needs to gain
access to an EVM to make different kinds of attacks on
it–invasive, semi-invasive and non-invasive to unravel
the source code. Once the code is cracked, a hacker
can build duplicates in a jiffy.

Risk Factors

According to the Election Commission, the
source code in the EVMs cannot be tampered as the
software program is fused permanently into the
microcontrollers. The Report of the Expert Committee
(2006) mentioned,

“The program is burnt into the microchip on a “one
time programmable” basis (OTP) and once burnt it
cannot be read, copied out, altered and re-fed into
the chip at all. It can be fed once only in the chip,
and that too only at manufacturing level, is secret
and not amenable to any changes once installed in
the machine.”

On the face of it, it appears like a good protection
against tampering of the EVMs. But, in implementing
this measure to apparently safeguard the EVMs, the
Election Commission and the EVM manufacturers have
exposed EVMs to the following grave risk factors.

Risk Factor 1: “Secret” Software given to Foreign
Companies

The microcontroll