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2.Refrain from supporting private actors committing discriminatory acts and prohibit and bring to an end caste-based discrimination by private actors
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2.Refrain from supporting private actors
committing discriminatory acts and prohibit and bring to an end caste-based
discrimination by private actors



Article 2 (1) (b):
Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial
discrimination by any persons or organizations.


Article 2 (1) (d):
Each State Party shall prohibit and bring to an end, by all appropriate means,
including legislation as required by circumstances, racial discrimination by
any persons, group or organization.

The Committee has clarified the content of the States
Parties’ obligations with respect to private actors, stating that “to the
extent that private institutions influence the exercise of rights or the
availability of opportunities, the State Party must ensure that the result has
neither the purpose nor the effect of creating or perpetuating racial
discrimination.”[99]

In its periodic report Prabuddha Bharat cites to sections of the Indian Penal Code that
make punishable acts and statements by private actors instigating or promoting
caste (and other forms of) discrimination.[100]
A number of other legislative efforts to end caste-based discrimination also
apply to private actors as well as State actors. However, in relation to
private actors’ treatment of SC/STs, the State Party has, inter alia, failed to:


ensure the security of SC/STs, including through
its failure to protect SC/STs against retaliatory attacks (see Section VIII
(B)(1)), its failure to properly register crimes against SC/STs (see Section
V(A)(1)(a)(vi)), and through its collusion with private actors and militias
engaging in violence (see Section V(A)(1)(a)(i));


address infringements on social, cultural, and
economic rights by private actors, including through failing to deal with
violations of the right to work by private employers, including discrimination
in hiring and wage payments (see Section VIII(E)(1)(f)), social and economic boycotts against SC/STs
(see Section VIII(E)), prohibitions on
inter-marriage (see Section VIII(D)(3)(a)), and infringements on rights to equal
participation in cultural activities (see Section VIII(E)(6));


ensure the exercise of political rights such as
the right to vote and stand for election and freedom of peaceful assembly and
association, by failing to address practices such as booth-rigging and booth
capturing, denial of access to polls, and intimidation and violence to
discourage participation in local elections (see Section VIII(C));


end the practice of segregation, including in
housing arrangements and in privately run businesses (see Sections VI and
VIII(F)); and


eradicate propaganda inciting caste-based
discrimination (see Section VII).


The nexus between political leaders and upper-caste community
members account to some extent for these failures and for the disincentive to
address violations by private actors. For example, social and economic
legislation to further SC/STs’ rights adversely affects the interests of the
classes and castes to which political leaders either belong or represent;
political leaders are either landowners themselves or have close political and
social links with land-owners, and those relying on cheap or bonded labor,
including child labor.[101]



3.Reform state policies



Article 2 (1) (c):
Each State Party shall take effective measures to review governmental, national
and local policies, and to amend, rescind or nullify any laws and regulations
which have the effect of creating or perpetuating racial discrimination wherever
it exists.

While the 1950 Constitution abolished the practice of
“untouchability” in all its forms, and while specific legislation has been
adopted to address caste-based discrimination, the information detailed in this
report demonstrates that caste-based discrimination by State and non-State
actors persists throughout India and that the State Party has failed to
undertake sufficient law and policy review of the under-implementation of these
measures.



4.Encourage integrationist movements and other
means of eliminating barriers between castes, and discourage anything that
strengthens caste division



Article 2 (1) (e):
Each State Party undertakes to encourage, where appropriate, integrationist
multiracial organizations and movements and other means of eliminating barriers
between races, and to discourage anything which tends to strengthen racial
division.

The Government of India has failed to encourage
integrationist movements or eliminate barriers between castes. To the contrary,
the government has turned a blind eye to segregation in schools (see Sections
VIII(E)(5)(a) and VIII(F)(1)(c)), has encouraged segregation in housing (see
Section VI(A)), including in relief camps following natural disasters (see
Section V(A)(1)(b)), and has failed to faithfully implement constitutional and
legislative abolitions of “untouchability” practices. Additionally, as Dalits
increasingly organize to protest their discriminatory treatment and claim their
democratic rights, the government has improperly used security legislation
against SC/ST activists (see Section V(A)(1)(a)(ii)), consistently failed to
protect SC/STs against retaliatory attacks by upper-caste groups, including
rape of SC/ST women (see Section VIII(B)), and failed to deal with social and
economic boycotts against SC/STs (see Section VIII(E)), thereby further
discouraging integrationist movements.



B.Ensure the development and protection of
certain groups or individuals belonging to them



Article 2 (2): States
Parties shall, when the circumstances so warrant, take, in the social,
economic, cultural and other fields, special and concrete measures to ensure
the adequate development and protection of certain racial groups or individuals
belonging to them, for the purpose of guaranteeing them the full and equal
enjoyment of human rights and fundamental freedoms. These measures shall in no
case entail as a consequence the maintenance of unequal or separate rights for
different racial groups after the objectives for which they were taken have
been achieved.

The extreme marginalization and persecution endured by SC/STs in Prabuddha Bharat
necessitate efforts by the government to ensure their development and
protection. In its periodic report, the Government of Prabuddha Bharat cites to Article 16
of the Indian Constitution, which empowers the State to make provision for the
reservation of posts in government jobs in favor of any backward class of
citizens.[102]

Accordingly, under constitutional provisions and various laws, India grants SC/STs a certain number of privileges, including “reservations” (quotas) in
education, government jobs, and government bodies.[103]
Like many of the protective measures described in this report, the reservation
policy has not been successfully implemented for SC/STs. Additionally, there
has been widespread public opposition to reservations for SC/STs in local
government bodies, often leading to violence (see Section VIII(C)(2)), and in
government jobs that are highly coveted because of the economic security they
are perceived as offering,[104]
as are seats in higher education. Finally, Dalits who convert to Christianity
or Islam risk losing their “scheduled caste” status and the few benefits it
affords (see Section VIII(D)(5)(a)).



1.Failure of compensatory discrimination
mechanisms and discrimination in public employment


Caste-based occupational distribution is reinforced in
reserved government employment.[105]

The NHRC reports that SC/STs occupy over 65 percent of the total government posts for safai
karmacharis (Arogya Rakshakas)
and only 16.7 percent of non-Arogya Raksakas
posts.[106] SC/STs are also discriminated against when being considered for promotions.
Recently, the government has moved to create quotas for promotions for
scheduled castes and other backward castes. While the Supreme Court upheld the
move, it required that governmental authorities prove that these groups were
poorly represented in government positions, that quotas be capped at 50
percent, and that prosperous lower-caste employees be excluded from the plan.[107]


Reservations in higher education continue to be met with a
great deal of resistance leading to under-enforcement.[108]

In the country’s 256 universities and about 11,000 colleges funded by the
University Grants Commission (an apex body of the Government of India), SC/STs
and tribals comprise only 2 percent of the teaching positions; about 75,000
teaching positions reserved for these communities remain vacant.[109]



2.Proposals to extend reservations to other
sectors


In its 2004 report the NHRC recommended that the government
identify institutions that had not accepted reservations-including judiciary
and defense forces-and develop measures to ensure that SC/ST candidates had the
opportunity to compete for these positions.[110]

In 2002 the Supreme Court had one SC/ST out of 26 judges, while the High Courts
had 25 SC/STs out of 625 positions[111]
(see also Section VIII(A)(3)(b)). The National Commission for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes has stated that the private sector, which continues to
enjoy government patronage-through concessional land, financing, and excise and
sales tax relief-should also be brought under the purview of the reservation
policy.[112]


According to government estimates in 2000, the unemployment
rate for SC/STs and tribals was double that of non-SC/STs.
Additionally, public sector divestment to private owners is estimated to have
left 200,000 SC/ST employees jobless. SC/STs continue to be significantly
underrepresented in most professional strata. SC/ST representation in India’s high
industries, exports, imports, and electronic industries sectors is dismal.[113]

In response, civil society and government actors have supported the proposed
extension of reservations in the private sector. However, there remains strong
opposition to this proposal, both from private employers and certain political
parties. Private employers have, for example, criticized the government for
failing to provide SC/STs adequate opportunities in education and instead
imposing upon the private sector the obligation to employ individuals they deem
unqualified.[114]



3.Poor
implementation of development programs


The Government of Prabuddha Bharat has also established several
programs for the development of SC/STs.[115]

According to the NHRC, however, the beneficial impact of these programs has
been hindered by:


inadequate investment of public resources;


non-utilization or diversion of funds earmarked
for SC/ST development;


lack of programs specifically targeted to SC/ST
development;


poor preparation of such projects; and


a lack of monitoring of development programs,
leading to the failure of many such programs to reach their target groups.[116]


The anti-SC/ST bias of personnel in charge of implementing
these programs has also hindered their effectiveness.[117]

Moreover, SC/STs rarely participate in the formulation and implementation of
development projects. Many SC/STs are also unaware of the existence of such
programs, further restricting their participation.[118]



4.Inadequate
development and protection of SC/ST women


The obligation to ensure the development and protection of
certain groups or individuals belonging to them is especially relevant for
those individuals within the SC/ST community who face multiple forms of
discrimination. SC/ST women face multiple axes of discrimination, with the NCDHR
asserting:



SC/ST women are often described as the oppressed of the
oppressed, the violence and oppression on them being more complex and manifold
even compared to SC/ST men. There is [an] inseparable relationship between
caste status, occupation and discrimination. The SC/ST woman faces triple discrimination
because she is an untouchable, of a poor class and is a woman.[119]


CERD has also noted that forms of racial discrimination have
a “unique and specific impact on women.”[120]

For more on the violence against SC/ST women see Sections V(A)(1)(a)(iv) and VIII(B)(2).



a.Lack of gender equity


SC/ST women have unequal access to services, employment
opportunities, and justice mechanisms as compared to SC/ST men. In relation to
employment opportunities,SC/ST women are allotted some of the most menial and
arduous tasks and experience greater discrimination in the payment of wages
than SC/ST men.[121]

The employment opportunities of professional SC/ST women may also be limited by
discriminatory practices that deprive facilities run by SC/ST women of a
customer or patient base[122]
or require accommodation of requests of upper-caste community members.[123]
In relation to services, SC/ST women have less access to education and health
facilities,[124]
ensuring that their literacy rate, and nutrition and health standards fall far below
that of SC/ST men and non-Dalit men and women.[125]
The number of SC/ST women in decision-making positions is also very low, and in
some central services, SC/ST women are not represented at all.[126]
Benefits of various development programs for SC/STs, such as distribution of
land and other productive assets have essentially gone to SC/ST males and have
not improved the status of SC/ST women.[127]
Investment in projects targeted to the development of SC/ST women is also far
lower as compared to those for men.[128]



b.Forced Prostitution Devadasi system


The practice of devadasi, in which a girl, usually
before reaching the age of puberty, is ceremoniously dedicated or married to a
deity or to a temple, continues in several southern states including Andhra
Pradesh and Karnataka. Literally meaning “female servant of god,”devadasis usually belong to the SC/ST
community. Once dedicated, the girl is unable to marry, forced to become a
prostitute for upper-caste community members, and eventually auctioned into an
urban brothel. The age-old practice continues to legitimize the sexual violence
and discrimination that have come to characterize the intersection between
caste and gender.[129]


While India
has adopted measures to abolish the practice and “rehabilitate” devadasis, these efforts have been
largely unsuccessful. Legislative initiatives are poorly implemented.[130]
The
societal perception of devadasis as
women who are sexually available to men makes it more difficult for devadasis to approach the police with
complaints of sexual violence.[131]
Moreover, the police themselves have been known to exploit devadasis.[132]


The Joint Women Programme for the National Commission of
Women has found that devadasi
rehabilitation programs neither address the whole range of problems faced by devadasis, nor target the population
they were intended to assist.[133]

Further, devadasis find it difficult
to earn a livelihood outside the system because the rehabilitation programs do
not provide adequate means of livelihood and skill development, and because
financial assistance is often in the form of a loan which must be repaid. Most devadasis also lack access to a
residential house, health care, or educational facilities for their children.[134]

VI. Article 3: Prevent, prohibit and eradicate caste-based
segregation



Article 3: States
Parties particularly condemn racial segregation and apartheid and undertake to
prevent, prohibit and eradicate all practices of this nature in territories
under their jurisdiction.

Although there is no de
jure
policy of segregation in India, Dalits are subject to de facto segregation in all spheres,
including housing, the enjoyment of public services (see Section VIII(F)(1)),
and education (see Sections VIII(E)(5)(a) and VIII(F)(1)(c)).
[135]
This widespread segregation has led to a description of the practice of
“untouchability” as India’s
“hidden apartheid.”[136]
However, India’s
periodic report fails to provide any information about segregation, instead
confining the information provided under Article 3 to India’s support
for the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa and its participation
in the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and
Related Intoleranceheld in Durban in 2001.[137]
Tellingly, India
lobbied furiously against the inclusion of any references to caste
discrimination, or discrimination on the basis of “work and descent,” in the
final conference documents.[138]



A.Segregated housing colonies for SC/STs


Residential segregation is prevalent across the country, and
is the rule rather than the exception.
[139]
Most SC/STs in rural areas live in segregated colonies, away from the
upper-caste residents.[140]
This segregation is not limited to rural environments (see Section
VIII(E)(3)(b)). Government programs for SC/ST housing maintain the existing
spatial segregation.[141]
Basic residential services such as water are segregated by caste, meaning that
Dalits are forbidden from using the water sources and toilet tanks used by non-Dalits.[142]
The State provides poorer quality facilities for Dalit colonies and sometimes
does not provide any of the facilities that are provided to non-SC/ST colonies;[143]
for example, medical facilities and the better, thatched-roof houses exist
exclusively in upper-caste colonies.[144]
An extensive survey of 11 Indian states on the prevalence of “untouchability”
in rural India
(hereinafter the Untouchability in Rural
India
survey) found that Dalits were denied entry into upper-caste homes in
more than 50 percent of villages studied.[145]



B.Segregation in relief camps


Dalits are segregated in disaster relief efforts (see
Section V(A)(1)(b)).



C.Segregation in schools


Dalit children and teachers are segregated from their
counterparts in schools (see Sections VIII(E)(5)(a) and VIII(F)(1)(c)).



D.Segregation in public life


Dalits are prohibited from using public services and
entering private businesses (see Section VIII(F)).



VII. Article
4: Eradicate propaganda inciting caste-based discrimination



Article 4: States
Parties condemn all propaganda and all organizations which are based on ideas
or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or
ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and
discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive
measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such
discrimination and, to this end, with due regard to the principles embodied in
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the rights expressly set forth in
article 5 of this Convention

In its periodic report, India indicates that “[n]o cases
have arisen under thelegislations for inciting racial disharmony or
disseminating ideas of racial superiority.”
[146]
The absence of such cases must be questioned in light of the existence and
activities of the Sangh Parivar,
which serves as the umbrella organization for Hindu nationalist organizations
in Prabuddha Bharat, including the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (National Volunteer Corps,
RSS), the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council, VHP), and the VHP’s
militant youth wing, the Bajrang Dal. In addition to being responsible for
discriminatory attacks against Dalits,[147]
these organizations disseminate propaganda targeting both Dalits and religious
minorities.[148]
While these organizations bear collective responsibility for widespread
violence against Muslims and Christians in India,[149]
these abuses are outside the scope of this Report. Concerning the dissemination
of anti-Dalit propaganda, D.B. Parmar, a Dalit social worker in Gujarat, told Human Rights Watch in 2003 that the VHP had
circulated pamphlets demonizing SC/ST community members and calling on VHP
members to attack Dalits. The VHP has also actively promoted community enmity
between SC/STs and Muslims.[150]
The political wing of the Sangh Parivar,
the BJP led the Government of India in alliance with other parties between 1998
and 2004;[151]
this close relationship is indicative of both a failure to condemn groups that
disseminate caste-based propaganda and potentially of the requirement under
Article 4(c) of the Convention that State Parties shall not allow public
authorities or institutions to promote or incite discrimination.



VIII. Article 5: Eliminate caste-based discrimination in the
enjoyment of Fundamental Rights



Article 5: In
compliance with the fundamental obligations laid down in article 2 of this
Convention, States Parties undertake to prohibit and to eliminate racial
discrimination in all its forms and to guarantee the right of everyone, without
distinction as to race, colour, or national or ethnic origin, to equality
before the law

India
has failed in its duty to eliminate caste discrimination and ensure the full
enjoyment of the fundamental rights and equality before the law of SC/STs
guaranteed by Article 5. This next section closely details the particular
rights violations suffered by SC/STs. As a general point, it is important to
highlight that the Protection of Civil Rights Act, 1955, and the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 (two of the most important pieces of legislation for the
protection of Dalits), have been rendered increasingly ineffective in their
ability to protect SC/STs from fundamental rights’ violations because of the
failure of state governments to properly implement the acts.
[152]
State governments have made no serious efforts to identify areas where the
practice of “untouchability” is prevalent, have done very little to make public
and known the provisions of the acts, and have failed to periodically survey
the acts’ effectiveness.[153]
Moreover, the NHRC has concluded that there is virtually no monitoring of the
acts’ implementation at any level.[154]
Political leaders have also played a significant role in hindering the
implementation of the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989.[155]



A.Duty to ensure the right to equal treatment
of SC/STs before organs administering justice



Article 5 (a): Right
to equal treatment before organs administering justice

SC/STs are frequently the victims of discriminatory
treatment in the administration of justice.Prosecutors and judges fail to vigorously and faithfully pursue
complaints brought by Dalits, which is evidenced by the high rate of acquittals
in such cases. SC/ST women suffer particularly as a result of the deficient
administration of justice-rape cases are not prosecuted in good faith and SC/ST
women suffer both caste and gender discrimination in the courtrooms. Moreover,
the number of SC/STs appointed to judicial office remains low. Instances of
“untouchability” and discrimination against SC/ST judges by their non-SC/ST
peers have also been reported.



1.Police


The failure of police to register or properly register
crimes against SC/STs (see Section V(A)(1)(a)(vi)) is a key way in which SC/STs’ right to equal treatment before organs administering justice is
compromised at the outset.



2.Prosecutors



a.Poor quality of prosecution under the
Protection of Civil Rights Act and the Prevention of Atrocities Act


One of the principal ways in which the right of SC/STs to
equal treatment before organs administering justice is being denied is through
the poor quality of prosecutions under the Protection of Civil Rights Act and
Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989. The Government of Prabuddha Bharat has
itself noted this failure in its 2001-2002 Annual Report on the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989, which states that in 2002, only 2.31 percent of cases
brought under the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 had resulted in
convictions.
[156]
The low rate of convictions, compared against the high number of atrocities
reported against SC/STs, speaks to the caste bias of prosecutors, as well as
other organs of justice, including the judiciary.



b.Failure to prosecute rape cases of SC/ST
women


SC/STwomen, occupying the bottom of both the caste and
gender hierarchies, are both uniquely susceptible to violence and particularly
vulnerable to the infringements of their right to equal treatment before organs
administering justice. Cases documented by the National Commission for Women,
Human Rights Watch, local and national women’s rights organizations, and the
press, overwhelmingly demonstrate a systemic pattern of impunity in attacks on SC/ST women.
[157] SC/ST women are more likely to suffer violence and especially sexual violence,
and are least likely to get redress in the courts. They are, in a sense, doubly
victimized - first at the hands of their attackers, and then at the hands of
judicial system that fails to offer them protection and redress.


A SC/ST woman who is a survivor of rape will face
significant obstacles in bringing her case to the attention of the police, and,
in turn, the courts. She will likely face ostracism from her community and
family, and she will have difficulty gaining access to the justice system.
[158]
Further, even if a woman is able to surmount all these obstacles and convince
the police to lodge a FIR, she will face new roadblocks at every step of the
way. A Dalit woman is likely to be confronted with any of the following
impediments to the successful prosecution of her case: unsympathetic doctors[159]
and police officers, difficulty in finding witnesses who are willing to risk
their own safety by testifying, police officers and prosecutors who are bribed
or pressured by the (usually more powerful) attackers, as well as having her
case misfiled under more lenient sections of the Indian Penal Code or not being
simultaneously filed under the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989.[160]
The combined effect of these hurdles is such that, even if her case is properly
investigated, a Dalit woman will likely find that her attackers have been
granted impunity.[161]


In fact, as statistics from the National Crime Records
Bureau demonstrate, conviction in rape cases is not only extremely rare, but
becoming rarer - out of the total rape cases in which trials were completed
between 1990-1993, in 1990 41.5 percent ended in conviction; the figure dropped
to 34.2 percent in 1991 and to 33.8 percent in 1993.
[162]
The failings of the prosecutorial arm are further evident in the
disproportionately large backlog of rape cases (on average, 80 percent of rape
cases remained pending for trial in 1994[163])
and the comparatively low levels of conviction for the crime of rape as
compared with less serious crimes of burglary and theft.[164]


Certain states have provided some compensation to SC/ST rape
victims. As per the 2002-2003 Annual Report on the Prevention of Atrocities Act,
1989, during the year 2002-2003, the state government of Madhya Pradesh
incurred an expenditure of Rs. 28.5 lakhs [US$63,808] for providing relief to
rape victims
[165],
while the state of Maharashtra provided financial assistance in the amount of
Rs. 19.68 lakhs [US$44,061].[166]


It should be noted that the prosecutorial failure to
investigate, file, and pursue cases involving rape against SC/ST women has an
injurious effect not just on the individual woman harmed in each instance of
sexual violence, but more broadly on women and SC/ST communities in general -
prosecutorial failures empower potential perpetrators by signaling that crimes
against SC/ST women will be rewarded with impunity and also further disempowers
marginalized communities by eroding their trust in the judiciary. Finally,
prosecutorial failures in the context of cases involving rape against SC/ST women encourage the use of rape as a tool to punish and silence Dalit
communities.
[167]



3.Courts



a.Caste and Gender Discrimination by Judges


The prevalence of caste and gender bias among Prabuddha Bharat’s judges
is another factor which imperils the right of SC/STs to equal treatment before
organs administering justice under Article 5 of ICERD. Such bias has resulted
in improperly conducted trials, including acquittals that blatantly ignore
evidence and witness testimony and entrench the system of impunity that greets
perpetrators of violence against SC/STs.


Box 2: The Bhanwari Devi Case

The case of Bhanwari Devi
illustrates the role of caste and gender bias in India’s justice system. A
grassroots worker or sathin with the
Rajasthan Government’s Women’s Development Programme (WDP), Bhanwari reported
the child marriage of a 1-year-old girl. On September 22, 1992, in retaliation, members of
the child’s family gang raped Bhanwari in front of her husband. These
individuals were acquitted, with the judge stating that since “rape is usually
committed by teenagers, and since the accused are middle-aged and therefore
respectable, they could not have committed the crime. An upper-caste man could
not have defiled himself by raping a lower-caste woman.”
[168]
The individuals also received significant political support from the local BJP.[169]
In early 1996 an appeal of the acquittal was filed in the High Court, but as of
November 2006, 14 years after the rape, the verdict remains.[170]
A survey conducted by Delhi-based NGO Sakshi found that 64 percent of judges
believe that “women themselves are partly responsible for the violence they
face.”[171]
Gender discrimination is also evident at the Supreme Court level.[172]b.Lack of SC/ST
Judges


SC/STs’ right to equal treatment before the courts is
further imperiled on account of the fact that SC/STs themselves are poorly
represented in the judiciary. Statistics presented in the Fourth Report of the
National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Schedules Tribes for the years
1996-97 reveal the magnitude of the problem. For example, while Dalits comprise
roughly 16 percent of the population, in 1982, only four out of the 325 judges
in all High Courts in Prabudddha Bharat
were SC/STs (i.e. 1.23 percent of the judiciary). By 1993 the situation was
only marginally better, with 13 out of 547 judges at the all India level
being SC/STs (i.e. 2.38 percent).
[173]
In 2002 the Supreme Court had one SC/ST out of 26 judges, while the High Courts
had 25 Dalits out of 625 positions.[174]
Also illustrative of the lack of SC/ST and lower-caste representation in
the
judiciary is the fact that brahmins, who comprise just 5 to 9 percent in
general and the foreigners from Bene Isreal etc., terrorists chitpavan
brahmins in particular who are just .1% of of Prabuddha Bharat’s 1
billion people, fill 78 percent of Prabuddha Bharat’s judicial posts.[175]


Caste and gender discrimination do not cease once a SC/ST is
appointed to a judicial position, as discriminatory attitudes prevail among
judges themselves. The depth of anti-Dalit sentiment in the judiciary is
particularly well illustrated by an incident that took place in July 1998 in
the state of Uttar Pradesh, where, as the Times
of India
reports, an Allahabad High Court Judge had his chamber “purified
with Ganga jal” (water from the River
Ganges) because it had earlier been occupied by a SC/ST judge.
[176]



c.Large number of cases involving offenses and
atrocities against SC/STs still pending before the courts


The failures of implementing Article 5 of ICERD with respect
to caste are further evinced by the disproportionately large numbers of pending
cases involving offenses and atrocities against SC/STs. The Sixth and Seventh
Reports of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
reveal, respectively, that less than a sixth of such cases that reached trial
stage in 1999-2000 were actually adjudicated, and that only 11 percent of the
cases were disposed of during 2001-2002.
[177]
The large number of cases concerning SC/STs that are still pending before the
courts suggests non-compliance with the Convention; the Committee has made
plain that “guarantee[ing] the victim a court judgment within a reasonable
period” is something that “States parties should ensure [in their] system of
justice.”[178]



d.High rate of acquittals


The failures of implementing Article 5 of ICERD with respect
to caste are also evinced by the disproportionately high rate of acquittals in
cases involving offences and atrocities against SC/STs. The Third and Sixth
Reports of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
reveal, respectively, that in 1996, the conviction rate in these cases was 15
percent,
[179]
while the acquittal rate was 85 percent, and that in 1999-2000 and 2000-2001,
as much as 89 percent of cases resulted in acquittals.[180]
The Commission additionally found that only 11 percent of cases were disposed
of during the year. Of those, 51 percent resulted in convictions. The small
percentage of cases that actually reached the trial stage is a cause for
concern.[181]
Additionally, the acquittal rates were still alarming in the states of Assam, Gujarat, Kerala, Maharashtra,
Orissa, Rajasthan, Uttaranchal, Karnataka, and Haryana, where acquittal rates
were as high as 97 percent.[182]
According to the Government’s 2001-2002 Annual Report on the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 only 2.3 percent of overall cases brought under the
Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 resulted in convictions in 2002.[183]
Recent statistics released by the Home Ministry in December 2006 reveal that
the pattern of acquittals continues: of the 833 cases registered under the Act
in the state of Maharashtra in 2005, only 6.3
percent ended in conviction. In 2004 689 cases were registered in the state,
with only 4.8 percent ending in convictions. In Gujarat,
in the 1,301 cases registered in 2005, the conviction rate was a poor 3.8
percent. The state of Uttar Pradesh fared better: of the 4,369 cases registered
last year, nearly half the offenders were convicted.[184]



B.Ensure SC/STs’ right to security of person
and protection by the State against violence or bodily harm, whether inflicted
by government officials or by any individual group or institution



Article 5 (b): The
right to security of person and protection by the State against violence or
bodily harm, whether inflicted by government officials or by any individual
group or institution.

Prabuddha Bhart’s
obligation to ensure a person’s right to security and to protect against
violence or bodily harm applies to State and non-State actors. The nature and
extent of abuse against SC/STs by the police has been set out above in Section
V(A)(1)(a). This section focuses on widespread violence against Dalits,
including sexual violence against Dalit women, and the failure of Indian
government to protect Dalits and ensure their security of person.



1.Widespread
violence against SC/STs


For SC/STs, the right to personal security has been
seriously undermined because of rampant attacks and violence committed against
them.
[185]
Media, NGO, and government reports reveal that the police have systematically failed to protect SC/ST homes and SC/ST
individuals from acts of looting, arson, sexual assault, torture, and other
inhumane acts such as stripping and parading Dalit women and forcing SC/STs to
drink urine and eat feces.
[186]For example, the government’s Annual Report on the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 found that30,022
cases were registered against Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes under the
Act in 2001 and 27,894 were registered in 2002.[187]
As staggering as these statistics are, they represent only a fraction of the
violence committed against Dalits. A number of factors, including lack of
police cooperation, fear of reprisals, and difficulty in gaining access to the
judiciary contribute to a reluctance or inability on the part of SC/STs to
report crimes against them.[188]
Systematic non-registration or improper registration of atrocities also
accounts for under-reporting (see Section V(A)(1)(a)(vi)). Much like cases of
police abuse against Dalits, attacks by private actors often take the form of
collective punishment, whereby entire communities or villages are punished for
the perceived transgressions of individuals who seek to alter village customs
or demand their rights.[189]
Retaliatory attacks for such challenges are rife (see

Box 4).

Box 3: Offenses under the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989

This violence or bodily
harm against Dalits takes many forms. The offenses made punishable by the
Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 provide a glimpse into the types of retaliatory
or customarily degrading treatment Dalits receive. The offenses include:

Forcing members of a scheduled caste or
scheduled tribe to drink or eat any inedible or obnoxious substance;

Dumping excreta, waste matter, carcasses or any
other obnoxious substance in their premises or neighborhood;

Forcibly removing their clothes and parading
them naked or with painted face or body;

Interfering with their rights to land;

Compelling a member of a scheduled caste or
scheduled tribe into forms of forced or bonded labor;

Corrupting or fouling the water of any spring,
reservoir or any other source ordinarily used by scheduled castes or scheduled
tribes;

Denying right of passage to a place of public
resort;

Using a position of dominance to exploit a
scheduled caste or scheduled tribe woman sexually.
[190]


Despite these offenses being criminalized under the
Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 the systematic non-implementation of these
provisions by the police (see Sections V(A)(1)(a) and V(A)(1)(a)(vi)) results
in a continued pattern of violence, as is borne out in media reports. For
example, a survey of Indian media during a six-month period in 2006 illustrates
the extent and brutality of violent crimes against Dalits:


“SC/ST leader abused for daring to sit on a
chair”
[191]


“SC/ST worker beaten on suspicion of theft”[192]


“SC/ST lynched while gathering grain”[193]


“SC/ST
beaten for entering temple”
[194]


“UP SC/ST girl resists rape, loses arm as a
result”
[195]


“SC/ST tries to fetch water beaten to death”[196]


The need for Prabuddha Bharat
to address violence and bodily harm by private actors has also been documented
by the UN special procedures. On June
8, 2004, the Special Rapporteur on racism, jointly with the Special
Rapporteur on violence against women, sent a letter of allegation to India concerning
a group of 200 people who attacked a SC/STsettlement in Kalapatti village, Coimbatore district,
Tamil Nadu, on May 16, 2004.
[197]
According to the Special Rapporteur on racism’s 2005 Annual Report:



The SC/STs’ homes were reported to have been attacked by
upper-caste villagers using swords and other weapons. Allegedly, inter alia,
they pushed the SC/STs to the ground, stomped on them, used degrading caste
names to refer to them, sexually assaulted the women and attempted to pull off
their saris. Other specific incidents mentioned were that an 8-month-old baby
was thrown against a wall, a 75-year-old man was attacked, and a middle-aged
woman was hit on the head as she attempted to protect her son. Close to 100
houses were said to have been burnt, money and jewels were stolen, and cattle
owned by the Dalits were reported to have been killed. In total, 14 Dalits were
allegedly admitted to the CoimbatoreMedicalCollegeHospital. Many Dalits are
said to have tried to escape but were prevented from leaving the settlement.
Fears have been expressed for their security.
[198]

Box 4: Examples of retaliatory attacks against SC/STs

When a SC/ST man from the Dholapur
district of Rajasthan, refused to sell bidis
(hand-rolled cigarettes) on credit to the nephew of an upper-caste village
chief, the upper-caste family retaliated by forcibly piercing his nostril,
drawing a string through his nose, parading him around the village, and tying
him to a cattle post.
[199]

When SC/ST agrarian labor activist
Bant Singh, whose daughter was gang-raped in 2002, defied landlords’ threats
and local upper-caste leaders in seeking prosecution against those who
gang-raped his daughter, the landlords retaliated by violently attacking him,
beating him so badly that both his arms and one of his legs had to be
amputated; the remaining leg was permanently disabled.
[200]

When SC/STs from Amachiyarpatti
village in Tamil Nadu resisted Thevars’
[201]
demand that they use coconut shells at tea stalls to prevent them from drinking
out of the tea tumblers used by caste Hindus, Thevars retaliated by torching
and burning SC/ST houses in their village.[202]

When SC/STs from the Dalit colony of
Veludavur village in Villapuram district, Tamil Nadu, demanded their right to
participate in a government auction of common properties in Veludavur, members
of seven neighboring caste Hindu villages attacked their colony, destroying 400
huts, attacking women, children, and the elderly, and displacing 700 SC/ST
families.[203]

When a 16-year-old SC/ST rape
survivor from Sahalwada village in Madhya Pradesh, refused to withdraw the
complaint she had filed against her attacker, he retaliated by pouring kerosene
on her and setting her on fire.[204]

When a SC/ST argued with an upper-caste farmer in
Kothapally village in Andhra Pradesh, the upper-caste villagers attacked 80
Dalit families in retaliation. When the same Dalit man then went to the police
to report the incident, a social boycott was imposed on all of the Dalits from
Kothapally; they were thrown out of their village and denied every opportunity
to earn their livelihood.[205]



2.Violence
against SC/ST women


The nature and extent of police abuse of SC/ST
women has been dealt with above in Section V(A)(1)(a)(iv). Dalit women are also
especially vulnerable to violence by private actors who commit violent offenses
with impunity. As the majority of landless laborers, SC/ST women come into
greater contact with landlords and enforcement agencies than upper-caste women,
rendering them more susceptible to abuse.[206] Landlords use sexual abuse and other forms of
violence and humiliation against
SC/ST women as tools to inflict “lessons” and
crush dissent and labor movements within SC/ST communities.[207] For example, upper-caste groups will engage in
mass rapes of
SC/ST women or in retaliation against SC/STs who strive for
political empowerment or violate customary injunctions.[208] In their attacks on SC/ST communities, Ranvir Sena
members committed acts of sexual violence against SC/ST women. Human Rights
Watch has documented a massacre of SC/STs committed in Laxmanpur-Bathe, Bihar (see Section V(A)(1)(a)(i)), in which women were
raped and mutilated before being killed.[209] According to the Tamil Nadu Women’s Forum, SC/ST women are butchered, raped, and killed during caste riots.[210]


SC/ST women also comprise the majority of victims of gang
rapes in India.
[211]
Human Rights Watch reported that on April 5, 2003, for example, four
upper-caste men abducted a 14-year-old SC/ST girl from her home just outside
Jaipur, Rajasthan, and gang-raped her over a period of three days. Upon her
return to her village, the village’s upper-caste community threatened to remove
her family if they reported the incident.[212]
Dalit women are also singled out for other indignities, like being paraded
naked, even for petty disputes.[213]
These indignities have symbolic significance. For example, Human Rights Watch
reported that on November 3, 2003, a SC/ST woman in Kishanganj, Bihar, was
paraded half-naked by a group of people who wanted to teach a lesson to her
family for not relinquishing their claim to a piece of land.[214]


Vulnerability to sexual violence also results from Dalit
women’s lower economic and social status, leading many
SC/ST women to turn to
prostitution for their survival.[215]
Other forms of abuse result from superstitious beliefs, according to which
Dalit women may be branded as witches and blamed for certain mishaps in the
community. Aside from the humiliation ofbeing branded as a “witch,” Dalit women are also punished for these
mishaps, for example by being made to eat feces and drink urine, by having
their teeth pulled out, by having chili pepper put in their eyes, and by being
beaten severely enough to result in death.[216]


Both the root causes of this abuse and the resulting social,
physical, and mental trauma
SC/ST women suffer[217]
highlights the particular vulnerability of SC/ST women which merits special
protection by the State. However, rather than ensuring Dalit women’s
development and protection, India
has failed to punish perpetrators and in some instances, has even directly
participated in abusive acts.[218]
Cases documented by India’s
National Commission for Women, by local and national non-governmental women’s
rights organizations, and by the press, reveal a pattern of impunity for
attacks on Dalit women.[219]
However, due to uninterest, ignorance of proper procedure, or their own caste
biases, the police have failed to register or properly investigate many cases
of attacks against women.[220]
In all cases of attacks on women documented by Human Rights Watch, the accused
state and private actors escaped punishment; in most cases, attacks were
neither investigated nor prosecuted.[221]


Box 5: Impunity and obstacles to prosecution of rape and killing of SC/ST
women

While women in Prabuddha Bharat generally
face obstacles in prosecuting rape, if a woman is poor, belongs to a lower-caste,
and lives in a rural area, it is even more difficult for her to gain access to
the justice system.
[222]
Those who are able to pursue cases of sexual assault face entrenched biases at
every stage of the process.[223]
These obstacles exist whether the acts are carried out by mobs or by
individuals.

For example,in October 2006, a mob of 60
upper-caste villagers stormed the Bhotmanges home as they were preparing dinner
in Kherlanji village in Bhandara district. Fourty-four-year-old Surekha, her
daughter Priyanka, and sons Roshan and Sudhir were dragged from their home,
stripped naked, beaten and taken to the village square. At the village square,
both women were raped for over an hour, after which all four family members
were hacked to death. More than a month later, the police have yet to take
action against the primary perpetrators of these crimes.
[224]

Another case illustrative
of the obstacles to justice was presented at the National Public Hearing held
in 2000 by the NCDHR. In this particular case, Ms. Gangawati testified that
after being raped at gunpoint in her own home, her unsuccessful attempts to get
the local police to register her case required her to petition the Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh and the NHRC. While the latter directed the district
police to conduct an enquiry, the local police officer avoided filing her case
for months, and even after her case was finally registered, no action was taken
against her attacker.
[225]





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Acknowledgements
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Acknowledgements

Center for Human
Rights and Global Justice, New
YorkUniversitySchool of Law

The Center for Human Rights and Global Justice at NYU School
of Law is enormously grateful to the following individuals for their work
and/or assistance in the preparation of this Report:

Project Director:

Smita Narula, Assistant Professor of Clinical Law, NYU
School of Law; Faculty Director, Center for Human Rights and Global Justice,
NYU School of Law; and former Senior Researcher for South Asia at Human Rights
Watch.

Principal authors and researchers:

This report was researched by Stephanie Barbour, Tiasha
Palikovic and Jeena Shah as part of the International Human Rights Clinic at
NYU School of Law. The report was co-authored by Stephanie Barbour, Tiasha
Palikovic, Jeena Shah, and Smita Narula.

Substantive review and comment on the Report was provided
by:

Jayne Huckerby, Research Director, Center for Human Rights
and Global Justice, NYUSchool of Law.

Research assistance was provided by:

Maithili Pradhan

Additional assistance was provided by:

Mana Barari

Jyotswaroop Bawa

Fauzia Dawood

Lauren Maher

Nadia Mian

Human Rights Watch

The report was reviewed by members of the Asia Division of
Human Rights Watch.

Appendix I

Overview of the
Forms/Sites in which Untouchability is being Practised in Rural India, by
Degree of Prevalence
[492]

More than 50% of Villages

45-50% of Villages

30-40% of Villages

25-30% of Villages

20-25% of Villages

15-20% of Villages

10-15% of Villages

Less than 10% of Villages

Denied
entry into non-Dalit houses

Prohibitions
against food sharing

Denied
entry into places of worship

Ill-treatment
of women by other women

Denied
access to water facilities

Ban
on marriage processions

Not
allowed to sell milk to cooperatives

Denied
barber services

Denied
laundry services

Ill-treatment
of women by non-SC [scheduled caste] men

Denied
work as agricultural labourer

Cannot
sell things in local markets

Denied
visits by health workers

Separate
seating in ‘hotels’

Denied
access to irrigation facilities

Separate
utensils in ‘hotels’

Discriminatory
treatment in police stations

Separate
seating in Self-Help Group

Denied
entry into police stations

Denied
carpenter’s services

Denied
entry into PDS [Public Distribution System] shops

Denied
access to restaurants/ hotels

Forced
to stand before upper-caste men

Paid
lower wage rates for same work

Ban
on festival processions on roads

Denied
home delivery of letters

Segregated
seating in schools

Denied
entry into private health clinics

No
access to grazing/fishing grounds

Tailor
refuses to take measurements

Buying
of pots from potter

Separate
drinking water in schools

Discriminatory
treatment in post offices

Cannot
wear new/bright clothes

Shops:
No touching in transactions

Denied
access to public roads/passage

Denied
entry into PHCs [Primary Health Centers]

Not
allowed to use umbrellas in public

Schools:
SC students and non-SC teacher

Schools:
SC teachers and non-SCstudents

Denied
entry into panchayat [village council] office

Ban
on wearing dark glasses, smoking, etc.

Schools:
SC teacher and non-SC student

Public
transport: No seats/last entry

Separate
lines at polling booth

Denied
entry into polling booth

Cannot
use chappals [slippers] on public roads

Discriminatory
treatment in PHCs [Primary Health Centers]

Denied
access/entry to public transport

Separate
times at polling booth

Discriminatory
treatment in private clinics

Compulsion
to seek blessing in marriages

Forced
to seek upper caste’s permission for marriages

Cannot
use cycles on public roads

Denied
entry/seating in cinema halls

[1] Human Rights Watch, Broken People: Caste Violence Against India’s “Untouchables” (New
York: Human Rights Watch, 1999), pp. 1-2. [hereinafter Broken People]. According to the 2001 census, the scheduled caste
population comprises 16.2 percent of the India’s total population. India’s
Combined second and third periodic reports to CEDAW, October 19, 2005, CEDAW/C/IND/2-3,
para.92.

[2] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 2.

[3] Human Rights Watch, Politics by Other Means: Attacks Against Christians in India, Vol.
11, No. 6, September 1999.

[4] Human Rights Watch, We Have No Orders To Save You: State Participation and Complicity in
Communal Violence in
Gujarat, Vol. 14, No. 3(C), April 2002.

[5]Government of India,
Nineteenth Periodic Reports of States Parties due in 2006, CERD/C/IND/19, March
29, 2006, paras. 45-50.

[6] Committee on the Elimination of Racial
Discrimination, “Consideration of Reports Submitted by State parties under
Article 9 of the Convention, Fourteenth Periodic Report of State parties due in
1996, India,” CERD/C/299/Add.3, April 26, 1996, http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/(Symbol)/a035833a480e4514802565530037bf7e?Opendocument
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[7] Report of the Committee on the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination, Fifty-first session, A/51/18, 1996, http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/76ebd2611b2261d2c12563e90058d7d7/$FILE/N9625738.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007),
para. 361.

[8] National Human Rights Commission, “Report on
Prevention of Atrocities against Scheduled Castes,” 2004, [hereinafter “NHRC
Report”].

[9] Annual Report on The Protection Of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 For The Year 2002 (Twenty Second Report) Government Of
India,Ministry Of Social Justice And
Empowerment, New Delhi, http://socialjustice.nic.in/schedule/ar-pcr.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[10] Annual Report on The Scheduled Castes And The
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention Of Atrocities) Act, 1989 For The Year 2002
(Nineteenth Report) Government Of India, Ministry Of Social Justice And
Empowerment, New Delhi, http://socialjustice.nic.in/schedule/ar-poa.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[11] This report also relies on sources provided
by the National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights (NCDHR), a network of Indian
NGOs that has worked on caste discrimination issues for the past eight years.
The report draws in particular from the case papers submitted in the National
Public Hearings held by NCDHR in 2000 and the NCDHR’s “Response to the Special
Rapporteur’s Questionnaire on Work and Descent Based Discrimination”
[hereinafter “NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s Questionnaire”]. This
report further draws information from a study published in 2006 on the forms
and prevalence of “untouchability” in rural India, which is based on an
extensive survey of 565 villages in 11 Indian states. See generally, Ghanshyam
Shah et al., Untouchability in Rural
India
, (New Delhi:
Sage Publications, 2006). The report was co-authored by Ghanshyam Shah
(Netherlands Institute for Advanced Study in the Humanities and Social
Sciences,
Wassenaar), Harsh Mander (Centre for
Equity Studies, Delhi),
Sukhadeo Thorat (University Grants Commission, Delhi), Satish Deshpande (Institute of Economic Growth, Delhi),
and
Amita Baviskar. The report is based on investigations conducted in
2001-2002 and was published by Action Aid India in 2006.

[12] The statistics to which the Government cites
in its October 2005 report to CEDAW are very dated, with 1971 to 1991 figures
for Dalit women’s literacy level and figures from 1999 to 2000 for the
incidence of poverty among Dalits. India’s Combined second and third
periodic reports to CEDAW, October
19, 2005, CEDAW/C/IND/2-3 para.110 (”The female literacy level
amongst SC [Scheduled Caste] women has improved markedly from 6.44 percent in
the year 1971 to 23.76 in the year 1991″) and Ibid., para. 211 (”Disparity on
the basis of caste shows that in 1991 as against an overall literacy rate of
52.2 percent that for the SCswas 37.4 percent”). See also Ibid., at para. 111 (”[T]he incidence of poverty amongst
SCs still continues to be very high with 36.25 percent in rural areas and 38.47
percent in urban areas, when compared to 27.09 and 23.62 percent respectively,
in respect of total population in 1999-2000″).

[13] Government of India, Fifteenth, sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth periodic reports of the Republic of
India, due on January 4, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 submitted in one
document on January 26, 2006, CERD/C/IND/19, para. 16 (March 29, 2006).

[14] Ibid., para. 17.

[15] CERD, General Recommendation XXIX (2002) Article 1(1) regarding descent, para. 7.

[16] Report of the Committee on the Elimination of
Racial Discrimination, A/51/18, 1996, http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/76ebd2611b2261d2c12563e90058d7d7/$FILE/N9625738.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007),
para. 352.

[17]The attention of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary forms of racism, racial
discrimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance (”Special Rapporteur on
racism”)
was
first drawn to the situation of Dalits in India in 1996 (E/CN.4/1997/71, para.
127). In 1999, The Special Rapporteur on racism [
Mr. Maurice Gll-Ahanhanzo (1993 2002)] reported to the Commission on
Human Rights that specific attention should be given to the situation of
“untouchables” in India
(E/CN.4/1999/15, January 15, 1999, para. 100). For recent inclusions of caste
discrimination in the Special Rapporteur on racism’s reports, see e.g., [
Mr. Doudou Dine (2002 present)] Updated
Study 2006 (62nd CHR session), Report para. 17 (E/CN.4/2006/54) (referring
generally to caste systems in Asia and Africa as hierarchical systems of discrimination
equivalent to racial discrimination), and Questionnaires to India, para. 17
(E.CN.4.2005/18) (citing a letter of allegation jointly sent by the Special
Rapporteur on racism and the Special Rapporteur on violence against women to
the Government of India concerning an alleged attack by a group of 200 people
on a Dalit settlement in Kalapatti village, Coimbatore district, Tamil Nadu, on
May 16, 2004).

[18] CEDAW’s Concluding Observations: India, (2000),
para. 74.

[19]India’s Combined second and third
periodic reports to CEDAW, October
19, 2005, CEDAW/C/IND/2-3.

[20] Ibid., para.20.

[21] Ibid., para. 98.

[22] Ibid., para. 99.

[23] Ibid., para.
100.

[24] Ibid., para.
101.

[25] Ibid., para.
102.

[26] Convention on the Rights of the Child, “Consideration of Reports Submitted by States
Parties Under Article 44 of the Convention,
Concluding Observations, India,”
CRC/C/15/Add.228, (2004),
http://www.unhchr.ch/tbs/doc.nsf/898586b1dc7b4043c1256a450044f331/35e5ebb72fcfadbac1256e83004a29a8/$FILE/G0440552.pdf,
para. 27 (accessed February
7, 2007).

[27] Special Rapporteur on the right to education,
Mr. V. Muoz Villalobos, Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights: Girls’ right to education (62nd session) February 8, 2006, paras. 82-85
(highlighting the double discrimination faced by Dalit girls and its impact on
their right to education).

[28] Special Rapporteur on adequate housing as a
component of the right to an adequate standard of living, and on the right to
non-discrimination in this context, Miloon Khotari, Annual Report 2005 (61st
CHR session) March 3, 2005, para. 62 (concerned with the human rights
violations of Dalits because they “are prevented from owning land and are
forced to live on the outskirts of villages, often on barren land,” and “land
reforms intended to benefit the rural poor and Dalits have been ineffective due
to weak legislative provisions, inadequate implementation, and a lack of State
commitment”).

[29] Special Rapporteur on the right to food,
Report of Mr. Jean Ziegler (62nd CHR session), Mission to India, para. 11
(concerned that scheduled castes and tribes “suffer most from hunger and
malnutrition,” and discrimination forces Dalits into bonded labor, prevents
them from owning land and restricts them from using public facilities, like
village wells).

[30] Special Rapporteur on violence against women,
its causes and consequences, Report of Dr. Yakin Erturk (61st CHR
session), Communications to and from Governments (concerned with attacks on
Dalits by upper-caste persons). Report of Ms.Radhika Coomaraswamy (57th
CHR Session), January 23,
2001, para. 85 (concluding from reports she received that women
from certain castes and ethnic or religious minorities appear to be at risk of
being targeted by the police).

[31] Special Rapporteur on torture and other
cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment, Report of Mr. Theo van
Boven (61st Session), March 30, 2005, pp. 773, 784, 1172 (reporting on instances
of police abuse of Dalits).

[32] See Discrimination Based on Work and Descent, Sub-Commission on Promotion &
Protection of Human Rights. Resolution 2000/4 (52ndSession), U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/SUB.2/RES/2000/4
(2000)
.

[33]Prevention of Discrimination and Protection
of Indigenous Peoples and Minorities: Working Paper by Mr. Rajendra Kalidas
Wimala Gooneskere on the Topic of Discrimination Based on Work and Descent,
Submitted Pursuant to Sub-Commission Resolution 2000/4
, Sub-Commission on Promotion &
Protection of Human Rights (53rdSession), U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2001/16 (2001)
(indicating that:

Discrimination
based on work and descent is a long-standing practice in many societies
throughout the world and affects a large portion of the world’s population.
Discrimination based on descent manifests itself most notably in caste- (or
tribe-) based distinctions. These distinctions, determined by birth, result in
serious violations across the full spectrum of civil, cultural, economic,
political, and social rights.

The report also
provides numerous examples of such violations.

[34]Discrimination
Based on Work and Descent
, Sub-Commission on
Promotion & Protection of Human Rights. Resolution 2004/17, 56th Session,
U.N. Doc. E/CN.4/Sub.2/2004/L.8 (2004) (reaffirming Resolution 2000/4 and
appointing two Special Rapporteurs to prepare “a comprehensive study on
discrimination based on work and descent”), approved by U.N. Commission on
Human Rights, 61st Session (2005).

[35]NHRC Report, p. 111.

[36] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 32.

[37] Ibid., p. 33.

[38] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 130.

[39] Vishwanathan, S., “A Tale of Torture,” Frontline, 2-15 August 2003.
http://www.hinduonnet.com/fline/fl2016/stories/20030815002504800.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007);
Vishwanathan, S., “Members of the denotified tribes
continue to bear the brunt of police brutality,” Frontline, June 8-21, 2002.

[40]Preventing
Torture: From Public Awareness to State Accountability (Grant Application Form)

p. 7 (on file with CHRGJ).

[41]D K Basu v State of West Bengal(1997) 1 SCC 416. The Supreme Court of India laid down a series of guidelines in the D K Basu case designed to be
preventative measures against torture in all cases of arrest and detention
until such time as legislative provisions are made. The Court ordered that the
guidelines are to be strictly followed in all cases. The guidelines include:
(i)
accurate, visible and clear
identification and designation of personnel making arrests; (ii) preparation of
a memo of arrest containing the time and date of arrest to be witnessed by a
member of the family of the arrestee or a respectable person of the locality
from where the arrest is made and countersigned by the arrestee; (iii) a right
of arrestees to have someone concerned with their welfare be made aware of the
fact of their arrest; (iv) a right to have the time, place of arrest and venue
of custody notified by the police where the next friend or relative of the
arrestee lives outside the district or town through the Legal Aid Organisation
in the District and the police station of the area concerned telegraphically
within a period of 8 to 12 hours after the arrest; (v) a right of arrestees to
be informed of the right to have someone informed of his arrest or detention as
soon as he is put under arrest or detained; (vi) a requirement to keep a record
of the name of the arrestee and the person informed of the arrestee’s
detention; (vii) a right of the arrestee to be physically examined upon his
request, to have his injuries recorded, and for the “Inspection Memo” to be
signed both by the arrestee and the police officer effecting the arrest and its
copy provided to the arrestee; (viii) examination of the detainee by a trained
doctor every 48 hours during custody; (ix) a requirement for copies of all
documents, including the memo of arrest, refereed to in the guidelines to be
sent to the Illaqa [District] Magistrate for his records; (x) a right of access
of arrestees to a lawyer during, though not throughout, interrogation; (xi) and
maintenance of a control room in all district and State headquarters, where
information regarding the arrest and the place of custody of the arrestee shall
be communicated by the officer causing the arrest, within 12 hours of effecting
the arrest and displayed on a conspicuous notice board in the control room.
Failure to comply with the requirements of the D K Basu guidelines renders the police officers concerned liable
for departmental action, and for contempt of court proceedings. The
requirements flow from Articles 21 and 22(1) of the Indian Constitution and
thus must be strictly followed according to the Supreme Court. Ibid.

[42] NHRC Report, Section VI, p.116.

[43] Ibid., pp.116-17.

[44] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 127.

[45] Ibid., p.154, see also NHRC Report, Section VI.

[46] Ibid., p.118.

[47] Ibid.

[48] Ibid., p.111 from National Campaign on Dalit
Human Rights, National Public Hearing, April 18-19, 20(X), Chennai, Vol. I -
Summary: Jury’s Interim Observations and Recommendations, pp. 309-317.

[49] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 43.

[50]Ibid., pp. 64-65.

[51] Ibid., p. 43.

[52] Ibid., p. 44.

[53] Ibid.

[54]The Prevention of Terrorism Act of 2002 (POTA) allowed
the government to prosecute acts of terrorism largely outside the ordinary
rules of the regular criminal justice system.” Anil Kalhan, Gerald P. Conroy,
Mamta Kaushal, Sam Scott Miller, and Jed S. Rakoff, “Antiterrorism And Security
Laws In India: A Report To The Association Of The Bar Of The City Of New York
On A Research Project For The Committee On International Human Rights,” 2006,
page iv. While India
repealed POTA in 2004, many of the law’s provisions have been preserved in
other legislation and similar laws remain in place at the central and state
levels. Ibid.

[55]Ibid., p. 75. A fact-finding team of Indian
human rights advocates and the Indian news media examined the use of POTA in
Jharkhand in early 2003. According to the Association of the Bar of the City of
New York, the
fact-finding team found that:

In Andhra Pradesh, POTA was not invoked at all in the first year after
its enactment, but after that, approximately 50 cases were initiated, allegedly
involving between 300 and 400 individuals as of March 2004. In many of these
cases, the individuals charged appear not to have been involved in any criminal
activity at all, but rather have been targeted simply for their caste or tribal
status alone. In other cases, the allegations against these Dalit, other lower
caste, and tribal individuals under POTA appear to bear little relationship to
terrorist or insurgent violence.

Ibid.,
pp.76-77.

[56] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 153.

[57] Ibid., pp. 153-154.

[58] While the Supreme Court of India has ruled
that preventive detention cannot last for more than 24 hours, in many cases it
takes 15 to 30 days to get a lawyer. Moreover, while the charges are bailable,
arrested Dalits have no property or surety for the bail; as a result, they
remain in jail for long periods of time. Ibid., p. 73.

[59]Ibid., p. 96.

[60] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 115, citing
National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, Chennai Hearing, op. cit., 267-269.

[61] Ibid.

[62]Vishwanathan, S., “A
Tale of Torture,” Frontline.

[63] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 114.

[64] Ibid., 114 citing SAKSHI, op. cit., pp. 90-91;
National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, Chennai Hearing, op. cit., pp 73-76;
Human Rights Watch, op. cit., pp. 115-121.

[65]Vishwanathan, S., “A
Tale of Torture,” Frontline;”Dalit academic ‘manhandled’ in police custody,” The Hindu,August 1, 2001, p. 12;
“Youth Alleges
Custodial Torture,”
Financial
Times Information
, June 20, 2005, p. 67; Sudhakar, P., Residents protest Dalit death, allege
torture,” The Hindu, June 17, 2003, p. 50; “India: Dalit’s death after
police torture alleged,” The Hindu, September 1, 2000, p. 16;
Naqvi, Bobby, “Dalit tortured by cops for three days,” Hindustan Times,
September 11, 2000, p. 40; “
Minor
dies, alleges sexual abuse in remand home
,”Indo-Asian News Service, August 24, 2005, p. 39; Viswanathan, S., “Members of the denotified tribes continue to bear the brunt of
police brutality,” Frontline, June 8-21, 2002, p. 63
.

[66]Vishwanathan, S., “A
Tale of Torture,” Frontline.
In another notable incident, police officers allegedly poured petrol on a
50-year-old Dalit farmer in Barabanki, Uttar Pradesh, and burnt his private
parts after beating him continuously for three days.
Naqvi, “Dalit tortured by cops for three days,” Hindustan Times. Bhim Dom, a 12-year-old Dalit boy
from Bhijpur, Bihar who was sent to a remand
home on charges of petty theft, committed suicide after alleging that he was
regularly beaten and sexually abused by officials.
Minor dies, alleges sexual
abuse in remand home
,”Indo-Asian News Service,August 24, 2005, p. 39.

[67] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 130.

[68] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[69] Ibid., p. 166.

[70] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 116.

[71] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[72] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 120.

[73] “Rape of Dalit Woman at Police Station,” Case
Papers: Summary Jury’s Interim Observations & Recommendations, National
Public Hearing, April 18-19, 2000, Chennai-Tamil Nadu, Vol. 1, p. 177.

[74]Human Rights Watch, Broken
People
, p. 80. The prevalence of extortion is intimately related to the
fact that many police officers need to pay large bribes to secure their
position in the police force. As a result, many police officers begin their
careers in severe debt that they attempt to pay off by extorting money from
civilians or by engaging in outright acts of looting. Ibid., pp. 80-81.
Moreover, police officers often accept bribes from upper-caste perpetrators to
ignore their crimes against Dalits. NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 119.

[75] During a police raid on the village of Makarpur
in Jehanabad district, Bihar, in January 1998
the police arrested and illegally detained seven young men and then extorted a
sum of Rs. 5,500 (US$138) before releasing them. Ibid., p. 81. In another
incident in Nagwan village, in Patna
district, Bihar, two people were threatened
with criminal charges unless they agreed to pay Rs. 900 (US$22.50). Ibid.

[76] Ibid., p. 83.

[77] Ibid., p. 81.

[78] Rahul Chhabra, “Police clueless about
culprits behind Jhajjar killings,” The
Economic Times
, October
19, 2002.

[79] “Cops arrested as man dies in custody,” The Economic Times, July 4, 2003.

[80] NHRC Report, Section IV, p. 45.

[81] FIRs (First Information Reports) are the
initial reports of a crime recorded by the police.

[82]NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 27 (citing the results of a study conducted by the Andhra
Pradesh-based NGO Sakshi).

[83] Annual Report On The Scheduled Castes And The
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention Of Atrocities) Act, 1989 For The Year 2002
(Nineteenth Report) Government Of India, Ministry Of Social Justice And
Empowerment, New Delhi, p. 4-5. http://socialjustice.nic.in/schedule/ar-poa.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[84] Annual Report On The Protection Of Civil
Rights Act, 1955 For The Year 2002 (Twenty Second Report) Government Of
India,Ministry Of Social Justice And
Empowerment, New Delhi, p. 2 http://socialjustice.nic.in/schedule/ar-pcr.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[85] National Commission on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes, Sixth Report, 1999-2000 & 2000-2001, New Delhi, p. xii, cited in NCDHR
Response to the Special Rapporteur’s Questionnaire, p. 4.

[86] NHRC Report, Section IV, p. 25 (referring to
the lack of registered cases under the Protection of Civil Rights Act).

[87] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 4; NHRC Report, Section IV, p. 45 (citing Information
gathered from the Senior Research Officer, National Commission for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes).

[88] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 118.

[89]There are numerous points in the processing of a
complaint at which the police can improperly affect the case outcome. These
include not registering the case; pressuring the complainant to compromise;
lodging false counter charges against victims; refusing to register cases under
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989
or not citing the proper sections of the Act; registering the First Information
Report (FIR) but not arresting the accused; assigning a lower ranked police
officer against the specific stipulation of Rule 7(1); delaying the
investigation and filing of a charge sheet; and the granting of bail in
contravention to stringent Act requirements. NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 117
(citing National Campaign on Dalit Human Rights, Chennai Hearing).

[90] Ibid., p. 117.

[91] Ibid., p. 117.

[92] Ibid., Section IV, p. 25.

[93]Human Rights Watch, Caste
Discrimination: A Global Concern, Earthquake in Gujarat:
Caste and its Fault-Lines
, September 2001, http://www.hrw.org/reports/2001/globalcaste/caste0801-03.htm#P145_19883
(accessed
February 7, 2007), p. 6.

[94] “Relief and Discrimination after the Gujarat Earthquake,” Dalit Solidarity Network-UK &
Voice of Dalits International (VODI) (May 2001).

[95] Human
Rights Watch, Caste Discrimination: A
Global Concern
, p. 6.

[96] Ibid.

[97] Human Rights Watch, After the Deluge: India’s Reconstruction Following the 2004 Tsunami,
Vol. 17, No. 3, May 2005, http://hrw.org/reports/2005/india0505/india0505.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007),
p. 25.

[98]NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 17; Human Rights Watch, After
the Deluge
, p. 2. Members of the fishing communities prohibited Dalits from
staying in common camps, from taking shelter in community halls or temples,
from using the drinking water tanks provided by UNICEF, and from accessing food
provided by relief organizations or the local community. NCDHR Response to the
Special Rapporteur’s Questionnaire, p. 17. Authorities in parts of Andhra
Pradesh and Tamil Nadu provided Dalits with less relief and support than other
victims, and Dalit areas were the last to have electricity and water supplies
restored during rehabilitation efforts. There were also allegations that
officials discriminated against Dalits in the provision of financial assistance
to the families of the deceased. “India End Caste Bias in Tsunami
Relief,” Human Rights Watch Press Release, January 14, 2005, http://hrw.org/english/docs/2005/01/14/india10019.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[99] CERD General Comment XX Non-discriminatory implementation of rights
and freedoms (Art. 5)
, para. 5.

[100] Governmentof India,
Fifteenth, Sixteenth, Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports
to the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19,
paras. 51-52.

[101] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 125.

[102] Government of India, Fifteenth, sixteenth,
seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth periodic reports of the Republic of
India, due on 4 January 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, and 2006 submitted in one
document on Jan. 26, 2006, CERD/C/IND/19, para. 101 (March 29, 2006).

[103] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 23. India’s policy of reservations is
an attempt by the central government to remedy past injustices related to
low-caste status. To allow for proportional representation in certain state and
federal institutions, the constitution reserves 22.5 percent of seats in
federal government jobs, state legislatures, the lower house of parliament, and
educational institutions for scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Ibid., p.
40. An amendment to the Constitution also enables reservations for scheduled
castes and scheduled tribes in village councils and municipalities, and no less
than one-third of reserved seats to be allocated to scheduled caste and
scheduled tribe women. Constitution of India, Articles 243D and 243T.

[104] Sanjoy Majumder, “Indian Court Upholds Caste Quotas,” BBC News, Oct. 19, 2006. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6067504.stm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[105] NHRC Report, Section VII, p. 137.

[106] Ibid., p. 137.

[107]Majumder, “Indian Court Upholds Caste Quotas,” BBC News.

[108] NHRC Report, Section VII, p. 139.

[109] Ibid., p. 139.

[110] NHRC Report, Section VII, p. 141.

[111] “President’s No on Chhattisgarh Judges,” Indian Express, February 3, 2002.

[112] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 4 (citing National Commission for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Highlights of Fourth Report (New Delhi, Government
of India, 1998)).

[113] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 20.

[114] Priyanka Bhardwaj, “India debates
private sector quotas”, Asia Times Online,
February 7, 2006. http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/HB07Df01.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[115] Dalit development programs have included the
Special Component Plan for Scheduled Castes (mechanism for ensuring that states
allocate adequate resources to Dalit development), Special Central Assistance
to Special Component Plan for Scheduled Castes (supplement to states’ efforts
by providing additional support to Dalit families to enhance their productivity
and income), and the Special Component Plan by the Central Ministries (plan in
which Central Ministries are to ensure that 15 percent of their Five Year and
Annual Plans goes toward Dalit development), as well as financial institutions,
employment generation programs, and welfare programs targeted toward Dalits.
NHRC Report, Section VIII, pp. 162-72.

[116] Ibid., pp. 173-74.

[117] Ibid., p. 175.

[118] Ibid., pp. 175-76.

[119] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 14.

[120] CERD General Comment XXV - Gender-related dimensions of racial
discrimination
, para. 3.

[121] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
pp. 117-18. For example, in Kerala, Dalit women report that they are tasked
with breaking the roasted cashew nuts produced in factories-a job which over
time deforms and stains their palms and fingers. Ibid.

[122] Ibid. In Tamil Nadu, for example, Dalit women
report that the upper-caste families do not send their children to the
community centers that are run by Dalit women. Ibid.

[123] The study also reports that in the village of Telipalash (Kalahandi, Orissa), a Dalit
woman, Pralaya Senapti, is the auxiliary nurse-midwife-great achievement for a
Dalit woman. However, after administering medicines and immunizations to
upper-caste women and children in the non-Dalit hamlet,
her patients bathe and change their saris to purify themselves after she
leaves. They ask Senapti to come early in the morning so that they may deal
with her before their morning bath. If she must come later in the day, they
will not accept medicines directly from her hand. Senapti told the
survey-takers: “I do my work sincerely. I feel so insulted by this behavior.”
Ibid., p. 128. See also Section VIII(E)(4).

[124] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 160.

[125] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 15.

[126] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 161.

[127] For example, a large number of women engage
in the traditional Dalit occupation of manual scavenging. However, development
programs that have been targeted at families to eliminate manual scavenging
have been utilized by male family members to change occupations, leaving women
to continue manual scavenging to enhance household income. NHRC Report, Section
VIII, pp. 161-62.

[128] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 162. The
Government of India has recognized that:

the incidence of poverty amongst SCs [Scheduled Castes] still continues
to be very high with 36.25 percent in rural areas and 38.47 percent in urban
areas, when compared to 27.09 and 23.62 percent respectively, in respect of
total population in 1999-2000. This is primarily due to the fact that a large
number of SCs who are living below the poverty line are landless with no
productive assets, no access to sustainable employment and minimum wages. While
these figures reflect the picture for the entire SC population, the women
belonging to these groups suffer even more because of the added disadvantage of
being denied equal and minimum wages.

India’s Combined second and third periodic reports
to CEDAW, October 19, 2005,
CEDAW/C/IND/2-3.

[129] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 150.

[130] For example, the Karnataka state government
passed the Karnataka Devadasi (Prohibition of Dedication) Act in 1992, however,
not a single case has been booked against priests despite many complaints and
admonitions to that effect. NHRC Report, Section V, p. 61.

[131] “When a devadasi is raped, it is not
considered rape. She can be had by any man at any time.” Human Rights Watch
interview with Jyothi Raj, Rural Education and Development Society, Bangalore, July 26, 1998, in Human
Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 152.

[132] Jyothi Raj added that the law works to the
disadvantage of women because it criminalizes their actions and not the actions
of their patrons. Police will even go so far as to demand sex as a bribe: “They
will threaten to file charges under the act if the woman says no.”Ibid.

[133] Only a small number of devadasis have been identified for relief and rehabilitation. NHRC
Report, Section V, p. 62.

[134] Ibid.

[135]The Special Rapporteur on racism addressed the
issue of segregation in his 1999 Annual Report:

In the rural areas especially, the practice of
untouchability is said to be very much alive and is reflected in segregated
housing, with the Dalits forced to live at least 1/2 km from the rest of the
villagers, and in the prohibition for them to use the wells, the shared water
source. Segregation also reportedly exists in the schools, public services and
public places (shops, hairdressers and public transport; in restaurants, dishes
used by Dalits are sometimes separated from those used by the higher castes).

Mr.
Gll-Ahanhanzo, Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination,
xenophobia and related intolerance, submitted pursuant to Commission on Human
Rights resolution 1998/26, January 15, 1999 (55th CHR Session)
E/CN.4/1999/15,http://www.unhchr.ch/Huridocda/Huridoca.nsf/0811fcbd0b9f6bd58025667300306dea/8a457423c0bd1f728025673c003460a9?OpenDocument#IIIF
(accessed February 7, 2007), para. 99.

[136] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 2.

[137] Government of India, Fifteenth, Sixteenth,
Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19, March 29, 2006, paras.
53-56.

[138] “Anti Racism Summit Ends on Hopeful Note,”
Human Rights Watch news release, September 10, 2001, http://hrw.org/english/docs/2001/09/10/global3038.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[139] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 5.

[140] According to an activist working with Dalit
communities in 120 villages in Villapuram district, Tamil Nadu, all 120
villages have segregated Dalit colonies. Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 26.

[141] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 5.

[142] Ibid., pp. 5-6.

[143]Human Rights Watch, Broken People, pp. 26-27.

[144] Ibid., p. 26.

[145] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 65 (Table 2.1).

[146] Government of India, Fifteenth, Sixteenth,
Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19, paras. 58-63.

[147] Illustrative of the discriminatory attacks
led by the VHP, on October 16, 2003, in Jhajjar district, Haryana, five Dalit
youths were lynched by a mob, reportedly led by members of the VHP in the
presence of local police officials, following false rumors that the Dalits had
killed a cow-an animal regarded as sacred in the Hindu religion. Nearly a month
later five people were arrested, prompting a backlash by villagers who pelted
police with stones and blocked off roads for nearly a week. The VHP reportedly
also forced shops, businesses, and schools to close in protest of the arrests.
A local leader of the VHP was widely quoted in stating that he had no regrets
over the incident and that the life of a cow was worth more than that of five
Dalits. Human Rights Watch, World Report
2003
, p. 240, http://www.hrw.org/wr2k3/pdf/india.pdf (accessed February 7, 2007).

[148]The Sangh Parivar and the BJP’s Hindutva (Hindu
nationalism) ideology has also led these groups to conduct a campaign of hate
against Muslim and Christian communities, which has included the spreading of
discriminatory propaganda and violent attacks against Muslims and Christians.
See, e.g., Human Rights Watch, We Have No
Orders To Save You: State Participation and Complicity in Communal Violence in
Gujarat
, Vol. 14, No. 3(C), April 2002, pp. 39-46. Christian institutions
and individuals have, for instance, been singled out and targeted for their
role in promoting health, literacy, and economic independence among Dalit and
tribal community members. A vested interest in keeping these communities in a
state of economic dependency is a motivating factor in anti-Christian violence
and propaganda. Human Rights Watch, Religious Intolerance and the Rise of Hindu
Nationalism, http://hrw.org/campaigns/sasia/india-religion.htm
(accessed
February 7, 2007). Discriminatory attacks
have also been carried out against minority religious communities in the name
of fighting religious conversions of Dalits. “Tod-Phod: A Credo that Works,” Times of India,July 2, 2000.

[149] Human Rights Watch, We Have No Orders To Save You: State Participation and Complicity in
Communal Violence in
Gujarat, Vol. 14, No. 3(C), April 2002.

[150] Human Rights Watch, India,
Compounding Injustice: The government’s
failure to redress massacres in Gujarat
2003, p. 58, http://hrw.org/reports/2003/india0703/Gujarat-10.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[151]Human Rights Watch, We
Have No Orders To Save You
, p. 39.

[152] NHRC Report, Section IV, pp. 25, 45.

[153] Ibid.

[154] Ibid.

[155] Leaders of Hindu nationalists groups have
been engaged in a vilification campaign against the use of the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 since it was first passed. For example, members of both
the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the Shiv Sena have called for the repeal
of the act, the former on the ground that it was being used as a political
tool, the latter as part of an election strategy in 1995 in Maharashastra. In
Mulayam Singh Yadav, the head of the Samajwadi Party and the current Chief
Minister of Uttar Pradesh, spoke out against the use of the Act and accused the
then-Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh of casteism in enforcing the act. These
actions have a direct effect on the registration of cases-through state
governments withdrawing already registered cases, as the Shiv Sena did with
over 1,100 cases in Maharashastra in 1995, and an indirect effect by sending a
clear message to the police that cases are not to be registered and that the
Act is not to be taken seriously. NHRC Report, Section VI, pp. 113-114.

[156] Annual Report on the Prevention of Atrocities
Act for the years 2001-2002, p. 12.

[157] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[158] Ibid., p. 17.

[159] Ibid., p. 170 (citing Rupande Panala, “When a
Poor Woman Gets Raped,” Manushi (New
Delhi) September - October 1990, p. 36).

[160] Ibid., p. 172.

[161] Ibid., p. 170.

[162]Ibid., pp. 170-171 (citing National Crime
Records Bureau (Ministry of Home Affairs), Crime
in India
1994
, as quoted in Sakshi, “Gender and Judges: A Judicial Point of View”
(New Delhi, 1996), p. 9).

[163] Ibid., p. 171 (citing National Crime Records
Bureau (Ministry of Home Affairs), Crime
in India
1994
, as quoted in Sakshi, “Gender and Judges: A Judicial Point of View”
(New Delhi, 1996), p. 9).

[164] Ibid.

[165] Annual Report on the Atrocities Act for the
year 2002-2003, p. 37.

[166] Ibid., p. 43.

[167] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 175.

[168] Ibid., p. 176 (citing “In Brief: Recent Rape
Cases,”
in Kali’s Yug (New
Delhi), November, 1996, p. 20).

[169] Ibid., p. 176 (citing K. S. Tomar,
“Atrocities Against Rajasthan women on the rise: Report,” The HindustanTimes, May 28, 1998).

[170] Kavita Srivastaya, a
women’s rights activist who has been at the forefront of the campaign to get
justice for Bhanwari Devi recently underscored the effects of judicial
discrimination in this case: “It’s the 10th year of that appeal and not a
single hearing has taken place yet. We twice appealed for an early hearing but
both were rejected.” Saira Kurup, “Four Women India Forgot,” Times of India,
November 20, 2006.

[171] Cited in R.D. Sharma, “Crime against Women,” The Hindu, May 15, 2001, http://www.sarid.net/religious-dimension/gender-and-religion/04-30-crime-agaist-women.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[172] A 1996 case involving the rape of a
three-year-old girl by her father provides a telling example of both the
tendency to blame women for the actions of men and the freedom with which
judges express overtly discriminatory sentiment in their opinions. In Shri Satish Mehra v. Delhi Administration and Another, the
Supreme Court found that there was insufficient evidence to proceed to trial,
remarking on the “seemingly incredulous nature of the accusations against a
father that molested his infant child”, and accusing the mother of leveling
false accusations as revenge for an unhappy marriage. The Supreme Court further
ignored the probative value of the mother’s testimony about the fact that the
father was an alcoholic and prone to inflicting severe physical violence on
her, finding instead that the testimony was proof of the mother’s “vengeful”
attitude. Human Rights Watch, Broken
People
, p. 177, citing the Supreme Court of India, Criminal Appellate
Jurisdiction, Criminal Appeal No. 1385 of 1995, p. 6.

[173] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 27 (citing statistics from The National Commission on
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes - Fourth Report (2001-2002), p. 129).

[174] “President’s No on Chhattisgarh Judges,” Indian Express, February 3, 2002.

[175] Gospel for Asia,
“Facts about Dalits,” undated, http://www.gfa.org/gfa/dalit-facts
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[176] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 24 (citing “LS Concerned at “purifying” act by HC
judge,” Times of India (Bombay), July 23, 1998). The
resignation of Sushila Naggar, the first female Dalit judicial officer in
Rajasthan is also illustrative of the pervasiveness of caste and gender
discrimination among the judiciary. Sushila Naggar reported sexual harassment
from a colleague shortly after starting at her job, and was finally forced to
resign from the services in 2001, after her seniors continued the harassment by
leveling baseless charges against her. “Woman Judicial Officer Quits,” The Statesman (India), May 1, 2001.

[177] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 25 (citing statistics from The National Commission on
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes - Sixth Report (1999-2000 &
2000-2001) and Seventh Report (2001-2002), p. 128).

[178] CERD General Comment XXXI - Prevention of racial discrimination in the
administration and functioning of the criminal justice system
, para. 19.

[179] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 26 (citing the National Commission on Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes Third Report (1996), pp. 211-13).

[180] Ibid., p. 26 (citing Dalits and the Law by
Girish Agrawal and Colin Gonsalves, Human Rights Law Network, 2005, New Delhi,
p. 13).

[181] Ibid., p. 26 (citing the National Commission
on Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes - Seventh Report (2001-2002), p. 128).

[182] Ibid.

[183] Annual Report on the Prevention of Atrocities
Act for the years 2001-2002, p. 12.

[184] “Dalits safer in UP, says Govt Report,” CNN-IBN Live, Posted December 12, 2006, http://www.ibnlive.com/news/up-handles-atrocities-on-dalits-better/28242-3.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[185]According to the National Human Rights Commission,
“reports in the press about atrocities against persons belonging to these
groups and the frequency with which they occur is a cause for disquiet.” NHRC
Report, p. vii.

[186]Arya, Alka,
“Rights-India: Prosperity for Lower Caste Sharpens Animosity,”
IPS-Inter Press Service, 19 September 2005 [p. 1]; “Caste Hindus, Dalits clash in Hassan
District,” The Hindu, October 13, 2005, p. 8; “Inquiry ordered into
molestation before cop,” The Statesman, December 20, 2004, p. 18;
Sainath, G., “Sarpanch paraded half-naked for confining ex-employee,” The
Hindu
, July 7, 2004, p. 43; “Contractor tortures Dalit youths in medieval
age re-run,” The Statesman, June 26, 2003, p. 10; “Dalit academic,”
Vishwanathan, S., “A Tale of Torture,” Frontline, August 2-15, 2003, p.
61;
Vishwanathan, S., “Members of the denotified tribes continue to bear
the brunt of police brutality,” Frontline, June 8-21, 2002, p. 63.

[187] Annual Report on the Prevention of Atrocities
Act for the years 2001-2002, pp. 9-10.

[188] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 41.

[189] Ibid., p. 29.

[190] Prevention Of Atrocities Act, 1989, Section
3.

[191]Dalit leader
abused for daring to sit on a chair
,” Indo-Asian News Service,July 10, 2006.

[192]Dalit worker
beaten on suspicion of theft
,”Indo-Asian News Service,June 23, 2006, Friday.

[193]Dalit Lynched
While Gathering Grain
,”Indian
Express
,April 25,
2006.

[194]Dalit beaten
for entering temple
,”Indo-Asian
News Service
,February
22, 2006
.

[195]UP Dalit girl
resists rape, loses arm as a result
,”Hindustan Times,February 13, 2006.

[196]Dalit tries
to fetch water, beaten to death
,”Indo-Asian News Service,February 4, 2006.

[197] Special Rapporteur on Contemporary forms of
racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Annual
Reports to the Commission on Human Rights, 2005 (61st session) CHR, E/CN.4/2005/18/Add.1,
Summary of cases transmitted to Governments and replies received, para. 17.

[198]Report by the Special Rapporteur on contemporary forms
of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance, Mr.
Doudou Dine, Addendum, Summary of cases transmitted to Governments and replies
received, February 23, 2005 (61st Session) E/CN.4/2005/18/Add.1, para. 17. No
reply to his communication had been received from the Government of India at
the time this report was finalized. The Special Rapporteur stated that he
intended to follow up on this case, and if no response was received from the
Government, he would no longer treat the case as a mere allegation but would
include it in his next general report.

[199] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 24.

[200] “Bant Singh can still sing!” Forum for
Democratic Initiatives. The attack on Bant Singh took place in January
2006.

[201] Thevars are a marginally higher-caste
non-Dalit community.

[202] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 85 (citing “Clashes in TN result of caste
disparities: Report,” The Statesman (Delhi), July 2, 1997).

[203] Ibid., p. 112.

[204] “Dalit girl burnt to death by man accused of
rape,” November 24, 2006,
http://www.dalitnetwork.org/go?/dfn/news/2006/11/
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[205]Tejeshwi Pratima, “Dalits Thrown Out of Their Village
For Raising Their Voice Against Discrimination,” June 29, 2006, http://www.ndtv.com/template/template.asp?category=National&template=dalitatrocities&slug=Dalits+boycotted+for+raising+voice&id=89587&callid=1
(accessed February 7, 2007).
The incident took place in June 2006.

[206] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[207] Ibid.

[208] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 161.

[209] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[210] Ibid., p. 113 (Citing Human Rights Watch
interview with Burnad Fatima, Tamil Nadu Women’s Forum, Madras, February 14,
1998).

[211] Ibid., p. 167.

[212] Human Rights Watch, World Report 2003, p. 240.

[213] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 161.

[214] Human Rights Watch, World Report 2003, p. 240.

[215]NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 161.

The National
Human Rights Commission has reported that Dalit women are forced to turn to
prostitution in times of extreme hardship, such as natural calamities, in order
for the family to survive. Moreover, in certain communities, prostitution is an
integral part of social survival for Dalit women.

[216] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 15.

[217] Ibid.

[218] Ibid.

[219] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 166.

[220] Ibid., p. 115.

[221] Ibid., p. 166.

[222] Ibid., p. 170.

[223] Ibid., p. 170.

[224] Yogesh Pawar, “Dalit killing: No action taken
against accused,” NDTV, November 4, 2006, http://www.ndtv.com/template/template.asp?category=National&template=dalitatrocities&slug=Dalit+killing%3A+No+action+against+accused&id=95838&callid=1
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[225] Police Protect Rapist of Dalit Woman,
National Public Hearing, April
18-19, 2000, Chennai-Tamil Nadu, Case Papers: Summary Jury’s
Interim Observations & Recommendations, Vol. 1, p. 184.

[226] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 155. “Dalits increasingly exercise their franchise. They participate more
vigorously and in larger numbers compared to caste Hindus in the state assembly
and parliamentary elections.”

[227] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 56, fn. 121 (citing Arthur Max, “Private Armies,”
Associated Press, April 22, 1996).

[228] Ibid., pp. 55-56, fn. 120 (citing “Repoll in
700 booths in Bihar ordered,” Indian Express, February 19, 1998).

[229] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 71.

[230] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, pp. 55-56, fn. 120 (citing “EC cracks whip, scraps Patna polls,” INDOlink New from India, February 21, 1998.

[231] Ibid., pp. 55-56, fn. 120 (citing “Second
phase: 55% voting, nine deaths,” Indian
Express
, February 23,
1998).

[232] Ibid., p. 56, fn. 121 (citing Arthur Max,
“Private Armies,” Associated Press, April 22, 1996).

[233]When men from the women’s community rushed to save
them, they were humiliated, beaten and threatened with being killed. Police
reportedly refused to register their complaint and downgraded the charges from
rape to assault. “Seven Bihar women
victims of rape seek justice
,”Indo-Asian News Service,August 22, 2006.

[234] “Dalit woman burnt alive for contesting
panchayat elections,” Hindustan Times, October 23, 2005.

[235] In September 1996 the village of Melavalavu
was declared a reserved constituency under Article 243D of the Indian
constitution. This meant that there would be seats reserved for Dalits on the
Melavalavu panchayat (village
council), which covers eight villages and 1,000 Dalit families.

[236] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 90. As observed by Dr. George Mathew of the New
Delhi Institute of Social Sciences, who visited the area soon after the
murders: “[T]he violence was basically a result of a shift in the power
equations from the haves and the have nots.” Ibid. (citing “Melavalavu violence
due to shift in power equations,” The
Hindu
, August 16, 1997).

[237] Ibid., p. 91 (citing “6 Dalits hacked,” Times of India. As reported in the Times of India, “they were warned that they would lose their jobs
as farmhands and not be allowed to graze cattle or draw water from wells
located on ‘patta’ [unutilized] land held by the dominant castes.”).

[238]“Dalit village head faces constant intimidation due to
caste discrimination in Uttar Pradesh,” Asian Human Rights Commission, Urgent
Appeal, November 22, 2006.

[239] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 70. (Table 2.2).

[240] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10.

[241] Ibid.

[242] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 99.

[243] Ibid.

[244] Ibid. see
also
infra Section V(A)(1)(a)(v).

[245] Ibid.

[246] Ibid., pp. 99-100.

[247] “NHRC to Probe Kaithal Dalits Issue”, Indian Express, June 5, 2003.

[248] Ibid

[249] People’s Watch and Dalit
Human Rights Monitoring fact-finding team report (2004), http://www.ahrchk.net/ua/pdf/kalapatti-fact-findings.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[250] Dalits in Pondicherry, for
instance, were unable to gain employment through the reservations policies
aimed at their rehabilitation because they were not able to produce birth
certificates relating to the pre-1964 period. “Bhim Sena Seeks Rehabilitation
of Displaced Dalit Workers,” The Hindu,
June 26, 2003.

[251] “Raid Hits ‘Uppity Untouchables,’” Suzanne
Goldenberg, The Guardian (London), October 19, 1995.

[252] “Brutality used to keep India’s
underclass down,” Suzanne Goldenberg, The
Guardian
(London),
April 13, 1999.

[253] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 69.

[254] Ibid.

[255] Ibid. See
also
Ibid., p. 65 (Table 2.1).

[256] Ibid., p. 63.

[257] Ibid.,p.
66 (Table 2.1); p. 85 (Table 2.7).

[258] Ibid., p. 81.

[259] Human Rights Watch, Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern, p.11.

[260] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 130.

[261] Ibid.

[262]Human Rights Watch, World
Report 2006: India
, p. 2, http://hrw.org/wr2k6/pdf/india.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[263] Human Rights Watch, Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern, p 11. .; Ramdutt Tripathi,
“Arrests Over India Caste Deaths,” BBC
News,
May 8, 2000,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/hi/english/world/south_asia/newsid_740000/740701.stm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[264] Stephanie Nolen, “Cross-caste teen lovers
brutally slain Families charged in torture, killing of Indian couple who defied
ingrained tradition,” Globe and Mail (Toronto), August 9, 2001.

[265] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 31.

[266] Omer Farooq, “Indian girl, 14, wins a
divorce:
A 14-year-old girl in the
southern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh has won a battle to have her two-year
marriage to a teenage boy annulled,”
BBC News, June 22, 2005, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/4120238.stm (accessed February
7, 2007).

[267] Ibid.

[268]Chenigall Suseela received a national bravery award for
her courage in fighting her child marriage and for insisting on continuing her
education. See, “Bravery award for gutsy Dalit girl,” The Hindu, January
25, 2006, http://www.hindu.com/2006/01/25/stories/2006012521620500.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[269] Ibid., p. 31.

[270] Ibid., p. 39, fn. 55 and accompanying text.

[271] Ibid., p. 29.

[272] Ibid., p. 27.

[273] Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human
Rights on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard
of living, and on the right to non-discrimination in this context, Annual
Report 2005 (61st CHR session), Report E/CN.4/2005/48, para 62.

[274] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 99.

[275] OMCT/HIC-HLRN, “Joint Urgent Action Appeal:
Forced Eviction of 7,000 Dalits in India,” July 24, 2003, http://www.hlrn.org/cases_files/IND-FE%20%20240703.doc
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[276] Ibid.

[277] Human Rights Watch, India, Small Change: Bonded Child Labor in India,
Vol.15, No.2(C), January 2003, p. 42 [hereinafter Small Change].

[278] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 29.

[279] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 23.

[280] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 85.

[281] Ibid., Section VI, p. 125.

[282] Special Rapporteur of the Commission on Human
Rights on adequate housing as a component of the right to an adequate standard
of living, and on the right to non-discrimination in this context, Annual
Report 2005 (61st CHR session), Report E/CN.4/2005/48, para. 62.

[283] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 23.

[284] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 27.

[285] In one notable incident in the state of
Orissa, seven Dalit women, who had embraced the Christian faith of their own
volition, were physically abused and forcibly tonsured before being forcibly
“reconverted” to Hinduism. http://www.pucl.org/Topics/Religion-communalism/2004/kilipal.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[286] In a village in Tamil Nadu, for instance,
discrimination on the basis of caste has been practiced by Christians for
decades. In the village’s church Dalit Christians are made to sit apart from
other Christians and must stand while talking to the priest. Like upper-caste
Hindus, Christians in this village mete out severe punishment against Christian
Dalits who question discriminatory traditions. In February 1999, when a Dalit
priest attempted to conduct a funeral procession for his late mother through
the main street of his town, Christians attacked the procession with guns, homemade
weapons, and stones and verbally abused the Dalits with derogatory caste
remarks and threats; more than 100 people were injured. Caste Christians
Discriminate against Dalit Priest, National Public Hearing, April 18-19, 2000, Chennai-Tamil
Nadu, Case Papers: Summary Jury’s Interim Observations & Recommendations,
Vol. 1, p. 259.

[287] Salil Kader, “Muslims Infected by Caste
Virus,” March 14, 2006,
http://www.indianmuslims.info/articles/others/salil_kader_muslims_infected_by_caste_virus.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[288] Yoginder Sikand, “The Dalit Muslims and the
All-India Backward Muslim Morcha,” December 16, 2004,
The South Asian
, available at: http://www.thesouthasian.org/archives/2004/the_dalit_muslims_and_the_alli.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[289] Salil Kader, “Social Stratification Among
Muslims in India,”
June 15, 2004, Counter Currents, http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-kader150604.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[290] See Yoginder Sikand, “Muslim Dalit and OBC
Conference: A Report,” November
30, 2005, The Milli Gazette,
http://www.milligazette.com/dailyupdate/2005/20051130-muslim-dalits.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007)
(arguing that the Indian government’s practice of assigning scheduled caste
status on the basis of religion amounts to religious discrimination). See also Yoginder Sikand, “The Dalit
Muslims and the All-India
Backward Muslim Morcha,” December
16, 2004, The South Asian,
http://www.thesouthasian.org/archives/2004/the_dalit_muslims_and_the_alli.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).
For the same claim with respect to Christian Dalits, see Minority Rights Group, “India’s Dalit Christians face caste
discrimination and loss of government assistance,” March 3, 2004, http://www.minorityrights.org/news_detail.asp?ID=230
(accessed February 7, 2007); see alsoAppeal to Join Hands to End
Discrimination Against Dalits
, All India Christian Council, http://www.aiccindia.org/newsite/0804061910/resources/appeal_to_join_hands.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[291] Human Rights Watch, We Have No Orders to Save You, pp. 39-40; see also Human Rights Watch, Politics
by Other Means: Attacks Against Christians in India
, Vol. 11, No. 6,
September 1999.

[292] “Dalits to burn anti-conversion laws at Nagpur rally,” Indian Catholic, October 11, 2006, http://www.theindiancatholic.com/newsread.asp?nid=3859
(accessed February 7, 2007);
“Dalits in conversion ceremony,” BBC News,
October 14, 2006,
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/6050408.stm (accessed February 7, 2007).

[293] Daniel Blake, “100,000 Dalit Christians to
Attend ‘World Religious Freedom Day’ Rally in India,” Christian Today, October
11, 2006, http://www.christiantoday.com/article/100000.dalit.christians.to.attend.world.religious.freedom.day.rally.in.india/7943.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[294]One such bill was the controversial Prohibition of
Forcible Conversion of Religion Bill, passed in the state of Tamil Nadu on October 31, 2002. The law
was widely criticized for making it more difficult for poor people, persecuted
minorities, and those ostracized under the caste system to convert to another
religion. Human Rights Watch, World
Report 2003
, p. 240. The law nevertheless found support with the BJP-led
federal government (Ibid.), and remained in force until June 7, 2006, when it
was repealed by the Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion
(Repeal) Act, 2006 (Tamil Nadu Prohibition of Forcible Conversion of Religion
(Repeal) Act, 2006 - www.tn.gov.in/acts-rules/law/ACT_10to12_131_07JUN06.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007). More recently, on September 19, 2006, the
state of Gujarat passed a law that classifies Jainism and Buddhism
as branches of Hinduism, even though the Indian constitution classifies
the two
as separate religions. The new law makes conversion from Hinduism to
Buddhism
or Jainism easier, because the conversion is deemed to be an
“inter-denominational” one. However, the purpose of the bill, according
to
government critics, is to ensure that Dalits do not convert to Islam or
Christianity, and that those who convert to Buddhism or Jainism remain a
part
of Hinduism and thus remain likely to vote for the Hindu nationalist
BJP, which
heads the state of Gujarat. The leader of Gujarat’s opposition Congress
party said that the BJP-led
government of Gujarat was using the law as a
“tool” to maintain its bedrock of votes. Rajeev Khanna, “Anger Over
Gujarat
Religion Law,” BBC News, September 20, 2006, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/south_asia/5362802.stm
(accessed February 7, 2007).
Dalit leader Udit Raj, chairman of the All India Confederation of SC/ST
Organization poignantly asserts: “[Hindu extremists are trying to assimilate]
Buddhism and Jainism into Hinduism. Where is the freedom to choose your own
faith?” “Dalits to Burn Anti-Conversion Laws at Nagpur Rally,” The Indian Catholic, October 11, 2006.

[295] “VHP orchestrates mass reconversion in
Orissa,” Deccan Herald, May 2, 2005, http://www.deccanherald.com/deccanherald/may22005/national13399200551.asp
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[296] Human Rights Watch, Caste Discrimination: A Global Concern, p. 20. A June 1997
fact-finding mission by the People’s Union for Civil Liberties, India’s largest
civil rights organization, found that in caste clashes in Madurai district,
Tamil Nadu, “Dalits were the worst affected in terms of property loss and
physical injuries sustained… due to violent attacks on them” and that it was
their “increased political consciousness…regarding their fundamental social,
political and economic rights expressed in terms of demands for social equality
[and] equitable distribution of resources” that played a major role in the
attacks against them. Human Rights Watch, Broken
People
, p. 85 (citing People’s Union for Civil Liberties, “Final Report of
the PUCL-Tamil Nadu Team that Inquired Into Caste Disturbances in Southern
Districts of Tamil Nadu,” (Madras: PUCL, 1997)).

[297] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 29 (citing National Commission for Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Highlights
of the Report of the National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes for the Years 1994-95 & 1995-96
(New Delhi, Government of India,
1997), p. 2).

[298] Ibid., p. 161.

[299] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 150. The late Dr. B.R. Ambedkar, the
architect of the Indian constitution and a Dalit, is seen as a champion of
Dalit rights and is a hero to many Dalits.

[300] Dalit groups mobilize to get local
authorities to allocate land for statues of Dr. Ambedkar, and even poor Dalits
will contribute the little they have to build memorials of him. Ibid.

[301] See, e.g., Ibid., pp. 150-51 (describing one
such incident beginning in 1994 in Karanai village in Chengai district, Tamil
Nadu, which resulted in ongoing conflict between Dalits and non-Dalits that
lasted until 1997); Human Rights Watch, Broken
People
, p. 127; “What makes Dalits angry?” IBN Live, December
1, 2006, http://www.ibnlive.com/news/what-makes-the-dalits-of-maharashtra-angry/27440-3.html#
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[302] “What makes Dalits angry?” IBN Live, December 1, 2006, http://www.ibnlive.com/news/what-makes-the-dalits-of-maharashtra-angry/27440-3.html#
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[303] Ibid.

[304] Ibid.

[305] Mukesh Ranjan, “UPA to review progress of
projects for SC/STs on Dec 9,” Financial
Express
, December 3,
2006, http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=148015
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[306] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 116.

[307] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 127.

[308] Ibid., p. 135.

[309] Ibid., p. 129.

[310] Ibid., p. 129 (citing “Dalit woman Stripped
and paraded naked, says IPHRC report,” The
Times of India
(Bombay),
November 1, 1997).

[311] Ibid. A commission of inquiry, established almost immediately after the killings,
determined that the police firing on the mob was “indiscriminate, unwarranted,
unprovoked and unjustified.” “Gundewar Commission Report Submitted,”
Indian
Express
,August 8, 1998.
Nevertheless, the
Police Sub-Inspector, who ordered the firing, was not criminally charged until
four years later, in 2001; the charge against him was culpable homicide not
amounting to murder. “Kadam will be Prosecuted in Ramabai Nagar Case,”
Times
of India
,August 25, 2001. While he was finally arrested in 2002, he was
released on bail in January 2003. “Sessions Court Grants Bail to Manohar
Kadam,”
Economic Times,January
5, 2003.
There have been no
publicly available reports on his case since then.

[312] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 30.

[313] Directions for relief were made only after
the intervention of the NHRC. Social Boycott in Devalia, National Public
Hearing, April 18-19, 2000, Chennai-Tamil Nadu, Case Papers: Summary Jury’s
Interim Observations & Recommendations, Vol. 1, pp. 252-54.

[314] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 41.

[315] Ibid., p. 43, citing Human Rights Watch
interview with Joy Maliekal, Mysore,
Karnataka, March 30, 2002.

[316]India’s Combined second and third
periodic reports to CEDAW, Oct.
19, 2005, CEDAW/C/IND/2-3, para. 101.

[317] Ibid. para. 104.

[318] Ibid para. 113.

[319] Massachusetts Institute of Technology, From Promise To Performance: Ecological
Sanitation As A Step Toward The Elimination Of Manual Scavenging In India
,
September 2006, p. 6, http://mit.edu/phrj/dalit_report_final.pdf (accessed February 7, 2007).

[320] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 141.

[321] According to Bejawada Wilson, national convener
of the Safai Karamchari Andolan: “as long as dry latrines remain in existence,
the scavengers to clean the same will also remain.” Annie Zaidi, “India’s shame,”
Frontline, vol. 23, issue 18, September 9-22, 2006.

[322] Ibid.

[323] Ibid.

[324] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 24.

[325] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 142. C. Narayanama, working in Anantapur
municipality, Andhra Pradesh, explained how she inherited her job of manual
scavenging:

My elder sister, Mariyakka married C. Kadirappa, but had no children.
She brought me from Itukalapalli (my native place) and made me marry her
husband. She died after three years due to severe whooping cough. (Could it
have been due to the practice of manual scavenging?) I had to adopt her work of
manual scavenging because of heredity. My sister adopted the work of manual
scavenging from her mother-in-law.

“Safai
Karamcharis in Anantapur District,” Case Papers: Summary Jury’s Interim
Observations & Recommendations, National Public Hearing, April 18-19, 2000,
Chennai-Tamil Nadu, Vol. 1, pp. 39-40. See
also
: As Meena, a manual scavenger in her mid-twenties, explained to Frontline in 2006:

This is what we’ve been doing for generations and nobody gives us other
work. In fact, my mother was married to my father based upon the fact that he
lived in a busy, crowded area and there was that much more to carry.

Annie Zaidi, “India’s shame,” Frontline.

[326] Massachusetts Institute of Technology, From Promise To Performance: Ecological
Sanitation As A Step Toward The Elimination Of Manual Scavenging In India
,
September 2006, p. 6, http://mit.edu/phrj/dalit_report_final.pdf (accessed February 7, 2007).

[327] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s Questionnaire,
p. 15.

[328] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, pp. 145-46 (citing Human Rights Watch interview with
Bejawada Wilson, Bangalore, July 26, 1998, in which Wilson told Human Rights
Watch, “Even other scheduled-caste people won’t touch the safai karamcharis
[manual scavengers]. It is ‘untouchability’ within the ‘untouchables,’ yet
nobody questions it.”).

[329] Ibid., p. 142 (citing a Human Rights Watch
interview with Martin Macwan, New
York, October 15, 1998. Martin Macwan is founder of Navsarjan,
an NGO that has led the campaign to abolish manual scavenging in the western
state of Gujarat describing what happens when
Navsarjan had attempted to rehabilitate scavengers).

[330]Ibid., pp. 142-43, (quoting Leelaben of
Paliyad village from Mari Marcel Thekaekara, “A continuing social outrage,” Frontline,
October 417, 1997).

[331] Massachusetts Institute of Technology, From Promise To Performance: Ecological
Sanitation As A Step Toward The Elimination Of Manual Scavenging In India
,
September 2006, p. 20, http://mit.edu/phrj/dalit_report_final.pdf (accessed February
7, 2007).et al.,

[332] Annie Zaidi,
“India’s Shame,” Frontline.

[333] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 141.

[334]Kamdar Swasthya Suraksha Mandal files PIL in 2001, http://www.amrc.org.hk/5304.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[335] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 146 (citing Human Rights Watch interview,
Ahmedabad district, Gujarat, July 23, 1998, “When we ask
for our rights from the government, the municipality officials threaten to fire
us. So we don’t say anything. This is what happens to people who demand their
rights”).

[336] Kamdar Swasthya Suraksha Mandal files PIL in
2001, http://www.amrc.org.hk/5304.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[337] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 24.

[338] For example, the training program it
establishes is ineffective because it offers a low stipend and an inadequate
period of training. A shortage of training instructions and lack of viable
training programs further compound the problem. NHRC Report, Section V, p.
55.

[339] Ibid.

[340] Ibid., p. 54.

[341] Ibid., p. 54.

[342] Ibid., p. 126.

[343] Safai Karamchari Andolan filed a public
interest litigation petition in the Supreme Court in 2003. Viswanathan, S. ,
“Exposing An Abhorrent Practice,” Frontline,
February 15, 2006,
http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-viswanathan150206.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[344] Ibid.

[345] Venkatesan, J. , “Manual Scavenging: Court
Summons Principal Secretaries”, The Hindu,
September 14, 2004,
A2004091410E-933F-GNW.

[346] Viswanathan, S. , “Exposing An Abhorrent
Practice,” Frontline, February 15, 2006, http://www.countercurrents.org/dalit-viswanathan150206.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).
Petitioner-organizations countered such claims by Tamil Nadu with evidence that
manual scavenging was still prevalent in the state. Due to such conflicting
reports, the Supreme Court ordered the Government of India and state
governments in April 2005 to “verify the facts and indicate within six months a
time-bound programme if the existence of manual scavenging is confirmed.” Ibid.
At this writing, the petition was still pending before the Supreme Court.

[347] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 139.

[348] According to one estimate 83.2 percent of
bonded laborers belong to scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. NHRC Report,
Section V, p. 64. Almost all bonded children interviewed for a 2003 Human
Rights Watch report on bonded child labor in the silk industry were either
Dalit or Muslim. Human Rights Watch, Small
Change
, p. 6.

[349] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 9.

[350] Ibid., p. 10.

[351]Ibid., p. 43 (citing Human Rights Watch group interview
with Dalit villagers, Varanasi District, Uttar Pradesh, March 14, 2002).

[352] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 140.

[353] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 42. (citing Human Rights Watch group interview
with Dalit villagers, Varanasi District, Uttar Pradesh, March 14, 2002).

[354] Ibid. According to a local activist, workers
in the community were receiving five kilograms of wheat solely because they had
organized themselves; elsewhere workers received only two kilograms. Human
Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 42
(citing Human Rights Watch interview with Lenin Raghuvanshi, People’s Vigilance
Committee for Human Rights, Varanasi District, March 14, 2002).

[355] Ibid.

[356] Ibid.

[357] The Act aims to release all laborers from
bondage, cancel any outstanding debt, prohibit the creation of new bondage
agreements, and order the economic rehabilitation of freed bonded laborers by
the state. It also punishes attempts to compel persons into bondage with a
maximum of three years in prison and a Rs. 2,000 (US$50) fine.

[358] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 140.

[359] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 24.

[360] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 89.

[361] Ibid., p. 67.

[362] While the process of rehabilitation is
supposed to immediately follow the release of a bonded laborer, this is rarely
the case. In some cases the Certificate of Release from bonded debt is not
issued, and there is a huge time lag between release and rehabilitation
operations, resulting in many released laborers being unable to survive after
their release and being forced to return to their captors. NHRC Report, Section
V, p. 67-68.

[363] Ibid., p. 67.

[364] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 78.

[365] NHRC Report, Section V, pp. 79-80.

[366] According to the NHRC, “Political leadership
has shown no concern for the plight of migrant labourers. In the recipient
States, it is directly responsible for virtually freezing the law on migrant
labour in collusion with powerful land owners and other employers. In the home
States, the political leadership has shown total apathy as it has not taken
their case with the recipient States for enforcement of law and has also taken
no steps to stop distress migration.” Ibid., Section VI, p. 125.

[367] Ibid., Section V, p. 72.

[368] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 12. In the Bellary
district, Karnataka, for example, 70 to 80 percent of the child labor
population in iron ore and granite mines are Dalits. NCDHR Response to the
Special Rapporteur’s Questionnaire, p. 13.

[369] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 43.

[370] Ibid. Child labor, especially in domestic and
hotel work, also increases following upper-caste raids on Dalit villages. Human
Rights Watch interview with Gilbert Rodrigo, Director, Legal Resources for
Social Action (LRSA), Chengalpattu, Tamil Nadu, March 20, 2002. Ibid., p. 43.

[371] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 18.

[372] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 31. (citing Human Rights Watch interview with
14-year-old boy, Varanasi,
Uttar Pradesh, March 13,
2002).

[373] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 148.

[374] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 125.

[375] Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p. 42.

[376] Ibid., p. 6.

[377] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 12. Domestic labor and restaurant jobs were recently banned
under the 1986 law, but predictably, a lack of implementation has made little
difference. While a bill on providing benefits to unorganized labor, including
domestic labor, may soon be tabled in Parliament, it is unclear whether or not
this bill will increase the protection afforded by child labor legislation.
Oineetom Ojah, “Govt may table unorganised sector Bill in winter session,” TheFinancial
Express
, November 21,
2006, http://www.financialexpress.com/fe_full_story.php?content_id=146944
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[378] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 73. Rehabilitation
programs involve the establishment of special schools to provide non-formal
education, vocational training, supplementary nutrition, a stipend, and health
care; further, over 100 national rehabilitation projects are under
implementation.

[379] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 74. In 2005, the
Supreme Court issued notice to the Central government regarding the present
Child Labour Act which it considers to be unconstitutional in the light of the
right to education. “Notice issued to
Centre on pleas against child labour
,” The
Hindu,
December 13,
2005, http://www.hinduonnet.com/2005/12/13/stories/2005121301720900.htm
(February 7, 2007).

[380] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
pp. 94-95.

[381] Despite earning a Masters degree in economics
from GujaratUniversity, the best job 24-year-old
Arvind Vaghela could get was as a road sweeper. Vaghela’s story underscored the
experience of many other university-educated Dalits. In his city of Ahmedabad, “[n]early 100
of its council sanitation workers have degrees in subjects ranging from
computing to law, but cannot get better jobs because they are Dalits.” Dalit
sweeper, Prakash Chauhan, had been hired by an accounting firm, but the firm
subsequently fired him upon learning his caste from his school certificate.
Chauhan, 32, expressed the frustration that Dalits with his educational
achievements share: “Our parents had a dream that education would mean we would
not have to do the jobs they did. It did not turn out that way.” Randeep
Ramesh, “Untouchables in new battle for jobs,” The Observer, Oct.
3, 2004, http://www.netphotograph.com/bartholomew.tv/PDF/obs_041003_new_26_3413213.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[382] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 84.

[383] Minimum Wages Act, 1948 [Act No. 11 of Year
1948, dated 15th. March, 1948] Section 3(1A) cited in NHRC Report, Section V,
p. 81.

[384] Ibid.

[385] NHRC Report, Section V, p. 81.

[386] Ibid., p. 83.

[387] Krishan K. Taimni, “Cooperatives in the new
environments: Role of the Registrar of Cooperative Societies in South Asia,” Sustainable
Development Department, Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations
,
February 9, 1998, http://www.fao.org/sd/rodirect/ROre0010.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[388] “On the Magic of Being Work Sisters,”Business Line,February 18, 2006.

[389] Ibid.

[390] Ibid.

[391] CERD General
Comment XXIX - Article 1(1) regarding
descent
, para.
39.

[392] “Identity crisis for educated dalits?” The Hindu, April 14, 1999.

[393] For example, Gaurav Apartments, a housing
development in a middle-class neighborhood in east Delhi, offers two or three bedroom apartments
that would normally appeal to professionals seeking housing in the area.
However, because the development was built by Dalits and because 60 to 70
percent of it is occupied by Dalits, the demand for the units and their price
is significantly lower than it is for comparable units in the area. The price
of a unit in Gaurav Apartments is Rs.1.7 million (US$
38,041) whereas a comparable apartment in the neighborhood costs
around Rs.2 million (US$44,749).
“No takers for homes in Dalit apartments,” Indo-Asian
News Service
, October 3,
2004. As a Dalit property dealer from the area explains: “Many
clients have declined to buy or even rent a flat soon after looking at the huge
portrait of B.R. Ambedkar at the entrance.” “No takers for homes in Dalit
apartments,” Indo-Asian News Service,
October 3, 2004.

[394] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 104 (Table 2.9).

[395] Ibid., p. 65 (Table 2.1).

[396] Ibid.

[397] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 127.

[398] Ibid.

[399] Ibid.

[400] Ibid.

[401] Ibid.

[403]NESA
Life with Dignity
, HIV/AIDS Sector Support Team, http://www.nesauniverse.org/focusarea/hivf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[404] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 151.

[405] Human Rights Watch, Future Forsaken: Abuses Against Children Affected by HIV/AIDS in India,
(Human Rights Watch, July
2004),
pp. 8-9 (explaining that several groups that already experience
discrimination, including sex workers, children of sex workers, street
children, children from lower-castes and Dalits, are vulnerable to increased
discrimination when tested HIV-positive.) http://hrw.org/reports/2004/india0704/FutureForsaken.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007). See also
Stigma and HIV/Aids- A Pervasive Issue, The
Synergy Project
, December 2004, p. 2, http://www.synergyaids.com/documents/BigIssues_StigmaRevDec04.pdf
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[406] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10.

[407] CERD General Comment XXVI - Article 6, para. 1.

[408] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 18.

[409] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10.

[410] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 14. Dalit schoolchildren are by and
large poorer than other students, and cannot afford either private tutoring or
access to private education, which is generally of better quality. Ibid.

[411] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10.

[412] Ibid., citing A.R. Vasavi, et al., “Blueprint
for Rural Primary Education: How Viable?” p. 3184, Economic and Political Weekly, 1997.

[413] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 17.

[414] Ibid., p. 16.

[415]The Special Rapporteur on education also noted, “Other
studies have documented absenteeism, irregular attendance and negligence by
teachers, who have in addition used Dalit and Adivasi children to do work for
them, corporal punishment and fear of teachers - one reason cited by parents
for not sending their children to school.” Report submitted by the Special
Rapporteur on the right to education, Mr. V. Muoz Villalobos, February 8, 2006 (62nd CHR
session) E/CN.4/2006/45, paras. 84-85.

[416] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10. A study of Dalit schoolchildren in Rajasthan revealed
that fear of teachers as well as corporal punishments are factors that parents
(especially of Dalit children) cite as constraining regular school attendance.
Mona Jabbi and C. Rajyalakshmi, “Education of Marginalized Social Groups in
Bihar,” in A. Vaidynathan and P.R. Gopinathan Nair (Eds.), Elementary Education
in Rural India: A Grassroots View, Sage Publication, New Delhi, 2001.

[417] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, pp. 15-17.

[418] CERD General
Comment XXIX - Article 1(1) regarding
descent
, para.
45.

[419] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,”
Woodrow Wilson School of Public and International Affairs, p. 14 (citing India Education Report — A profile of Basic
Education
, Ed. by R. Govinda, Publishers: Oxford University Press, Delhi. March 2002).

[420] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10 (citing Report, National Commission for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes, pp. 151-183, Government of India, New Delhi, 1999-2000
& 2000-2001).

[421] Ibid.

[422] Joy Maliekal, director of the Rural Literacy
and Health Programme and national convenor of the Campaign against Child Labour
told Human Rights Watch: “It is important to make the link between child labor
and discrimination in school. In our experience, Dalit children are made to sit
in the back and are asked to do work [i.e. chores rather than schoolwork].”
Human Rights Watch, Small Change, p.
44.

[423] Ibid.

[424] Dalits and Primary Education, p. 3.

[425] Ibid., p. 14.

[426] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 19.

[427] Ibid.

[428] Ibid.

[429] In the complaint, one of the students
recounts the nature of the harassment he suffered at AIIMS:

I have been subjected to mental and physical torture from my very first
day in this institute…I was abused on my caste and…in the last few days my
room had been locked from outside because of which I was unable to attend
classes.

Abantika Ghosh, “Dalit students ‘abused’ at
AIIMS,” The Times of India, September 12, 2006.

[430] Ibid.

[431] As a member of Medicos Forum for Equal
Opportunities said:

Students and doctors of the reserved category are now being forced to
stay in isolated groups and are increasingly feeling unsafe in an environment
where there is discrimination and a failure of the local administration and the
Health Ministry to redress specific instances of caste discrimination.

Bindu Shaja
Perappadan, “Reserved Category Medicos Facing Discrimination,” September 19, 2006, http://www.hindu.com/2006/09/16/stories/2006091616430400.htm
(accessed February 7, 2007)
.

[432] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 17. In the village of Kumbhana
in Gujarat, for instance, a Dalit teacher
named Jignasha was told by the school principal to keep her water pot separate
from the water pots of other teachers. Ibid. Such segregation results from the
belief held by non-Dalit teachers that Dalits are “polluted” and will therefore
“pollute” their food and water.

[433] Prakash Singh, “Dalit teacher assaulted in Bihar village,” NDTV,
January 19, 2006,
http://www.ndtv.com/template/template.asp?category=National&template=dalitatrocities&slug=Dalit+teacher+assaulted+in+Bihar+village&id=83877&callid=1
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[434] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 7.

[435] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 25; NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 7.

[436] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 8 (citing Shah, et al., Untouchability
in Rural India
).

[437] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 27.

[438] Ibid., p. 27.

[439] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 76.

[440] Consideration of Report by India to the
Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/304/Add.13, September 17, 1996, para
23.

[441] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 6.

[442] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 71.

[443] Ibid.,
p. 70 (Table 2.2).

[444] Ibid.

[445] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 26; “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 17.

[446] “Economic, Social and Cultural Rights for
Dalits in India:
Case Study on Primary Education in Gujarat,” WoodrowWilsonSchool
of Public and International Affairs, p. 17.

[447] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10 (citing Report, National Commission for Scheduled Castes
and Scheduled Tribes, pp. 151-183, Government of India, New Delhi, 1999-2000
& 2000-2001, “the drop-out rate in Scheduled Castes during 1990-91 was as
high as 49.35 percent at primary stage and 67.77 percent at middle stage and
77.65 percent at secondary stage”).

[448]As a result of public interest litigation on the right
to food, the Supreme Court of India directed State Governments and UnionTerritories
to implement a scheme providing every child in every government and
government-assisted primary school with a prepared mid-day meal. See Right to
Food Campaign, Mid-Day Meals, http://www.righttofoodindia.org/mdm/mdm_scorders.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[449] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10; See also Joel
Lee & Sukhadeo Thorat, Dalits and
Right to Food: Discrimination and Exclusion in Food Related Government Programs
,
unpublished document on file with World Prout Assembly, September 2005,http://www.worldproutassembly.org/archives/2005/09/dalits_and_the.html
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[450] Additionally, in a village in Tamil Nadu, the
program was closed down because upper-caste community members opposed the
scheme because it would benefit Dalit and tribal children. Lee, et al., Dalits and Right to Food.

[451] A working paper by the Indian Institute of
Dalit Studies explains the repeated acts of discrimination Dalit cooks in the
mid-day meals program face:

First, when local administrators
are putting the MMS [mid-day meal scheme] into place, dominant caste community
members intervene to block the hiring of Dalit cooks, favoring dominant caste
cooks instead. Where a Dalit cook has been hired, dominant caste parents then
begin sending their children to school with lunches packed at home, or require
their children to come home for lunch, in any case forbidding their children to
eat food prepared by the Dalit cook. In the third stage, dominant caste parents
or community members pressure the local administration to dismiss the Dalit
cook, on any pretext, and hire a dominant caste cook instead. Where this is
ineffective, or sometimes without the intervening step, the dominant caste
parents campaign to shut down the MMS in the village school altogether.
Finally, some dominant caste parents react to the hiring and keeping of a Dalit
cook by withdrawing their children from the school, and sometimes admitting
them in a different school where the cook is not Dalit.

Lee, et al., Dalits and Right to Food.

[452] NCDHR response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 10; See also Lee,
et al., Dalits and Right to Food.

[453] Ibid.

[454] “Discrimination Divide Untouchability Still
Alive in Gandhi’s Land,” Indian Express,
October 5, 2006.

[455] “These Kids Told: You Are Dalit, Go Eat
Elsewhere,” Indian Express, December 16, 2003.

[456] Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 25

[457] NHRC Report, Section VIII, p. 159.

[458] Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural
Rights, General Comment 15 - The right to water (arts. 11 and 12 of
International Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights)
, paras 4
and 6.

[459] For the effects of water deprivation on
individuals and communities, see Committee
on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, General Comment 15 - The right
to water (arts. 11 and 12 of International Covenant of Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights)
, para. 6.

[460] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 98.

[461] Ibid. See
also
Ibid., p. 104 (Table 2.9).

[462] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 6.

[463] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 90.

[464] National Commission for Scheduled Castes and
Scheduled Tribes, Highlights of the Report for the Years 1994-95 &
1995-96
(New Delhi: Government of India, 1997), p. 2; Human Rights Watch, Broken People, p. 26, fn 22.

[465] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 79.

[466] This case study was reported in Shah, et al.,
Untouchability in Rural India, p. 90.

[467] Ibid., pp. 84-5.

[468] Ibid.

[469] Overall, the average occurrence of this
practice was 64 percent in the 11 states included in the study. Ibid., p. 87.

[470]Ibid.,
p. 89.

[471]Ibid.,
p.65 (Table 2.1).

[472] Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India,
p. 124.

[473] Ibid., p. 83.

[474] Ibid.

[475] Government of India, Fifteenth, Sixteenth,
Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19, paras. 134-55.

[476] Ibid.

[477] The NHRC has additionally recommended to the
Central Government that it review its facilities like legal aid, implicitly
concluding that Dalits are not necessarily the beneficiaries of such services,
despite the fact that the vast majority of Dalits are poor. NHRC Report, Section
IV, p. 27 (citing recommendations from National Commission on SCs and STs - A
Report on the problem of Untouchability, January 1989).

[478] Government of India, Fifteenth, Sixteenth,
Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19, para. 156.

[479] The Commission found that even if cases are
properly registered under the Prevention of Atrocities Act, 1989 several states
have failed to provide compensation to victims under the Act. Even though this
scheme is sponsored by the Central Government, funding to states is conditional
on the states’ ability to contribute 50 percent of the funding. Due to
budgetary constraints and lack of political will, states do not contribute the
required amount and thus, lose central funding. Consequentially, the NHRC has
concluded that several states are not providing economic relief to victims of
atrocities, as the funds spent in these states under the Prevention of
Atrocities Act, 1989 bears no relationship to the number of atrocities taking
place in the states. NHRC Report, Section IV, p. 50.

[480] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 25.

[481] Government of India, Fifteenth, Sixteenth,
Seventeenth, Eighteenth, and Nineteenth Periodic Reports to the Committee on
the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, CERD/C/IND/19, para. 159.

[482] Ibid., para. 161.

[483] Central AdvisoryBoard of Education (CABE) sub-Committee
on “Regulatory Mechanisms for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks Taught in
Schools Outside the Government System,” pp. 8-9.

[484] CABE sub-Committee on “Regulatory Mechanisms
for Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks Taught in Schools Outside the Government
System,” pp. 8-9. See for example a Social Studies text approved for use by the
Gujarat State Board, which describes the varna (caste)
system as a “precious gift” given by the Aryans to the world and extols the
virtues of the caste system for socially and economically organizing society on
the basis of labor. Ibid.,
p. 42.

[485]CABE sub-Committee on “Regulatory Mechanisms for
Textbooks and Parallel Textbooks Taught in Schools Outside the Government
System,” p. 43.

[486] NHRC Report, Section VI, p. 134.

[487] Ibid.

[488] Ibid.

[489]Chandrabhan Prasad, “India’s Hall of
Shame,” The Pioneer,http://www.dailypioneer.com/columnist1.asp?main_variable=Columnist&file_name=prasad%2Fprasad179.txt&writer=prasad
(accessed February 7, 2007).

[490] NCDHR Response to the Special Rapporteur’s
Questionnaire, p. 4.

[491] NHRC Report, Section I, p. 1.

[492] Reproduced from: Shah, et al., Untouchability in Rural India, p.
65 (Table 2.1). The survey investigated the extent and incidence of
untouchability in different spheres of life in contemporary rural India. It
examined 565 villages in 11 major states of India, including the states of
Andhra Pradesh, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, and Kerala in south India; Madhya
Pradesh, Maharashtra, and Rajasthan in central and western India; Punjab and
Uttar Pradesh in north India; and Orissa and Bihar in eastern India. The states
selected account for 77 percent of India’s total Dalit population and
cover a substantial and representative portion of India’s territory and overall
population. See Ibid., pp. 48-49.

Region / Country


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LESSON 4553 Mon 12 Sep 2022 Free Online Organizer Daily (FOOD) For Benevolently Awakened United Universe (BAUU) Grow your own food 🍲 🍱 🥘 like 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetables 🥦 🥕 🥗 & fruits in pots to live like free birds 🐦 🦢 🦅 for Welfare,Happiness, Peace,Liberty,Freedom,Equality of All Sentient and Non Sentient Beings. Benevolently Awakened One Buddha Universe Quotes 97)Classical Benevolent Polish-Język klasyczny polski, 98) Classical Benevolent Portuguese-Português Clássico,
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For


Benevolently Awakened United Universe (BAUU)


Grow your own food 🍲 🍱 🥘 like 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetables 🥦 🥕 🥗 & fruits in pots to live like free birds 🐦 🦢 🦅 for Welfare,Happiness, Peace,Liberty,Freedom,Equality of All Sentient and Non Sentient Beings.

Benevolently Awakened One Buddha Universe Quotes

97)Classical Benevolent Polish-Język klasyczny polski,

98) Classical Benevolent Portuguese-Português Clássico,

99) Classical Benevolent Punjabi-ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,99) ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਨਿਦਾਨ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,
100) Classical Benevolent Quechua,100) Quechua clásico


https://www.learnreligions.com/maitreya-buddha-449794
A golden statue of Maitreya in India


Maitreya Buddha




Buddha of a Future Age



Maitreya is a transcendent bodhisattva
named as the universal Buddha of a future time. The name is taken from
the Sanskrit maitri (in Pali, metta), which means “loving kindness.” In Mahayana Buddhism, Maitreya is the embodiment of all-encompassing love.


Maitreya is depicted in Buddhist art in many ways. “Classical”
portrayals often show him seated, as in a chair, with his feet on the
ground. He is also portrayed standing. As a bodhisattva he dresses as
royalty; as a Buddha, he dresses as a monk. He is said to reside in the
Tushita heaven, which is part of the Deva Realm of the Kamadhatu (Desire Realm, which is the world depicted in the Bhavachakra).


In China, Maitreya is identified as the “laughing Buddha,” Pu-tai, who is the fat, jolly portrayal of Buddha that emerged from 10th-century Chinese folklore.


Origins of Maitreya


Maitreya makes his first appearance in Buddhist scriptures in the Cakkavatti Sutta of the Pali Tipitika (Digha Nikaya 26). In this sutta, the Buddha spoke of a future time in which the dharma
is entirely forgotten. Eventually, “Another Buddha–Metteyya
(Maitreya)–will gain Awakening, his monastic Sangha numbering in the
thousands,” the Buddha said.


This is the only time the historical Buddha is recorded as mentioning
Maitreya. From this simple comment arose one of the most important
figures of Buddhist iconography.


In the early first millennium CE, Mahayana Buddhism developed Maitreya
further, giving him a history and specific attributes. The Indian
scholar Asanga (ca. 4th century CE), a co-founder of the Yogacara school of Buddhism, is particularly associated with Maitreya Teachings.


Note that some scholars think attributes assigned to Maitreya were borrowed from Mithra, the Persian god of light and truth.


Maitreya’s Story


The Cakkavatti Sutta speaks of a distant time in which all skillfulness
in dharma practice is lost and mankind will war with itself. A few
people will take shelter in the wilderness, and when all others are
slaughtered these few will emerge and seek to live virtuously. Then
Maitreya will be born among them.


After this, various Mahayana traditions weave a story that closely
resembles the life of the historical Buddha. Maitreya will leave the
Tushita heaven and be born in the human realm as a prince. As an adult,
he will leave his wives and palaces and seek enlightenment; he will sit
in meditation until he is fully awakened. He will teach the dharma
exactly as other Buddhas have taught it.


Before getting too caught up in anticipation, it’s important to understand that in most schools of Buddhism linear time
is an illusion. This makes speaking of a literal future a bit
problematic since “future” is an illusion. From this perspective, it
would be a huge mistake to think of Maitreya as a messianic figure who
will come in the future to save mankind.


Maitreya has rich metaphorical significance in several Mahayana sutras. For example, Nichiren interpreted Maitreya’s role in the Lotus Sutra to be a metaphor for stewardship of the dharma.


Cults of Maitreya


One of the central teachings of the Buddha is that there is no one “out
there” who will save us; we liberate ourselves by our own efforts. But
the human craving for someone to come along, fix our messes and make us
happy is powerfully strong. Over the centuries many have made Maitreya
into a messianic figure who will change the world. Here are just a few
examples:


A 6th-century Chinese monk named Faqing proclaimed himself to be the new
Buddha, Maitreya, and drew many followers. Unfortunately, Faqing
appears to have been a psychopath, persuading his followers to become
bodhisattvas by killing people.


A 19th-century spiritualist movement called Theosophy promoted the idea
that Maitreya, a world redeemer, would soon come to lead mankind out of
darkness. His failure to appear was a major setback for the movement.


The late L. Ron Hubbard, the founder of Scientology, claimed to be an
incarnation of Maitreya (using the Sanskrit spelling, Mettayya). Hubbard
even managed to patch together some bogus scripture to “prove” it.


An organization called Share International teaches that Maitreya, the
World Teacher, has been living in London since the 1970s and will
gradually make himself known. In 2010 Share’s founder, Benjamin Creme,
announced that Maitreya had been interviewed on American television and
had been seen by millions. Creme failed to reveal what channel hosted
the interview, however.


People picking up on Creme’s claim have decided Maitreya is the antichrist. Views differ as to whether this is a good or bad thing.


It must be emphasized that even if Maitreya is to appear in a literal
future, this is not supposed to happen until the dharma is completely
lost. And then Maitreya will teach the dharma exactly as it has been
taught before. Since the dharma is available in the world today, there’s
no literal reason for Maitreya to appear. There’s nothing he can give
us that we don’t have already.

https://www.originalbuddhas.com/blog/maitreya-buddha


Maitreya Buddha - The Future Buddha



Maitreya Buddha


Maitreya Buddha
is said to be Future Buddha. In various Buddhist sutra such as Amitabha
Sutra, as well as Lotus Sutra, Maitreya Buddha is believed to be called
as Ajita.


See here our Maitreya Buddha statues


Maitreya Buddha


In the world of Buddhist eschatology, Maitreya literally means the future Buddha. Maitreya Buddha is considered as the 5th Buddha that is believed to appear in this Kalpa or era. Thus, Maitreya Buddha is considered as the Future Buddha that is yet to appear in this age. In various Buddhist sutra such as Amitabha Sutra, as well as Lotus SutraMaitreya Buddha is believed to be called as Ajita.

According to Buddhist history and tradition, Maitreya Buddha is believed to be Bodhisattva who will appear in the Earth in the future, will achieve Nirvana and will teach the people of Earth the pure Dharma just like Shakyamuni Buddha did.
According to the Buddhist texts as well scriptures, Maitreya
Buddha will be considered as the successor of the living Buddha
i.e. Gautama Buddha. The Prophecy of Maitreya Buddha coming back to the
terrestrial world is written in most of the major Schools of Buddhism in
many Buddhist countries.


Attributes of Maitreya Buddha



Maitreya Buddha - The future Buddha

Many Maitreya Buddha statuesBuddha images are shown with different attributes as well as Hand mudras as well as postures. The Maitreya Buddha statues are represented with all the attributes that must be in the attributes of Bodhisattva. Most of the Buddha statues of Maitreya Buddha are depicted with both hands using Dharmachakra Mudra.

Maitreya Buddha is also represented as holding lotus flower in each hand of the statues. Each hands also possessed a Wheel of Dharma as well a ritual base. Both Wheel of Dharma as well as ritual vase are shown on the top of lotus flower. The wheel of dharma on
the top of lotus shows that maitreya Buddha emphasize his mission to
spread and teach Dharma to all beings. While the Ritual vase on the top
of lotus shows that Maitreya Buddha will be born in the family of low
cast while Buddhist history shows that Shakyamuni Buddha was born in the family of high cast.


Laughing Buddha as Maitreya Buddha


Laughing Buddha is shown as the next Maitreya Buddha in the Chinese BuddhismLaughing Buddha is also believed to be a Bodhisattva and will be the next Matreya Buddha.
There are various Buddha statues that represents Maitreya Buddha but
Laughing Buddha is one of the most popular known Buddha in the whole
world especially for his fat belly and smiling face.


Skip to main content

Maitreya, the Future Buddha

OriginTibet
Dateca. second quarter of 15th century
MediumPigments on cloth
Dimensions34 3/8 x 1 1/8 x 27 1/4 in. (87.3 x 2.9 x 69.2 cm)
Classification(s)
Credit LineRubin Museum of Art, Gift of the Shelley & Donald Rubin Foundation
Object numberF1998.17.2
Himalayan Art Resources Number664
Status
Not on view
DescriptionThis
luminous painting of the Future Buddha, Maitreya, shows him sitting on
his celestial throne in Tushita heaven radiating light. The Future
Buddha sits with his legs extended as if poised and ready to descend to
earth and take up his ministry as the buddha of the next eon. He is
adorned with the princely jewels and garb of a bodhisattva, having not
yet taken up his future role as the next buddha, when he would be
depicted in monk’s robes like the buddha of our current age, Shakyamuni.
In his left hand Maitreya holds the stem of a Nagakesara blossom
carrying a flask, his distinctive identifying attribute.

His throne is supported by a lotus emerging from a fenced pond, the
branches of which form the subtle scroll that frames all of the
secondary figures. The extensive teaching lineage it contains at the
sides indicates that this painting refers to the Five Treatises of
Maitreya, five commentaries on Buddha Shakyamuni’s teachings attributed
to Maitreya.

Exemplary for fifteenth-century art, this painting continues
organizational features from earlier styles but places the figures
against a uniform dark-blue sky background with stylized clouds. Typical
for the period are the large leaves and flowers branching off the
scrolling lotus throughout the painting. Thus, although there is no
landscape as such, the composition does create a sense of space around
the figures that is absent in earlier paintings. Compared with the
nearly contemporaneous Gyantse murals, the decorations here are
restrained and exemplify the stylistic possibilities shortly before the
landscape revolution of the mid-fifteenth century.


97)Classical Benevolent Polish-Język klasyczny polski,


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Do
Benevolentnie obudzone United Universe (Bauu)
Grow your own food 🍲 🍱 🥘 like 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetables 🥦 🥕 🥗 to live like free birds 🐦 🦢 🦅 for Welfare,Happiness, Peace,Liberty,Freedom,Equality of All Sentient and Non Sentient Beings.
Byliśmy benevolentnie obudzonymi
Jesteśmy benevolentnie obudzonymi
Nadal jesteśmy benevolentnie obudzonymi
do przebudzenia i nibbāna w 97)
Trzecia Szlachetna Prawda: Rzeczywistość zaprzestania cierpienia - które ma zostać zaktualizowane
Jhana
Jhana
jest medytacyjnym stanem głębokiego bezruchu i koncentracji, w którym
umysł staje się w pełni zanurzony i pochłonięty wybranym przedmiotem
uwagi. Jest to kamień węgielny w rozwoju właściwego stężenia.
Definicja (z symbolami)
[Pierwszy Jhana]
„Jest
przypadek, w którym mnich - dość wycofany z zmysłowości, wycofany z
nieudanych cech - wchodzi i pozostaje w pierwszej Jhanie: zachwyt i
przyjemność zrodzone z wycofania, w towarzystwie ukierunkowanej myśli i
oceny. Przenika i przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to ciało zachwytem i
przyjemnością zrodzoną z wycofania. Nie ma nic z całego jego ciała,
które nie są przeznaczone przez zachwycenie i przyjemność zrodzone z
wycofania.
„Tak
jakby wykwalifikowany kąpiel lub praktykant kąpieli wlewa proszek do
kąpieli do mosiężnego basenu i ugniatał go razem, posypując go wodą, tak
że jego kulka z proszkiem do kąpieli-nasycona, obciążona wilgocią,
przeniknęła w środku i bez nich- Niemniej jednak nie kapał; Mimo to
mnich przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to ciało zachwytem i przyjemnością
zrodzoną z wycofania. Nie ma nic z całego jego ciała, które nie są
przeznaczone przez zachwycenie i przyjemność zrodzone z wycofania…
[Second Jhana]
„Ponadto,
wraz z ciągłym ukierunkowanym myślami i ocenami, wchodzi i pozostaje w
Drugiej Jhanie: Rapture i przyjemność zrodzona z opanowania,
zjednoczenie świadomości wolnej od ukierunkowanej myśli i oceny -
zapewnienie wewnętrzne. Przenika i przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to
ciało zachwytem i przyjemnością zrodzoną z opanowania. Nie ma nic z
całego jego ciała, który nie jest w stanie zachwycić i przyjemność
zrodzoną z opanowania.
„Podobnie
jak jezioro z wiosenną wodą od wewnątrz, nie mając napływu ze Wschodu,
Zachodu, Północnego lub Południcy, a z niebo okresowo dostarczając
obfite prysznice, tak że chłodna wierzchołka wody z jeziora byłaby
Permeate i przenikają, uprzecz i napełnij fajnymi wodami, nie ma części
jeziora niezdolnego przez chłodne wody; Mimo to mnich przenika i
przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to ciało zachwytem i przyjemnością
zrodzoną z opanowania. Nie ma nic z całego jego ciała, które nie są
przeznaczone przez zachwycenie i przyjemność zrodzone z opanowania…
[Trzeci Jhana]
„Ponadto,
z blaknięciem zachwytu, pozostaje równoznaczny, uważny i czujny, i
wyczuwa przyjemność z ciała. Wchodzi i pozostaje w trzeciej Jhanie, o
której szlachetni deklarują: „Równomierne i uważne, ma przyjemne
przestrzeganie.” Przenika i przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to ciało z
przyjemnością zbytą z zachwytu, tak że istnieje, że istnieje. Nic z
całego jego ciała nie byłoby niezadowolone z przyjemnością zgromadzonym z
zachwytu.
„Podobnie
jak w stawie niebieskim, białym lub czerwonym, może być niektóre z
niebieskich, białych lub czerwonych lotosów, które urodziły się i rosną w
wodzie, pozostają zanurzone w wodzie i rozkwitają, nie wstając z wody,
aby były przenikane i przenikane, nasycone i wypełnione chłodną wodą od
ich korzeni do ich końcówek, a nic z tych niebieskich, białych lub
czerwonych lotosów nie byłoby niefiteczno z chłodną wodą; Mimo to mnich
przenika i przenika, sugeruje i wypełnia to ciało z przyjemnością
zgromadzoną z zachwytu. Nie ma nic z całego jego ciała, który nie byłby
niezdolny z przyjemnością zgromadzony z zachwytu…
[Czwarta Jhana]
„Ponadto,
z porzuceniem przyjemności i stresu-jak w przypadku wcześniejszego
zniknięcia uniesienia i niepokoju-wchodzi i pozostaje w czwartej jhanie:
czystość równości i uważności, żaden z nich. Siedzi, przenikając ciało z
czystą, jasną świadomością, aby nie ma nic z całego jego ciała bez
perspektywy czystej, jasnej świadomości.
„Tak
jakby mężczyzna siedział z głowy do stopy białą szmatką, aby nie było
części jego ciała, na którą nie rozciągał się biały materiał; Mimo to
mnich siedzi, przenikając swoje ciało czystą, jasną świadomością. Nie ma
nic z całego jego ciała nieosiąganego przez czystą, jasną świadomość. ”
(Anguttara Nikaya, 5.28)
———–
„Tak
jakby mężczyzna siedział z głowy do stopy białą szmatką, aby nie było
części jego ciała, na którą nie rozciągał się biały materiał; Mimo to
mnich siedzi, przenikając swoje ciało czystą, jasną świadomością. Nie ma
nic z całego jego ciała nieosiąganego przez czystą, jasną świadomość. ”
(Anguttara Nikaya, 5.28)
Mistrzostwa Jhana jest znakiem mądrości
„Oświadczam, że osoba obdarzona czterema cechami jest jedną z wielkich rozeznania, wielkim człowiekiem. Która czwórka?
„Jest
przypadek, Brahman, w którym praktykuje dobrobyt i szczęście wielu
ludzi i ustanowił wiele osób w szlachetnej metodzie, to znaczy słuszność
tego, co jest godne podziwu, słuszność tego, co zręczne.
„Myśli
każdą myśl, którą chce myśleć, i nie uważa, że ​​żadna myśl nie chce
myśleć. Będzie wszelkie determinację, którą chce, i nie zrobi żadnego
rozwiązania, którego nie chce. Osiągnął opanowanie umysłu w odniesieniu
do ścieżek myśli.
„Otrzymuje-ilekroć
chce, bez obciążenia, bez trudności-cztery jhany, które są
podwyższonymi stanami psychicznymi, przyjemnymi naiwkami w tu i teraz.
„Po
zakończeniu fermentacji umysłowej-pozostaje on w pozbawionej
fermentacji świadomości i uwalnianiu rozeznania, poznając je
bezpośrednio i zrealizowałem je w toku.
„… Oświadczam, że osoba obdarzona tymi czterema cechami jest jedną z wielkich rozeznania, wielkim człowiekiem”.
(Anguttara Nikaya, 4.35)
Jhana i wgląd, ręka
Nie ma Jhana
dla jednego bez rozeznania,
Bez rozeznania
Dla jednego bez Jhany.
Ale jeden z Jhaną
i rozeznanie:
On jest na skraju
rozpięcia.
(Dhammapada, 372)
z
Medytacja obrazów z przewodnikiem pływania w wodzie w celu relaksu i wewnętrznego pokoju (dźwięki wody)
To
obrazy z przewodnikiem jest spokojną i relaksującą medytacją
wizualizacyjną, w której pokonasz się w oceanie, pływając w chłodnej
wodzie oceanicznej, słuchając miękkich rytmicznych dźwięków oceanu
rozpryskującej się wody. To obrazy z przewodnikiem dotyczy relaksu i
odpuszczenia stresu, lęku i błędów przeszłych i bólu, abyś mógł przyjąć
przyszłość i wszystkie dobre rzeczy, które są przed nami. Puszczaj więc
negatywne emocje blokujące drogę do przepływu pozytywnych energii i
przynoszącego zdrowie i uzdrowienia. Zawsze uważam, że dźwięk wody
przyroda jest tak bardzo relaksujący, a dla mnie jest to jedno z
najlepszych narzędzi do pomocy stresowej, jak woda, czy to za falbaną
rzekę, fale oceaniczne, czy deszcz, po prostu ma ten hipnotyzujący rytm,
który przywołuje relaks i relaks i Prawdziwy wewnętrzny pokój. Więc
słuchaj tej medytacji z przewodnikiem, jeśli potrzebujesz sposobu na
relaks i uleczenie umysłu i ciała negatywnych emocji i energii.
Benevolent przebudzony One Maitreya Buddha 97) Klasyczne życzliwe polskie-język KLASYCZNY POLSKI,
Część 1 - Projekt Maitreya, Kushinagar, Uttar Pradesh, Indie.
Jest
to inspirujące spojrzenie na wizję projektu, architekturę i programy
charytatywne. Z wkładem jego świętości Dalajlamy, Lama Zopa Rinpocze i
wielu innych duchowych przywódców.
Część 2 - Maitreya Project Heart Shrine Relic Tour.
Podróżuj
z trasą, aby doświadczyć sposobu, w jaki relikwia świątyni serca
inspirują ludzi na całym świecie do rozwijania serca miłosierności i
oczyszczania kontinuum ciała. Obejmuje piękny materiał z relikwii.
Część 3 - Medytacja Pokoju Maitreya.
Medytacja
Pokoju Matireya na temat miłosierności jest czytana łagodnym głosem,
aby słuchacz mógł skoncentrować się na doświadczeniu generowania
przyczyny pokoju, w sobie i w świecie zewnętrznym.
„Pokój
świata musi rozwijać się z wewnętrznego pokoju. Pokój to nie tylko brak
przemocy. Pokój jest przejawem ludzkiego współczucia.”.
- Jego Świątobliwość Dalajlama.
Celem projektu Maitreya jest przyniesienie:
- Długoterminowe korzyści społeczne i ekonomiczne dla milionów ludzi w północnych Indiach.
- trwałe korzyści duchowe dla społeczności światowej.
Budowanie działań projektowych Maitreya jest budowanie:
- Brązowy posąg 500 stóp/152 m przyszłości Buddha Maitreya w stanie Kushinagar, Uttar Pradesh.
- Statua Maitreya o pojemności 150 stóp/45 m w Bodhgaya, Bihar State.
W
północnych Indiach Kushinagar i Bodhgaya to regiony, w których
wskaźniki umiejętności czytania i pisania są bardzo niskie, a miliony
ludzi żyją w skrajnym ubóstwie, opierając się na rolnictwie i pracy w
służbie własnej.
———
Projekt Maitreya przyniesie korzyści tym regionom poprzez:
-
Edukacja dla dzieci wsi z biednych rodzin, wykorzystując unikalny
program nauczania, który podkreśla rozwój etyczny, a także osiągnięcia
akademickie; Obejmowanie edukacji podstawowej, średniej i zawodowej.
- opieka zdrowotna międzynarodowego standardu.
-
Zatrudnienie i handel, które zapewnią pracę ponad tysiąc osób podczas
budowy, a także tworzenie zrównoważonych miejsc pracy na przyszłość i
dostarczanie tysięcy powiązanych możliwości zatrudnienia w regionie.
- Wspieranie turystyki w związku z bogatym dziedzictwem duchowym regionu.
- Działanie jako katalizator i utrzymujący wpływ na wiele innych poprawek infrastrukturalnych.
Oba
posągi, wraz z ich budynkami tronowymi i parkami, zostaną
pobłogosławione przez świętą sztukę, która jest zarówno tradycyjna, jak i
nowoczesna.
Zarówno
w długim, jak i krótkoterminowym projekcie Maitreya znacząco przyczyni
się do dobrego samopoczucia regionu i ma na celu stać się modelem
społecznie odpowiedzialnego rozwoju-zrównoważonego środowiska,
zaprojektowanego i zbudowanego do co najmniej 1000 lat.
I
nawet teraz samo serce projektu Maitreya, Loving-Kindness, zostaje
wniesione do ludzi na całym świecie podczas trasy koncertowej Maitreya
Project Heart Shrine Relic. Relic Tour łączy ludzi ze wszystkich
tradycji humanitarnych i duchowych, aby stworzyć przyczyny pokoju na
świecie, dzieląc się błogosławieństwem wyjątkowej i cennej kolekcji
ponad 1000 świętych reliktów buddyjskich.
http: //www.maitreyaproject.org/en/ind …
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Muzyka
Maha Mayawati Ji jako CM próbował ukończyć życzliwego projektu Maitreya.
Teraz
wszyscy obudzili ludzie na świecie, którzy chcieli zainstalować
najwyższą życzliwą przebudzoną posąg w Kushinara, przekazując
najmniejszą denominację. Również centrum medytacyjne dla wszystkich,
którzy chcą osiągnąć wieczną błogość dzięki większości nowoczesnej
krematorium.
Pomyślałem, że grupa by to spodobała.
*Jak spotkać się z życzliwym przebudzeniem jednego Buddy Metteyya*
Namo tassa bhagavato arahatto sammasambuddhassa
Dasabodhisatta-Uddesa
i Anagatavamsa udzielają instrukcji na temat tego, co ludzie muszą
zrobić, jeśli mają spotkać Buddę Metteyya. Jest to bardzo ważne dla
wszystkich tych, którzy nie osiągają przynajmniej pierwszego etapu
przebudzenia podczas tej dyspensacji Buddy, ponieważ, jak widzieliśmy,
życzliwe przebudzone, jeden Buddha Metteyya będzie ostatnim życzliwym
przebudzonym jednym Buddą, który powstał w tym cyklu światowym. Jeśli
dana osoba nie osiągnie przebudzenia w tym cyklu światowym, niezwykle
trudno będzie uzyskać kolejną okazję.
W
Dasabodhisatta-Uddesa [142] Buddha Gotama mówi do Ven. Sariputta: „Nie
wszyscy ludzie zobaczą moje ciało fizyczne. Jeśli napotkają moje nauki
(sasana), dają prezenty (dana), obserwują moralność (sila) i uprawiają
rozwój umysłu (bhavana), poprzez owoce tego, oni oni oni oni oni oni oni
oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni
oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni oni odrodzi
się w czasach życzliwego obudzonego Onebuddha Ariya Metteyya. ”
Te
trzy działania są podstawą zasługi (Punna). [143] Dzięki tym działaniom
osoba może być pewna odrodzenia w wyższych płaszczyznach istnienia.
Rozwijanie umysłu prowadzi do tymczasowej czystości osiągniętej przez
państwa Jhana. Ale może to również prowadzić do wglądu (Vipassana) i
prawdziwego wyzwolenia.
Anagatavamsa
[144] podaje więcej szczegółów. Aby spotkać się z życzliwym
przebudzonym Buddy Metteyya, ludzie powinni włożyć wysiłek (viriya) i
być stanowczy (Dalha), z wzbudzonym umysłem (Ubbigga-Manasa). Możemy
przypuszczać, że „wzburzony umysł” oznacza głębokie poruszanie umysłu
lub poczucia pilności (samvega), które pochodzi z uświadomienia sobie
pilnej potrzeby pracy dla wyzwolenia. Wszyscy, którzy robią dobre
uczynki i są czujni - niezależnie od tego, czy są to Bhikkhus,
Bhikkhunis, Laymen lub Laywomen - będą w stanie spotkać następnego
życzliwego Buddy. Wszyscy ci, którzy płacą wielki zaszczyt Buddzie,
zobaczą pomyślne zgromadzenie życzliwego budzącego jednego Buddy
Metteyya. Należy praktykować święte życie (Brahma-Cariya). Należy podać
prezenty (Dana). Należy zachować dni przestrzegania (uposatha). Miłość
życzliwość (Metta) powinna zostać starannie rozwinięta. Zachwycając
czujność i zasłużone działania, możliwe będzie ostatecznie zakończyć
nędzę (Dukkha).
Ven.
Ledi Sayādaw [145] zwraca uwagę, że konieczne jest podejmowanie
zrównoważonego wysiłku pod względem dobrego postępowania (Carana) i
właściwej wiedzy (Vijja), jeśli ma się spotkać następnego życzliwego
przebudzonego jednego Buddy.
————–
Prawe
postępowanie oznacza rozwijanie moralności (SILA) i stężenie (Samadhi).
Wiedza oznacza rozwijanie mądrości (panna). Prawe zachowanie można
porównać do posiadania kończyn dźwiękowych. Właściwą wiedzę można
porównać do możliwości zobaczenia. Jeśli brakuje jednego lub drugiego,
osoba nie powiedzie się. Osoba może być hojna i zachować trwałe zasady
moralne pięciu przykazań i osiem przykazań w dni przestrzegania, ale
jeśli nasiona wiedzy nie zostaną posadzone, osoba ta może spotkać się z
życzliwymi przebudzonymi Metteyya, ale nie być w stanie obudzić się.
Jeśli zostanie rozwinięta tylko wiedza, niewłaściwe zachowanie będzie
oznaczać, że szanse na spotkanie następnego życzliwego obudzonego
jednego Buddy będą niewielkie, z powodu okresu interwencyjnego
(Antara-kappa) między tym życzliwym przebudzonym jedną dyspensacją Buddy
a następną.
Przykłady
niewłaściwego zachowania wymienione przez Ven. Ledi Sayādaw są: nie
będąc hojnym, słabo strzeżonym w działaniach fizycznych, nieograniczonym
w mowie i nieczystej myśli. Takie postępowanie będzie oznaczać
odrodzenie w dolnych dziedzinach, w następnym życiu lub w przyszłym
życiu. Jeśli ludziom, którzy działają w ten sposób, uda im się odrodzić
się w wyższym świecie, ich brak hojności oznacza, że ​​napotkają
trudności, próby i udręki w zarabianiu na życie. Nie zachowując
przykazań, prawdopodobnie spotykają się ze sporami, kłótniami, gniewem i
nienawiścią; I będą podatne na choroby i dolegliwości. To jeszcze
bardziej utrudni unikanie działań prowadzących do niższych światów.
Możliwe
jednak, że osoba dzisiaj przygotowała już w przeszłości do osiągnięcia
przebudzenia. Jeśli w tym życiu podejmuje się odpowiedni wysiłek, osoba
ta może dotrzeć przynajmniej na pierwszym etapie przebudzenia i zostać
sotapanną. Następnie nie będzie niemożliwe, aby wykonać jakiekolwiek
działanie, które powodują odrodzenie w dolnych dziedzinach.
Niekoniecznie
oznacza to, że taka osoba będzie tęsknić za możliwością zobaczenia
następnego życzliwego obudzonego Buddy. Ostatecznie, jako nie-return,
można go odrodzić w światach Suddhavasa Brahma, a życie w tych światach
może obejmować karierę kilku Buddów [146].
Jeśli
osoba, która ma wystarczającą perfekcje (Pari), aby osiągnąć
przebudzenie w tym życiu, nie podejmuje niezbędnego wysiłku, może być
możliwe stać się sotapanną w następnym życiu w świecie Deva. Jeśli taka
osoba nie praktykuje czynników prowadzących do przebudzenia, będzie ona
całkowicie przegapić podczas dyspensacji tego Buddy i będzie mogła
osiągnąć zwolnienie tylko podczas następnej życzliwej przebudzonej
dyspensacji Buddy.
Ven.
Instrukcje Ledi Sayādawa dotyczące niezbędnej pracy, które należy
wykonać w tym życiu, obejmują to, co powinna zrobić osoba, która
praktykuje gołe medytację wglądu [147] Należy wypełnić pierwsze
jedenaście z piętnastu dobrych działań (Carana-Dhamma) [148], to znaczy
wszyscy oprócz stanów Jhana. Pierwsze cztery działania to: (1) bycie
moralnym, [149] (2) pilnowanie drzwi zmysłowych, (3) umiarkowane w
jedzeniu i (4) czuwanie.
Kolejne
siedem cech to siedem dobrych państw (Saddhamma), które życzliwi
obudzili jeden Buddę w porównaniu z różnymi zabezpieczeniami dla
obywateli królewskiego miasta granicznego: [150]
Wiara (Saddha) w życzliwym przebudzeniu jednego Buddy jest jak głęboko osadzony filar.
Skromność (Hiri) jest jak głęboka, szeroka fosa i oznacza, że ​​uczeń wstydzi się złego postępowania w ciele, mowie i umysłach.
Zmniejszenie
się z robienia błędu (Ottappa) jest jak wysoka, szeroka droga
otaczająca miasto i oznacza, że ​​uczeń zajmuje się unikaniem
niewłaściwego postępowania w ciele, mowie i umysłu.
Bycie
wielkim uczeniem się (bahu-sacca) jest jak wielka zbrojownia włóczni i
mieczy. Osoba, która wiele słyszała, która pamięta to, co zostało
usłyszane, a która ją ceni, oznacza osobę, która zna życzliwą
przebudzoną doktrynę jednego Buddy.
Energia
(viriya) jest jak duża armia chroniąca miasto, ponieważ osoba powinna
wzbudzić energię, aby pozbyć się niewykwalifikowanych państw
psychicznych, zdobyć wykwalifikowane państwa psychiczne, być niezłomnym,
mocnym z góry i wytrwało z wykwalifikowanymi stanami mentalnymi.
Uważność
(sati) jest jak mądry, inteligentny bramkarz, który odmawia wejścia do
nieznanych ludzi i pozwala tylko tym, którzy są znani. Osoba powinna
mieć najwyższy stopień uważności i dyskryminacji.
Mądrość
(panna) jest jak wysoki, szeroki wał pokryty tynkiem. Osoba powinna
posiadać mądrość prowadzącą do (odcinania) wzrostu i upadku, a
szlachetna penetracja prowadziła do całkowitego zniszczenia nędzy.
Wszystkie
siedem tych dobrych stanów pozwala osobie porzucić złe działania i
kultywować dobre działania, porzucić to, co jest obwiniane i rozwinąć
nienaganność. W ten sposób rozwija czystość.
———-
Nie
musimy się martwić, czy będziemy w stanie osiągnąć cel Nibbana w tym
życiu, czy też będziemy mogli to zrobić tylko pod życzliwym
przebudzeniem jednego Buddy Ari Metteyya. Jeśli dołożymy najlepszego
wysiłku, takie pytania zajmą się sobą. Musimy rosnąć jak najwięcej w
Sila, Samadhi i Pannie, przekonani, że w ten sposób będziemy mogli dojść
do końca wszystkich cierpień.
Prawda będzie triumfować!
Charlie Chaplin Lavegano
Wegańska globalna sieć fast food przybyła do Indii! Mając lokalizacje w
całym Bangalore i planuje rozszerzyć się w całym kraju, szybko stało
się to ulubieńcem dla wielu miejskich wegan. Burgery, pizze owijają lody
to pyszne przedmioty oferowane w bardzo przystępnych cenach. To idealne
miejsce do gromadzenia się z przyjaciółmi, członkami rodziny lub po
prostu siebie. Możesz dowiedzieć się więcej tutaj.
Vegan Vogue
Ta
osobliwa restauracja w Indiranagar oferuje menu, które obejmuje dania
wegańskie japońskie, włoskie, afrykańskie i azjatyckie. Niezależnie od
tego, czy jesteś nowy w świecie kuchni roślinnej, czy czujesz się
wystarczająco ryzykowny na wszystko-zabawa dopiero zaczyna się w Vegan
Vogue! To idealne miejsce na urodzinowy obiad. Możesz dowiedzieć się
więcej tutaj. (https://www.happycow.net/rev…/vegan-vogue-bangalore-274457)
Aby uzyskać bardziej wegańskie opcje w Bangalore, sprawdź Indian dla początkujących po weganizmie (https://onegood.in/pages/indian-beginners-guide-to-veganizmu). Ten kompleksowy zasób dostarcza wszystkiego, co musisz wiedzieć o roślinach w Indiach.
Chinita prawdziwe meksykańskie jedzenie
Chinita
to jedyne miejsce w Bangalore, które służy autentycznej kuchni
meksykańskiej. Jest to nie tylko przystępne jest, ale możesz cieszyć się
przeglądaniem całkowicie wegańskiego menu, w tym churros, domowego sera
wegańskiego i soryzo-Plus Tacos, Enchiladas, Burritos i Nachos! Jeśli
szukasz czegoś innego niż zwykła indyjska taryfa (a może nawet z
miejsca, w którym wszyscy twoi przyjaciele będą mogli coś znaleźć!), To
jest miejsce! Możesz dowiedzieć się więcej tutaj. (https://www.chinita.in/)
Habibi falafel
Jeśli
jesteś doświadczonym weganinem w Bangalore, prawdopodobnie zgadłeś, że
ta restauracja będzie w naszym przewodniku. To całkowicie wegetariański
łańcuch falafelowy, który jest bardzo przyjazny dla wegan! Zdobądź
najświeższe wegańskie falafel, hamburgery, kanapki i talerze w
przystępnej cenie. Ponadto właściciele robią wielkie postępy w kierunku
zmniejszenia opakowania żywności i odpadów. Możesz dowiedzieć się więcej
tutaj. (https://habibifalafel.com/)
Zasymilować się
Ta
organiczna wegetariańska restauracja oferuje wegańskie
południowoindyjskie potrawy, pizzę i lody! Ma świetną atmosferę na
spotkanie z przyjaciółmi, aby cieszyć się obiadem na dachu. Możesz
dowiedzieć się więcej tutaj. (https://gonative.in/pages/farm-to-table)
Birma Birma
Czy
próbowałeś kuchni birmańskiej? Teraz możesz z wieloma ekscytującymi
wegańskimi opcjami. Jest trochę droższy niż większość restauracji w
mieście, więc ubierz się na specjalną okazję, jak obiad ukończenia
studiów! Oferują pyszne próbne mięs, białka tofu i falafel, które można
przekształcić w obfite potrawy. Możesz dowiedzieć się więcej (https://www.burmaburma.in/) dalej. (https://www.burmaburma.in/) (https://www.burmaburma.in/)
Zielona teoria
Menu
wegetariańskie restauracji ma wiele wegańskich opcji. Ich potrawy
kontynentalne, włoskie specjały i pyszne napoje z pewnością zadowolą
wszelkie podniebienie. Możesz dowiedzieć się więcej tutaj. (https://www.greentheory.in/)
————
Dwie
osoby zmarły podczas czyszczenia kanalizacji w Delhi, jak długo
Aborygenowe Arogys Rakshakas wszystkich żywych istot będą nadal
wyrzucane w rynnie? #Stopkillingus
Przez
kraj Aroogya Rakshakas wszystkich żywych istot umierają w otworach
ścieków. Zakup ciężarówek ssących nie kosztuje dużo. Włączane przez nich
kraje demokratyczne ich angażują. Manuvadi Chitpavan Brahminowie
zdalnie kontrolują za darmo dla wszystkich orzechów unikają bezmyślnie.
Bezwstydnie wzięli lotos Buddy, Broom Stick of Aborygenów SC/STS tylko
po to, by je oszukiwać.
Rozwiązaniem jest
Grow your own food 🍲 🍱 🥘 like 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetables 🥦 🥕 🥗 & fruits in pots to live like free birds 🐦 🦢 🦅 for Welfare,Happiness, Peace,Liberty,Freedom,Equality of All Sentient and Non Sentient Beings.
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98) Classical Benevolent Portuguese-Português Clássico,


Lord Shakyamuni Buddha’s Prophecies about Maitreya Buddha
Holy Inner Sound
295 subscribers
Multi-part
Series on Ancient Predictions about our Planet: Prophecy of the Golden
Age Part 44 - Lord Shakyamuni Buddha’s Prophecies about Maitreya Buddha
Maitreya
Buddha has devoted many past incarnations to helping sentient beings,
like Lord Shakyamuni Buddha did before Him. Supreme Master Ching Hai has
also graced our Earth with Her enlightening and uplifting presence over
many ages and lifetimes. “I have been in this planet, oh God, a long,
long time. Became kings and queens and founders of many religious monks’
and nuns’ orders…” The writings of Theosophy further support the
truth that Maitreya Buddha has manifested before in different forms. The
British Theosophist and clairvoyant Charles Leadbeater maintained that
Maitreya Buddha had also come as the Worshipped Master Lord Jesus
Christ.
We
have observed that Supreme Master Ching Hai has always been a step
ahead in giving Her guidance to leaders and world citizens, in addition
to Her spiritual support, so that such progress could be made and so
quickly. “Bodhisattva Maitreya…in time to come will adorn and make
this world all pure.” Based on our observations and inner knowing, it is
our conviction that Supreme Master Ching Hai is a manifestation of the
prophesied Maitreya Buddha, here to purify and improve our world as
never before. “Maitreya Buddha’s disciples…will all hear much [of the
Dharma], study and guard the Dharma store, and practice meditative
concentration.” “They will all succeed in abandoning desires, like a
bird leaving the eggshell.”
Music
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Dreamers (b)
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Emotional Beauty
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Seeds of Change (a)
Song 5 of 10
Into the Tundra (b)
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Tears Of Sorrow (A)
Song 8 of 10
Supernova (c)
Song 9 of 10
Perpetual Ascension (b)
Song 10 of 10
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Por
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Cultive sua própria comida 🍲 🍱 🥘 como 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetais 🥦 🥕 🥗 para viver como pássaros livres 🐦 🦅 🦅 para bem -estar, felicidade, paz, liberdade, liberdade, igualdade de todos os seres sencientes e não sencientes.
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Continuamos a ser despertados benevolentemente
para despertar e nibbāna em 98) clássico português-português clássico,
Terceira verdade nobre: ​​realidade da cessação do sofrimento - que deve ser atualizada
Jhana
Jhana
é um estado meditativo de profunda quietude e concentração em que a
mente se torna totalmente imersa e absorvida no objeto escolhido de
atenção. É a pedra angular no desenvolvimento da concentração correta.
A definição (com símiles)
[Primeiro Jhana]
“Há
o caso em que um monge - bastante retirado da sensualidade, retirado de
qualidades não quietas - entra e permanece no primeiro jhana:
arrebatamento e prazer nascidos da retirada, acompanhados pelo
pensamento e avaliação direcionados. Ele permeia e permeia, sobe e enche
esse corpo com o arrebatamento e o prazer nascidos da retirada. Não há
nada de todo o seu corpo não pervertido pelo arrebatamento e prazer
nascido da retirada.
“Como
se um espanhol Bathman ou o aprendiz de Bathman derramasse o banho em
pó em uma bacia de latão e amasse-o, borrifando-o repetidamente com
água, de modo que sua bola de banho em pó-saturada, carregada de
umidade, permeada dentro e fora- No entanto, não gozaria; Mesmo assim, o
monge permeia, sobe e enche esse mesmo corpo com o arrebatamento e o
prazer nascidos da retirada. Não há nada de todo o seu corpo não
pervertido pelo arrebatamento e prazer nascido da retirada…
[Segundo Jhana]
“Além
disso, com o imóvel de pensamentos e avaliações direcionadas, ele entra
e permanece no segundo Jhana: arrebatamento e prazer nascidos da
compostura, unificação da consciência livre de pensamento e avaliação
direcionados - garantia interna. Ele permeia e permeia, sobe e enche
esse corpo com o arrebatamento e o prazer nascidos da compostura. Não há
nada de todo o seu corpo não pervertido pelo arrebatamento e prazer
nascidos da compostura.
“Assim
como um lago com água da primavera brotando por dentro, sem entrada de
leste, oeste, norte ou sul, e com os céus fornecendo periodicamente
chuveiros abundantes, para que a fonte fria de água saindo de dentro do
lago faria permeado e permeado, sufu e encham -o com águas frias, não há
parte do lago não pervertido pelas águas frias; Mesmo assim, o monge
permeia e permeia, sobe e enche esse mesmo corpo com o arrebatamento e o
prazer nascidos da compostura. Não há nada de todo o seu corpo não
pervertido por arrebatamento e prazer nascido da compostura…
[Terceiro Jhana]
“E,
além disso, com o desbotamento do arrebatamento, ele permanece
equânime, consciente e alerta, e sente prazer com o corpo. Ele entra e
permanece no terceiro jhana, dos quais os nobres declaram: ‘Equanimidade
e consciente, ele tem uma agradável queda’. Nada de todo o seu corpo
não pervertido de prazer foi despojado de arrebatamento.
“Assim
como em um lago azul, branco ou vermelho, pode haver alguns dos lótus
azul, branco ou vermelho que, nascidos e crescendo na água, ficam
imersos na água e florescem sem se levantar da água, para que sejam
permeados e permeados, impregnados e cheios de água fria de suas raízes
para suas pontas, e nada daqueles lótus azul, branco ou vermelho não
seriam supervidos com água fria; Mesmo assim, o monge permeia e permeia,
sobe e enche esse mesmo corpo com o prazer despojado de arrebatamento.
Não há nada de todo o seu corpo não pervertido de prazer despojado de
arrebatamento…
[Quarto Jhana]
“E,
além disso, com o abandono do prazer e do estresse-como no
desaparecimento anterior de alegria e angústia-ele entra e permanece no
quarto Jhana: pureza de equanimidade e atenção plena, nenhum
prazer-nor-pain. Ele se senta, permeando o corpo com uma consciência
pura e brilhante, para que não haja nada de todo o seu corpo, desviado
pela pura e brilhante consciência.
“Como
se um homem estivesse sentado de cabeça a pé com um pano branco, para
que não houvesse parte do seu corpo ao qual o pano branco não se
estendesse; Mesmo assim, o monge senta, permeando seu corpo com uma
consciência pura e brilhante. Não há nada de todo o seu corpo não
pervertido pela pura e brilhante consciência. ”
(Anguttara Nikaya, 5.28)
———–
“Como
se um homem estivesse sentado de cabeça a pé com um pano branco, para
que não houvesse parte do seu corpo ao qual o pano branco não se
estendesse; Mesmo assim, o monge senta, permeando seu corpo com uma
consciência pura e brilhante. Não há nada de todo o seu corpo não
pervertido pela pura e brilhante consciência. ”
(Anguttara Nikaya, 5.28)
Domínio de jhana é uma marca de sabedoria
“Declaro uma pessoa dotada de quatro qualidades para ser de grande discernimento, um grande homem. Quais quatro?
“Existe
o caso, Brahman, onde ele pratica o bem -estar e a felicidade de muitas
pessoas e estabeleceu muitas pessoas no método nobre, ou seja, a
correção do que é admirável, a direita do que é hábil.
“Ele
pensa que pensa que quer pensar e não pensa que não pensa que não quer
pensar. Ele deseja qualquer resolução que desejar, e não vai resolver
que ele não queira o fará. Ele alcançou o domínio da mente em relação
aos caminhos do pensamento.
“Ele
atinge-sempre que quer, sem tensão, sem dificuldade-os quatro jhanas
que são estados mentais aumentados, abides agradáveis ​​no aqui e agora.
“Com
o fim das fermentações mentais-ele permanece no liberação de
consciência e liberação de discernimento sem fermentação, tendo
conhecido diretamente e percebido para si mesmo bem aqui e agora.
“… eu declaro uma pessoa dotada dessas quatro qualidades para ser de grande discernimento, um grande homem.”
(Anguttara Nikaya, 4,35)
Jhana e Insight, de mãos dadas
Não há jhana
para um sem discernimento,
Sem discernimento
Para um sem Jhana.
Mas um com os dois Jhana
e discernimento:
Ele está à beira
de desbaste.
(Dhammapada, 372)
a partir de
Imagens guiadas Meditação de nadar em água para relaxar e paz interior (sons da água)
Esta
imagem guiada é uma meditação de visualização calma e relaxante, onde
você se imaginará no oceano, nadando na água fria do oceano, enquanto
ouve os sons macios do oceano rítmico da água espirrando. Esta imagem
guiada é para relaxar e deixar de lado o estresse, a ansiedade e os
erros passados ​​e a dor, para que você possa abraçar o futuro e todas
as coisas boas que estão por vir. Portanto, deixe de lado as emoções
negativas bloqueando o caminho para que energias positivas fluam e
trazendo saúde e cura. Eu sempre acho o som da natureza da água tão
relaxante e para mim é uma das melhores ferramentas de alívio do
estresse por aí, como água, seja por um rio ondulado, ondas oceânicas ou
chuva, apenas tem esse ritmo hipnotizante que evoca relaxamento e
verdadeira paz interior. Portanto, ouça essa meditação de imagens
guiadas se precisar de uma maneira de relaxar e curar sua mente e corpo
de emoções e energias negativas.
Benevolent despertou um Maitreya Buddha 98) Clássico, benevolente clássico, português, clássico,
Parte 1 - Projeto Maitreya, Kushinagar, Uttar Pradesh, Índia.
Esta
é uma visão inspiradora da visão, arquitetura e programas de caridade
do projeto. Com contribuições de sua santidade, o Dalai Lama, Lama Zopa
Rinpoche e muitos outros líderes espirituais.
Parte 2 - Maitreya Project Heart Shrine Relic Tour.
Viajar
com a turnê para experimentar a maneira como as relíquias do Santuário
do Coração inspiram pessoas em todo o mundo a desenvolver um coração de
bondade de amor e purificar o continuum mente-corpo. Inclui belas
filmagens das próprias relíquias.
Parte 3 - Meditação da Paz de Maitreya.
A
meditação da paz de Matireya sobre a bondade é lida por uma voz gentil,
para que o ouvinte possa se concentrar na experiência de gerar a causa
da paz, dentro de si e no mundo externo.
“A
paz mundial deve se desenvolver a partir da paz interior. A paz não é
apenas a ausência de violência. A paz é a manifestação da compaixão
humana”.
- Sua santidade o Dalai Lama.
O objetivo do projeto Maitreya é trazer:
- benefício social e econômico de longo prazo para milhões de pessoas no norte da Índia.
- benefício espiritual sustentado para a comunidade mundial.
O foco das atividades do Maitreya Project está construindo:
- Uma estátua de bronze de 500 pés/152m do futuro Buda Maitreya em Kushinagar, Estado de Uttar Pradesh.
- Uma estátua de 150 pés/45m de Maitreya em Bodhgaya, estado de Bihar.
No
norte da Índia, Kushinagar e Bodhgaya são regiões onde as taxas de
alfabetização são muito baixas e milhões de pessoas vivem em extrema
pobreza, dependendo da agricultura de subsistência e do trabalho servil.
———
O projeto Maitreya beneficiará essas regiões por meio de:
-
Educação para crianças da aldeia de famílias pobres, utilizando um
currículo único que enfatiza o desenvolvimento ético e o desempenho
acadêmico; cobrindo educação primária, secundária e profissional.
- Saúde do padrão internacional.
-
Emprego e comércio que fornecerão trabalho para mais de mil pessoas
durante a construção, além de criar empregos sustentáveis ​​para o
futuro e trazer milhares de oportunidades de emprego relacionadas à
região.
- Apoiando o turismo em conexão com a rica herança espiritual da região.
- agindo como um catalisador e sustentando a influência de muitas outras melhorias de infra -estrutura.
Ambas
as estátuas, juntamente com seus edifícios e parques do trono, serão
abençoados por toda a arte sagrada que são tradicionais e modernos.
Tanto
no longo quanto no curto prazo, o projeto Maitreya contribuirá
significativamente para o bem-estar da região e pretende se tornar um
modelo de desenvolvimento socialmente responsável-ambientalmente
sustentável, projetado e construído para durar pelo menos 1.000 anos.
E
mesmo agora, o próprio coração do projeto Maitreya, bondade amoroso, é
trazido para pessoas de todo o mundo através do Maitreya Project Heart
Shrine Sagric Relic Tour. O Relic Tour reúne pessoas de todas as
tradições humanitárias e espirituais para criar as causas da paz
mundial, compartilhando as bênçãos de uma coleção única e preciosa de
mais de 1.000 relíquias budistas sagradas.
http: //www.maitreyaproject.org/en/ind …
Música
MÚSICA
Energia corporal
ARTISTA
Chris Hinze
ÁLBUM
Impressões do Tibete
Licenças
Obtenha prêmio do YouTube
Música
Maha Mayawati Ji como CM tentou concluir o benevolente despertar um projeto Maitreya.
Agora,
todas as pessoas despertaram do mundo queriam instalar a mais alta
benevolente despertaram a estátua em Kushinara, doando a menor
denominação. Também Centro de Meditação para todos aqueles que desejam
atingir felicidade eterna com a maioria dos crematórios modernos.
Pensei que o grupo gostaria disso.
*Como encontrar o Benevolent despertou um Buda Metteyya*
Namo Tassa Bhagavato Arahatto Sammasambuddhassa
Os
Dasabodhisatta-uddesa e Anagatavamsa dão instruções sobre o que as
pessoas devem fazer se quiserem encontrar Buddha Metteyya. Isso é muito
importante para todos aqueles que não atingem pelo menos o primeiro
estágio de despertar durante essa dispensação de Buda, pois, como vimos,
o benevolente despertou um Buda Metteyya será o último benevolente
despertado um Buda a surgir neste ciclo mundial. Se uma pessoa não
atingir o despertar neste ciclo mundial, será extremamente difícil obter
outra oportunidade.
No
Dasabodhisatta-uddesa, [142] Buddha Gotama diz a Ven. Sariputta, “nem
todos os homens verem meu corpo físico. Se eles encontrarem meus
ensinamentos (sasana), dão presentes (dana), observe a moralidade (sila)
e cultivam o desenvolvimento da mente (bhavana), através do fruto
disso, eles renascerá no tempo do benevolente despertado Onebuddha Ariya
Metteyya. “
Essas
três ações são a base da ação meritória (Punna). [143] Através dessas
ações, uma pessoa pode ter certeza de renascimento nos planos superiores
da existência. O desenvolvimento da mente leva à pureza temporária
alcançada através dos estados de Jhana. Mas também pode levar a insights
(vipassana) e verdadeira libertação.
O
anagatavamsa [144] fornece mais detalhes. Para encontrar o benevolente
despertar um Buda Metteyya, as pessoas deveriam se esforçar (Viriya) e
ser firmes (Dalha), com mente agitada (Ubbigga-manasa). Podemos supor
que “mente agitada” significa a profunda agitação da mente ou senso de
urgência (Samvega) que vem da realização da necessidade urgente de
trabalhar para a libertação. Todos aqueles que fazem boas ações e que
são vigilantes - sejam eles bhikkhus, bhikkhunis, leigos ou leigos -
poderão encontrar o próximo benevolente despertar um Buda. Todos aqueles
que pagam grande honra ao Buda verão a assembléia auspiciosa de
benevolente despertaram um Buda Metteyya. A VIDA SANTA (Brahma-Cariya)
deve ser praticada. Presentes (Dana) devem ser dados. Os dias de
observância (UPOSATHA) devem ser mantidos. A bondade amorosa (Metta)
deve ser cuidadosamente desenvolvida. Ao se deliciar com vigilância e
ações meritórias, será possível acabar com a miséria (Dukkha).
Ven.
Ledi Sayādaw [145] ressalta que é necessário fazer um esforço
equilibrado em termos de boa conduta (Carana) e conhecimento correto
(Vijja), se alguém encontrar o próximo benevolente despertar um Buda.
—————-
Conduta
direita significa desenvolvimento de moralidade (sila) e concentração
(samadhi). Conhecimento significa desenvolver sabedoria (panna). A
conduta correta pode ser comparada a ter membros sólidos. O conhecimento
certo pode ser comparado a poder ver. Se um ou outro estiver faltando,
uma pessoa não terá sucesso. Uma pessoa pode ser generosa e manter as
regras morais permanentes dos cinco preceitos e os oito preceitos nos
dias de observância, mas se as sementes do conhecimento não forem
plantadas, essa pessoa pode atender aos benevolentes despertar um Buda
Metteyya, mas não pode ser despertado. Se apenas o conhecimento for
desenvolvido, a conduta errada significará que as chances de encontrar o
próximo benevolente despertaram um Buda serão leves, devido ao período
intermediário (Antara-kappa) entre esse benevolente despertar uma
dispensação de Buda e a próxima.
Exemplos
de conduta errada mencionada por Ven. Ledi Sayādaw são: não sendo
generosos, sendo mal guardados em ações físicas, sendo irrestritas na
fala e impura em pensamento. Essa conduta significará renascimento nos
reinos mais baixos, na próxima vida ou em uma vida futura. Se as pessoas
que agem dessa maneira conseguem renascer em um mundo superior, sua
falta de generosidade significará que encontrarão dificuldades,
provações e tribulações na vida. Ao não manter os preceitos, é provável
que eles se encontrem com disputas, brigas, raiva e ódio; E eles serão
suscetíveis a doenças e doenças. Isso tornará ainda mais difícil evitar
ações que levam aos mundos inferiores.
Pode
ser possível, no entanto, que uma pessoa hoje já tenha se preparado no
passado para alcançar o despertar. Se o esforço certo for feito nesta
vida, essa pessoa pode alcançar pelo menos o primeiro estágio do
despertar e se tornar uma Sotapanna. Então, será impossível fazer
qualquer ação que resulte em renascimento nos reinos mais baixos.
Isso
não significa necessariamente que essa pessoa perderá a oportunidade de
ver o próximo benevolente despertar um Buda. Eventualmente, como
não-retornador, ele ou ela pode renascer nos mundos de Suddhavasa
Brahma, e a vida nesses mundos pode abranger as carreiras de vários
Budas. [146]
Se
uma pessoa que tem perfeições suficientes (Parami) para alcançar o
despertar nesta vida não faz o esforço necessário, pode ser possível se
tornar uma Sotapanna na próxima vida nos mundos deva. Se essa pessoa não
praticar os fatores que levam ao despertar, ela perderá inteiramente
durante a dispensação desse Buda e só será capaz de alcançar a liberação
durante o próximo benevolente despertaram a dispensação de um Buda.
Ven.
As instruções de Ledi Sayādaw sobre o trabalho necessário a serem
feitas nesta vida incluem o que deve ser feito por uma pessoa que
pratica meditação de insight nua. [147] Deve-se cumprir os primeiros
onze das quinze boas ações (Carana-Dhamma), [148], ou seja, tudo, exceto
os Estados Jhana. As quatro primeiras ações são: (1) sendo moral, [149]
(2) guardando as portas dos sentidos, (3) sendo moderado em comer e (4)
vigília.
As
próximas sete qualidades são os sete bons estados (Saddhamma) que o
benevolente despertou um Buda em comparação com as várias proteções para
os cidadãos de uma cidade fronteiriça real: [150]
Faith (Saddha) no benevolente despertou um Buda é como um pilar profundamente incorporado.
A
modéstia (Hiri) é como um fosso profundo e largo e significa que o
discípulo tem vergonha de conduta errada no corpo, na fala e na mente.
Encolher
de fazer errado (Ottappa) é como uma estrada alta e larga ao redor da
cidade e significa que o discípulo está preocupado em evitar a conduta
errada no corpo, na fala e na mente.
Ser
de grande aprendizado (Bahu-Sacca) é como um grande arsenal de lanças e
espadas. Uma pessoa que ouviu muito, que se lembra do que foi ouvido, e
que o valoriza significa que uma pessoa que conhece o benevolente
despertou a doutrina de uma Buda.
A
energia (Viriya) é como um grande exército que protege a cidade, pois
uma pessoa deve despertar energia para se livrar de estados mentais não
qualificados, adquirir estados mentais qualificados, ser firme, firme e
perseverar com estados mentais qualificados.
A
atenção plena (Sati) é como um guardião sábio e inteligente que se
recusa a pessoas desconhecidas e só permite que aqueles que são
conhecidos. Uma pessoa deve ter o mais alto grau de atenção plena e
discriminação.
A
sabedoria (panna) é como uma grande e larga muralha coberta de gesso.
Uma pessoa deve possuir sabedoria levando a (o corte) a subir e cair,
com a nobre penetração levando à destruição completa da miséria.
Todos
os sete bons estados permitem que uma pessoa abandone as ações erradas e
cultive boas ações, abandone o que é culpado e desenvolver falta de
culpa. Assim, ele desenvolve pureza.
———-
Não
precisamos nos preocupar se seremos capazes de atingir o objetivo de
Nibbana nesta vida ou se só seremos capazes de fazê -lo sob o
benevolente despertaram um Buda Ari Metteyya. Se fizermos o melhor
esforço que pudermos, essas perguntas cuidarão de si mesmas. Devemos
crescer o máximo possível em Sila, Samadhi e Panna, confiantes de que,
dessa maneira, poderemos chegar ao fim de todo sofrimento.
A verdade vai triunfar!
Charlie Chaplin Lavegano
Uma cadeia global de fast food vegana chegou à Índia! Com locais em
Bangalore e planeja expandir em todo o país, isso rapidamente se tornou o
favorito para muitos veganos da cidade. Os hambúrgueres, pizzas
envolvem sorvetes são todos deliciosos itens oferecidos a preços muito
acessíveis. É o lugar ideal para se reunir com amigos, familiares ou
apenas você mesmo. Você pode aprender mais aqui.
Vogue vegana
Este
restaurante pitoresco em Indiranagar possui um menu que inclui pratos
japoneses veganos, italianos, africanos e asiáticos. Se você é novo no
mundo da culinária à base de plantas ou se sentindo aventureiro o
suficiente para qualquer coisa-a diversão está apenas começando na Vegan
Vogue! É o lugar perfeito para um jantar de aniversário. Você pode
aprender mais aqui. (https://www.happycow.net/rev…/vegan-vogue-bangalore-274457)
Para mais opções veganas em Bangalore, confira o Guia para o Veganismo para iniciantes indianos (https://onegood.in/pages/indian-beginners-guide-oveganism). Este recurso abrangente fornece tudo o que você precisa saber sobre a base de plantas na Índia.
Chinita comida mexicana real
Chinita
é o único lugar em Bangalore que serve uma autêntica cozinha mexicana.
Além de ser acessível, você pode gostar de um menu totalmente vegano,
incluindo churros, queijo vegano caseiro e soyrizo-mais tacos,
enchiladas, burritos e nachos! Se você está procurando algo diferente da
sua tarifa indiana habitual (e talvez até um local onde todos os seus
amigos possam encontrar alguma coisa!), Este é o lugar para ir! Você
pode aprender mais aqui. (https://www.chinita.in/)
Habibi Falafel
Se
você é um vegano experiente em Bangalore, provavelmente adivinhou que
este restaurante estaria em nosso guia. É uma cadeia de falafel
completamente vegetariana que é muito amigável em relação aos veganos!
Pegue os mais frescos envoltórios veganos, hambúrgueres, sanduíches e
pratos a um preço acessível. Além disso, os proprietários estão fazendo
grandes progressos para reduzir a embalagem e o desperdício de
alimentos. Você pode aprender mais aqui. (https://habibifalafel.com/)
Vá nativo
Este
restaurante vegetariano orgânico oferece pratos veganos do sul da
Índia, pizza e sorvete! Tem uma ótima atmosfera para se encontrar com os
amigos para jantar no telhado. Você pode aprender mais aqui. (https://gonative.in/pages/farm-to-table)
Birmânia Birmânia
Você
já tentou cozinha birmanesa? Agora você pode com muitas opções veganas
emocionantes. É um pouco mais caro do que a maioria dos restaurantes da
cidade, então vista -se para uma ocasião especial como um jantar de
formatura! Eles oferecem deliciosos carnes simuladas, proteínas de tofu e
falafel que podem ser transformadas em pratos saudáveis. Você pode
aprender mais (https://www.burmaburma.in/)re. (https://www.burmaburma.in/) (https://www.burmaburma.in/)
Teoria verde
O
menu vegetariano do restaurante tem várias opções veganas. Seus pratos
continentais, especialidades italianas e bebidas deliciosas certamente
agradarão a qualquer paladar. Você pode aprender mais aqui. (https://www.grentheory.in/)
————
Duas
pessoas morreram enquanto limpavam o esgoto em Délhi, por quanto tempo
os aborígines arogys rakshakas de todos os seres vivos continuarão sendo
despejados na sarjeta? #Stopkillingus
Ao
longo do país, Arogya Rakshakas de todos os seres vivos está morrendo
dentro de buracos de esgoto. Não custa muito comprar caminhões de sucção
para fazer esse trabalho. Todos os países democráticos os envolvem. Os
brâmanes de Manuvadi Chitpavan controlam remotamente livres para todas
as nozes, evitam arbitrariamente. Eles descaradamente pegaram o lótus de
Buda, vassoura de SC/STs aborígines apenas para enganá -los.
A solução é
Cultive sua própria comida 🍲 🍱 🥘 como 👍 vegan 🌱 vegetais 🥦 🥗 🥗 e frutas em vasos para viver como pássaros livres 🐦 🦅 🦅 para bem -estar, felicidade, paz, liberdade, liberdade, igualdade de todos os seres sencientes e não sencientes.
Lord Shakyamuni Buddha’s Prophecies about Maitreya Buddha
G
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99) Classical Benevolent Punjabi-ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,99) ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਨਿਦਾਨ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ,
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Story of Bodhisattva Maitreya (Part 1/2) The Maha-parinirvana of Maitreya
Dharmachakra Wheel of the Dharma
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彌勒菩薩上生經-Aputi.com佛典動畫-Born the maitreya Bodhisattva
This film completed in June 2009 by Aputi.com.
This is a film describes “The Mahaparinirvana Sutra of Maitreya”. The
image of the Bodhisattva in Maitreya is described in detail, with the
rebirth in Tushita Heaven, training methods and conditions of the
Maitreya school, and so on.
Aputi創作於2009.06。本片將佛經原文再現,詳細描述彌勒菩薩的形象、轉生­兜率陀天的美景、彌勒法門的修習方法與條件等,值得每一個與彌勒菩薩有緣的眾生瞭解。
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ਅਨੌਖੇ ਨਾਲ ਜੁੜੇ ਹੋਏ ਯੂਨਾਈਟਿਡ ਬ੍ਰਹਿਮੰਡ (ਬਾਉ)
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ਅਸੀਂ ਬੇਵਕੂਫੀਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਜਾਗਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ
ਅਸੀਂ ਬੇਵਕੂਫ ਨਾਲ ਜਾਗਦੇ ਹਾਂ
ਅਸੀਂ ਦ੍ਰਿੜਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਜਾਗਦੇ ਰਹਿੰਦੇ ਹਾਂ
99 ਵਿਚ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਨਾਈਬਨਾ ਲਈ ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਨਿਦਾਨ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ: ਕਲੈਲੀ ਕਲਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧਕ,
ਤੀਜੀ ਕੁਈਏਬਲ ਸੱਚਾਈ: ਦੁੱਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਖ਼ਤਮ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਹਕੀਕਤ - ਜੋ ਕਿ ਅਸਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੈ
ਝਾਨਾ
ਝਾਨਾ
ਡੂੰਘੀ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਇਕਾਗਰਤਾ ਦੀ ਇਕ ਸਿਮਰਨ ਅਵਸਥਾ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਵਿਚ ਮਨ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ
ਡੁੱਬ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਧਿਆਨ ਦੇ ਚੁਣੇ object ੰਗ ਨਾਲ ਲੀਨ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ. ਇਹ ਸਹੀ
ਇਕਾਗਰਤਾ ਦੇ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਵਿਚ ਕਾਨਿਸਤੋਨਨ ਹੈ.
ਪਰਿਭਾਸ਼ਾ (ਸਿਮੀਲ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ)
[ਪਹਿਲਾ ਝਾਨਾ]
“ਅਜਿਹਾ
ਸਥਿਤੀ ਹੈ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਇਕ ਭਿਕਾਸਕ - ਸੰਵੇਦਨਾਤਮਕ ਗੁਣਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਵਾਪਸ ਵਾਪਸ ਲੈ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ -
ਪਹਿਲੇ ਝਾਨਾ ਵਿਚ ਵਾਪਸ ਲੈ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ: ਪ੍ਰਸਤਾਵਿਤ ਸੋਚ ਅਤੇ ਮੁਲਾਂਕਣ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ,
ਰਚਨਾਤਮਕ ਅਤੇ ਪ੍ਰਸੰਨਤਾ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਉਹ ਪਾਰਟੀਆਂ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਵਿਆਪਕ, ਬਹੁਤ
ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਇਸ ਬਾਡੀ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ
ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਚੀਜ਼ ਨਹੀਂ ਵਾਪਸੀ ਤੋਂ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੁੰਦੀ ਹੈ
ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਵਸੂਲਿਆ.
“ਉਸੇ
ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕੁਸ਼ਲਤਾ ਦਾ ਬਾਥਮੈਨ ਜਾਂ ਬਾਥਮੈਨ ਦਾ ਅਪ੍ਰੈਂਟਿਸ ਪਿੱਤਲ ਦੇ ਬੇਸਿਨ
ਵਿੱਚ ਡੋਲ੍ਹ ਦੇਵੇਗਾ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਪਾਣੀ ਨਾਲ ਬਾਰ ਬਾਰ ਸੁੱਟ ਦੇਵੇਗਾ, ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ
ਦੀ ਬਾਲ ਨੂੰ ਅੰਦਰ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਹਰ ਕੱ .ਿਆ ਜਾਵੇ. ਫਿਰ ਵੀ ਤੁਪਕਾ ਨਹੀਂ; ਇਥੋਂ ਤਕ ਕਿ,
ਭੜਾਸ ਕੱ .ਣ ਨਾਲ, ਬਹੁਤ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਇਸ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਇਸ
ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਇੱਥੇ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਚੀਜ਼ ਨਹੀਂ ਵਾਪਸੀ ਤੋਂ
ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਈ ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਨਿਰਪੱਖ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁੰਦੀ …
[ਦੂਜਾ ਝਾਨਾ]
“ਇਸ
ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ਿਤ ਵਿਚਾਰਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਮੁਲਾਂਕਣਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ, ਉਹ ਦੂਜੇ
ਝਾਨਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਾਖਲ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ: ਸੰਦਰਭੀ ਅਤੇ ਮੁਲਾਂਕਣ ਤੋਂ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ - ਅੰਦਰੂਨੀ
ਭਰੋਸਾ. ਉਹ ਪ੍ਰਤੱਖ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ, ਵਿਆਪਕ, ਦੁਖੀ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਬਹੁਤਰੀ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੰਦ
ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਇਆ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਭਰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਵਿਚੋਂ ਕੁਝ ਵੀ
ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਏ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਵਸੂਲਿਆ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ.
“ਜਿਵੇਂ
ਕਿ ਇੱਕ ਝੀਲ ਦੇ ਅੰਦਰੋਂ ਝੀਲ ਵਾਂਗ, ਪੂਰਬ, ਪੱਛਮ, ਉੱਤਰ ਜਾਂ ਦੱਖਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਕੋਈ
ਪ੍ਰਵਾਹ ਨਾ ਕਰਨਾ, ਅਤੇ ਅਕਾਸ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਮੇਂ-ਸਮੇਂ ਤੋਂ ਵਧੀਆ ਬਾਰਸ਼ਾਂ ਦੀ ਪੂਰਤੀ ਲਈ
ਪਰਮੀਟ ਅਤੇ ਪਰਵਿਟ, ਨੂੰ ਠੰ .ੇ ਪਾਣੀਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਭਰੋ ਅਤੇ ਠੰਡੇ ਪਾਣੀਆਂ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਬਿਰਾਜਮਾਨ
ਝੀਲ ਦਾ ਕੋਈ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਨਹੀਂ; ਇਥੋਂ ਤਕ ਕਿ ਭੜਕਾ, ਭਟਕਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਰੂਪ ਵਿਚ,
ਦੁਖੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਬਹੁਤਰੀ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਏ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਭਰਦਾ
ਹੈ. ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਚੀਜ਼ ਅਨੰਦ ਅਤੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਏ ਅਨੰਦ
ਦੁਆਰਾ ਨਿਰਪੱਖ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁੰਦੀ …
[ਤੀਜੀ ਝਾਨਾ]
“ਅਤੇ
ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਅਨੰਦ ਦੀ ਅਲੋਪ ਹੋ ਕੇ, ਉਹ ਇਕੁਧਸੁਤ, ਚੇਤੰਨ ਅਤੇ ਸੁਚੇਤ ਰਹਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ
ਅਤੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਨਾਲ ਅਨੰਦ ਮਾਣਦਾ ਹੈ. ਉਹ ਤੀਬਰਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਧਿਆਨ ਨਾਲ ਰਹਿਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਹਨ, ਤੀਜੇ
ਅਹਾਨਾ ਵਿਚ ਉਹ ਭੜਾਸ ਕੱ .ਣ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਵਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ ਇਸ ਬਹੁਤਰੀ
ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਇਸ ਦੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਫੈਲਾਉਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਦੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ
ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੀ ਆਦਤ ਪਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਚੀਜ਼
ਨਿਰਪੱਖ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਈ.
“ਜਿਵੇਂ
ਨੀਲੇ-, ਚਿੱਟੇ-, ਜਾਂ ਲਾਲ-ਲੋਟਸ ਛੱਪੜ ਵਿੱਚ, ਪਾਣੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੈਦਾ ਹੋਏ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਹਰ ਵਧੇ
ਕੁਝ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਨ ਪਾਣੀ ਦਾ, ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਹ ਆਪਣੀਆਂ ਜੜ੍ਹਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਭੜਕਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਪਾਣੀ ਨਾਲ
ਭੜਕਣ ਅਤੇ ਨਾ ਕਿ ਨੀਲੇ, ਜਾਂ ਲਾਲ ਲੋਚੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਠੰਡਾ ਪਾਣੀ ਨਾਲ ਭਰਿਆ ਨਹੀਂ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ;
ਇਥੋਂ ਤਕ ਕਿ ਭੜਾਸ ਕੱ ra ਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਪ੍ਰਤੱਖ ਹੋ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਮੁਸੀਬਤ ਦੀ
ਖੁਸ਼ੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਇਸ ਬਹੁਤਰੀ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਬਹੁਤਰੀ ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਭਰ
ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਅਨੰਦ ਦੇ ਅਨੰਦ ਦੀ ਉਮੀਦ ਨਾਲ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਚੀਜ਼ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ
[ਚੌਥਾ ਝਾਨਾ]
“ਅਤੇ
ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਖੁਸ਼ੀ ਅਤੇ ਤਣਾਅ ਦੇ ਤਿਆਗ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ - ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕਿ ਖੁਸ਼ੀ ਅਤੇ
ਪ੍ਰੇਸ਼ਾਨੀ ਦੇ ਪਹਿਲਾਂ ਅਲੋਪ ਹੋ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ - ਚੌਥੇ ਝਾਨਾ ਦਾ ਪੁਰਾਣਾ ਹੈ. ਉਹ ਆਪਣੇ
ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਪਾਰ ਕਰਨਾ ਬੈਠਦਾ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ,
ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਆਪਣਾ ਸਾਰਾ ਸਾਰਾ ਸਰੀਰ ਵਸੂਲਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਹੈ.
“ਜਿਵੇਂ
ਕਿ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਆਦਮੀ ਸਿਰ ਤੋਂ ਪੈਰ ਵੱਲ ਲਪੇਟਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਹ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸ਼ਰੀਰ ਦਾ
ਹਿੱਸਾ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਸਦੇ ਸ਼ਰੀਰ ਦਾ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਨਾ ਹੋਵੇ ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਚਿੱਟਾ ਕੱਪੜਾ ਨਹੀਂ
ਹੁੰਦਾ. ਤਾਂ ਵੀ, ਭਿਕਸ਼ੂ ਆਪਣੀ ਲਾਸ਼ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਪਾਰ ਕਰ
ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ. ਇੱਥੇ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਆਪਣੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਚੀਜ਼
ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ. “
(ਅੰਗਟਰਾ ਨਿਕਿਆ, 5.28)
———–
“ਜਿਵੇਂ
ਕਿ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਆਦਮੀ ਸਿਰ ਤੋਂ ਪੈਰ ਵੱਲ ਲਪੇਟਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਹ ਉਸ ਦੇ ਸ਼ਰੀਰ ਦਾ
ਹਿੱਸਾ ਸੀ ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਉਸਦੇ ਸ਼ਰੀਰ ਦਾ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਨਾ ਹੋਵੇ ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਚਿੱਟਾ ਕੱਪੜਾ ਨਹੀਂ
ਹੁੰਦਾ. ਤਾਂ ਵੀ, ਭਿਕਸ਼ੂ ਆਪਣੀ ਲਾਸ਼ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਪਾਰ ਕਰ
ਰਿਹਾ ਹੈ. ਇੱਥੇ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਚਮਕਦਾਰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਆਪਣੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਸਰੀਰ ਦੀ ਕੋਈ ਚੀਜ਼
ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ. “
(ਅੰਗਟਰਾ ਨਿਕਿਆ, 5.28)
ਝਾਨਾ ਦਾ ਮੁਹਾਰਤ ਬੁੱਧੀ ਦਾ ਨਿਸ਼ਾਨ ਹੈ
“ਮੈਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਚਾਰ ਗੁਣਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਬਖਸ਼ਿਆ ਇੱਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਮਝਦਾਰ ਸਮਝਿਆ, ਇੱਕ ਮਹਾਨ ਆਦਮੀ. ਕਿਹੜੇ ਚਾਰ?
“ਇਹ
ਕੇਸ ਹੈ, ਬ੍ਰਾਹਮੈਨ, ਜਿੱਥੇ ਉਹ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ ਭਲਾਈ ਅਤੇ ਖੁਸ਼ਹਾਲੀ ਦਾ
ਅਭਿਆਸ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਕੁਸ਼ਲਤਾਯੋਗ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕੁਸ਼ਲਤਾਪੂਰਣ ਹੈ
ਦੀ ਸਹੀਤਾ ਹੈ.
“ਉਹ
ਸੋਚਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਵਿਚਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਇਹ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੋਚਦਾ ਕਿ ਉਹ
ਕੋਈ ਸੋਚਿਆ ਕਿ ਉਹ ਨਹੀਂ ਸੋਚਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ. ਉਹ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਇਰਾਦੇ ਨੂੰ ਕਰੇਗਾ ਜੋ ਉਹ
ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਸੀ, ਅਤੇ ਕੋਈ ਹੱਲ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰੇਗਾ ਉਹ ਇੱਛਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ. ਉਸਨੇ ਵਿਚਾਰ
ਦੇ ਰਸਤੇ ਦੇ ਸੰਬੰਧ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਨ ਦੀ ਮੁਹਾਰਤ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ.
“ਉਹ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ - ਜਦੋਂ ਵੀ ਉਹ ਚਾਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ, ਬਿਨਾਂ ਕੋਈ ਰੁਕਾਵਟ, ਬਿਨਾਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ ਦੇ ਚਾਰ ਜੋ ਅਤੇ ਹੁਣ.
“ਮਾਨਸਿਕ
ਫਰਮਾਉਣ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ਨਾਲ - ਉਹ ਫਰਮੈਂਟੇਸ਼ਨ-ਮੁਕਤ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ-ਰਿਹਾਈ ਅਤੇ
ਸਮਝਦਾਰੀ-ਰੀਲੀਜ਼ ਵਿਚ ਰਹਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਹੁਣ ਇਥੇ ਅਤੇ ਹੁਣ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਲਈ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਲਈ
ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਲਈ ਸਮਝਿਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ.
“… ਮੈਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਚਾਰ ਗੁਣਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਬਖਸ਼ਿਆ ਹੋਇਆ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਸਮਝਦਾਰ, ਮਹਾਨ ਆਦਮੀ ਨੂੰ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਮਝਦਾਰ ਬਣਾਇਆ.”
(ਅੰਗੱਤਰ ਨਿਕਿਆ, 4.35)
ਝਾਨਾ ਅਤੇ ਸੂਝ, ਹੱਥ-ਅੰਦਰ-ਹੱਥ
ਇੱਥੇ ਕੋਈ ਝਾਨਾ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ
ਕਿਸੇ ਲਈ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਸਮਝਦਾਰੀ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ,
ਕੋਈ ਸਮਝਦਾਰੀ ਨਹੀਂ
ਕਿਸੇ ਲਈ ਕੋਈ ਝਾਨਾ ਨਹੀਂ.
ਪਰ ਇੱਕ ਦੋਨੋ ਝਾਨਾ ਨਾਲ
ਅਤੇ ਸਮਝਦਾਰ:
ਉਹ ਕਗਾਰ ‘ਤੇ ਹੈ
ਅਨਬੈਂਡ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ.
(ਧਾਮਮਾਪਦਾ, 372)
ਤੋਂ
ਆਰਾਮ ਅਤੇ ਅੰਦਰੂਨੀ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਲਈ ਪਾਣੀ ਵਿਚ ਤੈਰਾਕੀ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ ਸੰਕੇਤ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਗਿਆ (ਪਾਣੀ ਦੀਆਂ ਆਵਾਜ਼ਾਂ)
ਇਹ
ਮਾਰਗਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਇਕ ਸ਼ਾਂਤ ਅਤੇ ਆਰਾਮਦਾਇਕ ਦਰਸ਼ਨੀ ਧਿਆਨ ਕੇਂਦ੍ਰਤ ਮੰਨਦਾ ਹੈ ਜਿੱਥੇ
ਤੁਸੀਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਸਮੁੰਦਰ ਵਿਚ ਤਸਵੀਰ ਦੇਵੋਗੇ, ਠੰਡੇ ਤਾਲ ਦੇ ਪਾਣੀ ਦੀ ਆਵਾਜ਼
ਸੁਣਦੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਤੈਰਾਕੀ ਪਾਣੀ ਵਿਚ ਤੈਰਾਕੀ ਕਰੋ. ਇਹ ਮਾਰਗਦਰਸ਼ਨ ਕਲਪਨਾ ਆਰਾਮਦਾਇਕ ਹੈ
ਅਤੇ ਤਣਾਅ, ਚਿੰਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਪਿਛਲੀਆਂ ਗਲਤੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ ਦਰਦ ਨੂੰ ਛੱਡਣ ਲਈ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਜੋ ਭਵਿੱਖ
ਵਿੱਚ ਆਉਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਭਵਿੱਖ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਚੰਗੀਆਂ ਚੀਜ਼ਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਗਲੇ ਲਗਾ ਸਕੋ. ਇਸ ਲਈ
ਨਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਭਾਵਨਾਵਾਂ ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਭਾਵਨਾਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਭਾਵਨਾਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਕਣਾ
ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਨਾਲ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਸਿਹਤ ਅਤੇ ਇਲਾਜ ਲਿਆਉਣਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹੋ. ਮੈਨੂੰ ਹਮੇਸ਼ਾਂ
ਪਾਣੀ ਦੀ ਕੁਦਰਤ ਆਵਾਜ਼ ਮਿਲਦੀ ਹੈ ਇਸ ਲਈ ਬਹੁਤ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਤਣਾਅ ਭੰਡਾਰਨ ਸੰਦ ਹੈ,
ਸਮੁੰਦਰ ਦੀਆਂ ਲਹਿਰਾਂ ਜਾਂ ਮੀਂਹ ਪੈਣ ਨਾਲ ਇਹ ਰੀਸਮੈਨ ਕਰਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਸੱਚੀ ਅੰਦਰੂਨੀ
ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ. ਇਸ ਲਈ ਇਸ ਸੇਧਕੇ ਇਸ ਸੇਧਕੇ ਚਿੱਤਰ ਨੂੰ ਸੁਣੋ ਜੇ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਆਪਣੇ ਮਨ ਅਤੇ
ਸਰੀਰ ਨੂੰ ਨਕਾਰਾਤਮਕ ਭਾਵਨਾਵਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਜੀਵਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਠੀਕ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ .ੰਗ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਰੂਰਤ ਹੈ.
ਲਾਭ ਇਕ ਮਿਤਰੇਯਾ ਬੁੱਧ 99) ਕਲਾਸੀਕਲ ਨਿਦਾਨ ਪੰਜਾਬੀ: ਕਲੈਬਲ ਨਿਬੰਧੀ,
ਭਾਗ 1 - ਮਿਟਰੇਯ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ, ਕਿਰਸ਼ਿਨਗਰ, ਉੱਤਰ ਪ੍ਰਦੇਸ਼, ਭਾਰਤ.
ਇਹ
ਪ੍ਰੋਜੈਕਟ ਦੇ ਦਰਸ਼ਣ, ਆਰਕੀਟੈਕਚਰ, ਅਤੇ ਚੈਰੀਟੇਬਲ ਪ੍ਰੋਗਰਾਮਾਂ ਦੀ ਇੱਕ
ਪ੍ਰੇਰਣਾਦਾਇਕ ਨਜ਼ਰ ਹੈ. ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਪਵਿੱਤਰਤਾ ਤੋਂ ਲੈ ਕੇ ਯੋਗਦਾਨ ਦਲਾਈ ਲਾਮਾ, ਲਾਮਾ
ਜ਼ਪਾਤਾ ਰਿਣੋਪਾ, ਅਤੇ ਹੋਰ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਅਧਿਆਤਮਿਕ ਨੇਤਾ.
ਭਾਗ 2 - ਮਿਟਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਦਿਲ ਦੇ ਅਸਥਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਮੁੜ ਵਿਕਸਤ.
ਦਿਲ
ਦੇ ਮੰਦਰਾਂ ਦੀਆਂ ਲਹਿਰਾਂ ਦਾ ਵਿਪਰੀਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਤਰੀਕੇ ਨੂੰ ਜਿਸ ਤਰੀਕੇ ਨਾਲ ਪੇਸ਼ ਕਰਨ
ਲਈ ਯਾਤਰਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਸਾਰੇ ਸੰਸਾਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਦਿਆਲੂਤਾ ਦਾ ਦਿਲ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਅਤੇ ਦਿਮਾਗ ਨੂੰ
ਸਰੀਰ ਦੇ ਨਿਰੰਤਰਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੁੱਧ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਗੰਦੇ
ਫੁਟੇਜ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
ਭਾਗ 3 - ਮਿਟਰੇਆ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਦਾ ਧਿਆਨ.
ਮੈਟਿਯੁਰਾ
ਦਿਆਲਗੀ ਦਾ ਸਿਮਰਨ ਇਕ ਕੋਮਲ ਆਵਾਜ਼ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਪੜ੍ਹਿਆ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ ਇਸਰਰ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਦਾ
ਕਾਰਨ, ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ ਅਤੇ ਬਾਹਰੀ ਸੰਸਾਰ ਵਿਚ ਤਿਆਰ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਤਜਰਬੇ ‘ਤੇ ਧਿਆਨ ਕੇਂਦਰਤ
ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ.
“ਅੰਦਰੂਨੀ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਤੋਂ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਲਾਜ਼ਮੀ ਹੈ. ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਸਿਰਫ ਹਿੰਸਾ ਦੀ ਅਣਹੋਂਦ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ. ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਮਨੁੱਖੀ ਹਮਦਰਦੀ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਵਾ ਹੈ.”
- ਉਸਦੀ ਪਵਿੱਤਰਤਾ ਦਲਾਈ ਲਾਮਾ.
ਮਿਟਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਦਾ ਉਦੇਸ਼ ਲਿਆਉਣਾ ਹੈ:
- ਉੱਤਰੀ ਭਾਰਤ ਦੇ ਲੱਖਾਂ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਲਈ ਲੰਮੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਦੇ ਸਮਾਜਿਕ ਅਤੇ ਆਰਥਿਕ ਲਾਭ.
- ਸੰਸਾਰ ਭਾਈਚਾਰੇ ਲਈ ਨਿਰੰਤਰ ਰੂਹਾਨੀ ਲਾਭ.
ਮੈਟਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਦੀਆਂ ਗਤੀਵਿਧੀਆਂ ਦਾ ਧਿਆਨ ਬਣਾਉਣਾ ਹੈ:
- 500 ਫੁੱਟ / 152M ਭਵਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਦੋਹਾ ਮਿਤਰੇਯਾ ਕੁਸ਼ੀਨਗਰ, ਉੱਤਰ ਪ੍ਰਦੇਸ਼ ਰਾਜ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਵਿੱਖ ਦੇ ਬੁੱਧ ਮਿਤਰੇਯਾ ਦੀ ਪੰਡਲੀ ਦਾ ਬੁੱਤ.
- ਬੋਧਗਯਾ, ਬਿਹਾਰ ਰਾਜ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਾਥਰੇਆ ਦਾ 150 ਫੁੱਟ / 45m ਦਾ ਬੁੱਤ.
ਉੱਤਰੀ
ਭਾਰਤ, ਕੁਸ਼ਿਨਗਰ ਅਤੇ ਬੋਧਗਯਾ ਵਿੱਚ ਉਹ ਖੇਤਰ ਹਨ ਜਿਥੇ ਸਾਖਰਤਾ ਦੀਆਂ ਦਰਾਂ ਬਹੁਤ
ਘੱਟ ਹੁੰਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਲੱਖਾਂ ਲੋਕ ਬਹੁਤ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਗਰੀਬੀ ਵਿੱਚ ਜੀ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ, ਰਾਹਤ ਵਾਲੀ
ਖੇਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਮਾਮੂਲੀ ਕਿਰਤ ਉੱਤੇ ਨਿਰਭਰ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ.
———
ਮਿਤਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰੋਜੈਕਟ ਨੇ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਲਾਭ ਪਹੁੰਚਾਏਗਾ:
-
ਗੈਰਕਾਨੂੰਨੀ ਪਾਠਕ੍ਰਮ ਦੀ ਵਰਤੋਂ ਕਰਦਿਆਂ ਗਰੀਬਾਂ ਦੇ ਪਿੰਡ ਦੇ ਬੱਚਿਆਂ ਲਈ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ
ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਜੋ ਨੈਤਿਕ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਨਾਲ ਅਕਾਦਮਿਕ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਜ਼ੋਰ ਦਿੰਦੀ ਹੈ;
ਪ੍ਰਾਇਮਰੀ, ਸੈਕੰਡਰੀ ਅਤੇ ਕਿੱਤਾਮੁਖੀ ਸਿੱਖਿਆ ਨੂੰ ਕਵਰ ਕਰਨਾ.
- ਅੰਤਰਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਮਲੇਟੀ ਦੀ ਸਿਹਤ ਸੰਭਾਲ.
-
ਰੁਜ਼ਗਾਰ ਅਤੇ ਵਣਜ ਜੋ ਨਿਰਮਾਣ ਦੇ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਹਜ਼ਾਰਾਂ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਲਈ ਕੰਮ ਮੁਹੱਈਆ ਕਰਾਏਗੀ
ਅਤੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੀ ਭਵਿੱਖ ਲਈ ਸਹਿਣਸ਼ੀਲ ਨੌਕਰੀਆਂ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਅਤੇ ਇਸ ਖੇਤਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਹਜ਼ਾਰਾਂ
ਸੰਬੰਧਿਤ ਅਵਸਰ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਕੰਮ ਕਰੇਗਾ.
- ਖੇਤਰ ਦੀ ਅਮੀਰ ਰੂਹਾਨੀ ਵਿਰਾਸਤ ਦੇ ਸੰਬੰਧ ਵਿਚ ਸੈਰ-ਸਪਾਟਾ ਦਾ ਸਮਰਥਨ ਕਰਨਾ.
- ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਹੋਰ ਬੁਨਿਆਦੀ ਸੰਕਰਮਣ ਲਈ ਉਤਪ੍ਰੇਰਕ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਇਮ ਰੱਖਣ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵ ਵਜੋਂ ਕੰਮ ਕਰਨਾ.
ਦੋਵਾਂ
ਮੂਰਤੀਆਂ, ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀਆਂ ਤਖਤ ਇਮਾਰਤਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਪਾਰਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ-ਨਾਲ ਪਵਿੱਤਰ ਕਲਾ ਦੁਆਰਾ
ਬਖਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕੀਤੀਆਂ ਜਾਣਗੀਆਂ ਜੋ ਰਵਾਇਤੀ ਅਤੇ ਆਧੁਨਿਕ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਹਨ.
ਲੰਬੇ
ਸਮੇਂ ਤੋਂ ਅਤੇ ਥੋੜ੍ਹੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਵਿੱਚ, ਮਿਤਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਖੇਤਰ ਦੇ ਤੰਦਰੁਸਤੀ ਲਈ
ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਣ ਯੋਗਦਾਨ ਦੇਵੇਗਾ ਅਤੇ ਸਮਾਜਕ ਤੌਰ ਤੇ ਜ਼ਿੰਮੇਵਾਰ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਦਾ ਮਾਡਲ ਬਣਨਾ ਹੈ
- ਵਾਤਾਵਰਣ ਪੱਖੋਂ ਘੱਟੋ ਘੱਟ 1000 ਸਾਲ.
ਅਤੇ
ਹੁਣ ਵੀ ਮਿਟਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਦਾ ਬਹੁਤ ਦਿਲ, ਦਯਾ, ਮਾਦਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ ਦੇ ਦਿਲ ਦੇ
ਅਸਥਾਨ ਨੂੰ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੁਨੀਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਲਿਆਂਦੀ ਗਈ ਹੈ. ਭਾਸ਼ਣ ਦੇਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਨੇ ਸਾਰੀਆਂ
ਮਾਨਵਤਾਵਾਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਰੂਹਾਨੀ ਪਰੰਪਰਾਵਾਂ ਦੇ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਵਿਲੱਖਣ ਅਤੇ ਅਨਮੋਲ ਭੰਡਾਰ
ਦੇ ਕਾਰਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਾਂਝਾ ਕਰਕੇ ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ ਦੇ ਕਾਰਨਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਾਂਝਾ ਕਰਕੇ ਲਿਆਉਂਦਾ
ਹੈ ਜੋ ਕਿ 1000 ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਪਵਿੱਤਰ ਬੁੱਧਵਾਦੀ ਝਲਕ ਦੇ ਕਾਰਨ ਹਨ.
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ਤਿੱਬਤ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵ
ਲਾਇਸੈਂਸ
ਯੂਟਿ .ਬ ਪ੍ਰੀਮੀਅਮ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰੋ
ਸੰਗੀਤ
ਮਹਾਂ ਮਾਇਆਵਤੀ ਜੀ ਦੇ ਪਹਿਲੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਦੋਸ਼ੀ ਨੂੰ ਪੂਰਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ ਇਕ ਮੈਟਰੇਯਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਜੈਕਟ.
ਹੁਣ
ਦੁਨੀਆ ਦੇ ਸਾਰੇ ਜਾਗਰੂਕ ਹੋਏ ਲੋਕ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਛੋਟੇ ਸੰਕੇਤਕ ਨੂੰ ਦਾਨ ਕਰਕੇ ਕੁਸ਼ਿਨਾਰੇ
ਵਿਖੇ ਕਿਸੇ ਦੀ ਮੂਰਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਿਆ. ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਸਾਰਿਆਂ ਲਈ ਅਭਿਆਸ ਕੇਂਦਰ ਵੀ ਜੋ
ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾਤਰ ਆਧੁਨਿਕ ਸ਼ਮਾਤੋਰਿਅਮ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਅਨਾਦਿ ਅਨੰਦ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ.
ਸੋਚਿਆ ਕਿ ਸਮੂਹ ਇਸ ਨੂੰ ਪਸੰਦ ਕਰੇਗਾ.
* ਲਾਭਕਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਿਵੇਂ ਪੂਰਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਹੈ
ਨਾਮੋ ਤਾਸਾ ਭਗਵਤੋ ਸੈਮਾਸਮਬੂਡਥੇਸਤਾ
ਦੋਸਬੋਦਿਸਤ-ਉਡਲੋਸਾ
ਅਤੇ ਐਨਾਗਾਟਾਵਮਾਸਾ ਦੋਵੇਂ ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ ਦਿੰਦੇ ਹਨ ਕਿ ਜੇ ਉਹ ਬੁੱਧ ਮੈਟੇਟਿਆ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲ
ਸਕਣ ਤਾਂ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਕੀ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ. ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਵੇਖੇ ਗਏ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਸਾਰਿਆਂ
ਲਈ ਬਹੁਤ ਮਹੱਤਵਪੂਰਣ ਹਾਂ, ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਜਿਵੇਂ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਬੁਡਿਆ ਦੇ ਬੁੱਧ ਮੈਟੇਯਿਆ ਇਸ
ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਚੱਕਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਰਹਿਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਆਖਰੀ ਬੁੱਧ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰੇਗਾ. ਜੇ ਕੋਈ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ
ਇਸ ਸੰਸਾਰ ਚੱਕਰ ਵਿਚ ਜਾਗ੍ਰਿਤੀ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦਾ, ਤਾਂ ਇਕ ਹੋਰ ਮੌਕਾ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ
ਕਰਨਾ ਬਹੁਤ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ.
ਡਾਸਬਦਿਸਤ-ਉਡਾਡੇਸਾ
ਵਿੱਚ, ਬੁੱਧ ਗੋਗਾਮਾ ਨੇ ਮੰਗਲ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਿਹਾ. ਸਰਪਾਟਾ, “ਸਾਰੇ ਆਦਮੀ ਮੇਰਾ ਸਰੀਰਕ ਸਰੀਰ
ਨਹੀਂ ਵੇਖਣਗੇ, ਜੇ ਉਹ ਮੇਰੀ ਸਿੱਖਿਆਵਾਂ (ਸਾਸਾਨਾ) ਦਾ ਸਾਹਮਣਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਤਾਂ ਇਸ ਦੇ
ਫਲ ਦੁਆਰਾ, ਪਰ ਨੈਤਿਕਤਾ (ਸੂਵਨਾ) ਦੀ ਪਾਲਣਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਜਗਾਏਣ ਦੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਵਿਚ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ
ਜਨਮ ਲਏ ਗਏ ਇਕਬੁਦਧਾ ਅਰੀਆ ਮੈਟਤਯੇ. “
ਇਹ
ਤਿੰਨ ਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਹੋਣਹਾਰ ਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ (ਪਨਨਾ) ਦਾ ਅਧਾਰ ਹਨ. [143] ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ
ਦੁਆਰਾ ਇੱਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਹੋਂਦ ਦੇ ਉੱਚੇ ਜਹਾਜ਼ਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੁਨਰਗਠਨ ਦਾ ਭਰੋਸਾ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾ
ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ. ਮਨ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਨਾਲ ਝਾਂਨਾ ਰਾਜਾਂ ਰਾਹੀਂ ਅਸਥਾਈ ਸ਼ੁੱਧਤਾ ਦੀ ਅਗਵਾਈ ਹੁੰਦੀ
ਹੈ. ਪਰ ਇਹ ਵੀ ਸੂਝ (ਵਪੋਰਟਆ) ਅਤੇ ਸੱਚੀ ਮੁਕਤੀ ਦਾ ਵੀ ਅਨੁਮਾਨ ਲਗਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ.
Anagatave
msusa [144] ਵਧੇਰੇ ਜਾਣਕਾਰੀ ਦਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਲਾਹੇਵੰਦ ਜਾਗਣ ਲਈ ਜਾਗਰੂਕੜ ਮੈਟੇਟਿਆ,
ਲੋਕਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਅੰਦੋਲਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਮਨ (UBBBIGA-Manasa) ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਪੇਸ਼ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ.
ਅਸੀਂ ਇਸ ਗੱਲ ‘ਤੇ ਨਿਰਭਰ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਦੁਖੀ ਮਨ “ਦਾ ਅਰਥ ਹੈ ਮਨ ਜਾਂ
ਕਾਹਲੀ (ਸਵੇਗਾ) ਦੀ ਭਾਵਨਾ ਪ੍ਰਤੀ ਅਨਾਜ ਨੂੰ ਹਿਲਾਉਣ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਰੂਰਤ ਨੂੰ ਸਮਝਣ ਤੋਂ
ਡੂੰਘਾ ਹੈ. ਉਹ ਸਾਰੇ ਜੋ ਚੰਗੇ ਕੰਮ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਜੇਕ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ - ਭਾਵੇਂ ਉਹ
ਭਿੱਖੀਖੁਖ, ਭਿੱਖੀਖੀਂਜ, ਲੇਮੇਨ, ਜਾਂ ਲੇਵਰਾਂ, ਜਾਂ ਲੇਵਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਦੇ ਹੋਏ ਬੁੱਧ ਦਾ
ਆਉਣਾ. ਬੁੱ .ੇ ਨੂੰ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਨਮਾਨ ਅਦਾ ਕਰਦੇ ਉਹ ਸਾਰੇ ਲੋਕ ਬੇਨਤੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ ਬੇਨਕਾਬ
ਅਤਿ ਸੰਜੋਗਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਵੇਖਣਗੇ. ਪਵਿੱਤਰ ਜੀਵਣ (ਬ੍ਰਹਮ-ਤਰਿਆ) ਦਾ ਅਭਿਆਸ
ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ. ਤੋਹਫ਼ੇ (ਦਾਣਾ) ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ. ਮਨਾਉਣ ਦੇ ਦਿਨ
(uposatha) ਰੱਖੇ ਜਾਣੇ ਚਾਹੀਦੇ ਹਨ. ਪਿਆਰ ਨਾਲ ਦਿਆਲਤਾ (ਮੀਟਟਾ) ਨੂੰ ਧਿਆਨ ਨਾਲ
ਵਿਕਸਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ. ਚੌਕਸੀ ਅਤੇ ਹੋਣਹਾਰ ਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਅਨੰਦ ਨਾਲ,
ਆਖਰਕਾਰ ਦੁੱਖ ਨੂੰ ਖਤਮ ਕਰਨਾ ਸੰਭਵ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ.
ਵੇਨ. ਲਾਡੀ ਸ੍ਹਾਇਦਿ.
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ਸੱਜਾ
ਚਾਲ ਦਾ ਮਤਲਬ ਹੈ ਨੈਤਿਕਤਾ (ਸੀਲਾ) ਅਤੇ ਇਕਾਗਰਤਾ (ਸਮਾਧੀ). ਗਿਆਨ ਦਾ ਅਰਥ ਹੈ ਬੁੱਧੀ
(Panna). ਸਹੀ ਚਾਲ-ਚਲਣ ਦੀ ਤੁਲਨਾ ਆਵਾਜ਼ਾਂ ਵਾਲੇ ਅੰਗਾਂ ਦੀ ਤੁਲਨਾ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾ ਸਕਦੀ
ਹੈ. ਸਹੀ ਗਿਆਨ ਦੀ ਤੁਲਨਾ ਵੇਖਣ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਹੋਣ ਦੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ. ਜੇ ਇਕ ਜਾਂ
ਦੂਸਰਾ ਗਾਇਬ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਇਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਅਸਫਲ ਹੋ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ. ਇੱਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਉਦਾਰ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ
ਅਤੇ ਪੰਜ ਉਪਾਅ ਦੇ ਸਥਾਈ ਨੈਤਿਕ ਨਿਯਮਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਰੀ ਰੱਖਿਆ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਜੇ ਗਿਆਨ
ਦੇ ਬੀਜਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕ ਕਰ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ, ਪਰ ਜਾਗਣ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੁੰਦਾ. ਜੇ ਸਿਰਫ ਗਿਆਨ
ਦਾ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਗ਼ਲਤ ਵਿਵਹਾਰ ਦਾ ਅਰਥ ਇਹ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ ਕਿ ਅਗਲੇ ਨੇਕ ਦੇ
ਮੁਕਾਬਲੇ ਇਕ ਬੁੱਧ ਦੀ.
ਵੀਰ
ਦੁਆਰਾ ਨਾਮਾਂ ਦੇ ਗਲਤ ਚਾਲ-ਚਲਣ ਦੀਆਂ ਉਦਾਹਰਣਾਂ. ਲਾਡੀ ਸਦਵ: ਖੁੱਲ੍ਹੇ ਦਿਲ ਵਾਲੇ
ਹੋਣ ਕਰਕੇ, ਭੌਤਿਕ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਮਾੜੇ ਪ੍ਰਭਾਵ ਵਿੱਚ, ਜਾਂ ਬੋਲਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਬੇਚੈਨੀ ਅਤੇ
ਅਸ਼ੁੱਧ ਦੀ ਰਾਖੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾ ਰਹੀ ਹੈ. ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਚਾਲ-ਚਲਣ ਦਾ ਅਰਥ ਵੱਖੋ ਵੱਖਰੇ
ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੁਨਰਗਠਨ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ, ਜਾਂ ਤਾਂ ਅਗਲੀ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ ਜਾਂ ਭਵਿੱਖ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ
ਵਿੱਚ. ਜੇ ਲੋਕ ਜੋ ਇਸ ਤਰੀਕੇ ਨਾਲ ਕੰਮ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧ ਇਕ ਉੱਚ ਸੰਸਾਰ
ਵਿੱਚ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, ਤਾਂ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਉਦਾਰਤਾ ਦੀ ਘਾਟ ਦਾ ਅਰਥ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ ਉਹ ਇੱਕ ਜੀਵਣ
ਬਣਾਉਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ, ਅਜ਼ਮਾਇਸ਼ਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਕੁਸ਼ਲਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਕੁਸ਼ਲਤਾ ਨੂੰ ਇੱਕ ਜੀਵਣ ਬਣਾਉਣ
ਵਿੱਚ ਮਸਤ ਕਰਨਗੇ. ਕਹਾਵਤਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਨਹੀਂ ਬਣਾਈ ਰੱਖਣ ਦੁਆਰਾ, ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਵਿਵਾਦਾਂ,
ਝਗੜਿਆਂ, ਗੁੱਸੇ ਅਤੇ ਨਫ਼ਰਤ ਨਾਲ ਮਿਲਣ ਦੀ ਸੰਭਾਵਨਾ ਹੈ; ਅਤੇ ਉਹ ਬਿਮਾਰੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ
ਬਿਮਾਰੀਆਂ ਲਈ ਸੰਵੇਦਨਸ਼ੀਲ ਹੋਣਗੇ. ਇਹ ਘੱਟ ਸੰਸਾਰਾਂ ਵੱਲ ਜਾਣ ਵਾਲੀਆਂ ਕਿਰਿਆਵਾਂ ਤੋਂ
ਬਚਣ ਲਈ ਮੁਸ਼ਕਲ ਬਣਾ ਦੇਵੇਗਾ.
ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ,
ਇਹ ਸੰਭਵ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਕੋਈ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਅੱਜ ਹੀ ਜਾਗਦੇ ਰਹਿਣ ਲਈ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਸਮੇਂ ਵਿੱਚ
ਤਿਆਰ ਕੀਤਾ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ. ਜੇ ਇਸ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ ਵਿਚ ਸਹੀ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਂਦੀ ਹੈ, ਤਾਂ ਉਹ
ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਜਾਗਰੂਕ ਕਰਨ ਅਤੇ ਇਕ ਸੋਤਪੰਨਾ ਬਣਨ ਦਾ ਘੱਟੋ ਘੱਟ ਪਹਿਲੇ ਪੜਾਅ ‘ਤੇ ਪਹੁੰਚ
ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ. ਫਿਰ, ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਕਿਰਿਆ ਕਰਨਾ ਅਸੰਭਵ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ ਜੋ ਹੇਠਲੇ ਖੇਤਰਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੁਨਰ
ਜਨਮ ਦੇ ਨਤੀਜੇ ਵਜੋਂ.
ਇਹ
ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ ਕਿ ਅਜਿਹਾ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਅਗਲਾ ਲਾਭ ਜਾਗਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਿਆ ਵੇਖਣ ਦਾ
ਮੌਕਾ ਗੁਆ ਦੇਵੇਗਾ. ਆਖਰਕਾਰ, ਇੱਕ ਨਾਨ-ਰਿਟਰਨਰ ਵਜੋਂ, ਉਹ ਤ੍ਰਣੀਕਾਵਾਸ਼ਾ ਬ੍ਰਹਮਾ
ਵਰਲਡਜ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਪੁਨਰ ਜਨਮ ਲਿਆ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਸੰਸਾਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ ਕਈ
ਬੁੱਧਾਂ ਦੇ ਕਰੀਅਰ ਨੂੰ ਫੈਲਾ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ. [146]
ਜੇ
ਅਜਿਹਾ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਜਿਸ ਕੋਲ ਇਸ ਜੀਵਨ-ਭਰੀ ਜਾ ਰਹੇ ਜਾਗਰੂਕ ਹੋਣ ਲਈ ਕਾਫ਼ੀ ਸੰਪੂਰਨਤਾ
(ਧੰਨੀਆਂ) ਹਨ, ਤਾਂ ਲੋੜੀਂਦੇ ਜਤਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਮੰਗ ਕਰਨਾ ਸੰਭਵ ਹੋ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ. ਜੇ ਅਜਿਹਾ
ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਜਾਗੇਨ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਕਾਰਕਾਂ ਦਾ ਅਭਿਆਸ ਨਹੀਂ ਕਰਦਾ, ਤਾਂ ਉਹ ਇਸ ਬੁੱਧ ਦੇ ਡੁਬੋਏ
ਸਮੇਂ ਬੁੱਧਵਾਰ ਨੂੰ ਖੁੰਝਾਏਗਾ ਅਤੇ ਅਗਲੇ ਬੁੱਧ ਦੇ ਨਿਰਾਸ਼ਾਜਨਕ ਦੇ ਦੌਰਾਨ ਸਿਰਫ
ਰਿਹਾਈ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਹੋ ਜਾਵਾਂਗੇ.
ਵੇਨ.
ਇਸ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ ਵਿਚ ਕੀਤੇ ਜਾਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਕੰਮ ਸੰਬੰਧੀ ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਕਰਨ
ਵਾਲੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਦੁਆਰਾ ਕੀ ਕੀਤਾ ਜਾਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਨੰਗੀ ਸੂਝ ਦਾ ਅਭਿਆਸ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
[147] ਇਕ ਨੂੰ ਪੰਦਰਾਂ ਚੰਗੀਆਂ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ (ਕੈਰਾਨਾ-ਧੰਮ) ਦੇ ਪਹਿਲੇ ਗਿਆਰਾਂ ਨੂੰ
ਪੂਰਾ ਕਰਨਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਕਿ ਕਹਿੰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਇਹ ਕਹਿਣਾ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਝਾਂਨਾ ਰਾਜਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਛੱਡ
ਕੇ ਸਾਰੇ. ਪਹਿਲੀਆਂ ਚਾਰ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਹਨ: (1) ਨੈਤਿਕਤਾ ਹੋਣ ਕਰਕੇ, [149] ਸੰਵੇਦਨਾ
ਦਰਵਾਜ਼ੇ ਦੀ ਰਾਖੀ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ, (3) ਖਾਣਾ ਖਾਣ ਵਾਲੇ, ਅਤੇ (4) ਜਾਗਦੇ ਰਹਿਣ.
ਅਗਲੇ
ਸੱਤ ਗੁਣ ਸੱਤ ਚੰਗੇ ਰਾਜ (ਸਦਾਾਦਹਾਮ) ਹਨ ਜੋ ਕਿ ਲਾਵਾਲੈਂਟ ਸ਼ਾਹੀ ਸਰਹੱਦ ਟਾ Tou
ਟਨਿਸ ਦੇ ਨਾਗਰਿਕਾਂ ਲਈ ਵੱਖ-ਵੱਖ ਸੁਰੱਖਿਆਾਂ ਦੇ ਮੁਕਾਬਲੇ ਇੱਕ ਬੁੱਧ ਜਾਗਦੇ ਹਨ:
[150]
ਨਿਹਚਾ (ਸਦਾ ਸਦੀਵੀ) ਨੇਕ ਵਿਚ ਜਾਗਿਆ ਇਕ ਬੁੱਧ ਇਕ ਡੂੰਘੀ ਏਮਬੇਡਡ ਥੰਮ ਵਰਗਾ ਹੈ.
ਨਿਮਰਤਾ (ਹਿਰੀ) ਇਕ ਡੂੰਘੀ, ਚੌੜੀ ਖਰਾਬੀ ਵਰਗੀ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਇਹ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਚੇਲਾ ਸਰੀਰ, ਬੋਲਣ ਅਤੇ ਦਿਮਾਗ ਵਿਚ ਗ਼ਲਤ ਆਚਰਣ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਰਮਿੰਦਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
ਗ਼ਲਤ
ਕੰਮ ਕਰਨ ਤੋਂ ਸੁੰਗੜਨਾ (ਸ਼ਹਿਰ ਦੇ ਆਸ ਪਾਸ ਇਕ ਉੱਚੀ ਸੜਕ ਵਰਗਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਮਤਲਬ ਉਹ
ਚੇਲਾ ਸਰੀਰ, ਬੋਲਣ ਅਤੇ ਦਿਮਾਗ ਵਿਚ ਗ਼ਲਤ ਕੰਮਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਪਰਹੇਜ਼ ਕਰਨ ਨਾਲ ਸੰਬੰਧਿਤ ਹੈ.
ਗ੍ਰੇਟ
ਲਰਨਿੰਗ (ਬੁਹੂਹਾ-ਸੈਕਾ) ਦੀ ਉਮਰ ਦੇ ਸ਼ੁਕਰੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ ਤਲਵਾਰਾਂ ਦੀ ਇਕ ਮਹਾਨ ਸ਼ਸਤਰੀਆਂ
ਵਾਂਗ ਹੈ. ਜਿਹੜਾ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਸੁਣਿਆ ਹੈ, ਜੋ ਯਾਦ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਯਾਦ ਰੱਖੋ ਕਿ ਜੋ ਸੁਣਿਆ
ਜਾਂਦਾ ਸੀ, ਅਤੇ ਜੋ ਧੱਕਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ, ਉਹ ਬੁੱਧ ਦੇ ਸਿਧਾਂਤ ਨੂੰ ਜਾਗਰੂਕ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
Energy
ਰਜਾ (ਵਾਇਰੀਆ) ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡੀ ਫੌਜ ਦੀ ਇੱਕ ਵੱਡੀ ਫੌਜ ਵਰਗੀ ਹੈ, ਕਿਉਂਕਿ ਕਿਸੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ
ਲਈ ਕੁਸ਼ਲ ਮਾਨਸਿਕ ਰਾਜਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਅਨਾਜ, ਦ੍ਰਿੜਤਾ ਨਾਲ ਅਲੋਪ ਹੋਣ, ਦ੍ਰਿੜ ਮਾਨਸਿਕ ਅਵਸਥਾ
ਵਿੱਚ ਪਹੁੰਚਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ, ਅਤੇ ਕੁਸ਼ਲ ਮਾਨਸਿਕ ਰਾਜਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਦ੍ਰਿੜਤਾ.
ਮਨਮੋਹਣੀ
(ਸਤੀ) ਇਕ ਬੁੱਧੀਮਾਨ, ਬੁੱਧੀਮਾਨ ਗੇਟ ਰੱਖਿਅਕ ਵਰਗੀ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਅਣਜਾਣ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੀ
ਪ੍ਰਵੇਸ਼ ਦੁਆਰ ਤੋਂ ਇਨਕਾਰ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹੀ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹਨ ਜੋ ਜਾਣਦੇ ਹਨ.
ਕਿਸੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਮਨਮੋਹਣੀ ਅਤੇ ਵਿਤਕਰੇ ਦੀ ਉੱਚਤਮ ਡਿਗਰੀ ਹੋਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ ਹੈ.
ਸਿਆਣਪ
(ਪਨੀਅਰ) ਇਕ ਉੱਚ, ਵਾਈਡਸਟਰ ਨਾਲ covered ੱਕੇ ਹੋਏ ਚੌੜਾਈ ਵਰਗਾ ਹੈ. ਕਿਸੇ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ
ਨੂੰ ਉਭਾਰਿਆ (ਕੱਟਣਾ) ਉਠਣ ਅਤੇ ਡਿੱਗਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਬੁੱਧੀ ਹੋਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ, ਨੇਲੀ
ਪ੍ਰਵੇਸ਼ ਨੂੰ ਦੁੱਖ ਦੀ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਵਿਨਾਸ਼ ਵੱਲ ਲਿਜਾਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ.
ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ
ਸਾਰੇ ਚੰਗੇ ਰਾਜ ਇੱਕ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਨੂੰ ਗਲਤ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਤਿਆਗ ਦੇਣ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਬਣਾਉਂਦੇ
ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਚੰਗੀਆਂ ਕਾਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਪੈਦਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਬਣਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਨ, ਤਿਆਗ ਦੇਣ ਲਈ, ਜੋ ਦੋਸ਼ੀ
ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਦੋਸ਼ ਰਹਿਤ ਹੋਣ ਲਈ. ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਉਹ ਸ਼ੁੱਧਤਾ ਦਾ ਵਿਕਾਸ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
———-
ਸਾਨੂੰ
ਇਸ ਬਾਰੇ ਕੋਈ ਚਿੰਤਾ ਕਰਨ ਦੀ ਜ਼ਰੂਰਤ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਅਸੀਂ ਇਸ ਜ਼ਿੰਦਗੀ ਵਿਚ ਨਿਬਬਾਨਾ
ਦੇ ਟੀਚੇ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਹੋਵਾਂਗੇ ਜਾਂ ਭਾਵੇਂ ਅਸੀਂ ਬੇਨਤੀ ਦੇ ਅਧੀਨ ਜਾ
ਰਹੇ ਹਾਂ ਜੇ ਅਸੀਂ ਸਭ ਤੋਂ ਵਧੀਆ ਉਪਰਾਲੇ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਾਂ ਤਾਂ ਅਸੀਂ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਾਂ, ਅਜਿਹੇ
ਪ੍ਰਸ਼ਨ ਆਪਣੀ ਦੇਖਭਾਲ ਕਰਨਗੇ. ਇਸ ਗੱਲ ਦੇ ਅਨੁਸਾਰ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਪੂਰਾ ਹੋਣ ਲਈ ਸਾਨੂੰ ਵੱਧ
ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਵਧਣਾ ਚਾਹੀਦਾ ਹੈ. ਇਸ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਅਸੀਂ ਸਾਰੇ ਦੁੱਖਾਂ ਦੇ ਅੰਤ ਤੇ ਆਉਣ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ
ਹੋਵਾਂਗੇ.
ਸੱਚ ਜਿੱਤ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ!
ਚਾਰਲੀ ਚੈਪਲਿਨ ਲੈਵੇਗਾਨੋ
ਸ਼ਗਨ ਗਲੋਬਲ ਫਾਸ ਫਾਸ ਫੂਡ ਫੂਡ ਚੇਨ ਭਾਰਤ ਆਇਆ ਹੈ! ਬੈਂਗਲੁਰੂ ਦੇ ਆਲੇ ਦੁਆਲੇ ਦੀਆਂ
ਥਾਵਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਅਤੇ ਦੇਸ਼ ਭਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਫੈਲਾਉਣ ਦੀ ਯੋਜਨਾ ਬਣਾ ਕੇ, ਇਹ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਸ਼ਹਿਰ
ਦੀਆਂ ਵੀਗਨਾਂ ਲਈ ਇੱਕ ਮਨਪਸੰਦ ਬਣ ਗਿਆ ਹੈ. ਬਰਗਰਜ਼, ਪਜ਼ਾਸ ਨੇ ਆਈਸ ਕਰੀਮ ਨੂੰ
ਲਪੇਟਿਆ ਆਈਸ ਕਰੀਮ ਸਾਰੀਆਂ ਸੁਆਦੀ ਚੀਜ਼ਾਂ ਹਨ ਜੋ ਬਹੁਤ ਹੀ ਕਿਫਾਇਤੀ ਕੀਮਤਾਂ ਤੇ
ਦਿੱਤੀਆਂ ਜਾਂਦੀਆਂ ਹਨ. ਦੋਸਤਾਂ, ਪਰਿਵਾਰਕ ਮੈਂਬਰਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਇਕੱਠਾ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਇਹ ਆਦਰਸ਼
ਸਥਾਨ ਹੈ ਜਾਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਪ ਨੂੰ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ.
.
ਵੀਗਨ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਤ
ਇੰਦਰਾਵਾਂ
ਵਿੱਚ ਇਹ ਕੁਇੰਟੇ ਰੈਸਟੋਰੈਂਟ ਇੱਕ ਮੀਨੂ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ੇਖੀ ਮਾਰਦਾ ਹੈ ਜਿਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਵੀਗਨ
ਜਪਾਨੀ, ਇਤਾਲਵੀ, ਅਫਰੀਕਾ ਅਤੇ ਏਸ਼ੀਆਈ ਪਕਵਾਨ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਹੁੰਦੇ ਹਨ. ਭਾਵੇਂ ਤੁਸੀਂ
ਪੌਦੇ-ਅਧਾਰਤ ਪਕਵਾਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਦੁਨੀਆ ਲਈ ਜਾਂ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਚੀਜ਼ ਲਈ ਕਾਫ਼ੀ ਸਾਹਸੀ ਮਹਿਸੂਸ ਕਰ
ਰਹੇ ਹੋ - ਮਜ਼ੇਦਾਰ ਸਿਰਫ ਵੀਗਨ ਪ੍ਰਤੀਤ ਹੋਣ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਅਦ ਸ਼ੁਰੂ ਹੁੰਦਾ ਹੈ! ਇਹ
ਜਨਮਦਿਨ ਦੇ ਖਾਣੇ ਲਈ ਸੰਪੂਰਨ ਜਗ੍ਹਾ ਹੈ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. (https://ww.HappyCow.net/reviews/vegan-bogueRuk74444444457)
ਬੰਗਲੌਰ
ਦੇ ਪਾਰ ਹੋਰ ਵੀਗਨ ਵਿਕਲਪਾਂ ਲਈ, ਸ਼ਗਨਵਾਦ ਲਈ ਇੰਡੀਅਨ ਸ਼ੁਰੂਆਤ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ
(https://onguod./pageNianers-uide-to-urence- ਬਦਸਲੂਤੀ). ਇਹ ਵਿਆਪਕ ਸਰੋਤ
ਭਾਰਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਪੌਦੇ-ਅਧਾਰਤ ਹੋਣ ਬਾਰੇ ਜਾਣਨ ਲਈ ਤੁਹਾਨੂੰ ਸਭ ਕੁਝ ਪ੍ਰਦਾਨ
ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ.
ਚਿਨੀਤਾ ਅਸਲ ਮੈਕਸੀਕਨ ਭੋਜਨ
ਚਿਨੀਤਾ
ਬੰਗਲੌਰ ਵਿਚ ਇਕੋ ਇਕ ਜਗ੍ਹਾ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਕਿ ਮੈਕਸੀਕਨ ਪਕਵਾਨਾਂ ਦੀ ਸੇਵਾ ਕਰਦਾ ਹੈ. ਸਿਰਫ
ਇਹ ਕਿਫਾਇਤੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੈ, ਤੁਸੀਂ ਮੋਰੋਸ, ਹਾ House ਸ-ਬਣੇ ਵੇਗਨ ਪਨੀਰ ਅਤੇ
ਸੋਇਆਰੀਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ ਟਾਸੋ, ਐਂਕੇਰੀਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ ਟਾਸੋ, ਐਂਥੀਆਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ ਟਾਕਸ, ਐਂਥੀਆਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ
ਟਾਸੋ, ਐਂਥੀਆਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ ਟਾਸੋ, ਐਂਥੀਆਜੋ-ਪਲੱਸ ਟਾਕਸ ਸਮੇਤ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਸ਼ਗਨ ਮੇਨੂ
ਦੁਆਰਾ ਫਲਿਪਿੰਗ ਦਾ ਅਨੰਦ ਲੈ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਨ! ਜੇ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਆਪਣੇ ਆਮ ਤੌਰ ‘ਤੇ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਕਿਰਾਏ
ਤੋਂ ਵੱਖਰੀ ਚੀਜ਼ ਲੱਭ ਰਹੇ ਹੋ (ਅਤੇ ਹੋ ਸਕਦੀ ਹੈ ਵੀ ਇਕ ਜਗ੍ਹਾ ਜਿੱਥੇ ਤੁਹਾਡੇ ਸਾਰੇ
ਦੋਸਤ ਕੁਝ ਲੱਭਣ ਦੇ ਯੋਗ ਹੋਣਗੇ!), ਇਹ ਜਾਣ ਵਾਲੀ ਜਗ੍ਹਾ ਹੈ! ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ
ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. (https://www.chinita.in/)
ਹਬੀਬੀ ਫਾਲਫਲੈੱਲ
ਜੇ
ਤੁਸੀਂ ਬੰਗਲੌਰ ਵਿਚ ਇਕ ਰੁੱਝੇ ਹੋਏ ਵੀਗਨ ਹੋ, ਤਾਂ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਸ਼ਾਇਦ ਇਸ ਰੈਸਟੋਰੈਂਟ ਨੂੰ
ਅਨੁਮਾਨ ਲਗਾਇਆ ਕਿ ਸਾਡੀ ਗਾਈਡ ਵਿਚ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ. ਇਹ ਇਕ ਪੂਰੀ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਸ਼ਾਕਾਹਾਰੀ ਫਾਲਫਲ
ਚੇਨ ਹੈ ਜੋ ਵਾਗਨਾਂ ਪ੍ਰਤੀ ਬਹੁਤ ਦੋਸਤਾਨਾ ਹੈ! ਸਟੋਰੇਜ਼ ਫਲੇ ਲੋਲ ਲਪੇਟਸ, ਬਰਗਰ,
ਸੈਂਡਵਿਚ, ਅਤੇ ਅਲਾਇਟ ਕੀਮਤ ‘ਤੇ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਕਰੋ. ਇਸ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ, ਮਾਲਕ ਭੋਜਨ ਦੀ
ਪੈਕਿੰਗ ਅਤੇ ਕੂੜੇ ਕਰਕਟ ਨੂੰ ਘਟਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਬਹੁਤ ਤਰੱਕੀ ਕਰ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ
ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. (https://habiflifalafel.com/)
ਦੇਸੀ ਜਾਓ
ਇਹ
ਜੈਵਿਕ ਸ਼ਾਕਾਹਾਰੀ ਰੈਸਟੋਰੰਟ ਸ਼ਾਕਾਹਿਤ ਦੱਖਣੀ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਪਕਵਾਨ, ਪੀਜ਼ਾ, ਅਤੇ ਆਈਸ
ਕਰੀਮ ਪੇਸ਼ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ! ਛੱਤ ‘ਤੇ ਰਾਤ ਦੇ ਖਾਣੇ ਦਾ ਅਨੰਦ ਲੈਣ ਲਈ ਦੋਸਤਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਮੁਲਾਕਾਤ
ਲਈ ਇਕ ਵਧੀਆ ਮਾਹੌਲ ਹੈ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. (https://gonativ.in/ -farm- tto- tto ੁਕਵਾਂ)
ਬਰਮਾ ਬਰਮਾ
ਕੀ
ਤੁਸੀਂ ਬਰਮੀ ਪਕਵਾਨ ਦੀ ਕੋਸ਼ਿਸ਼ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ? ਹੁਣ ਤੁਸੀਂ ਬਹੁਤ ਸਾਰੇ ਦਿਲਚਸਪ ਵੀਗਨ
ਵਿਕਲਪਾਂ ਨਾਲ ਕਰ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. ਇਹ ਸ਼ਹਿਰ ਦੇ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾਤਰ ਰੈਸਟੋਰੈਂਟਾਂ ਨਾਲੋਂ ਥੋੜਾ
ਮਹਿੰਗਾ ਹੈ, ਇਸ ਲਈ ਗ੍ਰੈਜੂਏਸ਼ਨ ਡਿਨਰ ਵਰਗੇ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਮੌਕੇ ਲਈ ਕੱਪੜੇ ਪਾਓ! ਉਹ
ਸੁਆਦੀ ਮਖੌਲ ਮਖੌਲ ਦੇ ਮੈਦਾਨਾਂ, ਟੋਫੂ ਅਤੇ ਫੇਲਫੈਲ ਪ੍ਰੋਟੀਨ ਦੀ ਪੇਸ਼ਕਸ਼ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ
ਜੋ ਦਿਲੋਂ ਪਕਵਾਨਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਕੀਤੇ ਜਾ ਸਕਦੇ ਹਨ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ (https://www.bburmaburman.in/ ਸੋਕਿਸਹੇ. (https://www.bburmanmit.in/) (https://www.burmuburm.in/)
ਹਰੇ ਸਿਧਾਂਤ
ਰੈਸਟੋਰੈਂਟ
ਦੇ ਸ਼ਾਕਾਹਾਰੀ ਮੀਨੂ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਈ ਵਾਰ ਵੀਗਨ ਵਿਕਲਪ ਹਨ. ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੇ ਮਹਾਂਦੀਪ ਦੇ
ਪਕਵਾਨ, ਇਤਾਲਵੀ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ਤਾਵਾਂ, ਅਤੇ ਸੁਆਦੀ ਡਰਿੰਕਸ ਕਿਸੇ ਵੀ ਤਾਲੂ ਨੂੰ ਖੁਸ਼ ਕਰਨ
ਲਈ ਨਿਸ਼ਚਤ ਹਨ. ਤੁਸੀਂ ਇੱਥੇ ਹੋਰ ਸਿੱਖ ਸਕਦੇ ਹੋ. (https://www.greentheore.in/)
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ਦਿੱਲੀ ਵਿਚ ਸੀਵਿੰਗ ਸਫਾਈ ਕਰਦਿਆਂ ਦੋ ਵਿਅਕਤੀਆਂ ਦੀ ਮੌਤ ਹੋ ਗਈ, ਤਾਂ ਸਾਰੇ ਜੀਵਿਤ ਜੀਵਾਂ ਦੇ ਆਦਿਵਾਸੀ ਬਰਜੀ ਗਟਰ ਵਿਚ ਸੁੱਟਦੇ ਰਹੀ? # ਸਟੋਪਕੀਲਿੰਗਸ
ਸਾਰੇ
ਜੀਵਤ ਜੀਵ ਦੇ ਦੇਸ਼ ਤੋਂ ਬਾਹਰ ਦੀ ਰਕਸ਼ਕਿਜ਼ ਸੀਵਰੇਜ ਮੈਨ ਛੇਕ ਦੇ ਅੰਦਰ ਮਰ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ.
ਇਸ ਨੌਕਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਕਰਨ ਲਈ ਚੂਸਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਟਰੱਕ ਖਰੀਦਣ ਲਈ ਬਹੁਤ ਜ਼ਿਆਦਾ ਕੀਮਤ ਨਹੀਂ
ਪੈਂਦੀ. ਸਾਰੇ ਲੋਕਤੰਤਰੀ ਦੇਸ਼ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਕਰਦੇ ਹਨ. ਮਨੁਵਦੀ ਚਿਤਪਾਵਾਨ
ਬ੍ਰਾਹਮਿੰਸ ਵਿੱਚ ਸਾਰੇ ਗਿਰੀਦਾਰ ਲਈ ਮੁਫਤ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਿਯੰਤਰਣ ਨੂੰ ਨਿਯੰਤਰਣ ਵਿੱਚ
ਨਿਯੰਤਰਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਿਯੰਤਰਣ ਵਿੱਚ ਰੋਕ ਲਗਾਉਂਦੇ ਹਨ. ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਕੰਬਸ਼ੂ, ਬੁੱਧ ਦੇ ਕਮਰ
ਨੂੰ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਧੋਖਾ ਦੇਣ ਲਈ ਲੁਟੇਰਾਇੰਟ ਐਸਸੀ / ਐਸਟੀਐਸ ਦੀ ਝਾੜੂ ਦੇ ਕਮਰ ਨੂੰ
ਬਰੇਮ ਨਾਲ ਲਿਆ ਹੈ.
ਹੱਲ ਹੈ
ਆਪਣੇ ਖੁਦ ਦੇ ਭੋਜਨ ਨੂੰ ਵਧਾਓ 🍲👍🍱 ਵਰਗੀ 👍 ਸ਼ਗਨ 🌱 ਸਬਜ਼ੀਆਂ ਦੇ 🥦 🥕 🥗 ਸਬਜ਼ੀਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਰਹਿਣ ਲਈ ਬਰਤਨ, ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ, ਸ਼ਾਂਤੀ, ਅਸ਼ੁੱਧ, ਗੈਰ-ਸੰਸਥਾਪਕ ਜੀਵਾਂ ਦੀ ਬਰਾਬਰੀ ਲਈ.
Story of Bodhisattva Maitreya (Part 1/2) The Maha-parinirvana of Maitreya

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