Analytic Insight Net - FREE Online Tipiṭaka Research & Practice Universitu 
in
 112 CLASSICAL LANGUAGES
Paṭisambhidā Jāla-Abaddha Paripanti Tipiṭaka Anvesanā ca Paricaya Nikhilavijjālaya ca ñātibhūta Pavatti Nissāya 
http://sarvajan.ambedkar.org anto 105 Seṭṭhaganthāyatta Bhāsā
Categories:

Archives:
Meta:
March 2018
M T W T F S S
« Feb   Apr »
 1234
567891011
12131415161718
19202122232425
262728293031  
03/11/18
2558 Mon 12 Mar 2018 LESSON Buddha Vacana in18 Classical Croatian 18 Classical Croatian18 Klasični hrvatski Jibe at Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)
Filed under: General
Posted by: @ 9:13 pm

2558 Mon 12 Mar 2018 LESSON

 Buddha Vacana

in18 Classical Croatian-Klasični hrvatski
Jibe at Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)


https://www.youtube.com/watch…
Buddha Gayar Tayar Music
Nigel Win
Published on Sep 16, 2007
Buddha Gayar Tayar Music
Category
Music


Buddha Gayar Tayar Music
youtube.com
https://i.pinimg.com/400x300/d7/10/9d/d7109dcd635f6a6e4ff9753ad52bc9c7.jpg

















18 Classical Croatian
18 Klasični hrvatski

2558 Pon 12 Mar 2018 LESSON

 Buddha Vacana
- Riječi Buddhe -
Naučite online Pali besplatno i na jednostavan način.

Ova
web stranica posvećena je onima koji žele bolje razumjeti riječi Buddhe
učenja osnova jezika Pali, ali koji nemaju puno vremena za to.
Ideja
je da ako im je svrha samo omogućiti čitanje tekstova Palija i imati
fer osjećaj da ih razumijemo, čak i ako to razumijevanje ne pokriva sve
minute pojedinosti gramatičkih pravila, one zapravo ne moraju mnogo
potrošiti
vrijeme se bori s obeshrabrujućim učenjem dosadne gramatičke teorije
koja uključuje takve stvari kao brojna deklinacija i konjugacija.

U
tom se slučaju dovoljno ograničiti na jednostavno shvaćanje značenja
najvažnijih Palijevih riječi, jer ponovljeno iskustvo čitanja pruža
empirijsko i intuitivno razumijevanje najčešćih rečenica.
Tako im je omogućeno da postanu autodidakti, odabirajući vrijeme, trajanje, učestalost, sadržaj i dubinu vlastitog učenja.

Njihovo
shvaćanje Buddha Vacane postat će puno preciznije jer bez napora uče i
zapamtiti riječi i važne formule koje su temeljne u Buddhinoj nastavi,
putem redovitih čitanja.
Njihovo učenje i nadahnuće koje oni dobivaju iz njega će se sve dublje
razvijati jer će se njihova prijemljivost prema porukama Učitelja
poboljšati.

Odricanje od odgovornosti: Ova je web stranica izrađena autodidakta i namijenjena je autodidaktima. Webmaster
nije slijedio bilo koji službeni Pali tečaj i nema tvrdnje da su sve
ovdje prikazane informacije potpuno bez pogrešaka.
Oni koji žele akademsku preciznost mogu razmotriti pristupanje formalnom Pali tečaju. U slučaju da čitatelji uoče bilo kakvu pogrešku, webmaster će biti
zahvalan ako ga pošalje putem spremnika navedenog u odjeljku “Kontakt”.

En Français:

Traži na ovoj web stranici

Sutta Piṭaka -Digha Nikāya

DN 9 -
Poṭṭhapāda Sutta
{izvod}
- Pitanja Poṭṭhapāda -

Poṭṭhapāda postavlja razna pitanja koja reagiraju na prirodu Saññā.
Napomena: obični tekstovi

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/suttapitaka.html

 Sutta Piṭaka
- Košarica diskursa -
[sutta: diskurs]

Sutta Piṭaka sadrži bit Buddhinog učenja o Dhammi. Sadrži više od deset tisuća sute. Podijeljen je u pet zbirki pod nazivom Nikāyas.

Dīgha Nikāya
    
[dīgha: long] Dīgha Nikāya okuplja 34 od najdužih rasprava koje je dao Buda. Postoje razni naputci da su mnogi od njih kasnija dopuna izvornom korpusu i upitne autentičnosti.
Majjhima Nikāya
    
[majjhima: medium] Majjhima Nikāya okuplja 152 diskurs Buddhe od srednje dužine, koji se bave različitim pitanjima.
Saṃyutta Nikāya
    
[samyutta: grupa] Saṃyutta Nikāya okuplja sute po svom subjektu u 56 podskupina zvane saṃyuttas. Sadrži više od tri tisuće diskurs različitih duljina, ali općenito relativno kratko.
Aṅguttara Nikāya
    
[agj: faktor | Anyguttara
Nikaya podijeljena je u jedanaest podskupina nazvanih nipātas, od kojih
svaka okuplja diskurs koji se sastoji od nabrajanja jednog dodatnog
čimbenika u odnosu na prethodne nipate.
Sadrži tisuće sute koje su općenito kratke.
Khuddaka Nikāya
    
[khuddha:
kratki, mali] Khuddhaka Nikāya kratki tekst i smatra se da je
sastavljen od dvije strateste: Dhammapada, Udāna, Itivuttaka, Sutta
Nipāta, Theragāthā-Therīgāthā i Jātaka čine drevne slojeve, dok su druge
knjige kasni dopune i njihova autentičnost
je upitnije.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/formulae.html

Pali formule

Pogled
na koji se temelji ovo djelo jest da se odlomci sute, za koje se
izvješćuje da ih Buddha ponavlja često u sva četiri Nikāja, mogu biti
označeni kao ono što smatra najznamenitijim zanimanjem za njegovo učenje
, i istodobno kao ono što predstavlja s najvećom točnošću svoje stvarne riječi. Osam ih je izrečeno u Gaṇaka-Moggallāna Sutta (MN 107) i opisano kao
Sekha Paṭipadā ili Path za jedan pod Training, koji praktički vodi
novorođenca sve do četvrtog jhāna.

Sekha Paṭipadā - Put za jedan pod Training

Dvanaest formula koje definiraju korak po korak glavne prakse koje propisuje Buda. To je od temeljne važnosti za svakoga tko želi uspješno napredovati
jer sadrži upute koje će meditatoru omogućiti postavljanje neophodnih
uvjeta za učinkovitu praksu.

Lak pristup:

Dīgha Nikāya

Majjhima Nikāya

Saṃyutta Nikāya

Aṅguttara Nikāya

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/digha.html
Dīgha Nikāya

- Dugi diskurs -
[dīgha: dugo]

Dīgha Nikāya okuplja 34 od najdužih rasprava koje navodno daje Buda.

Poṭṭhapāda Sutta (DN 9) {excerpt} - poboljšani prijevod
    
Poṭṭhapāda postavlja razna pitanja koja reagiraju na prirodu Saññā.
Mahāpa

Ānāpānassati - Svjesnost o disanju
    Buddha je preporučio praksu ānāpānassati za sve vrste zdrave svrhe, a ovdje možete točno razumjeti upute koje daje.
Anussati - sjećanja
    
Ovdje imamo standardni opis Buddhe (≈ 140 occ.), Dhamma (≈90 occ.) I Sangha (≈45 occ.).
Appamāṇā Cetovimutti - Bezgranične oslobođenja uma
    
Buddha često hvali praksu četvorice appamāṇā cetovimutti, za koje se
znan za zaštitu od opasnosti i za put koji vodi do Brahmaloke.
Arahatta - Arahantship
    
To je zaliha formule kojom se postizanje arahantshipa opisuje u sutima.
Ariya Sīlakkhandha - Plemeniti agregat vrlina
    
Razna pravila koja treba slijediti bhikkhus.
Arūpajjhānā - Bezoblični Jhānas
    
Ovdje su zalihe formule koje opisuju apsorpcije samādhi nakon četvrtog
jhāna, koje se u kasnijem Paliovu literaturaju kao arūpajjhānas.
Āsavānaṃ Khayañāṇa - Poznavanje uništenja āvava
    
Poznavanje uništenja āsavas: arahantship.
Bhojane Mattaññutā - Umjerenost u hrani
    
Umjerenost u hrani: znajući pravilan iznos za jesti.
Cattāro Jhānā - Četiri jhānas
    
Četiri jhāna: imati ugodan život.
Indriyesu Guttadvāratā - Nadzor na ulazu osjetilnih sposobnosti
    
Čuvajte se na ulazu osjetilnih sposobnosti: osjećajno ograničenje.
Jāgariyaṃ Anuyoga - Posvećivanje brizi
    
Odanost na budnost: danju i noću.
Kammassakomhi - Ja sam moja kamma
    
Ova formula objašnjava jedan od temeljnih kamena Buddhinog učenja: subjektivna verzija zakona uzroka i posljedica.
Nīvaraṇānaṃ Pahāna - Uklanjanje prepreka
    
Uklanjanje prepreka: prevladavanje ometanja mentalnih stanja.
Pabbajjā - Izlazak
    
Izlazak: kako se odlučuje odreći se svijeta.
Pubbenivāsānussatiñāṇa - Poznavanje sjećanja na nekadašnja živa bića
    
Poznavanje sjećanja na nekadašnja živa mjesta: sjećanje na prošli život.
Satipaṭṭhna - prisutnost svjesnosti
    
Ovo su formule pomoću kojih Buddha kratko definira što su četiri satipaṭṭhānas (≈33 occ.).
Satisampajañña - Svjesnost i temeljito razumijevanje
    
Svjesnost i temeljito razumijevanje: neprekinuta praksa.
Satta saddhammā - Sedam dobrih osobina
    
Sedam temeljnih kvaliteta koje vježbenik mora svladati kako bi bio uspješan. Četiri od tih kvaliteta pojavljuju se i među pet duhovnih indrija i pet balama.
Sattānaṃ Cutūpapātañāṇa - Znanje o ponovnom rođenju beznačajnih bića
    
Znanje o ponovnom rođenju beznačajnih bića.
Sīlasampatti - ostvarenje u vrlini
    
Postizanje u vrlini: pažljivo pridržavanje pravila Pātimokkha.
Vivitta Senāsanena Bhajana - Odmaralište za osamljene stanove
Izbor pravilnog mjesta i usvajanje pravilnog tjelesnog i mentalnog stava je još jedan uvjet sine qua non uspješne prakse.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/patimokkha.html

Pātimokkha
- Bhikkhuove smjernice -

To su 227 smjernice koje svaki bhikkhu mora naučiti srcem na jeziku Pali kako bi ih mogao recitirati. Ovdje će (nadamo se) osigurati semantička analiza svake smjernice.

Pārājika 1
    
Ako bi bilo koji bhikkhu - koji je sudjelovao u treningu i životu
bhikkhusa, bez odricanja od treninga, a da nije proglasio svoju slabost -
sudjeluje u seksualnom odnosu, čak i sa ženskom životinjom, poražen i
više nije povezan.
    
Pātimokkha

Pārājika 1

yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhūnaṃ sikkhā · s · ājīva · samāpanno sikkhaṃ a ·
paccakkhāya du · b · balyaṃ an · āvi · katvā methunaṃ dhammaṃ
paṭiseveyya antaaso tiracchāna · gatāya · pi, pārājiko hoti a · saṃvāso.

Ako bi bilo koji bhikkhu - koji je sudjelovao u treningu i životu
bhikkhusa, bez odricanja od treninga, a da nije proglasio svoju slabost -
sudjeluje u seksualnom odnosu, čak i sa ženskom životinjom, poražen i
više nije povezan.

yo pana bhikkhu Ako je bilo koji bhikkhu
bhikkhūnaṃ sikkhā · s · ājīva · samāpanno sudjeluju u obuci i životu bhikkhusa,
sikkhaṃ a · paccakkhāya bez odricanja od treninga,
du · b · balyas anāāvītāvā bez proglasio svoju slabost
methunaṃ dhammaṃ paṭiseveyya sudjelovati u seksualnom odnosu,
antaaso tiracchāna · gatāya · pi, čak i sa ženskom životinjom,
pārājiko hoti a · saṃvāso. on je poražen i više nije povezan.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/download.html
 
Preuzimanje web stranica

Preuzmite web stranicu (verzija siječanj 2013):

Kliknite ovdje

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/contact.html
 
Kontakt
bvacana@gmail.com
Za bilo kakvu primjedbu, prijedlog, pitanje:
Nemojte se ustručavati prijaviti bilo kakvu pogrešku, nepodudarnost, neispravnu vezu, prazne informacije · balon itd. Webmaster će biti zahvalan.http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta.html

Sutta Piṭaka

Saṃyutta Nikāya

- klasificirani diskurs -
[saṃyutta: grupa]

Diskursi Saṃyutta Nikāya podijeljeni su prema
njihova tema u 56 saṃyuttas, koji su sami grupirani u pet
vaggas.

Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 12.2) - riječ po riječ
    
Detaljno objašnjenje paštaicca samuppāda, s definicijom svake od dvanaest veza.
Cetana Sutta (SN 12.38) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovdje Buddha objašnjava kako cetana, zajedno s razmišljanjem i anusaya, djeluju kao osnova za viññāṇa.
Upādāna Sutta (SN 12.52) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovaj
    
je vrlo prosvjetljujuća lekcija koja otkriva po kojoj psihološki
    
mehanizam koji se daje žudnji i objašnjava kako to može biti lako
    
zamijenjen zdrave razmatranja kako bi se riješili.
Puttamaṃsūpama Sutta (SN 12.63) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha nudi ovdje četiri impresivna i nadahnjujuća simila kako bi objasnila kako se četiri āhāras treba promatrati.
Sanidāna Sutta (SN 14.12) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
divno objašnjenje kako se percepcije pretvaraju u akcije, dalje
    
prosvijetljen sličnim plamenom bakljom. Stalo se marljivo
    
svjesni da rastjeraju neugodne misli!
Āṇi Sutta (SN 20.7) - riječ po riječ
    

    
Buddha je podsjetio na vrlo važnu stvar: za naše vlastito
    
kao i za dobrobit budućih generacija, mi
    
mora dati najveću važnost vlastitim stvarnim riječima, a ne toliko
    
tko god se danas pretvara ili je pretvarao u prošlost da bude a
    
pravilni (Dhamma) učitelj.
Samādhi Sutta (SN 22.5) - riječ po riječ
    

    
Buddha potiče svoje sljedbenike da razviju koncentraciju kako bi mogli
    
pravi uvid u nastanak i prolazak petorice
    
agregata, nakon čega on definira ono što on znači nastanak i prolazak
    
daleko od agregata, u smislu ovisnog nastanka.
Paštaisallāṇa Sutta (SN 22.6) - bez prijevoda
    

    
Buddha potiče svoje sljedbenike da prakticiraju osamljenost kako bi mogli
    
pravi uvid u nastanak i prolazak petorice
    
agregata, nakon čega on definira ono što on znači nastanak i prolazak
    
daleko od agregata, u smislu ovisnog nastanka.
Upādāparitassanā Sutta (SN 22.8) - riječ po riječ
    
Pojava i prestanak patnje odvija se u pet agregata.
Nandikkhaya Sutta (SN 22.51) - riječ po riječ
    
Kako upravljati uništenjem užitka.
Anattalakkhana Sutta (SN 22.59) - riječ po riječ
    
U ovom vrlo poznatom suti, Buda prvi put iznosi svoje učenje na anaturi.
Khajjanīya Sutta (SN 22.79) {excerpt} - riječ po riječ
    
Ova sutta daje sažet definiciju pet khandha.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 29.1) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Različite vrste nāgas.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 30.1) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Različite vrste supaṇa (aka garudas).
Suddhika Sutta (SN 31.1) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Različite vrste gandhabba deva.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 32.1) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Različite vrste oblaka deva.
Samāpattimūâṭhiti Sutta (SN 34.11) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Postizanje koncentracije vs održavanja koncentracije.
Pubbesambodha Sutta (SN 35.13) - riječ po riječ
    

    
Buda definira ono što on znači, uzan, nedostatak i emancipacija u
    
slučaj unutarnjih sfera osjetila, a potom izjavljuje da je njegov
    
buđenje nije bilo ničega ni manje od razumijevanja.
Abhinanda Sutta (SN 35.20) - riječ po riječ
    
Nema bijega tko god uživa u osjetilnim predmetima.
Migajāla Sutta (SN 35.46) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Zašto
    
je li istinska samoća tako teško naći? Buddha objašnjava zašto, bez obzira
    
gdje idete, vaši najporniji drugovi uvijek označavaju.
Avijjāpahāna Sutta (SN 35.53) - riječ po riječ
    
Vrlo jednostavan diskurs, ali vrlo duboko, o tome što treba znati i vidjeti kako se prepušta neznanju i proizvodi znanje.
Sabbupādānapariññā Sutta (SN 35.60) - riječ po riječ
    

    
Buddha, dok je izlagao cjelovito razumijevanje svih vezanosti,
    
daje duboko, ali vrlo jasno objašnjenje: kontakt se javlja na temelju
    
od tri fenomena.
Migajāla Sutta Sutta (SN 35.64) {excerpt} - riječ po riječ
    
Neki
    
neofiti (i često se možemo računati među njima) ponekad žele
    
vjerovati da je moguće uživati ​​u senzualnim užicima bez
    
što dovodi do privrženosti ili patnje. Buda uči Migajāla
    
da je to stvarno nemoguće.
Adantāgutta Sutta (SN 35.94) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje
    
je jedan od onih savjetnika koji su tako lako razumjeti s
    
intelekt, ali tako je teško razumjeti na dubljim razinama, jer naš
    
pogrešni stavovi neprestano se miješaju u proces. Stoga moramo
    
često se ponavlja, iako to može biti dosadno. http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta.html

Sutta Piṭaka

Saṃyutta Nikāya

- klasificirani diskurs -
[saṃyutta: grupa]

Diskursi Saṃyutta Ni

Pamādavihārī Sutta (SN 35.97) - riječ po riječ
    
Ono što čini razliku između onoga koji živi s nemarom i onoga koji živi s oprezom.
Sakkapañhā Sutta Sutta (SN 35.118) - riječ po riječ
    
Buddha daje prilično jednostavan odgovor na Saksino pitanje: zašto neki ljudi postižu konačni cilj dok drugi ne?
Rūpārāma Sutta (SN 35.137) - riječ po riječ
    
Buda nam još jednom objašnjava, na još jedan način, uzrok i prestanak patnje. To se odvija točno usred onoga što radimo cijeli dan i cijelu noć.
Aniccanibbānasappāya Sutta (SN 35.147) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje su hardcore vipassanā upute koje se bave percepcijom neumornosti za napredne meditacije koji se veseli postizanju Nibbāne.
Ajjhattānattahetu Sutta (SN 35.142) - riječ po riječ
    
Kako istražiti uzroke nastanka osjetilnih organa, u kojima se osobina
nesklada može lakše razumjeti, omogućuje prijenos tog shvaćanja u njihov
slučaj.
Samudda Sutta (SN 35.229) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ono što je ocean u disciplini plemića. Čuvajte se da ne utonete u nju!
Pahāna Sutta (SN 36.3) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Odnos između tri tipa vedane i tri anusaya.
Daṭṭhabba Sutta (SN 36.5) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kako se trebaju vidjeti tri vrste vedanā (osjećaje).
Salla Sutta (SN 36.6) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kada
je strelica strelice tjelesne boli, nerazborita osoba sve više
pogoršava stvaranje psihičke tjeskobe na vrhu, baš kao da je bio ubijen
dvjema strelicama.
Mudra osoba osjeća ubod samo jedne strelice.
Anicca Sutta (SN 36.9) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam obilježja vedana (osjećaja), koje se također primjenjuju na
ostala četiri kandida (SN 22.21) i svaka od dvanaest veza paštaicca
samuppāda (SN 12.20).
Phassamūlaka Sutta (SN 36.10) - riječ po riječ
    
Tri vrste osjećaja ukorijenjene su u tri vrste kontakata.
Aṭṭhasata Sutta (SN 36.22) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha izlaže vedane na sedam različitih načina, analizirajući ih u
dvije, tri, pet, šest, osamnaest, trideset šest ili stotinu i osam
kategorija.
Nirāmisa Sutta (SN 36.31) {excerpt} - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje možemo razumjeti da pīti, iako se često navode kao bojjhaṅga, mogu ponekad biti akusala. Ovaj odlomak također uključuje definiciju pet kāmaguṇā.
Dhammavādīpañhā Sutta (SN 38.3) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Tko ispovijeda Dhammu na svijetu (dhamma vādī)? Tko dobro ponaša (su · p · paṭipanna)? Tko dobro ide (su§ata)?
Dukkara Sutta (SN 39.16) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Što je teško učiniti u ovoj nastavi i disciplini?
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 45.8) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje Buddha točno definira svaki čimbenik osmostrukog plemenitog puta.
Āgantuka Sutta (SN 45.159) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kako plemeniti put radi s abhuññā koji se odnosi na razne dhame kao gostinjsku kuću koja pozdravlja razne vrste posjetitelja.
Kusala Sutta (SN 46.32) - riječ po riječ
    
Sve je to korisno ujediniti u jednu stvar.
Āhāra Sutta (SN 46.51) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha opisuje kako možemo “hraniti” ili “izgladiti” prepreke i
čimbenike prosvjetljenja prema načinu na koji primjenjujemo našu pažnju.
Saṅgārava Sutta (SN 46.55) {excerpt} - poboljšani prijevod
    
Prekrasna serija sličica kako bi objasnila kako pet nīvaraṇa
(prepreke) utječu na čistoću uma i njegovu sposobnost da percipiraju
stvarnost kakva jest.
Sati Sutta (SN 47.35) - riječ po riječ
    
U ovoj suti, Buddha podsjeća bhikkhus da bude satos i sampajānos, a zatim definira ova dva izraza.
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 47.40) - riječ po riječ
    
The satipaṭṭhānas uče kratko.
Daṭṭhabba Sutta (SN 48.8) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Svaka od pet duhovnih indrija se kaže da se vidi u četverostrukom dhammi.
Saṃkhitta Sutta (SN 48.14) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ispunjavanje ih je sve što moramo učiniti, i to je mjera naše oslobođenja.
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 48.38) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovdje Buddha definira pet osjetljivih indrija.
Uppaṭipāṭika Sutta (SN 48.40) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ova sutta privlači zanimljivu paralelu između prestanka osjećaja sposobnosti i sukcesivnih postignuća jhānas.
Sāketa Sutta (SN 48.43) {excerpt} - poboljšani prijevod
    
U toj suti, Buddha navodi da se balas i indriyas mogu smatrati jednom i istom ili kao dvije različite stvari.
Patiṭṭhita Sutta (SN 48.56) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Postoji jedno mentalno stanje kroz koje se sve pet duhovnih sposobnosti usavršavaju.
Bīja Sutta (SN 49.24) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Prekrasna sličnost koja ilustrira kako je temeljna vrlina za praksu četiriju pravih nastojanja.Gantha Sutta (SN 50.102) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovaj
    
sutta se temelji na zanimljivom popisu četiriju “tjelesnih čvorova”, i
    
potiče razvoj pet duhovnih snaga.
Viraddha Sutta (SN 51.2) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Tko ih zanemaruje, zanemaruje plemeniti put.
Chandasamādhi Sutta (SN 51.13) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ova sutta jasno objašnjava značenje formula koje opisuju praksu iddhi pada.
Samaṇabrāhmaṇa Sutta (SN 51.17) - poboljšani prijevod
    
uškopljen ovan
    
u prošlosti, u budućnosti ili u sadašnjosti, tko god zove supernormalno
    
ovlasti su razvile i pohlepno prakticirale četiri stvari.
Vidhā Sutta (SN 53.36) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
Preporučuje se jhānas da se riješe tri vrste umijeća, koje
    
odnose se na uspoređivanje s drugima. To je jasno da ako
    
u Sanghi postoji neka hijerarhija, to je samo u praktične svrhe,
    
i ne treba ga uzeti kao predstavnik bilo koje stvarnosti. to je
    
nije sasvim jasno je li to jedna sutta koja ponavlja 16 puta isto
    
stvar, ili 16 sute grupirane zajedno, ili 4 sute koje sadrže svaku 4
    
ponavljanja.
Padīpopama Sutta (SN 54.8) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje
    
Buddha objašnjava ānāpānassati i preporučuje ga za različite
    
svrhe: od napuštanja bruto nečistoća, kroz razvoj svih
    
osam jhānas.
Saraṇānisakka Sutta (SN 55.24) - poboljšani prijevod
    
U
    
ovaj zanimljiv diskurs, Buddha tvrdi da čak i ne
    
moraju imati snažno povjerenje u Budu, Dhammu i Sangu
    
da postane dobitnik streama u vrijeme smrti.
Mahānāma Sutta (SN 55.37) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Što znači biti laik laik, obdaren s vrlinom, uvjerenjem, velikodušnošću i razlučivanjem.
Aĥga Sutta (SN 55.50) - riječ po riječ
    
Četiri zastupstva (faktori za ulazak u stream).
Samādhi Sutta (SN 56.1) - riječ po riječ
    
Buddha potiče bhikkhusa da prakticira samādhi, jer vodi razumijevanju četiri plemenite istine u svojoj pravi prirodi.
Paṭisallāna Sutta (SN 56.2) - riječ po riječ
    

    
Buddha potiče bhikkhusa da prakticira paṭisallāna, jer to vodi
    
razumijevanje četiri plemenite istine u njihovoj pravoj prirodi.
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (SN 56.11) - riječ po riječ
    
To je zasigurno najpoznatija sutta u Pali književnosti. Buddha prvi put iznosi četiri ariya-saccas.
Saṅkāsanā Sutta (SN 56.19) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
poučavanje o četiri plemenite istine, koliko god dosadno svibanj čini se
    
lutanje um, zapravo je vrlo duboko i um može potrošiti cijelu
    
vrijeme ga istražuje.
Siṃsapāvana Sutta (SN 56.31) - riječ po riječ
    

    
poznata sutta, gdje Buda tvrdi da uopće nema nikakvog interesa
    
učenja koja nisu odmah povezana s ostvarivanjem cilja.
Daṇḍa Sutta (SN 56.33) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Izgledna sličica štapića.

—— —— ooooooo

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/anguttara.html
 
Sutta Piṭaka

Aṅguttara Nikāya

- Diskursi jednog dodatnog čimbenika -
[agj: faktor | uttara: dodatno]

Aṅguttara Nikāya sadrži tisuće
kratkih diskursa, koji imaju posebnost da budu strukturirani kao
enumerations. Podijeljen je u jedanaest odjeljaka, prvi koji se bave
popisanje jedne stavke, drugo s onima od dvije stavke itd
Buddha, koji nikada nije koristio pisanje, pitao je svoje slušatelje da budu
pažljiv i zapamtite njegove upute. Kako bi se njegove riječi
što je moguće jasnije i olakšava to pamćenje, često
prezentirao je njegovo poučavanje u obliku popisivanja.

Nipātas

1. Ekaka Nipāta 7. Sattaka Nipāta
2. Duka Nipāta 8. Aṭtaahaka Nipāta
3. Tika Nipāta 9. Navaka Nipāta
4. Catuka Nipāta 10. Dasaka Nipāta
5. Pañcaka Nipāta 11. Ekādasaka Nipāta
6. Chakka Nipāta

—— —— ooooooo

1. Ekaka Nipāta

Rūpādi Vagga (AN 1.1-10) - riječ po riječ
    
Postoji pet vrsta osjetilnih objekata koji nadmašuju um (većina) ljudskih bića više nego bilo koji drugi.
Nīvaraṇappahāna Vagga (AN 1.11-20) - Riječ po rijeci
    
Pet dhammova koji najčešće njeguju pet prepreka i pet najučinkovitijih načina da ih raspršuju.
Akammaniya Vagga (AN 1.21-30) - riječ po riječ
    
Um može biti naš najgori neprijatelj ili naš najbolji prijatelj.
Adanta Vagga (AN 1.31-40) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Um može biti naš najgori neprijatelj ili naš najbolji prijatelj.
Udakarahaka Suttas (AN 1.45 & 46) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Razlika između jasnog uma i blatnog.
Mudu Sutta (AN 1.47) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sličnost za um koji je lahak.
Lahuparivatta Sutta (AN 1.48) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha, inače tako vješt u pronalaženju sličnosti, ovdje je na gubitku.
Accharāsaṅghāta Peyyāla (AN 1.53-55) - riječ po riječ
    
Prakticiranje dobre volje čini vrijednim darova.
Kusala Suttas (AN 1.56-73) - riječ po riječ
    
Što proizvodi i što uklanja zdrave i neugodne mentalne stanja.
Pamāda Suttas (AN 1.58-59) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ništa nije tako nepovoljno.
Pamādādi Vagga (AN 1.81-97) - Riječ po riječima
    
Buddha nas uporno upozorava na neozbiljnost.
Kāyagatāsati Vagga (AN 1.563-574) {excerpts} - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha govori u velikoj hvalevrijednosti svijesti usmjerenog prema tijelu.

—— —— ooooooo

2. Duka Nipāta

Appaṭivāna Sutta (AN 2.5) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kako bismo se trebali trenirati ako želimo doći do buđenja.
Cariya Sutta (AN 2.9) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Što je, uostalom, ono što jamči sklad, pristojnost,
    
poštenje, bratstvo u riječi mira unutar određenog društva? Buddha
    
ovdje objašnjava koji su dva čuvara svijeta.
Ekaṃsena Sutta (AN 2.18) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Evo jedne stvari koju Buddha izričito izriče.
Vijjābhāgiya Sutta (AN 2.32) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje Buddha povezuje Samathu s rāga i cetovimutti, i Vipassanā s avijjā i paññāvimutti.

—— —— ooooooo

3. Tika Nipāta

Kesamutti [aka Kālāmā] Sutta (AN 3,66) - Riječ po riječ
    
U
    
ovaj slavni sutta, Buda nas podsjeća da se konačno pouzdaju samo na naše
    
vlastito izravno iskustvo stvarnosti, a ne ono što su proglasili drugi,
    
čak i ako se dogodi da budemo naši “obožavani učitelji”.
Sāha Sutta (AN 3.67) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovdje dani savjeti vrlo su slični onom danom Kalama.
Aññatitthiya Sutta (AN 3.69) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
tri korijena neprikladnih objašnjavaju se s njihovim poštovanjem
    
karakterističan, uzrok njihova pojavljivanja i način ostvarivanja
    
njihov prestanak.
Uposatha Sutta (AN 3.71) - poboljšani prijevod
    
U ovoj suti, Buda definira kako laici trebaju prakticirati Uposatha i opisuju različite vrste deva.
Sīlabbata Sutta (AN 3.79) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ānanda objašnjava pomoću kojega se vrlo jednostavni rituali i obredi mogu ocijeniti korisnim ili ne.
Samaṇa Sutta (AN 3.82) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Evo tri asketska zadatka asketika.
Vajjiputta Sutta (AN 3.85) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
određeni redovnik ne može trenirati s toliko mnogo pravila. Buda ga objašnjava
    
kako on to može učiniti bez njih, i to vrlo dobro funkcionira.
Sikkhattaya Sutta (AN 3.90) - riječ po riječ
    
Buda definira tri treninge, tj. Adhisīlasikkhā, adhicittasikkhā i adhipaññāsikkhā.
Accāyika Sutta (AN 3.93) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Tri hitna zadatka asketika koja su poput tri hitne zadaće farmera.
Sikkhattaya Sutta (AN 3.91) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje Buddha daje alternativnu definiciju adhipaññāsikkhā.
Paṃsudhovaka Sutta (AN 3.102) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
U
    
ovaj sutta, Buda uspoređuje uklanjanje mentalnih nečistoća
    
kroz praksu do rada zlatara. To je osobito
    
zanimljivo, jer pruža postupno izlaganje nečistoća
    
treba se nositi s tim tijekom prakse, što daje korisno
    
referenca.
Nimitta Sutta (AN 3.103) - malo informacija o mjehurićima
    
Čini
    
smatrate li da se klimaju ili postanu pretjerano uznemireni tijekom vašeg
    
meditacijska praksa? Ovo je vrlo koristan diskurs meditatorima
    
koji žele uravnotežiti dvije odgovarajuće duhovne sposobnosti truda
    
i koncentracije, zajedno s ravnodušnošću. Mnogi od nas bi imali koristi
    
uglavnom od pravilnog primjene ovih uputa.
Ruṇṇa Sutta (AN 3.108) - Riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje
    
Buddha objašnjava što pjeva i pjeva u disciplini
    
plemenite, a zatim daje svoj instrunction u vezi smijeha i
    
smiješeći se.
Atitti Sutta (AN 3.109) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Tri pogrešne stvari, od kojih su mnoge nažalost drage, koje nikada ne mogu dovesti do sitosti.
Nidāna Sutta (AN 3.112) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest uzroka, tri zdrava i tri nestašna, do nastanka kamma.
Kammapatha Sutta (AN 3.164) - riječ po riječ
    
Pokazano je ovdje da je stajalište prema kojem nema ništa loše u ne-vegetarijanskom je pogrešno.

—— —— ooooooo

4. Catukka Nipāta

Yoga Sutta (AN 4.10) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Što Buddha znači kad govori o yogi i yogakkhema (odmor od jarma).
Padhāna Sutta (AN 4.13) - riječ po riječ
    
U ovoj suti, Buddha daje definiciju sammappadhānas.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 4.37) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Četiri jednostavne prakse koje čine neku nesposobnu za pasti, upravo u nazočnosti Nibbāne.
Samādhibhāvanā Sutta (AN 4.41) - riječ po riječ
    

    
četiri vrste koncentracije koje Buddha priznaje. To je sasvim
    
očigledno ovdje da se ne razlikuje jasna razlika između samādhija i
    
Panna.
Vipallāsa Sutta (AN 4.49) - Riječ po riječ
    
U toj suti, Buda opisuje četverostruki poremećaj saññā, grada i diṭṭhi.
Appamāda Sutta (AN 4.116) - jednostavan prijevod
    
Četiri slučaja u kojima se treba vježbati s tjelesnošću.
Ārakkha Sutta (AN 4.117) - jednostavan prijevod
    
Četiri stvari koje treba poduzeti s tjeskobom, svjesnošću štiteći um.
Mettā Sutta (AN 4.125) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovdje
    
Buddha objašnjava kakvu vrstu ponovnog rađanja jedan koji temeljito prakticira
    
Četiri Brahmavihāra mogu očekivati ​​i veliku prednost da bude njegov
    
učenik.
Asubha Sutta (AN 4.163) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
četiri načina vježbanja, prema vrsti odabrane prakse i
    
intenzitet ili slabost snage i duhovnih čimbenika.
Abhiññà Sutta (AN 4.254) - bez prijevoda
    
Kako plemeniti put radi s abhuññā koji se odnosi na razne dhame kao gostinjsku kuću koja pozdravlja razne vrste posjetitelja.
Arañña Sutta (AN 4.262) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kakva osoba je sposobna živjeti u divljini?

—— —— ooooooo

5. Pañcaka Nipāta

Vitthata Sutta (AN 5.2) - bez prijevoda
    
Ovdje Buddha detaljno definira ono što on naziva petoricom
    
Sekha-balas (strenghs jednog u treningu). Ova sutta je lako
    
razumljivo bez potrebe za paralelnim prijevodom, ako se odnosi na
    
Satta saddhammā Formulas kao što će biti predloženo u tekstu. Pali-engleski rječnik također je dostupan, samo u slučaju.
Vitthata Sutta (AN 5.14) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje su definirani pet balasta.
Samàdhi Sutta (AN 5.27) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet uzvišenih znanja koja se javljaju onome koji prakticira bezgraničnu koncentraciju.
Akusalarāsi Sutta (AN 5.52) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Govorimo li s pravom, što bi se trebalo nazvati “akumulacija demeritacije”?
Abhiṇhapaccavekkhitabbaṭhāna Sutta (AN 5.57) {excerpt} - riječ po riječ
    
Kako razmotriti vlastiti kamma.
Anāgatabhaya Sutta (AN 5.80) - poboljšani prijevod
    

    
Buda podsjeća redovnike da se prakticiranje Dhamme ne bi smjelo staviti
    
off za kasniji datum, jer nema jamstva da će budućnost
    
pružiti sve mogućnosti za praksu.
Sekha Sutta (AN 5.89) - bez prijevoda
    

    
Buda nas podsjeća na pet stvari koje pogoršavaju tu praksu, koja
    
za sve koji žele napredovati u treningu su gotovo jednako važni
    
znati, sjećati se i integrirati u naš životni stil kao
    
poznavanje pet standardnih nīvaraṇa.
Sekha Sutta (AN 5,90) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet stavova koji vode do pogoršanja prakse.
Sutadhara Sutta (AN 5,96) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet kvaliteta vodi jedan koji prakticira svjesnost disanja do oslobođenja u dugo vremena.
Kathā Sutta (AN 5.97) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet kvaliteta vodi jedan koji prakticira svjesnost disanja do oslobođenja u dugo vremena.
Āraññaka Sutta (AN 5.98) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet kvaliteta vodi jedan koji prakticira svjesnost disanja do oslobođenja u dugo vremena.
Andhakavinda Sutta (AN 5.114) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet stvari koje je Buddha potaknuo svoje novonastale redovnike da to učine.
Samayavimutta Sutta (AN 5.149) - bez prijevoda
    
Pet uvjeta pod kojima će se onaj koji je stekao ‘povremeno oslobođenje’ odmaknuo.
Samayavimutta Sutta (AN 5.150) - bez prijevoda
    
Još jedan set od pet uvjeta pod kojima će se onaj koji je stekao ‘povremeno oslobođenje’ odmaknuti.
Vaṇijjā Sutta (AN 5.177) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buda ovdje navodi pet zanatskih radnji koje ne bi trebali nositi njegovi sljedbenici laika, među kojima i posao mesa.
Gihī Sutta (AN 5.179) - poboljšani prijevod
    
U
    
ovaj sutta, Buddha daje veću preciznost o načinu na koji
    
četiri uobičajena sotāpattiyaṅga moraju biti internalizirana kako bi se
    
čine prikladne uvjete za sotāpatate.
Nissāraṇīya Sutta (AN 5.200) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ta sutta odbacuje pet vrsta nissāraṇa.

Yāgu Sutta (AN 5.207) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha daje pet prednosti jedenja riže.
Dantakaṭṭha ​​Sutta (AN 5.208) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buda daje pet razloga za upotrebu zubnog čistača.
Gītassara Sutta (AN 5.209) - Riječ po riječ
    
Ovaj
    
sute je u velikoj mjeri previdio različite budističke tradicije:
    
Buddha objašnjava zašto ne dopušta bhikkhusu da izvodi bilo koju
    
melodijsko pjevanje.
Muṭṭhassati Sutta (AN 5.210) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Nedostaci pada u snu bez odgovarajuće sati i sampajañña, te odgovarajuće prednosti da to rade s njima.
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.241) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet opasnosti duccarite (lošeg ponašanja) i pet prednosti sucarite (dobrog ponašanja).
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.245) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Još jedna sutta o pet opasnosti duccarite i pet prednosti sucarite.
Sivathika Sutta (AN 5.249) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet načina na koje jedna loše vođena osoba može biti slična terenu u kojoj ljudi bacaju mrtva tijela.
Puggalappasāda Sutta (AN 5.250) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovo je rijetko upozorenje koje je Buddha dao o opasnostima od povjerenja u bilo koga.
Rāgassa abhiññāya Sutta (AN 5.303) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet stvari koje treba prakticirati za izravno poznavanje rāga.

—— —— ooooooo

6. Chakka Nipāta

Bhaddaka Sutta (AN 6.14) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Sāriputta
    
objašnjava što čini razliku između bhikkhu čija će smrt
    
biti neuspješan i onaj čija će smrt biti sretna.
Anutapiya Sutta (AN 6.15) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Sāriputta
    
objašnjava što čini razliku između bhikkhu čija će smrt
    
biti kajanje i onaj čija će smrt biti bezobzirna.
Maraṇassati Sutta (AN 6.20) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ova sutta detaljno objašnjava kako prakticirati svjesnost smrti.
Sāmaka Sutta (AN 6.21) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Potaknut
    
zahvaljujući intervenciji deve, Buddha otkriva šest neplodnih načina
    
po kojem se bhikkhus pogoršava u kusala dhammama.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 6.22) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Šest dhammova povezano je s ne-propadanjem. Drugi skup vrlo korisnih dhammova za oduševljene praktičare.
Himavanta Sutta (AN 6.24) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest osobina podvrgnutih s kojima bi meditator navodno razbio Himalaji.
Anussatiṭṭhāna Sutta (AN 6.25) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ta sutta definira šest predmeta sjećanja.
Sekha Sutta (AN 6,31) - bez prijevoda
    
Buddha objašnjava koji su šest dhammova koji dovode do propadanja bhikkhu pod mentorstvom.
Nāgita Sutta (AN 6.42) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Dok
    
boravi u šumskom groblju, Buddha govori pohvalom skromnosti,
    
zadovoljstvo, nemirenje i osamljenost u pustinji.
Dhammika Sutta (AN 6.54) - obični tekstovi
    
U
    
ova sutta, riječ tathagata se ne koristi za označavanje Buddhe, ali
    
u zdravom smislu, što nam omogućuje bolje razumijevanje njegovog značenja.
Nibbedhika Sutta (AN 6.63) - obični tekstovi
    
Ovaj
    
sutta pruža zanimljivu sustavnu analizu Kame, Vedane,
    
Saññā, Āsavā, Kamma i Dukkha. Svaki od ovih pojmova je definiran, a zatim
    
opisan uz obrazac četiri ariya-saccas.
Anavatthitā Sutta (AN 6.102) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest nagrada koje bi trebale djelovati kao motivacija za utvrđivanje percepcije anicca.
Atammaya Sutta (AN 6.104) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest nagrada koje bi trebale djelovati kao motivacija za utvrđivanje percepcije anatete.
Assada Sutta (AN 6.112) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kako iskorijeniti pogled na uživanje, pogled na sebe i pogrešno gledanje općenito.
Dhammānupassī Sutta (AN 6.118) - riječ po riječ
    
To
    
vrijedi ponoviti poruku iz ove sute: šest navika
    
bez napuštanja koje nije moguće prakticirati
    
satipaṭṭhānas ispravno. Puno čišćenje može biti preporučljivo ovdje.

—— —— ooooooo

Yāgu Sutta (AN 5.207) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buddha daje pet prednosti jedenja riže.
Dantakaṭṭha ​​Sutta (AN 5.208) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Buda daje pet razloga za upotrebu zubnog čistača.
Gītassara Sutta (AN 5.209) - Riječ po riječ
    
Ovaj
    
sute je u velikoj mjeri previdio različite budističke tradicije:
    
Buddha objašnjava zašto ne dopušta bhikkhusu da izvodi bilo koju
    
melodijsko pjevanje.
Muṭṭhassati Sutta (AN 5.210) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Nedostaci pada u snu bez odgovarajuće sati i sampajañña, te odgovarajuće prednosti da to rade s njima.
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.241) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet opasnosti duccarite (lošeg ponašanja) i pet prednosti sucarite (dobrog ponašanja).
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.245) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Još jedna sutta o pet opasnosti duccarite i pet prednosti sucarite.Sivathika Sutta (AN 5.249) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet načina na koje jedna loše vođena osoba može biti slična terenu u kojoj ljudi bacaju mrtva tijela.
Puggalappasāda Sutta (AN 5.250) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ovo je rijetko upozorenje koje je Buddha dao o opasnostima od povjerenja u bilo koga.
Rāgassa abhiññāya Sutta (AN 5.303) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Pet stvari koje treba prakticirati za izravno poznavanje rāga.

—— —— ooooooo

6. Chakka Nipāta

Bhaddaka Sutta (AN 6.14) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Sāriputta
    
objašnjava što čini razliku između bhikkhu čija će smrt
    
biti neuspješan i onaj čija će smrt biti sretna.
Anutapiya Sutta (AN 6.15) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Sāriputta
    
objašnjava što čini razliku između bhikkhu čija će smrt
    
biti kajanje i onaj čija će smrt biti bezobzirna.
Maraṇassati Sutta (AN 6.20) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ova sutta detaljno objašnjava kako prakticirati svjesnost smrti.
Sāmaka Sutta (AN 6.21) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Potaknut
    
zahvaljujući intervenciji deve, Buddha otkriva šest neplodnih načina
    
po kojem se bhikkhus pogoršava u kusala dhammama.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 6.22) - malo informacija · mjehurići
    
Šest dhammova povezano je s ne-propadanjem. Drugi skup vrlo korisnih dhammova za oduševljene praktičare.
Himavanta Sutta (AN 6.24) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest osobina podvrgnutih s kojima bi meditator navodno razbio Himalaji.
Anussatiṭṭhāna Sutta (AN 6.25) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Ta sutta definira šest predmeta sjećanja.
Sekha Sutta (AN 6,31) - bez prijevoda
    
Buddha objašnjava koji su šest dhammova koji dovode do propadanja bhikkhu pod mentorstvom.
Nāgita Sutta (AN 6.42) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Dok
    
boravi u šumskom groblju, Buddha govori pohvalom skromnosti,
    
zadovoljstvo, nemirenje i osamljenost u pustinji.
Dhammika Sutta (AN 6.54) - obični tekstovi
    
U
    
ova sutta, riječ tathagata se ne koristi za označavanje Buddhe, ali
    
u zdravom smislu, što nam omogućuje bolje razumijevanje njegovog značenja.
Nibbedhika Sutta (AN 6.63) - obični tekstovi
    
Ovaj
    
sutta pruža zanimljivu sustavnu analizu Kame, Vedane,
    
Saññā, Āsavā, Kamma i Dukkha. Svaki od ovih pojmova je definiran, a zatim
    
opisan uz obrazac četiri ariya-saccas.
Anavatthitā Sutta (AN 6.102) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest nagrada koje bi trebale djelovati kao motivacija za utvrđivanje percepcije anicca.
Atammaya Sutta (AN 6.104) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Šest nagrada koje bi trebale djelovati kao motivacija za utvrđivanje percepcije anatete.
Assada Sutta (AN 6.112) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Kako iskorijeniti pogled na uživanje, pogled na sebe i pogrešno gledanje općenito.
Dhammānupassī Sutta (AN 6.118) - riječ po riječ
    
To
    
vrijedi ponoviti poruku iz ove sute: šest navika
    
bez napuštanja koje nije moguće prakticirati
    
satipaṭṭhānas ispravno. Puno čišćenje može biti preporučljivo ovdje.

—— —— ooooooo
7. Sattaka Nipāta

Anusaya Sutta (AN 7.11) - obični tekstovi
    
Ovdje su navedene sedam anusajama.
Anusaya Sutta (AN 7.12) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Na napuštanju sedam anusaya (opsesije ili latentne tendencije).
Saññà Sutta (AN 7.27) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam percepcija koje vode dugoročnom blagostanju bhikkhusa i sprječavaju njihov pad.
Parihāni Sutta (AN 7.28) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam bodova na kojima bhikkhu u treningu može odbiti ili ne.
Parihāni Sutta (AN 7.29) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam ponašanja na kojima sljedbenik laika može odbiti ili ne.
Vipatti Sutta (AN 7.30) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam točaka ponašanja na kojima sljedbenik laika može zadovoljiti njegovu neuspjeh ili uspjeh.
Parābhava Sutta (AN 7.31) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam točaka ponašanja na kojima sljedbenik laika može zadovoljiti svoju propast ili prosperitet.
Saññà Sutta (AN 7.49) - poboljšani prijevod
    
Sedam unutarnjih refleksija koje se dobro iskušavaju.
Nagaropama Sutta (AN 7.67) - obični tekstovi s Pali Formulama
    
Ovdje Buddha koristi prosvjetljujuću sličicu da objasni kako je sedam
    
dobre kvalitete koje bi trebao biti mastered od vježbenika kako bi se
    
uspješno raditi zajedno kako bi spriječili trupe Māre (tj. akusala
    
dhammas) od ulaska u tvrđavu uma.
Satthusāsana Sutta (AN 7.83) - riječ po riječ
    
Ovdje je vrlo jezgrovita sedmostruka poduka kojom se diskriminira ono što je Nastava Buddhe od onoga što nije.

—— —— ooooooo
8. Aṭṭhaka Nipāta

Nanda Sutta (AN 8.9) {extract] - parola per parolla
    
U Buddhdru discrivi cumu Nanda, anchi era presa per fierce
    
u sensu di u sensu, pratiche tutali in accordu di e so urdinamentu.
    
Questu sutta cuntene una definizione di satisampajañña.
Mahānāma Sutta (AN 8.25) {extract] - parolle per parolle
    
Mahānāma li pruvata a Buddha per definisce u significatu di un
seguitore di legu è in u rispettu un mistieru laicu si spetta hè
virtuoso.
Anuruddhamahāvitakka Sutta (AN 8.30) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sette
    
penseri sàviu chì sia veramente valutate è si ricorda
    
ven. Anuruddha. U Buddtu hè vicinu à Ghjesù per insignà u zornu,
    
dotatu di quale ellu assicurà l’aranessia. U Buddhèsime explica
    
in dettu u significatu di quelli pensamentu.
Abhisanda Sutta (AN 8.39) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu ottu modi chì tutti i discìpuli seria di u Bouddhistanu creanu assai meritu per elli.
Duccaritavipāka Sutta (AN 8.40) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Questu sutta qualifiche u tipu di patrunu chì unu sughjettu per u non rispettu di i preti bughjetti.
Saṅkhitta Sutta (AN 8.53) - parulle per parolle
    
U Buddhdru dà quì à a so anzianu infermiera ottanta criteri per
    
Se discrimina si una declaración dada pertenece a su enseñanza o no,
    
chì puderete esse uttassi tutale.
Dīghajāṇu Sutta (AN 8.54) {extract] - testu di chiaru
    
Frà altri cose, u Bouddhi define in questu sutta ciò chì significa di ghjinirosità.
Vimokkha Sutta (AN 8.66) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Una spiegazione di i ottu vimokkhas (librairies).
Parihāna Sutta (AN 8.79) - senza traduzzione
    
U Buddha spiega quali sò i seci dhammas chì purtanu à a deteriorazione di un bhikkhu sottu furmazione.

—— oooOooo ——

9. Navaka Nipāta

Nāga Sutta (AN 9.40) - testu plain
    
Questu sutta, culurata da umile sutile, spiega quantu un bhikkhu di
    
Menti più elevata hè cumparèvule à un elefante solu, quelli chì sò
    
di solitu chjamatu Nāga.
Tapussa Sutta (AN 9.41) {extracto} - testi senzeli
    
Quì saññā vedayita nirodha, u cessation di saññā e vedanā hè presentatu com un novu jhāna.
Sikkhādubbalya Sutta (AN 9.63) - parolle per parolla
    
Cosa da fà chì unu ùn hè micca perfettu in i cinque prete.
Nīvaraṇa Sutta (AN 9.64) - parolle per parolle
    
Cumu sguassà i cinqui estratti.

—— oooOooo ——

10. Dasaka Nipāta

Saṃyojana Sutta (AN 10.13) - testi puri
    
Questu sutta breve sutta oltres deu saṃyojanas.
Kasiṇa Sutta (AN 10.25) - parolle per parolle
    
Questa hè a descrizzione standard di a pratica nantu à e deci causi casti.
Girimānanda Sutta (AN 10.60) - traduzzione avanzata
    
In
    
per aiutà à Girimānanda, recuperendu da una malatìa grave, u Bouddha
    
dà una grande prufessione di rivista di deci tipi di percepzioni assai utile
    
chì pò esse sviluppatu.
Kathāvatthu Sutta (AN 10.69) {extract] - testi puri
    
U Boudouin recuerda i bhikkhus, chì ùn deve micca parlatu è ciò ch’elli deve parlà.
Cunda Sutta (AN 10.176) - qualchi infurmazioni · bundle
    
A Buda spiega un significatu più profundo di purità, in kāya, vācā è
mana, nò in rituali o rituali è demoniu chì l’anzianu sottumessi à
l’ultime, chì a inefficiencye hè evidente.

—— oooOooo ——

11. Ekādasaka Nipāta

30/03/2555

Mettā Sutta (AN 11.15) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Eleven boni risultati chì sò fora di a pratica di mettà.

—— oooOooo ——



https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-BuWAsnrbdI
Buddha Songs
chon chandrakantra
Published on Dec 12, 2012
Dhramma song
Category
Film & Animation


Dhramma song
youtube.com


https://www.businesstoday.in/…/india-toda…/story/272275.html

Jibe at Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi)

Country does not march to progress, prosperity and greatness. It is an insult to the intelligence of our people.


Callous remarks about changing the Constitution point to a deliberate
attempt to subvert the very essence of the Country. Anant Kumar Hegde’s
recent remark in which he had said “we are here and have come to change
the Constitution.”
Seriously concerned at how the foundational
principles and values of our constitution are being wilfully shredded.
Provocative statements from the Modi and company are not random or
accidental they are part of a dangerous design as the Master Key was
gobbled by tampering the Fraud EVMs to win elections for the stealth,
shadowy, discriminatory hindutva cult of manusmriti that believes in
the intolerant,cunning, crooked, number one terrorists of the world,
violent, militant, ever shooting, lynching, lunatic, mentally retarded
just 0.1% Paradesis from foreign Beni Israeli chitpavan brahmins full of
hatred, anger, jealousy, delusion which are defilement of the mind as
1st rate athmas (souls), the kshatriayas, vysias, shudras as 2nd, 3rd,
4th rate souls and the ati shudras the aboriginal inhabitants the 99.9 %
SC/STs/OBCs/Converted Minrities and the Women as having no souls at all
so that all soryts of atrocities are committed on them.

BJP government (Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths) are using the Aadhaar as an intrusive instrument of control.


RTI was brought-in to bring transparency and to fight corruption.
“Today that law is in cold storage. The RTI and RTI activists are being
killed.

The parliamentary majority was being interpreted as a
licence to stifle debate and bulldozed legislations. Fear and
intimidation are the order of the day. Alternative voices are being
silenced.

The freedom to think for oneself, to differ and
disagree, to eat according to one’s choice, to meet and marry according
to one’s wishes all this and more is under attack. Our country, our
society, our freedoms all are now under a systematic and sustained
assault. Our freedoms are under attack.

It is beyond doubt and is
proved that every Minister, MP holds the reins to utter any nasty or
bad words. In debates. Patra uses foul language, he does not has self
respect.

In Gujarat, the CAG has found Rs 20,000 crore of misuse of funds and nobody is talking about it


Modi (Murderer of democratic institutions) lacked respect to
parliamentary procedures during the Modi’s speech in the Parliament
after Budget 2018. Every time there is an important issue to discuss,
opposition voice was scuttled in the Parliament as they wanted to
discuss the big fraud. It’s the issue that’s agitating people’s mind.


Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP) Mischief in Saharanpur: It is to be
understood that BSP are the only one who are challenging the RSS (Rowdy
Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks) agenda of BJP during the past three years. Be it
the death of Rohit Vemula in Hyderabad University, attack against
SC/STs in Una of Gujarat, Vyapam scandal of Madya Pradesh or lynching of
Muslims in Dadri, Ms Mayawati vehemently opposed and exposed them in
the Rajya Sabha. Hence, the BJP leaders had been hatching plans to
choke her voice. They are planning to isolate BSP from other communities
and limit us only to SC/STs. That is why they managed to create clashes
between SC/STs and the Jat community in Saharanpur. They are also able
to use a SC organization in their conspiracy. She clearly understood the
game-plan of BJP behind the Saharanpur clashes.She decided to expose
them in the Parliament. When she gave the notice to speak on the
Saharanpur issue in the Rajya Sabha on July 18, 2017, they were afraid
that their mischief would get exposed and hence they did not allow her
speech. She went to the Parliament to give voice to the aspirations of
people and find redresses to their woes. The issue of Sabbirpur in
Saharanpur is a very serious one in which a Scheduled Caste were burnt.
If she was not able to protect them why should she be there. People may
try to silence her. But, being Babasaheb’s daughter and Kanshi Ram
Saheb’s disciple, cannot be silenced by anyone.She decided to resign her
Rajya Sabha membership as Babasaheb Ambedkar did in 1951. She, after
quitting the Rajya Sabha seat, have also decided to tour the whole
country to prepare our people and strengthen the movement in every
state. BSP will put an end to all kinds of exploitations by forming
their government.

BSP has Faith in the Success of the Movement:
The BJP (Bahuth Jiyadha Psychopaths) has become strong not because of
its own strength, but because of the failure of other parties. BSP only
we can challenge and defeat the casteist, communal and pro-capitalist
BJP. Other than BSP, no other party has got the determination and
morality to challenge BJP. BSP has not lost their faith in the success
of our movement and lose their miond in the face of odd situations.
Their ancestors had faced much more tough situations, but they did not
lose the mind. Babasaheb Ambedkar and Manyawar Kanshi Ramji were neither
disappointed nor did they get discouraged when they faced severe
challenges and setbacks.

Modi is being accused of fuelling
religious tensions. Vigilante mobs and private armies have been let
loose under state patronage. There is shocking insensitivity on
atrocities on SC/STs and women. The society is being polarised with an
eye on winning elections.”

Nobody could compete with how Modi
went into elections by tampering the fraud EVMs. Voting is a fundamental
right - The heart of democracy is voting . The heart of voting is TRUST
that each vote is recorded and counted with accuracy and impartiality .
The purpose of an election is not to name the winner, but it is to
convince the losers that they lost.


comments (0)
2557 Sun 11 Mar 2018 LESSON Buddha Vacana in 17 Classical Corsican- Corsa Corsa As recently as on the 17th of last November, the Nirmala Seetharam in a specially convened press conference to refute the charge of corruption and collusion with Anil Ambani-led Reliance Defence Limited at the cost of the public sector HAL, had committed to share “all the figures.One only wonders what about that? Rs. 12,000 Crore Loss Due To BJP Government’s Rafale Deal. RAFALE DEAL New smoking gun? Satvik Chandra How dare u question Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP)? They have divine right to rib, steal, chest, lie and brag about it. Demonetisation is, beyond doubt, the most talked of action taken by the incumbent Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) after gobbling the Master Key by tampring the fraud EVMs ,
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Tipiṭaka, ವಿನಯಪಿಟಕ, ತಿಪಿಟಕ (ಮೂಲ)
Posted by: @ 3:37 am

2557 Sun 11 Mar 2018 LESSON

 Buddha Vacana

in 17 Classical Corsican
- Corsa Corsa
As
recently as on the 17th of last November, the Nirmala Seetharam in a
specially convened press conference to refute the charge
of corruption and collusion with Anil Ambani-led Reliance Defence
Limited at the cost of the public sector HAL, had committed to share
“all the figures
.One only wonders what about that?
Rs. 12,000 Crore Loss Due To BJP Government’s Rafale Deal.
RAFALE DEAL
New smoking gun?


Satvik Chandra How dare u question Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP)? They have divine right to rib,
steal, chest, lie and brag about it.


Demonetisation is, beyond doubt, the most talked of action taken by the
incumbent Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) after gobbling the
Master Key by tampring the fraud EVMs ,

17 Classical Corsican
17 Corsa Corsa

2557 Sun 11 Mar 2018 LESSON

 Buddha Vacana
- E parolle di u Boudou -
Amparate Pali in ligna per e libera è u modu fàciule.

Stu
situ hè dedicatu à quelli chì vulete acquistà megliu i paroli di u
Bouddhite per avè l’appuntamentu di a Lingua Pali, ma chì ùn sò micca
assai tempu dispunibili.
L’idea
hè chì si u so propiu hè solu da esse permessa di leghje i teste di
Pali è avè un sensu imparu di l’intelligenza, ancu s’ellu capiscenu
micca tutte e minuti di reguli grammatichi, ùn deve micca bisognu di
passà assai
stà bughjone per un discurizante studiu di a tesau ra grammatica chirriziosa cù e cose cum’è assai diclinazioni è cunjugazioni.

In
quellu casu, hè abbastante per limità di stallà à apparinà u
significatu di i paroli più impurtanti di Pali, perchè l’experientia
ripetuta di a leghje furnisce una intreprissioni empirica è intuìbile di
l’strutture di sentenzi più frequenti.
Sò cusì permettenu per esse autodidacti, sceglie u tempu, durata, freccia, cuntenutu è a prufundità di u so studiu.

A
so intelligenza di u Buddha Vacana diventerà più cusì pricisante per
quantu capisce e ricercheghja sta tutte e parolle è e formule impurtanti
chì sò fundamentali in l’insignamentu di u Budda, per modi di leghje
regula.
U so appruvamentu è l’ispirazioni chì righjite da ellu hà criscenu più
in quantu a so ricivitezza à i missaghji di u Maestru avarà megliurà.

Disclaimer: Stu situ hè creatu da un autodidactu è hè significatu per autodidacti. U
webmaster ùn hà micca segui ogni cursu ufficiale Pali è ùn hè micca
affirmazione chì tutte l’infurmazioni prisentivi sò micca totalmente
liberi da i errori.
Quelli chì vulianu accurdà accadèrichi pò esse cunghjuntate à un furmale formale Pali. In casu chì i lettori avianu un sbagliu, u webmaster aghjunghje si
avianu infurmatu nantu à u cartulare chjamatu in ‘Cuntattate’.

En Français:

Ricerca in stu situ web

Sutta Piṭaka -Digha Nikāya

DN 9 -
Poṭṭhapāda Sutta
{extract}
- Quistione di Poṭṭhapāda -

Poṭṭhapāda ponu parechji duminii rigalavanu a natura di Saññā.
Nota: testi piani

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/suttapitaka.html

 Sutta Piṭaka
- U cisterna di discursivi -
[sutta: discursi]

U Sutta Piṭaka cuntene l’essenza di l’insignamentu di u Buddu à u Dhamma. Contene più di deci milla suttas. Hè divisu in cinque culura chjamati Nikāyas.

Dīgha Nikāya
    
[dīgha: long] A Dīgha Nikāya aglutina 34 di i discursi più longu datu da u Bouddha. Ci hè parechji insegna chì parechji d’elli sò addiziunati di tardi à u corpus originale è di l’autenticità dubbiare.
Majjhima Nikāya
    
[majjhima: medium] U Majjhima Nikāya aghjunte 152 discorsi di u Bouddha di tulume intermediate, trattendu di diversi materii.
Saṃyutta Nikāya
    
[samyutta: gruppu] U Saṃyutta Nikāya aghjunghjenu i suttas segons u so sugettu in 56 sottucatuli chjamati saṃyuttas. Contene più di trè mila discorsi di a longa variàbbili, ma in generale relativamente short.
Aṅguttara Nikāya
    
[aṅg: factor | uttara:
additionnal] Aṅguttara Nikāya hè divulgata in l’eleci gruppi sottu
gruppi chjamati nipātas, ognuna di elli cù i discorsi chì compone di
l’enumerazione di un factor supplementu versus quelli di u precedente
nipāta.
Contene millaie di suttas chì sò in generale brevi.
Khuddaka Nikāya
    
[khuddha:
curretta, chjucu] U testu currettu di Khuddhaka Nikāya è hè cunsideratu
cum’è compostu da dui stratas: Dhammapada, Udāna, Itivuttaka, Sutta
Nipāta, Theragāthā-Therīgāthā è Jātaka formanu l’strata antica, mentre
chì altri libri sò addiziunate di tardi è a so autenticità
hè più cuvita.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/formulae.html

Pali Formula

A
visione nantu à quale stu funzione hè basatu hè chì i passaghji di i
suttas chì sò stati rilevati per esse u più spessu repetite da u Bouddhu
in tutti i quattru Nikāyas pò esse presu com’è indicatu ciò chì hà
cunsideratu cum’è u più digià d’interessu in a so duttrina
, è à u listessu tempu chì u più significativu di e so parolle propiu. Veneru d’elli sò esse exposti in a Gaṇaka-Moggallāna Sutta (MN 107) è
descrizzione cum’è u Sekha Paṭipadā o Path per un in Training, chì
praticamente guida i neòfiti finu à u quartu jhāna.

Sekha Paṭipadā - U Path for one under Training

Dotee formule chì definen un passaghju i pratichi principali prescritti da u Bouddha. Hè d’impurtanza fundamentale per quellu chì vulete sapè avè successu,
perchè cuntene l’urdinenzi chì permettenu à u meditatore di crià i
cundizzioni indispinèvuli per una pratica efficida.

Fà accessu:

Dīgha Nikāya

Majjhima Nikāya

Saṃyutta Nikāya

Aṅguttara Nikāya

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/digha.html
Dīgha Nikāya

- I discorsi longu -
[dīgha: long]

U Dīgha Nikāya aghja 34 di i discursi cchiù longa presumituoti da u Bouddha.

Poṭṭhapāda Sutta (DN 9) {extract] - traduzzione avanzata
    
Poṭṭhapāda ponu parechji duminii rigalavanu a natura di Saññā.
Mahāpa

Ānāpānassati - Cuscenza di l’Altu
    
A pratica di ānāpānassati hè ricumandata da u Bouddha per tutti i tipi
di scopi sani è quì pudete capisce bè cumu e precisamente l’urdinamentu
chì dà.
Anussati - The Recollections
    
Eccu avemu a descrizzione standard di u Buddu (≈140 occ.), U Dhamma (≈90 occ.) È a Sangha (≈45 occ.).
Appamāṇā Cetovimutti - L ‘liberazione senza limitazione di a mente
    
U Budditu pruteghja spessu a pratica di i quattru appamāṇā
cetovimutti, chì sò stati di prutezione per prutezione di periculi è per
esse un modu chì porta à Brahmaloka.
Arahatta - Arahantship
    
Questa hè a formula di storia chì a ricunniscenza di l’aranisa hè scritta in suttas.
Ariya Sīlakkhandha - L’aghjunghje noble di a virtù
    
Diversi regule di seguità da bhikkhus.
Arūpajjhānā - The Formless Jhānas
    
Quì sò i furmulieri di scurazioni chì describenu l’assicuranza di u
samādhi fora di a quarta jhāna, chì sò referiti à a litteratura tardi
Pali com arūpajjjānas.
Āsavānaṃ Khayañāṇa - U cunnuscenza di a distruzzioni di i āsavas
    
Sapè di a distruzzioni di i āsavas: arahantship.
Bhojane Mattaññutā - Moderation in food
    
Moderazione in nutritura: sapendu l’ughjuntu propiu à manghjà.
Cattāro Jhānā - Quattru jhānas
    
Quattro jhàna: avè un locu bè.
Indriyesu Guttadvāratā - Surveillance à l’intrata di facultati sensu
    
Guardia à l’intrata di facultati sensu: restraint di sensu.
Jāgariyaṃ Anuyoga - Dedicazione à a vigilia
    
Dedicazione à a vigilia: ghjornu è notte.
Kammassakomhi - Sò u mo propiu kamma
    
Sta formula spiega una di e pedi funnamintali di l’insignamentu di u
Budda: una versione ntenziale di a liggi di causa è effettu.
Nīvaraṇānaṃ Pahāna - Eliminazione di tagliu
    
Sguassu di i buggetti: sopra l’obstruczione di i stati mentali.
Patujjà - Andà andendu
    
Quandu partì: cumu si decide u rinunziu u mondu.
Pubbenivāsānussatiñāṇa - Knowledge of the recollection of former places living
    
I cunniscenza di u ricurdimentu di i primi pratiche viventi: ricurdendu a vita passata.
Satipaṭṭhāna - Presenza di Sensibilizazione
    
Questi sò e formule cù u quale u Buddu definisce in breve ciò chì i quattru satipaṭṭhānas sò (≈33 occ.).
Satisampajañña - Comprehende e intuduzzione
    
Intistvene è intelligente: una pratiche ininterruce.
Satta saddhammā - Sette qualità boni
    
Sette qualità fundamentali chì anu da esse maestru di u trainee per esse successu. Quattro d’autri qualità anu aghjunte ancu trà i cinque indriyas espirituali è i cinque balassii.
Sattānaṃ Cutūpapātañāṇa - Sapienti di rinvivimentu di l’essiri disseminati
    
I cunniscenu di u rinnovatu di l’essiri diceevi.
Sīlasampatti - A realizazione in virtù
    
A realizazione in virtù: un observatore currettu di e reguli Pātimokkha.
Vivitta Senāsanena Bhajana - Rughjendu à abitazioni isolati
L’scelta di un locu propiu è l’adopzione di a postura fisica è mentale
propria hè una altra condicioni sine qua non di pratiche riescita.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/patimokkha.html

Pātimokkha
- Li guideri di l’Bhikkhu -

Eccu i 227 guidati chì ogni bhikkhu hà dettu appressu à u core in lingua Pali in modu di pudè esse recite. Eccu un analisis semàntici di ogni guidanza vi (ombra) sò furnuti.

Pārājika 1
    
Ùn deve esse bhikkhu - participendu à a furmazione è u sustegnu di
i bhikkhus, senza avè rinunce u furmazione, senza avè esse dichjaratu a
so debule - impregnassi in e cummerciu, anche cun un animali femminile,
hè venitu è ​​ùn hè più in affiliazione.
    
Pātimokkha

Pārājika 1

yo pana bhikkhu bhikkhūnaṃ sikkhā · sājīva · samāpanno sikkhaṃ a ·
paccakkhāya du · b · balyaṃ an · āvi · katvā methunaṃ dhammaṃ
paṭiseveyya antamaso tiracchāna · gatāya · pi, pārājiko hoti a saṃvāso.

Ùn deve esse bhikkhu - participendu à a furmazione è u sustegnu di i
bhikkhus, senza avè rinunce u furmazione, senza avè esse dichjaratu a so
debule - impregnassi in e cummerciu, anche cun un animali femminile, hè
venitu è ​​ùn hè più in affiliazione.

Eu pana bhikkhu S’avissi alcune bhikkhu
bhikkhūnaṃ Sikhā · sīājīva · samāpanno participa in a furmazione è a vita di i bhikkhus,
sikkhaṃ a · paccakkhāya senza avè rinunciu u furmazione,
du · b · balyaṃ an · āvi · katvā senza avè esse dichjaratu u so debule
methunaṃ dhammaṃ paṭiseveyya engage in sexual intercourse,
antamaso tiracchâna · gatāya · pi, anche cun un animali femminile,
pārājiko hoti a saymvāso. Hè scunfigutu è ùn ne più in affiliazione.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/download.html
 
Pagina di u situ

Scaricate u situ Web (versione di Januray 2013):

Cliccate quì

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/contact.html
 
Cuntattate
bvacana@gmail.com
Per ogni observazione, suggerimentu, dumande:
Ùn aghju daveru à rapportà nisuna errore, discrepanzia, ligame rotte, infurmazioni vacanti, bullore, etc. U webmasteru serà grusu.

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/samyutta.html

Sutta Piṭaka

Saṃyutta Nikāya

- I discorsi classificati -
[saṃyutta: gruppu]

I discursivi di a Saṃyutta Nikāya sò dividiti secondu
u so tema in 56 saṃyuttas, chì sò stati raggrupati in cinque
vaggas.

Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 12.2) - parola per parolla
    
Una spiegazione detallada di paṭicca samuppāda, cun una difinizzioni di ogni unu di i dodici ligami.
Cetanā Sutta (SN 12.38) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu u Budditu spieca cusì chì u cetanà, cù u pensamentu è l’anusaya, ponu esse a basa per viññāṇa.
Upādāna Sutta (SN 12.52) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu
    
Hè una lezzioni assai esclarante chì manifesta per quale psicologicu
    
un miccanicu unu dà in u craving, è spieca cusì chì pò esse faciule
    
Sustituitu per santevuli cunsulazioni per disperse da questu.
Puttamaṃsūpama Sutta (SN 12.63) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhddu prupone quattro simplicezi impressiunali è inspirame per spiegà cumu i quattru āhāras si deve esse cunsideratu.
Sanidāna Sutta (SN 14.12) - traduzzione avanzata
    
A
    
maravigliosa spiegazione di perchè pervisioni diventenu in azzione, più
    
assulitatu da u simile di a torcia scintillante. Remain diligently
    
cura di dispelisce u pensamentu sinsulenti!
Āṇi Sutta (SN 20.7) - parola per parolla
    
A
    
Una cosa impurtante hè ricurdata da noi da u Budda: per u nostru propiu
    
benifiziu per u benfit di i ghjinirazioni à vultà, avemu
    
deve dà più impurtanza per i so proprii proprii, è micca tantu per
    
quellu chì altru oghje o o finta in u passatu per esse unu
    
maestru propiu (Dhamma).
Samādhi Sutta (SN 22.5) - parola per parolla
    
U
    
Buddu esi staggiuneghja i so seguitori à sviluppà a cuncintrazione per ch’ellu puderanu
    
insegnatu di pratica in a surgenti è falendu i cinque
    
agglumerate, postu chì ellu definisce u significatu di questu sensu è di passà
    
di l’agglumeru, in termini di l’origine dipende.
Paṭisallāṇa Sutta (SN 22.6) - senza traduzzione
    
U
    
Bouddhis mba scandalizà i so seguitori à pratichi i soluzione per ch’elli ponu
    
insegnatu di pratica in a surgenti è falendu i cinque
    
agglumerate, postu chì ellu definisce u significatu di questu sensu è di passà
    
di l’agglumeru, in termini di l’origine dipende.
Upādāparitassanā Sutta (SN 22.8) - parola per parolla
    
U risultatu è u cessamentu di u patenti si mette in i cinque agrachi.
Nandikkhaya Sutta (SN 22.51) - parola per parolla
    
Cumu operatu a distruzzioni di piacè.
Anattalakkhana Sutta (SN 22.59) - parò da a parolla
    
In questa famosa sutta, u Buddhddu palesa per a prima volta a so duttrina nantu à u anatta.
Khajjanīya Sutta (SN 22.79) {extract] - parolle per parolla
    
Questu sutta prupone una dicisioni sucinta di i cinque mani.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 29.1) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I diversi tipi di nāgas.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 30.1) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I so tipi di supaṇṇas (aka garudas).
Suddhika Sutta (SN 31.1) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I difetti tipi di gandhabba devas.
Suddhika Sutta (SN 32.1) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I diversi tipi di nudu devas.
Samāpattimūlakaṭhiti Sutta (SN 34.11) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Attaining concentration vs. mantene a cuncentrazione.
Pubbesambodha Sutta (SN 35.13) - parola per parulla
    
U
    
Buddha hà definitu ciò chì significheghja per attraversu, rimborsu è emancipazione in
    
u casu di l’esferi di u sensu internu, è dichjarà chì a so
    
U svighjatu era nunda più è micca nimu da avè l’intelligenza.
Abhinanda Sutta (SN 35.20) - parola per parulla
    
Ùn ci hè scappatu per quellu chì prumesse in sensu ogetti.
Migajāla Sutta (SN 35.46) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Perchè
    
hè veru a solità tantu difficiuli di truvà? U Buddhèste spiega perchè, ùn importa
    
induve voi, i vostri cumpagni più molti sempre tag along.
Avijjāpahāna Sutta (SN 35.53) - parò da a parolla
    
Un discursimu simplicità, ma fermu prufunditu, nantu à ciò chì sapete è
vede per abbandunà a ignurenza è di producià i cunniscenzi.
Sabbupādānapariññā Sutta (SN 35.60) - parola per parolla
    
U
    
Buddha, mentre chì esse l’esplicazione di u cumprinzamentu tutta di tutte l’attaccamentu,
    
dà una spiegazione prufonda è pocu chjaru: cuntene cuntene nantu à a basa
    
di trè fenomeni.
Migajāla Sutta Sutta (SN 35.64) {extract] - parola per parolla
    
Certi
    
neòfits (è avemu da spessu connote)
    
per crede chì hè pussibule di piacè in sensu pleasures senza
    
dannu à l’appiccicazione è di u soffre. U Buddhà enseña Migajāla
    
chì hè ghjustu impossibile.
Adantāgutta Sutta (SN 35.94) - parola per parolla
    
Eccu
    
hè unu di quelli cunsiglieri chì sò cusì faciuli per capiscenu cù a
    
intelligettu, ancu cusì difficiule à capì sottu à u nivellu più altu
    
sbagliate cuntene interferiscenu in u prucessu. Cusì ci hè bisognu
    
avè ripetitu spessu, anche ancu chì quella pare avvignava à parechji.

Pamādavihārī Sutta (SN 35.97) - parola per parolla
    
Chì fà a diffarenza di quellu chì hè vicinu cù negligenza è quellu chì stà cun vigilance.
Sakkapañhā Sutta Sutta (SN 35.118) - parolle per parolle
    
U Buddha face una risposta simplicosa à a quistione di Sakka: quale hè
a raghjunata perchè alcune alcune alcanza a fine finali mentre chì
l’altri ùn anu micca?
Rūpārāma Sutta (SN 35.137) - parolle per parolla
    
U Buddhde s’apica per noi una volta, in un altru modu, a causa è a cessation of suffering. Ci hè ghjustu à mezu à u centru di ciò chì avemu sempre sempre in ghjornu è tutte a notte.
Aniccanibbānasappāya Sutta (SN 35.147) - parola per parolla
    
Eccu assicuranza di hardcore vipassanā trattendu di a percepzioni di
impermanenza per i meditori avanzati chì anu st’anzianu à ottene
Nibbāna.
Ajjhattānattahetu Sutta (SN 35.142) - parola per parolla
    
Quandu s’investigghia e cause di u risultatu di l’òrgani di u sensu,
in quale a carateristica ùn pò esse faciule più faciule, permette a
trasmissioni di sta intrepretazione à u so casu.
Samudda Sutta (SN 35.229) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Chì l’oceanu in a disciplina di i nobili hè. Guàrdati di micca per lavavvi!
Pahāna Sutta (SN 36.3) - traduzzione avanzata
    
A rilazioni trà i trè tippi di vedanā è trè di l’anusayas.
Daṭṭhabba Sutta (SN 36.5) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cumu si pò vede i trè tippi di vedanā (senteriali).
Salla Sutta (SN 36.6) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quandu
u fucile da a freccia di u dulore fisicu, una persona pocosa accanta à
l’aghju aghjustatu l’angustia mentale nantu à ella, cum’è s’ellu avia
statu sparatu da duie flecci.
Un omu sàvia si sentenu u scherzu di una freccia sola.
Anicca Sutta (SN 36.9) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Setti caratteristiche di vedanā (sentimenti), chì sò ancu applicàte à
l’altri quattru khandhas (SN 22.21) è cume di i dodici ligami di paṭicca
· samuppāda (SN 12,20).
Phassamūlaka Sutta (SN 36.10) - parola per parulla
    
I trè tippi di sentimenti sò raccoti in trè tippi di cuntatti.
Aṭṭhasata Sutta (SN 36.22) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddha spone vedanās in sette mane di diversi, analizeghja in dui,
trè, cinqui, seis, diciottimo, trenta seises o cìde e l’ode categurii.
Nirāmisa Sutta (SN 36.31) {extract] - parola per parolla
    
Puderemu capisce quì chì pìtti, ma esse spessu listatu com’è una bojjhaṅga, pò ancu esse accusala. Stu passaghju cumporta ancu una definizione di i cinqui kāmaguṇā.
Dhammavādīpañhā Sutta (SN 38.3) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quale pruprietanu u Dhamma in u mondu (dhamma · vādī)? Quale pruteghji bè (su · p · paṭipanna)? Quale hè daveru (su · gata)?
Dukkara Sutta (SN 39.16) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Ciò chì hè difficiuli di fà in questu Docenza è Disciplina?
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 45.8) - parulle per parolle
    
Eccu u Bouddhine definisce per preghiera ogni fattore di l’altru noble pianu novu.
Āgantuka Sutta (SN 45.159) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quandu a Nave Path travaglia cù l’abhiññā chì appartene à parechji
dhammas cum’è una casa di guest-hostale chì ricevi diversi viaghji di
visitanti.
Kusala Sutta (SN 46.32) - parola per parolla
    
Tuttu ciò chì si vantaghja unite in una cosa.
Āāra Sutta (SN 46.51) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhduscrive a manera di pudè o “alimenta” o “starve” l’impurtatori
è i fatturi di l’illuminamentu in sicura cumu si prisentanu a nostra
attenzione.
Saṅgārava Sutta (SN 46.55) {extract] - traduzzione avanzata
    
Una bella serie di similes per spiegà cum’è quattru nīvaraṇas
(impunenti) affettanu a purità di a mente è a so capacità di percive a
realtà cum’è.
Sati Sutta (SN 47.35) - parola per parolla
    
In questu sutta, u Bouddhout remembe le bhikkhus per satos e sampajānos, è definisce questi dui termini.
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 47.40) - parola per parulla
    
I satipaṭṭhānas hà insignatu in corta.
Daṭṭhabba Sutta (SN 48.8) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Ogni cume i cinque indriyas spirituali hè dichjaratu chì si vede in una dhamma quattru daveru.
Saṃkhitta Sutta (SN 48.14) - traduzzione avanzata
    
E cumpatenu elli hè tuttu chiddu chì avemu da fà, è questu hè a medità di a nostra liberazione.
Vibhaṅga Sutta (SN 48.38) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu u Bouddhamu definisce i cinqui indriyas sensittivi.
Uppaṭipāṭika Sutta (SN 48.40) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta prupone un interessante parallelu trà u cessamentu di e sentenzi sensu è i successi successi di jhānas.
Sāketa Sutta (SN 48.43) {extract] - traduzzione avanzata
    
In questu sutta, u Bouddhistanu chì u bala è l’indriyas ponu esse cunsideratu cum’è una sola cosa è cum’è dui cose diffirenti.
Patiṭṭhita Sutta (SN 48.56) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Ci hè un statu mentale chì tutte e cinque facultati spirituali sò perfeccionati.
Bīja Sutta (SN 49.24) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Un bonu simile chì capisce chì a virtù fundamentale hè per a pratica di i quatru pensamentu right.
Gantha Sutta (SN 50.102) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu
    
Sutta hè basatu nantu à a lista interessanti di i quattru «nodi», è
    
favurizeghja u sviluppu di i cinque forza spirituali.
Viraddha Sutta (SN 51.2) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quellu chì abbanduneghja sti trascuratori di u modu nobili.
Chandasamādhi Sutta (SN 51.13) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta s’explica claramente u significatu di e furmulariu chì qualificheghjanu a pratica di l’iddhi · pādas.
Samaṇabrāhmaṇa Sutta (SN 51.17) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Wether
    
in u passatu, in u futuru o à l’oghje, quellu chì prumesse in supernale
    
i putenzi sò sviluppatu è assicuritate practiced four things.
Vidhā Sutta (SN 53.36) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U
    
jhānas sò ricumandati per liberà di i trè tippi di cunti, chì
    
sò culligati cun paragunariu cù l’altri. Ciò chì hè chjaru chì
    
Ci hè una ghjerarchia di Sangha, hè solu per scopi pratichi,
    
è ùn hè micca stata presa per esse ripresentativa di alcuna realità.
    
ùn hè micca pocu chjamatu sese esse unu sutta ripite 16 volte u stessu
    
cosa, o 16 suttas agrupati, o 4 suttas chì cuntene ogni 4
    
ripitizioni.
Padīpopama Sutta (SN 54.8) - parola per parolla
    
Eccu
    
u Buddha spiega ānāpānassati è a recommands it for various
    
Scopi: da abbandunà impurte grossi, sviluppatu tutta a
    
ottu ghjianu.
Saraṇānisakka Sutta (SN 55.24) - traduzzione avanzata
    
In
    
stu discursu interessanti, u Buddhista stenni chì un anu micca
    
Avete avè avutu acquistatu forte fiducia in u Buddha, Dhamma è Sangha
    
per diventà un verduguante in u mumentu di morte.
Mahānāma Sutta (SN 55.37) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Chì significà esse un discìpulu lazzu layu, dotatu di virtù, cunvinzione, generosità è discernment.
Aṅga Sutta (SN 55.50) - parola per parulla
    
I quattru sotà (crescenti per l’acqua).
Samādhi Sutta (SN 56.1) - parola per parolla
    
U Boudoude esiteghja i bhikkhus per praticà u samādhi, perchè vene à cumprendre a quattru nurmanni verità in a so verità natura.
Paṭisallāna Sutta (SN 56.2) - parola per parolla
    
U
    
U Bouddhoi palesa i bhikkhus per a pratica di pratica, perchè si mette à
    
capiscenu a quattru nurmanni verità in a so verità natura.
Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (SN 56.11) - parola per parolla
    
Questu hè in sicuru u famusu sutta in a litteratura Pali. U Buddhddu tistimoniu i quattru ariya-saccas per a prima volta.
Saṅkāsanā Sutta (SN 56.19) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U
    
‘insignamentu di e quattru nurmanni verità, ma avà avutu bè chì l’avete
    
mente in gira, hè veramente assai prufonda è a mente puderia passà tuttu
    
tempu chì anu investigatu.
Siṃsapāvana Sutta (SN 56.31) - parola per parulla
    
U
    
famusu sutta unni u Buda ci conta chì ùn hà micca interessatu nuddu
    
insignamenti chì ùn sò micca diretti immediatamente per accadì l’aiutu.
Daṇḍa Sutta (SN 56.33) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U simile dicenu di u bastone.

—— oooOooo ——

http://www.buddha-vacana.org/sutta/anguttara.html
 
Sutta Piṭaka

Aṅguttara Nikāya

- I discursi di un altru factoru -
[aṅg: factor | uttara: supplementu]

L’Aṅguttara Nikāya cunteni mila
di discorsi curtite, chì anu a particularità per esse strutturatu
enumerazione. Hè divisu in oghji setti, u primu trattatu
enumerazioni di un articulu, u sicondu cù quelli di duie articuli è cume
Buda, senza avè mai fattu l’usu di l’scrittura, dumandò à i so sguardi
attenti è di memorizà e so urdinamentu. Per fà e so parolle
hè chjaru quantu pussibule è per facilitate a sta memorizazione, spessu
presenta a so insignante in a forma di enumerazioni.

Nipātas

1. Ekaka Nipāta 7. Sattaka Nipāta
2. Duka Nipāta 8. Aṭṭhaka Nipāta
3. Tika Nipāta 9. Navaka Nipāta
4. Catuka Nipāta 10. Dasaka Nipāta
5. Pañcaka Nipāta 11. Ekādasaka Nipāta
6. Chakka Nipāta

—— oooOooo ——1. Ekaka Nipāta

Rūpādi Vagga (AN 1.1-10) - parola per parolla
    
Ci hè cinque tippi di sensu urighjini chì sprimendu a mente di (a maiò) di l’essiri umani più cà tutti l’altri.
Nīvaraṇappahāna Vagga (AN 1.11-20) - parola per parolla
    
I cincu diami chì nutenu più efficacimente i cinque pinzoni, è e cinque modi più efficace di dispellari.
Akammaniya Vagga (AN 1.21-30) - parulle per parolle
    
A mente pò esse u nostru pienu ingannu o u nostru amicu.
Adanta Vagga (AN 1.31-40) - traduzzione avanzata
    
A mente pò esse u nostru pienu ingannu o u nostru amicu.
Udakarahaka Suttas (AN 1.45 & 46) - traduzzione avanzata
    
A diffarenza trà una mente scura è una cala.
Mudu Sutta (AN 1.47) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Un simile per una mente chì hè crescente.
Lahuparivatta Sutta (AN 1.48) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Bouddhite, nurmale cusì adept in truvà i similes, hè quì à una perdita.
Accharāsaṅghāta Peyyāla (AN 1.53-55) - parola per parolla
    
Prutizzioni di a boni di bonu fà una meriteghja di rigali.
Kusala Suttas (AN 1.56-73) - parola per parolla
    
Chì prupone è quale eliminà i Stati Mentali sani è maligni.
Pamāda Suttas (AN 1.58-59) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Nunda ùn hè tantu vantave ch’è questu.
Pamādādi Vagga (AN 1.81-97) - parola per parolla
    
U Bouddhëu hà ripertamente annunziati contru l’ecceziunità.
Kāyagatāsati Vagga (AN 1.563-574) {pezzi} - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddtu hà parlatu in altu elogi di a cunningia diretta à u corpu.

—— oooOooo ——

2. Duka Nipāta

Appaṭivāna Sutta (AN 2.5) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cumu duvamu esse entrenatu si vulete arrivà à despertanti.
Cariya Sutta (AN 2.9) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cosa hè questu questu, chì guarantisci l’armunia, educazione,
    
l’honesty, fratellanza in una parolla pazza in una sucità particulari? U Budda
    
spiega quì chì sò i dui guardianu di u mondu.
Ekaṃsena Sutta (AN 2.18) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu una cosa chì u Buddh declara categurichi.
Vijjābhāgiya Sutta (AN 2.32) - parolle per parolle
    
Eccu u Buddtu relativo Samatha cù rāga è cetovimutti, è Vipassanā cù avijjā è paññāvimutti.

—— oooOooo ——

3. Tika Nipāta

Kesamutti [aka Kālāmā] Sutta (AN 3.66) - parolle per parolla
    
In
    
questu famusu sutta, u Bouddhout reminds us à ultimatamenti confiare sulu nostru
    
l’imaghjini direttu di a realità, nunda ciò chì hè dichjaratu da l’altri,
    
Ancu s’ellu averebbe esse u nostru “maestru riveveratu”.
Sāḷha Sutta (AN 3.67) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I cunsiglii cunsigliati quì hè assai simili a questu datu à u Kalamas.
Aññatitthiya Sutta (AN 3.69) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U
    
trè razzii di l’iniquità sò spiegati cun rispettu
    
Caratteristiche, a causa di a so saria, è a via per fà
    
a so cessation.
Uposatha Sutta (AN 3.71) - traduzzione avanzata
    
In questu sutta, u Bouddhine definisce cusì chì i ghjovani lazii praticavanu Uposatha è descrizanu i diversi tipi di Devas.
Sīlabbata Sutta (AN 3.79) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Ānanda spiega da quì ritimi di creteria simplici è rituali ponu esse ghjudicati bè benifichi o micca.
Samaṇa Sutta (AN 3.82) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu i trè asceti di un asceti.
Vajjiputta Sutta (AN 3.85) - traduzzione avanzata
    
A
    
Un certu monacu ùn pò micca furmà cù e tanti règuli. U Buddhde ci spieca
    
cumu si pò fà senza elle, è si ferma bè bè.
Sikkhattaya Sutta (AN 3.90) - parola per parolla
    
U Budditu hà definitu i trè furmazioni, i.e. adhisīlasikkhā, adhicittasikkhā e adhipaññāsikkhā.
Accāyika Sutta (AN 3.93) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Trè taski urgente di un asceticu chì sò cum’è questi trè urgenti di un agricultori.
Sikkhattaya Sutta (AN 3.91) - parola per parolla
    
Quì u Bouddhari detti una definizzioni alterna di annunziu.
Paṃsudhovaka Sutta (AN 3.102) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
In
    
questu sutta, u Buddu compara a rimorca di l’impuru materiali
    
attraversu a pratica à u travagliu di un orfebreghju. Hè particulari
    
interessante, perchè furnisce una esplicazione graduali di l’impuru
    
unu hà da trattà in u praticatu, chì dà un utile
    
riferimentu.
Nimitta Sutta (AN 3.103) - pochi infurmazioni · e bombe
    
Fate
    
vo truverete cun ellucennu fora o fendu vicinu di u vostru
    
meditazione? Questu hè un discursu uttellu uttellu per i meditori
    
chì anu bisognu di equilibri i dui facultati spirituali cunvinti di u sforzu
    
è a cuncintrazione, cù l’equanimità. Parechje noi ci anu da esse beneficiatu
    
sustinientamente d’appricà appressu chè struzzioni.
RNṇa Sutta (AN 3.108) - parolle per parolle
    
Eccu
    
u Boudd’i ci spiega ciò chì canta è balla in a disciplina di
    
i nobili, è dunque a so instruzione per riri è
    
surrisu.
Atitti Sutta (AN 3.109) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Trè incariculi, di quale parechji sfurtunatamenti fondanu, chì ùn pò micca mai avè a sazià.Nidāna Sutta (AN 3.112) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Seis cause, trè sante è trè santu, à u risultatu di quessa.
Kammapatha Sutta (AN 3.164) - parola per parolla
    
Hè dimustrata quì chì u vede sicondu chì ùn ci hè nunda di male per ùn esse vegetariano hè erroniu.

—— oooOooo ——

4. Catukka Nipāta

Ioga Sutta (AN 4.10) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Ciò chì u Buda significa quandu si parra di yoga è yogakkhema (reste da u yugnu).
Padhāna Sutta (AN 4.13) - parola per parolla
    
In questu sutta, u Buddtu face una definizione di sammappadhānas.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 4.37) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quattru pratiche simplici chì facenu un incapaci di fallu, ghjusta in a presenza di Nibbana.
Samādhibhāvanā Sutta (AN 4.41) - parola per parolla
    
U
    
quattru tipi di cuncintrazioni chì u Budditu richieste. Hè abbastanza
    
Avà cusì chì ùn si ponu distinazione chjaru trà samādhi è
    
paññā.
Vipallāsa Sutta (AN 4.49) - parulle per parolle
    
In questu sutta, u Buddhduscrive a distruzzioni quatru di saññā, citta e diṭṭhi.
Appamāda Sutta (AN 4.116) - traduzzione simplice
    
Quattru instance in quale unu deve esse pràticu cun assiduzza.
Ārakkha Sutta (AN 4.117) - traduzzione simplici
    
Quattru cose à esse aduprati cun assiduzza, cuntintizza mentre prutegge a mente.
Mettā Sutta (AN 4.125) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu
    
u Buddhèsimu s’indulisce qualcunu di rinnovò quellu chì pratiche
    
i quattru Brahmavihāras puderè esse espertu, è u gran benefiziu di esse u so
    
discìpulu.
Asubha Sutta (AN 4.163) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U
    
Quattru modi di praticanti, secondu u tipu di pratica scelta è
    
l’intensità o debule di i punti di forza è facultati spirituali.
Abhiññā Sutta (AN 4.254) - senza traduzzione
    
Quandu a Nave Path travaglia cù l’abhiññā chì appartene à parechji
dhammas cum’è una casa di guest-hostale chì ricevi diversi viaghji di
visitanti.
Araña Sutta (AN 4.262) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Quale tipu di persona hè adattata per vive in u desertu?

—— oooOooo ——

5. Pañcaka Nipāta

Vitthata Sutta (AN 5.2) - senza traduzzione
    
Quì u Buddha definisce in detail ciò chì chjamà i cinque
    
Sekha-balas (strenghs one in training). Questu sutta hè facilmente
    
cumprinzìbbili senza esse dumandà una traduzzione parallella, sè vo vulete riferite
    
I Satta saddhammā Formuli sò suggeriti in u testu. U Pali-English Dictionary hè ancu dispunibile, solu per u situ.
Vitthata Sutta (AN 5.14) - parulle per parolle
    
Quì ci sò definiti i cinque balu.
Samādhi Sutta (AN 5.27) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque sapiti elevate chì si trovani à quellu chì praticà a cuncentrazione senza limiti.
Akusalarāsi Sutta (AN 5.52) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Parlendu in modu bellu, chì deve esse chjamatu «accumulation of demerit»?
Abhiṇhapaccavekkhitabbaṭhāna Sutta (AN 5.57) {extract] - parola per parolla
    
Cumu cunsiderà u propiu kamma.
Anāgatabhaya Sutta (AN 5.80) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U
    
U Boudoual reminds the monks that a pratica di Dhamma ùn deve esse postu
    
off per una data più tardi, perchè ùn ci nisuna garantizia chì u futuru serà
    
furnisce micca e pussibilità per a pratica.
Sekha Sutta (AN 5.89) - senza traduzzione
    
U
    
U Bouddhistes reminded us da cinque questi chì deteriorate a pratica, chì
    
Perchè quellu chì vulete avè progressu in a furmazione sò casi quantunque impurtante
    
sapemu, ricordate è integrà in i nostri stili di vita com’è u
    
cunnuscenza di i cinqui nīvaraṇas standard.
Sekha Sutta (AN 5.90) ​​- traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque attitudini chì purtanu à u deterioru di a pratica.
Sutadhara Sutta (AN 5.96) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque qualità u cumandante unu pocu praticatu di respira à a liberazione in pocu tempu.
Kathā Sutta (AN 5,97) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque qualità u cumandante unu pocu praticatu di respira à a liberazione in pocu tempu.
Āraññaka Sutta (AN 5.98) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque qualità u cumandante unu pocu praticatu di respira à a liberazione in pocu tempu.
Andhakavinda Sutta (AN 5.114) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque cose chì u Bouddhoi urdinatu à i so monumenti novi à ordine.
Samayavimutta Sutta (AN 5.149) - senza traduzzione
    
Cinqui cundizzioni unni qualessu chì hà acquistatu “liberazione occasionale” volontà.
Samayavimutta Sutta (AN 5.150) - senza traduzzione
    
Un altru settore di cinqui cundizzioni unni qualcunu chì hà guadagnatu “liberazione occasione” rinfriscà.
Vaṇijjā Sutta (AN 5.177) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Budditu especifice quì cinque vende chì ùn deve esse micca trasmessu
per i so seguitori laici, quellu chì u cummirciali di carne.
Gihī Sutta (AN 5.179) - traduzzione avanzata
    
In
    
questu sutta, u Buddtu dà una precisione più numerosa nantu à a manera chì
    
i quattru sotà pusatoghji sò stati internati in modu per
    
custituiscenu e cundizioni adattati per sotàpatti.
Nissāraṇīya Sutta (AN 5.200) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questa sutta resta u cinque tipi di nissàrasi.

Yāgu Sutta (AN 5.207) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhdru dà cinciche di u cunsumu di manghjà.
Dantakaṭṭha ​​Sutta (AN 5,208) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhdru prupone cinque raggiuni per utilizà un filtru.
Gītassara Sutta (AN 5.209) - parò da a parolla
    
Questu
    
Sutta hà statu largamente supranava da e diverse tradizzioni buddista:
    
u Boudd’i ci spiega perchè ùn permette micca i bhikkhus per fà alcuni
    
cantu melodicu.
Muṭṭhassati Sutta (AN 5.210) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I distavanzi di sughjurnà senza sati propiu è sampajañña, è i vantaghji rispettivi di fà cusì cun elli.
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.241) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque periculi di duccarita (cumpagni negli) è cinque vantaghji di sucarita (cumpagnia bona).
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.245) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Unu sutta nantu à e cinque periculatore di duccarita è cinque vantaghji di sucarita.
Sivathika Sutta (AN 5.249) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque manere in quale una persona impastata pò esse parechje à un charnel ground chì a ghjente tira corpu mortu.
Puggalappasāda Sutta (AN 5.250) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu un addevu spiciale da u Buddu nantu à i periculi di sparà fiducia in qualcosa.
Rāgassa abhiññāya Sutta (AN 5.303) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque cose à esse practicatu per u sapè direttu di rāga.

—— oooOooo ——

6. Chakka Nipāta

Bhaddaka Sutta (AN 6.14) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sāriputta
    
spiega ciò chì face a diffarenza di un bhikkhu chì a morte tene
    
esse disprezzu è una chì a morte hè stata propria.
Anutappiya Sutta (AN 6.15) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sāriputta
    
spiega ciò chì face a diffarenza di un bhikkhu chì a morte tene
    
esse rimorsu è una chì a morte ùn sarà senza cuntenutu.
Maraṇassati Sutta (AN 6.20) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta spiega in detail cumu per practicar a mente di a morte.
Sāmaka Sutta (AN 6.21) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Impegnu
    
da l’intervinzioni d’una deva, u Bouddhale sperete i sei modi anzi
    
perchè i bhikkhus hà digià deterioratu in a kusala dhammas.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 6.22) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sei manicuresi cunnessi à non-deterioration. Un altru settore di mudificazione utile per i prufessiunarii.
Himavanta Sutta (AN 6.24) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Seis qualità sullivati ​​da quale un meditatore in rappurtazioni s’appoghja in ghjuvelli l’Himalayas.
Anussatiṭṭhāna Sutta (AN 6.25) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta define quale sò i sei sughjetti di ricurdimentu.
Sekha Sutta (AN 6.31) - senza traduzzione
    
U Buddhdianu spiega quali sò e sei dhammas chì purtanu à a deteriorazione di un bhikkhu sottu furmazione.
Nāgita Sutta (AN 6.42) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Mentre era
    
Dwelling in un bosque grove, u Bouddhu parla in ludari di pudori,
    
cuntentazione, unentanglement, è sulassione in u desertu.
Dhammika Sutta (AN 6.54) - testi chjosi
    
In
    
questu sutta, a palora tathāgata ùn hè micca usata per designate u Buddh but
    
in u sensu cumuni, chì ci permette di megliu capisce u so significatu.
Nibbeckica Sutta (AN 6.63) - testi chjosi
    
Questu
    
Sutta prupone un interessante analisi sistematicu di Kāma, Vedanā,
    
Saññā, Āsavā, Kamma è Dukkha. Ogni chè questu termini hè definitu è ​​da quì
    
scrivite cù u patru di i quattru ariya-saccas.
Anavatthitā Sutta (AN 6.102) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sitt premiu chì deve esse cumporta una motivazione per stabilisce a percepzione di l’anicca.
Atammaya Sutta (AN 6.104) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sitt premiu chì deve esse cumporta una motivazione per stabilisce a percepzione di anatta.
Assāda Sutta (AN 6.112) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cumu eradicate a vista di u rughju, a vista di l’autore, è a vista sbagliata in generale.
Dhammānupassī Sutta (AN 6.118) - parola per parolla
    
Iddu
    
Hè bisognu di ripetutà u missaghju dati in questu sutta: sei costimenti
    
senza abbandunà chì ùn hè micca pussibule di praticà a
    
satipaṭṭhānas prumittimu. Aghjunghje qualchissia limpieza pudete esse cunsigliata quì.

—— oooOooo ——

Yāgu Sutta (AN 5.207) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhdru dà cinciche di u cunsumu di manghjà.
Dantakaṭṭha ​​Sutta (AN 5,208) - traduzzione avanzata
    
U Buddhdru prupone cinque raggiuni per utilizà un filtru di denti.
Gītassara Sutta (AN 5.209) - parò da a parolla
    
Questu
    
Sutta hà statu largamente supranava da e diverse tradizzioni buddista:
    
u Boudd’i ci spiega perchè ùn permette micca i bhikkhus per fà alcuni
    
cantu melodicu.
Muṭṭhassati Sutta (AN 5.210) - traduzzione avanzata
    
I distavanzi di sughjurnà senza sati propiu è sampajañña, è i vantaghji rispettivi di fà cusì cun elli.
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.241) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque periculi di duccarita (cumpagni negli) è cinque vantaghji di sucarita (cumpagnia bona).
Duccarita Sutta (AN 5.245) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Unu sutta nantu à e cinque periculatore di duccarita è cinque vantaghji di sucarita.

Sivathika Sutta (AN 5.249) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque manere in quale una persona impastata pò esse parechje à un charnel ground chì a ghjente tira corpu mortu.
Puggalappasāda Sutta (AN 5.250) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu un addevu spiciale da u Buddu nantu à i periculi di sparà fiducia in qualcosa.
Rāgassa abhiññāya Sutta (AN 5.303) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cinque cose à esse practicatu per u sapè direttu di rāga.

—— oooOooo ——

6. Chakka Nipāta

Bhaddaka Sutta (AN 6.14) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sāriputta
    
spiega ciò chì face a diffarenza di un bhikkhu chì a morte tene
    
esse disprezzu è una chì a morte hè stata propria.
Anutappiya Sutta (AN 6.15) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sāriputta
    
spiega ciò chì face a diffarenza di un bhikkhu chì a morte tene
    
esse rimorsu è una chì a morte ùn sarà senza cuntenutu.
Maraṇassati Sutta (AN 6.20) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta spiega in detail cumu per practicar a mente di a morte.
Sāmaka Sutta (AN 6.21) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Impegnu
    
da l’intervinzioni d’una deva, u Bouddhale sperete i sei modi anzi
    
perchè i bhikkhus hà digià deterioratu in a kusala dhammas.
Aparihāniya Sutta (AN 6.22) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sei manicuresi cunnessi à non-deterioration. Un altru settore di mudificazione utile per i prufessiunarii.
Himavanta Sutta (AN 6.24) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Seis qualità sullivati ​​da quale un meditatore in rappurtazioni s’appoghja in ghjuvelli l’Himalayas.
Anussatiṭṭhāna Sutta (AN 6.25) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Questu sutta define quale sò i sei sughjetti di ricurdimentu.
Sekha Sutta (AN 6.31) - senza traduzzione
    
U Buddhdianu spiega quali sò e sei dhammas chì purtanu à a deteriorazione di un bhikkhu sottu furmazione.
Nāgita Sutta (AN 6.42) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Mentre era
    
Dwelling in un bosque grove, u Bouddhu parla in ludari di pudori,
    
cuntentazione, unentanglement, è sulassione in u desertu.
Dhammika Sutta (AN 6.54) - testi chjosi
    
In
    
questu sutta, a palora tathāgata ùn hè micca usata per designate u Buddh but
    
in u sensu cumuni, chì ci permette di megliu capisce u so significatu.
Nibbeckica Sutta (AN 6.63) - testi chjosi
    
Questu
    
Sutta prupone un interessante analisi sistematicu di Kāma, Vedanā,
    
Saññā, Āsavā, Kamma è Dukkha. Ogni chè questu termini hè definitu è ​​da quì
    
scrivite cù u patru di i quattru ariya-saccas.
Anavatthitā Sutta (AN 6.102) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sitt premiu chì deve esse cumporta una motivazione per stabilisce a percepzione di l’anicca.
Atammaya Sutta (AN 6.104) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sitt premiu chì deve esse cumporta una motivazione per stabilisce a percepzione di anatta.
Assāda Sutta (AN 6.112) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Cumu eradicate a vista di u rughju, a vista di l’autore, è a vista sbagliata in generale.
Dhammānupassī Sutta (AN 6.118) - parola per parolla
    
Iddu
    
Hè bisognu di ripetutà u missaghju dati in questu sutta: sei costimenti
    
senza abbandunà chì ùn hè micca pussibule di praticà a
    
satipaṭṭhānas prumittimu. Aghjunghje qualchissia limpieza pudete esse cunsigliata quì.

—— oooOooo ——
7. Sattaka Nipāta

Anusaya Sutta (AN 7.11) - testi puri
    
Eccu averebbe listatu e sete anusayas.
Anusaya Sutta (AN 7.12) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Abbandunà e sete anusaya (obsessioni o tendenzi latenti).
Saññā Sutta (AN 7.27) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Seti percepzioni chì guverna à u benessiri longu di u bhikkhus è impediscenu u so decadenza.
Parihāni Sutta (AN 7.28) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sette punti nantu à quale un bhikkhu in furmazione pò esse dimezzinu o micca.
Parihāni Sutta (AN 7.29) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sete punti di cumpurtamentu in u quale un discendante legatu pò esse diminuite o micca.
Vipatti Sutta (AN 7.30) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sete punti di cumpurtamentu induve un segunu di l’averanu pudere alcuni u so fallimentu o successu.
Parābhava Sutta (AN 7.31) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sete punti di cumpurtamentu in u quale un discindenti locu pò truvà a so ruinazione o a prosperità.
Saññā Sutta (AN 7.49) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Sette riflissioni interni chì si trovanu bè.
Nagaropama Sutta (AN 7.67) - Testi chjosi cù Formuli Pali
    
Eccu u Buddtu utilizza un simile incruciutu per spiegà u seculu
    
boni qualità chì deve esse maestrati da u trainee per esse
    
u travagliu riisciutu à prevene i troppi di Māra (ie. akusala
    
dhammas) da entre à a furtizza di a mente.
Satthusāsana Sutta (AN 7.83) - parulle per parolle
    
Eccu un’offerta sigreta chjaramente sia cunzignata di discriminà ciò
chì hè l’insignamentu di u Bouddhu da quellu chì ùn hè micca.

—— oooOooo ——8. Aṭṭhaka Nipāta

Nanda Sutta (AN 8.9) {extract] - parola per parolla
    
U Buddhdru discrivi cumu Nanda, anchi era presa per fierce
    
u sensu di u sensu, pratiche tutali in accordu di e so urdinamentu.
    
Questu sutta cuntene una definizione di satisampajañña.
Mahānāma Sutta (AN 8.25) {extract] - parolle per parolle
    
Mahānāma li pruvata a Buddha per definisce u significatu di un
seguitore di legu è in u rispettu un mistieru laicu si spetta hè
virtuoso.
Anuruddhamahāvitakka Sutta (AN 8.30) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Sette
    
penseri sàviu chì sia veramente valutate è si ricorda
    
ven. Anuruddha. U Buddtu hè vicinu à Ghjesù per insignà u zornu,
    
dotatu di quale ellu assicurà l’aranessia. U Buddhèsime explica
    
in dettu u significatu di quelli pensamentu.
Abhisanda Sutta (AN 8.39) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Eccu ottu modi chì tutti i discìpuli seria di u Bouddhistanu creanu assai meritu per elli.
Duccaritavipāka Sutta (AN 8.40) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Questu sutta qualifiche u tipu di patrunu chì unu sughjettu per u non rispettu di i preti bughjetti.
Saṅkhitta Sutta (AN 8.53) - parulle per parolle
    
U Buddhdru dà quì à a so anzianu infermiera ottanta criteri per
    
Se discrimina si una declaración dada pertenece a su enseñanza o no,
    
chì puderete esse uttassi tutale.
Dīghajāṇu Sutta (AN 8.54) {extract] - testu di chiaru
    
Frà altri cose, u Bouddhi define in questu sutta ciò chì significa di ghjinirosità.
Vimokkha Sutta (AN 8.66) - traduzzione avanzata
    
Una spiegazione di i ottu vimokkhas (librairies).
Parihāna Sutta (AN 8.79) - senza traduzzione
    
U Buddha spiega quali sò i seci dhammas chì purtanu à a deteriorazione di un bhikkhu sottu furmazione.

—— oooOooo ——

9. Navaka Nipāta

Nāga Sutta (AN 9.40) - testu plain
    
Questu sutta, culurata da umile sutile, spiega quantu un bhikkhu di
    
Menti più elevata hè cumparèvule à un elefante solu, quelli chì sò
    
di solitu chjamatu Nāga.
Tapussa Sutta (AN 9.41) {extracto} - testi senzeli
    
Quì saññā vedayita nirodha, u cessation di saññā e vedanā hè presentatu com un novu jhāna.
Sikkhādubbalya Sutta (AN 9.63) - parolle per parolla
    
Cosa da fà chì unu ùn hè micca perfettu in i cinque prete.
Nīvaraṇa Sutta (AN 9.64) - parolle per parolle
    
Cumu sguassà i cinqui estratti.

—— oooOooo ——

10. Dasaka Nipāta

Saṃyojana Sutta (AN 10.13) - testi puri
    
Questu sutta breve sutta oltres deu saṃyojanas.
Kasiṇa Sutta (AN 10.25) - parolle per parolle
    
Questa hè a descrizzione standard di a pratica nantu à e deci causi casti.
Girimānanda Sutta (AN 10.60) - traduzzione avanzata
    
In
    
per aiutà à Girimānanda, recuperendu da una malatìa grave, u Bouddha
    
dà una grande prufessione di rivista di deci tipi di percepzioni assai utile
    
chì pò esse sviluppatu.
Kathāvatthu Sutta (AN 10.69) {extract] - testi puri
    
U Boudouin recuerda i bhikkhus, chì ùn deve micca parlatu è ciò ch’elli deve parlà.
Cunda Sutta (AN 10.176) - qualchi infurmazioni · bundle
    
A Buda spiega un significatu più profundo di purità, in kāya, vācā è
mana, nò in rituali o rituali è demoniu chì l’anzianu sottumessi à
l’ultime, chì a inefficiencye hè evidente.

—— oooOooo ——

11. Ekādasaka Nipāta

30/03/2555

Mettā Sutta (AN 11.15) - pochi infurmazioni · bundle
    
Eleven boni risultati chì sò fora di a pratica di mettà.

—— oooOooo ——

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z0qKRCG0IPM
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Z0qKRCG0IPM


[As recently as on the 17th of last November, Nirmala Seetharam, in a specially convened press conference to refute the charge
of corruption and collusion with Anil Ambani-led Reliance Defence
Limited at the cost of the public sector HAL, had committed to share
“all the figures”.

There was no rider, on “national security” or “contractual obligation” or whatever.


 Nirmala Sitharaman’s Press…
youtube.com

https://scroll.in/…/watch-sitharaman-in-2017-saying-differe…

One only wonders what about that?

https://www.ndtv.com/…/rs-12-000-crore-loss-due-to-bjp-gove…
Rs. 12,000 Crore Loss Due To BJP(Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopath)’s Rafale Deal, Says Congress

Satvik Chandra How dare u question Brashtachar Jiyadha Psychopaths (BJP)? They have divine right to rib,
steal, chest, lie and brag about it.

Congress leaders Ghulam Nabi Azad and Randeep Surjewala said while 36
Rafale jets were sold to India at 7.5 billion Euros in 2016, 48 jets
were sold to Qatar and Egypt at 7.9 billion Euros in 2015.

All India | Press Trust of India | Updated: March 10, 2018 00:39 IST

Rs 12,000 Crore Loss Due To BJP Government’s Rafale Deal, Says Congress
BJP countered the charges, accusing the Congress of “misleading” the nation on the issue

NEW DELHI:

HIGHLIGHTS
Jets sold to India by company at higher price than Qatar, Egypt: Congress
Party accused PM Modi of compromising on national security, interests
BJP countered charges, accusing Congress of misleading the nation

The Congress on Friday accused the Modi (Murderer of democratic
institutions) after gobbling the Master Key by tampering the fraud EVMs
of “compromising”
national security and causing a loss of over Rs. 12,000 crore to the
taxpayer with its deal to buy 36 French Rafale fighter jets.

Quoting from the annual report of Dassault Aviation, makers of the
fighter aircraft, the party alleged that the company sold each jet to
India at Rs. 351 crore higher than those sold to Qatar and Egypt 11
months ago.

Congress leaders Ghulam Nabi Azad and Randeep
Surjewala said while 36 Rafale jets were sold to India at 7.5 billion
Euros in 2016, 48 jets were sold to Qatar and Egypt at 7.9 billion Euros
in 2015.

This amounted to Rs. 1,670.70 crore per aircraft for
India and Rs. 1,319.80 crore to Egypt and Qatar. There was a difference
of Rs. 351 crore for each aircraft, the party claimed.

Addressing
a joint press conference, Mr Azad, Mr Surjewala and former Minister of
State for Defence Jitendra Singh asserted that the government had
adopted complete opaqueness in the purchase of the Rafale fighter
aircraft.

Mr Azad asserted that had the Modi ot
cancelled the deal struck by the UPA dispensation for 126 Rafale jets,
it could have saved Rs. 41,212 crore.

“The Modi’s ‘diversionary tactics’ on Rafale deal has left more questions than answers,” they said in a statement.

Accusing Modi of compromising on national security and
interests, Mr Azad asked why were only 36 fighter jets purchased instead
of 126 jets for which international bids were called for.

“Is
this not compromising with national security? Why are Modi and Nirmala
Sitaram hiding the purchase price (of the jets)? Is it correct
that per aircraft pricing of Rafale as per bid dated 12.12.2012 (during
the UPA-Congress government) was Rs.. 526.1 crore as against the Modi’s
per aircraft purchase price of Rs. 1,670.70 crore?” he
asked.

Mr Surjewala said the deal was also made in absence of
prior clearance from Cabinet Committee on Security, thus sacrificing the
national interest and bypassing Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) on
the Rs. 36,000 crore ‘offset contract’ in favour of a private entity
with no defence manufacturing experience.

“Grave apprehensions
and claims of insurmountable loss being caused to public exchequer stand
exposed as the government refuses to state the truth. A huge scam is
brewing in procurement of fighter aircrafts for the Indian Air Force,
yet the Modi remains opaque, intransient, obscure and
obstinate,” the Congress leaders alleged.

The BJP, however,
countered the charges, accusing the Congress of “misleading” the nation
on the issue. It said the Congress-led government never inked any deal
for the fighter aircraft before 2014 and sat on its file due to its
“greed”..


The
Congress on Friday accused  Modi  of “compromising”
national security and causing a loss of over Rs 12,000 crore to the
taxpayer with its deal to…
ndtv.com

http://www.frontline.in/…/new-smoking-…/article10084886.ece…

Print edition : March 16, 2018

RAFALE DEAL
New smoking gun?

1 / 2StartStop
Manohar Parrikar and his French counterpart, Jean Yves
le Drian, after signing the Rafale deal in New Delhi in September 2016.
Photo:

THE HINDU ARCHIVES

The opaqueness of the Modi’s deal with France to acquire
fighter jets raises more questions than answers. By AKSHAY DESHMANE

Among the many high-profile defence deals signed during the tenure of
the Narendra Modi, the Rafale aircraft deal is the only one
that has persistently attracted allegations of a scam. A closer look at
the developments relating to the high-profile deal over the last three
years reveals how and why it has steadily and increasingly become
controversial.

This deal entered public consciousness in early
April 2015 when Modi announced that India would acquire 36
Rafale fighter jets in a “fly-away condition” owing to a “critical
operational necessity” of the Indian Air Force (IAF).

The
unexpected decision, announced at a joint press conference with the then
French President, Francois Hollande, in Paris attracted praise and also
astonishment in India—praise for the urgency shown by Modi in taking the decision to fulfil a 15-year-old demand of the
IAF and astonishment at the manner in which he had summarily replaced a
previous arrangement under which 18 Rafale aircraft were to be acquired
in “fly-away condition” and 108 manufactured in India, through an
Inter-Governmental Agreement (IGA) with France.

More than a month
later, the Congress party raised its first set of questions and
criticisms against the IGA. At a press conference, former Defence
Minister A.K. Antony sought clarifications about two things. Was the
Finance Ministry, which had raised objections about the deal in the
past, consulted and was the Defence Procurement Procedure followed? A
day later, the Congress’ deputy leader in the Rajya Sabha and former
Commerce Minister, Anand Sharma, sought to up the ante. He asked why the
public sector company Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), which has a
long experience in manufacturing the French Mirage jets, was kept out of
the IGA. He also sought to know which private Indian company had
replaced HAL, which was initially supposed to manufacture 108 Rafale
aircraft in Bengaluru following technology transfer from Dassault
Aviation, the French company that designs and manufactures the military
aircraft.

However,  Modi , then just a year old,
enjoyed tremendous public goodwill and the Congress’ questions did not
attract wide attention. In fact, the inability of the previous
Congress-led alliance government to expedite procurement of the aircraft
still dominated the political narrative pushed by Modi,
which was seen as being decisive in addressing the concerns of the armed
forces.

In an interview to The Tribune in May 2015, Modi sounded
decisive in responding to criticisms from the Congress and justified
his decision to purchase 36 Rafale aircraft in a “fly-away condition”:
“The purchase of Rafale aircraft was guided by the need to respond to
the immediate operational requirements of the Air Force which was
affecting our defence capability. How can that be questioned? In fact,
the challenge is to break a logjam that we inherited from the previous
government. Some decision had to be taken. We consulted all concerned
and decided that we will have only a government-to-government deal.
There will be transparency, so no one will be able to raise questions.”
However, questions continued to be raised.. On its part, the government
asked its critics to wait for a deal to be signed to share further
details. A financial deal drawn from the IGA was still being worked out,
the government seemed to suggest.

In September 2016, Manohar
Parrikar, formally signed a deal with his
French counterpart to acquire 36 Rafale aircraft. Officials stated that
the first Rafale jet would be inducted in the IAF within three years of
the deal and all 36 in 67 months. Evidently, the number of aircraft
proposed to be acquired under the deal changed from 126 to 36.

Reliance’s involvement
In late October 2017, the foundation stone for the manufacturing
facility of a new joint venture company, Dassault Reliance Aviation
Limited (DRAL), was laid in Nagpur.. As the name suggests, it is a
business partnership between Reliance Aerostructure, an Anil Ambani-led
Reliance Group company, and Eric Trappier-led Dassault Aviation. The
purpose of forming this joint venture was stated in an official release
issued by the Reliance Group: “The Dassault-Reliance manufacturing
facility Dhirubhai Ambani Aerospace Park is located in the Mihan SEZ
adjoining Nagpur International Airport. Under Joint Venture company,
DRAL (51% Reliance Aerostructure and 49% Dassault Aviation), the
facility will manufacture several components of the offset obligation
connected to the purchase of 36 Rafale Fighters from France, signed
between the two governments in September 2016. DRAL will manufacture
components for the Legacy Falcon 2000 Series of Civil Jets manufactured
by Dassault Aviation and thus will become part of its Global Supply
Chain. These first steps are expected to achieve in the coming years the
possible setting up of final assembly of Rafale and Falcon Aircraft.”

Among those who attended the foundation-stone laying ceremony were
Nitin Gadkari, Union Minister and Member of Parliament from Nagpur,
Maharashtra Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis and Reliance Group chairman
Anil Ambani. In the official statement, Ambani was quoted as saying:
“This facility in Mihan, Nagpur within the Aerospace Park named after my
late father Shri Dhirubhai Ambani could not have happened without the
strong and consistent support of Shri Nitin Gadkari and Shri Devendra
Fadnavis.”

Congress’ questions
A little over a fortnight
after the ceremony, just as the momentum for the Gujarat Assembly
election was building up, critical questions against the deal
resurfaced. At a press conference, the Congress’
communications-in-charge, Randeep Surjewala, said: “A huge scam is
brewing.” The Congress, he said, had repeatedly sought to get more
information about the deal, especially its financials, but after the IGA
was announced, it was asked to wait for a deal. Even after a deal was
signed in September 2016, full information was not being made public, he
asserted.

Surjewala had a set of five questions for the Prime
Minister on behalf of the Congress. These were about the financials of
the deal—chiefly about the claim that the deal was costlier than the one
which was being negotiated under the previous government—and transfer
of technology.

One of the questions was particularly sharp: “Why
did Modi promote the interests of one
industrial group, i.e., Reliance Defence Limited, which has led to the
company tying up and entering into a joint venture with Dassault
Aviation worth Rs.30,000 crore? Why was this done by Prime Minister
bypassing the interests of a reputed public sector undertaking like
HAL?”

It provoked sharp reactions from Brashtachar Jiyadha
Psychopaths (BJP) spokespersons and the Reliance Group on the same day.
In a
statement, the company termed allegations made against both Ambani and
his companies as “unfounded and false”. Specifically mentioning the
allegation about the Prime Minister promoting the company’s interests,
it said: “The joint venture between Reliance Aerostructure Limited and
Dassault Aviation Limited is a bilateral agreement between two
companies. Dassault Aviation selected Reliance Aerostructure Limited as
its joint venture partner. The Indian government has no role to play in
this.” Notably, in conclusion, the statement added: “We reserve the
right to take appropriate legal action against any party that
disseminates these defamatory allegations.”

The Congress refused
to back down and gain raised questions while interacting with mediapersons at a party
event: “Tell me one thing. You ask me so many questions and I answer
them frankly. Why don’t you ask Modii about the Rafale deal? And why
don’t you ask questions about Amit Shah’s son… as to what is happening. I
will happily answer whatever questions you ask me, but the Prime
Minister, who changed the entire Rafale deal to help a businessman…why
don’t you ask him about that? I want to ask you.” Soon afterwards, he
tweeted: “Can you explain ‘Reliance’ on someone with nil experience in
aerospace for Rafale deal? Self ‘Reliance’ is obviously a critical
aspect of ‘Make in India’.”

However, with the Gujarat Assembly
election campaign throwing up new political issues, the Rafale deal got
relegated to the sidelines in subsequent days.

In early February
2018, it came under critical scrutiny again, this time in Parliament.
M.V. Rajeev Gowda, the Congress’ Rajya Sabha member, asked Nirmala Sitharaman, through a written question, about the cost
of each aircraft under the IGA for 36 Rafale fighter aircraft. In her
official response, she wrote: “As per ‘Article-10’ of the
Inter-Governmental Agreement (IGA) between Government of India and
Government of France on the purchase of Rafale aircraft, the protection
of the classified information and material exchanged under IGA is
governed by the provisions of the Security Agreement signed between the
two nations in 2008.”

This provoked a fresh controversy. Speaking
with mediapersons outside Parliament, congress said: “For the first
time, the Nirmala Sitharam is saying that we will not share details of
money spent on buying the aircraft…yeh kya tareeka hai [is this the
way?]…I said during the Gujarat elections that there is a scam in the
Rafale deal. Modi has personally got the deal done. Modi has
personally gone to Paris. Personally the deal was changed. Entire India
knows it. And the DNirmala is saying she will not inform India,
the Indian martyrs and their relatives, about the money spent on buying
those aircraft. What does this mean? This only means there is some
scam.” Both Nirmala Sitharaman and Arun Jaitley
strongly rebutted this allegation, insisting that there was no scam.
Jaitley even pointed towards replies by previous Defence Ministers in
Congress governments who refused to share information about the Rafale
deal citing the same reason. However, another assertion from the current
government that there was no deal to purchase 126 Rafale aircraft under
the previous government appeared to take the sting out of his claim
that Ministers of the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) had also denied
information about the deal in Parliament.

Manish Tewari, former
Cabinet Minister and Congress spokesperson, told Frontline that Nirmala
Sitharaman’s reply was unconvincing. He pointed to the definition of
“classified information” in the 2008 security agreement cited by the
Defence Minister. “The definition doesn’t cover the price [of defence
equipment being imported],” Tewari said.

The definition in the
2008 agreement for protection of “Classified information and material in
the field of defence” states: “For the purpose of this agreement:
‘classified information and material’ refers to information and material
to which a specific level of security classification has been accorded
regardless of its nature and mode of transmission, which requires
protection against compromise, destruction, removal, disclosure, loss or
access to any uncleared [sic] and unauthorised person, in the interest
of national security in accordance with national laws and regulations of
the respective parties.”

Rajeev Gowda explained the rationale of
his party asking the questions: “We are not asking for specific details
about weapons or anything that is of strategic relevance. We want to
know, overall, whether you sold out the country and paid three times the
price which other countries have paid. It raises suspicions about why
you are paying more. If your Minister of State for Defence has already
answered this question in the past, then why are you not telling the
price details now? In any case, price is a gross number. You can give
that. National security does not come under threat by revealing that.
The bluff and bluster seems a shameful attempt to cover up.” Rajeev
Gowda was referring to an answer given by the Minister of State for
Defence on November 18, 2016, in the Lok Sabha. Responding to a written
question raised by Sukhbir Singh Jaunpuria, a BJP MP from Rajasthan,
about the estimated cost of the fighter jets and the expected time of
their delivery, Subhash Bhamre, Minister of State for Defence, wrote:
“Cost of each Rafale aircraft is approximately Rs.670 crore and all the
aircraft will be delivered by April 2022.”

The reluctance to share information in February 2018 is, therefore, inexplicable.

Speaking to Frontline, a top government source said: “Cost-wise, this
is a cheaper deal than what the UPA government had been negotiating.
Additionally, there are 13 India-specific changes which make the Rafales
we are buying even more potent. If we give details, then Pakistan will
have no need to recruit spies. What has happened is that they haven’t
got anything against the Modi government in the past four years. These
are manufactured allegations.”

Notwithstanding the government’s
reluctance to share information, the Congress president continued to
attack the Prime Minister over the Rafale deal in late February.. In a
tweet, he exhorted the Prime Minister to speak about the “Rs..58,000
crore Rafale Scam” in the “Mann Ki Baat” radio show. Clearly, India’s
main opposition party has found one of its campaign issues for the 2019
elections. But will the accusations create enough disaffection towards
the government to affect voting behaviour?

Sanjay Kumar, Director
of the Delhi-based Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, said:
“One thing which goes against the government along with corruption is
price rise. If the two things happen simultaneously, people tend to
believe that prices are rising because politicians are making money. But
the recent scams which have surfaced may not have the same potential or
same intensity which was there during the UPA time because there were
other things also happening, which people didn’t like. So, yes, people
would not welcome these scams, but it may not have the same impact on
the voting choices as it happened in 2014. Because, a large number of
people seem to think that the Prime Minister himself is clean. He has
not made his hands dirty in these scams, and so on, and the whole
government is centred on this one man. So that will actually help in
holding the tide against the BJP at this moment. What happens six months
from now, I do not know.”

The coming months are crucial because
the next general elections are scheduled for 2019. It is this that gives
an edge to the opposition’s clamour and makes the government worried.

Peace Is Doable


The
opaqueness of the Modi’s deal with France to acquire fighter
jets raises more questions than answers. By AKSHAY DESHMANE
frontline.in

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article42633
The Negative Outcomes Following Demonetisation
The list is rather long.

The main points are, however, summarised as under.


I. In a heavily cash-dependent economy, overnight scrapping of 86% of
all currencies threw life of a common Indian into utter turmoil.

A funny Tamil song in video format,[152] released recently, provides an effective peek into that profoundly unfunny situation.

II. More than 100 people reportedly died standing in the queues.[153]

III. An estimated 1.5 million jobs were lost in first four months of 2017.[154, 155]

IV. Disastrous effects on the MSMEs, the unorganised sector, in particular.

V. The District Cooperative Banks (DCBs) got financially crippled.[158]


VI. In the latest financial quarter (April-June), the GDP has slipped
by 2.2 percentage points, from 7.9% to 5.7%, year-on-year basis.[159]
….
VII. RBI profit dwindled and instead of ballooning dividend payout to
the government, as had been initially expected (discussed above), it
actually radically shrivelled.[161]

Conclusion
1. To
begin with, demonetisation was a measure adopted going against the
express opinion sought and obtained from the then RBI Governor Raghuram
Rajan.
No recognised economist, not even the Union Government’s Chief Economic Advisor, was known to have been taken into confidence.


And, it was, of course, no move towards bringing back illegal money
allegedly stashed in foreign banks, as had been promised by Modi, as the
Prime Ministerial aspirant.

2. It was pretty shoddily implemented.

3. It has decisively failed to mop up black money as had been initially projected and expected.

A miniscule amount of fake currencies was detected. And new fake currencies are already back.

No visible impact on terrorism.


4. It has, of course, opened up the possibility of identifying sizeable
amounts of earlier undeclared black money and thereby, eventually,
jacking up tax revenue.

But the actual prospect, right at this point of time, remains pretty much a big question mark.


More so, given the quantum of data/cases involved and the past track
record of the concerned departments, the IT, in particular.

Not
only that, given the already established track record [162] of the
incumbent regime, there is room for very reasonable apprehensions that
these cases may only be selectively pursued in order to blackmail,
silence and arm-twist.

5. As regards the subsequently added goals, no appreciable rise in digitisation of economy.
Formalisation of informal sector has presumably been initiated under
the impact of GST, again badly planned. No appreciable impact of
demonetisation demonstrated.

It is yet another matter that the
very desirability of forcing the pace of these two goals, under current
Indian conditions, remains a much contested issue.

6. The actions
by the regime, especially, in refraining from selecting and appointing a
Lokpal, even after three and half years, and allowing uncapped
anonymous corporate donations to political parties, that too craftily
dodging any effective parliamentary scrutiny, raise serious doubts as
regards its real intentions vis-à-vis fighting corruptions.

So,
does the lack of actions as regards various so-called papers leaked by
private parties giving out details pertaining to a large number of
Indians and Indian entities parking money in secretive foreign bank
accounts.

And, also the fact that the Gross NPAs (Non-Performing
Assets – bad unrecoverable loans, mostly lent to large corporates) of
the Public Sector Banks (PSBs), under the watch of the incumbent regime,
rose from Rs. 234,583 crore, in June 2014, to Rs. 733,[136] crore, in
June 2017.[163]A more than three-fold rise, over a period of three
years.

Even if we, for the moment, just opt to set aside the
various alleged scams,[164-167] of pretty serious nature, that have
surfaced only recently directly involving the Modi regime and the BJP
National President, on the ground that these charges yet remain to be
duly established before a court of law.

7. The impact on the economy, as a whole, at least on the short term, was decidedly negative.

The impact on the unorganised sectors, employing about 90% of the workforce, was just disastrous.

8. Day-to-day lives of ordinary Indians were severely affected.

More than a hundred reportedly lost lives.

Millions lost means of livelihood.


9. All in all, it appears to be primarily a political move, meant to
reap political dividends, with scant regard for actual economic
consequences, though packaged very much in those terms.[168]

10.
Finally, it also indicates a degree of readiness on the part of the BJP,
led by Modi-Shah duo, to tweak its traditional core constituency and,
in the process, even hurt the small and medium business - in the
interest of big money169 and also to occasionally play to the gallery of
the Indian have-nots, even if not all of them.>>

(Excerpted from ‘India – Demonetisation: One Year After – Towards a Synoptic View’ by Sukla Sen, on Nov.. 25 2017,


Prefatory Note Demonetisation is, beyond doubt, the most talked of action taken by the incumbent…
europe-solidaire.org
@JagaChand

35s35 seconds ago

…/twitter-trolls-among-super150-in…
Twitter Trolls among Invited by Murderer of democratic institutions ( Modi)

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=sqr3aQ4XcDI&t=6
BJP IT Cell Exposed: How lies and propaganda are spread


I expose how the machinery of BJP IT Cell spreads fake news…
youtube.com

In this exclusive interview, I talk with an ex-worker in the BJP IT…
youtube.com

https://www.ndtv.com/…/if-i-was-prime-minister-congress-pre…

HIGHLIGHTS
Rahul Gandhi was asked how he would have implemented notes ban
He said he would have thrown file for notes ban “into the dustbin”
He made the remarks during a 5-day trip to Southeast Asian countries


Rahul Gandhi, at an interaction with members of the Indian community
in Malaysia, took a stinging swipe at Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
sudden decision to demonetise high-value currency notes in 2016. The
Congress president has been a consistent critic of the notes ban
decision and the way it was implemented, forcing millions of Indians to
stand in snaking lines outside banks for days.

At the interaction, someone asked Mr Gandhi how he would have rolled out demonetisation differently.


“If I was Prime Minister and someone had given me a file with
demonetisation written on it, I would have thrown it in the dustbin.
That is how I would have rolled it out,” Mr Gandhi said to a loud
applause from the audience.

Mr Gandhi continued.

“I would
have rolled it out in the dustbin, and out through the doors and into
the junkyard… Because that is what I think should have been done with
demonetisation,” he added in a video of the interaction shared by the
Congress party on its Twitter handle.

Mr Gandhi is on a five-day
trip to the Southeast Asian countries that started from Singapore. He
began the Malaysia leg of his visit today and interacted with the Indian
diaspora in Kuala Lumpur.

Mr Gandhi has blamed PM Modi for
slowing down the Indian economy by his sudden decision to pull out Rs.
1,000 and Rs. 500 currency notes from circulation and then, a flawed
implementation of the national tax reform, GST.

These two steps
killed the economy and rendered lakhs of people jobless, Mr Gandhi would
often tell people at his election meetings. Former Prime Minister Dr
Manmohan Singh, a reputed economist, has variously called the decision a
“monumental management failure” and “organised loot and legalised
plunder.”

But the BJP hasn’t lost a major state election where
the Congress president has made the notes ban a central point of his
campaign, a trend that is seen to imply that PM Modi’s narrative around
the controversial decision had public support.

PM Modi, which had
pitched the notes ban as a deadly blow against black money, terrorism
and fake currency, have claimed that the exercise had delivered results
and point to an expansion in the number of taxpayers and people using
digital modes of payment.


Peace Is Doable

http://www.europe-solidaire.org/spip.php?article42633

India – Demonetisation: One Year After – Towards a Synoptic View
Prefatory Note


Demonetisation is, beyond doubt, the most talked of action taken by the
incumbent Murderer of democratic institutions (Modi) after gobbling the
Master Key by tampring the fraud EVMs , as yet, which came to be in
place in May 2014 [1], just over three and a half years back replacing
the UPA regime, with the Congress at the head, soundly defeating it in
the national poll held a while earlier.[2, 3, 4]

One of the major
promises made by Narendra Modi, and his party Brashtachar Jiyadha
Psychopaths (BJP), during the poll campaign was to end the policy
paralysis under the UPA-II [5], led by, scholarly, soft-spoken and
rather reticent Dr. Manmohan Singh, who, btw, had never ever won a
direct election, at whatever level.

The alleged paralysis, in
turn, was at least partly an outcome of the various corruption scandals
that the old regime got embroiled in.[6]

Modi, a fiery and
raucous orator, a complete contrast from the public persona of Singh -
in very many ways, rather expectedly used this opportunity to the
hilt.[7]

Be that as it may, November 8 2017 was observed by the
various opposition parties, including the Congress, as a black day,
terming demonetisation as a Modi-made disaster. The BJP, on the other,
celebrated it, in response, as the anti-black money day.[8, 9, 10]


So, it’d be quite in the fitness of things to make a factual
evaluation, even if from a specific standpoint, of the measure, its
actual impacts and to what extents it has succeeded or failed to meet
its initially, and also subsequently, stated goals over the span of the
last one year.
The announcement

In a shock and awe move,
Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced [today, Nov. 8, late evening]
withdrawal of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 notes in a bid to check black money
and cross-border monetary transactions of counterfeit currency.


“Notes of Rs.500 and Rs.1,000 not valid from midnight November 8, 2016,”
said Modi in a late-evening address to the nation, evoking strong
reactions from the man on the street to his political opponents.[11]


Prefaced with some pep talk which included a laundry list of the
various welfare schemes introduced by his government ostensibly for the
benefit of common Indians and his determination to fight corruption, the
shock and awe rather burst forth:
To break the grip of corruption
and black money, we have decided that the five hundred rupee and
thousand rupee currency notes presently in use will no longer be legal
tender from midnight tonight, that is 8th November 2016.[12]


While the tag shock and awe was quite apt if the reaction of the lay
public is taken as the criterion, the other qualifier surgical strike –
as emblazoned in the very caption of the subject news report, implying
precision targeted lethal attack (with no, or at the most rather
minimal, collateral damage), was quite visibly utterly misplaced.


Reportedly, as a consequence of the move, 86% of the currency was
overnight sucked out of the Indian economic system, which had been
heavily cash dependent - with the cash-to-GDP ratio being over 13% [13]
and, as per one recent estimate,[14] 97% of retail transactions are
cash-based.[15]

Thus, the announcement just triggered panic and
chaos all around [16] as regards how to go on with one’s daily, even if
in so many cases rather miserable, life.

Critics, however, did compare the move with firing cannonballs to kill mosquitoes.[17, 18]

The goals of this earth-shaking measure were, however, pretty tersely laid down:
This step will strengthen the hands of the common man in the fight
against [I] corruption, [II] black money and [III] fake currency.[12]

He, however, had also, elsewhere, talked of four goals:
fight against corruption, black money, fake notes and terrorism.[12]
So, fight against terrorism constituted the fourth goal.


The rest of the speech was made up of a list of modalities of
implementation and a final emphatic appeal to Indian citizens to ignore
the temporary hardship in order to fight corruption and black money so
as to ensure that the nation’s wealth benefits the poor.
The Political Context


In early 2011, India saw the triggering of a series of massive protests
against corruption in high places at the initiative and under the
leadership of Anna Hazare, a self-styled Gandhian from Maharashtra
backwater. The central demand was to get a new law legislated and
enacted to appoint a (non-elected) non-party effective overseeing body,
both at the central and state levels, in order to monitor and eradicate
corruption.

The campaign spilled into 2012, because of perceived government apathy and, at times, active hostility.


Eventually, however, the government and the parliament had to give in,
at least very substantially, and the Parliament of India enacted the
Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013 in December 2013.[19]

But, by that time, the image of the then incumbent regime had got severely soiled.
And, this anti-corruption campaign provided strong tailwind to the main
opposition, Hindu nationalist, BJP and its prime leader Narendra Modi
in the early 2014 poll campaign.

Along with the theme of Hindu
nationalism, good governance, development, job creation etc. etc. the
issue of black money was also emphatically harped upon.

In one
video clip, which has since gone viral, the Prime Ministerial aspirant
Modi is heard claiming, in his signature style, that if the black money
stashed in foreign banks by thieves and looters is brought back to the
country then every poor of the country is going to get richer by Rs.
15-20 lakh just like that. Of course, the Congress was the culprit
overseeing and effecting this loot. And if he comes to power he’ll
immediately ensure bringing this huge heap of wealth back to the
country.[20]

The then national president of the BJP, Rajnath
Singh had reportedly promised to do this in the first 150 days.[21] As
per another, he had promised to do that in just 100 days.2[2]

It is rather needless to point out here that after the BJP in fact coming to power nothing of that sort happened.


Of course, a Special Investigation Team (SIT) was appointed to unearth
black money stashed in foreign banks, in July 2014, but only under the
instructions of the Supreme Court.[23]

But, not a single rupee of black money came back from foreign banks.

Not a single list of people having suspicious accounts in foreign banks was made public by the government.
Not till November 8 2016.
(Not till today.)


On the other, a major high-profile economic offender, Vijay Mallya,
with a number of serious charges pending against him, had smoothly
slipped away to London, in early 2016, from under the very nose of this
regime.[24]

Prior to that, another high profile economic
offender, Lalit Modi, publicly acknowledged having sought and received
help from External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj and Rajasthan Chief
Minister Vasundhara Raje while in the UK, where he had earlier escaped
to.[25]

After coming to power at the Centre, Modi persisted with
developing an unabashedly business-friendly image promoting development,
without, of course, abandoning the theme of Hindutva (Hindu
nationalism).

A rather revealing representative illustration is
how this regime persistently tried to nullify the peasant-friendly
amendment effected via the Land Acquisition, Rehabilitation and
Resettlement Act, 2013 by repeatedly issuing ordinances to bypass the
hurdles posed by the upper house of the Indian parliament.[26]

Another poor-friendly Act, National Rural Employment Guarantee Act, had been publicly scoffed at by Modi.[27]

All these led to the government being labelled as a Suit-Boot ki Sarkar.[28]


The label appeared to have stuck all the more as Modi had strutted in
an allegedly Rs. 10 lakh suit with his own name written all over with
gold thread to greet the then US President Barack Obama, on a three-day
trip to India having been invited as the Chief Guest at the Republic Day
function in 2015.[29]

Even Modi’s pre-election promise, sort of
further endorsed by the then BJP national President Rajnath Singh, of
bringing back Rs. 15 lakh for every (poor) Indian from the foreign banks
turned into a popular butt of a joke in the social media and also in
the real world.

So much so, the new BJP President Amit Shah,
considered to be too thick with Modi, was constrained to issue a
clarification of sorts that it was only a political jumla (or customary
empty campaign rhetoric).[30, 31]

This, in turn, would attract a hail of flak.

More importantly, soon after, in an early February poll for the Delhi assembly, the BJP had to suffer a humiliating defeat.[32]

This was further accentuated by a resounding loss in a Bihar poll by the end of the year.[33]


An astute politician that Modi is, that set the stage for repositioning
the brand Modi, without too much tweaking the product itself.


Apart from continuing with the image of an unrelenting (economic)
Reformist, as has been currently highlighted in the act of single-minded
pursuit of the (disruptive) GST [34] (and also, for that matter, the
celebratory din over the, apparently economically unviable,[35, 36]
Ahmedabad-Mumbai Bullet Train,[37]] India’s markedly improved ranking by
the World Bank in terms of ease of doing business [38, 39] and
upgrading of India’s sovereign ratings by Moody’s,[40] while maintaining
stoic silence over the slippage in Global Hunger Index [41] and the
widening gender inequity,[42] which rather compellingly underlines that
ease of doing business and ease of living life are just not the one and
the same thing), albeit with a somewhat fluctuating emphasis, a
calibrated dose of populism, with two interconnected constitutive
elements, is to be added now.[43]

One is a pro-poor stance, and
the other is an enhanced emphasis on Hindutva, as would be graphically
illustrated in the choice of Ajay Singh Bisht aka Yogi Adityanath, a
fire-eating and utterly controversial head priest of a major Hindu
temple, as the Chief Minister [44, 45] of UP, the most populous Indian
state with the highest number of parliamentary seats and the subsequent
virtual ban order46 on cattle sale in cattle markets.

The rather stunning act of demonetisation is the most dramatic and eye-catching component of the former element.[47]
Past History of Demonetisation in India

There were two demonetisations in the past.

The first time India had demonetisation under British rule on January 12 1946.


In the post-war scenario, demonetisation of high denomination notes was
effected following in the footsteps of several foreign countries,
including France, Belgium and the UK itself, ostensibly to fight against
black market money and tax evasions which had understandably assumed
enormous proportions.

Interestingly, even then the Reserve Bank was reportedly not in alignment and the outcome appeared to be a failure:
The measure did not succeed, as by the end of 1947, out of a total
issue of Rs. 143.97 crores [sic] of the high denomination notes, notes
of the value of Rs. 134.9 crores [sic] were exchanged. Thus, notes worth
only Rs. 9.07 crores [sic] were probably ‘demonetised ‘, not having
been presented.[48]

The next time, it was on January 16 1978,
under the Morarji Desai government (of the Janata Party) with H M Patel
as the Finance Minister.

The declared aim was broadly similar.
Rs. 1000, Rs. 5000 and Rs. 10000 notes, a rather rarity in those days,
were demonetised. Understandably, the common people were not at all
affected. Yet, it triggered chaos and long queues before the banks. Only
three days had been allowed for exchange of old notes.

The then RBI Governor, I G Patel, had very interestingly noted:
such an exercise seldom produces striking results. Most people who
accept illegal gratification or are otherwise the recipients of black
money do not keep their ill-gotten earnings in the form of currency for
long. The idea that black money or wealth is held in the form of notes
tucked away in suit cases [sic] or pillow cases is naïve. And in any
case, even those who are caught napping—or waiting—will have the chance
to convert the notes through paid agents as some provision has to be
made to convert at par notes tendered in small amounts for which
explanations cannot be reasonably sought. But the gesture had to be
made, and produced much work and little gain.[48]

Governor Patel,
additionally, indicated that for some people in the Janata government
the demonetisation was a measure specifically targeted against the
allegedly corrupt predecessor governments or government leaders.

The outcome, apparently, was nothing to talk of.[48]
Whose Idea, This Time?


While, in absence of any definitive info, it is hard to pinpoint
wherefrom the idea emanated this time. One can only engage in informed
speculations.

But, even then, one is on a far surer ground as regards whose idea it was not.


Raghuram Rajan, an economist of considerable international repute, who
was the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) Governor from Sept. 5 2013 to Sept 4
2016,[49, 50] i.e. almost up to two months before the declaration of
demonetisation, has since gone on record saying that on being asked he
had opined against the move both verbally and also in writing making out
that the short term costs of the measure would considerably outweigh
its long term gains. Yet, he had listed out a number of necessary steps
to be taken for best implementation in the event of his advice being
ignored. These also appeared to have been just overlooked.
“I was
asked by the government in February 2016 for my views on demonetisation,
which I gave orally. Although there might be long-term benefits, I felt
the likely short-term economic costs would outweigh them and there were
potentially better alternatives to achieve the main goals. I made these
views known in [no] uncertain terms,” Rajan wrote.
He added that he
had handed over a note to the government outlining the potential cost
and benefits of demonetisation as well as alternatives to achieve
similar aims.
He further said: “If the government, on weighing the
pros and cons, still decided to go ahead with demonetisation, the note
outlined the preparation that would be needed and the time that the
preparation would take. The RBI flagged what would happen if preparation
was inadequate.”[51]

His successor Urjit Patel was, at that
time, quite new in his seat, occupying it for just over two months. So,
plausibly, he could have had not played a major role here.
In any case, here is a report giving out the official RBI version [52] of its role in the decision making:
SO far, the Government has suggested that the decision to withdraw
500-rupee and 1,000-rupee notes came from the Reserve Bank of India. But
in its submission to a Parliamentary panel late last month, the RBI,
agreeing with the Government’s rationale behind the move, has made it
clear that it was the Government which “advised” it to do so.

“Government, on 7th November, 2016, [just the day before making the
announcement, not by the RBI, not by the Finance Minister, but by the
Prime Minister] advised the Reserve Bank that to mitigate the triple
problems of counterfeiting, terrorist financing and black money, the
Central Board of the Reserve Bank may consider withdrawal of the legal
tender status of the notes in high denominations of Rs 500 and Rs
1,000,” said the RBI in a seven-page note submitted on December 22
[2016] to the Parliament’s Department Related Committee of Finance
headed by Congress leader M Veerappa Moily.

Here is another interesting nugget from an analytical note:[53]
But in this case, Central Board [is supposed to have] played a crucial
role as demonetisation happened on their recommendation. That is [at
least] what [the] law says as per Section 26 (2) of RBI Act. Again
repeating it:
(2) On recommendation of the Central Board the
[Central Government (in original text)] may, by notification in the
Gazette of India, declare that, with effect from such date as may be
specified in the notification, any series of bank notes of any
denomination shall cease to be legal tender…
I mean the whole
exercise is so confusing. One knows that just 2 persons from RBI
(Governor and 1 DG) knew of the exercise. They were part of the Central
Board but not the board. The Full Board as we know was informed by the
government at 6 PM on 8 Nov 2016. So [that] one can say: “The Central
Board based on government orders recommended the government to declare
that Rs 500 and Rs 1000 currency have ceased to be legal tender….”.

Previous two denominations [read: demonetisations] were via ordinances
and did not require RBI Board recommendation as government ceased them
via fiat. This time also it was fiat but in a round about [sic] way.


As regards whose idea, there are (somewhat divergent) reports that one
Anil Bokil, a mechanical engineer turned financial theorist and
currently heading a Pune-based group Arthakranti Sansthan that advocates
financial reforms in India, had suggested it to an attentive Modi back
in 2015.

As per his claim, he had put forward a, more than
sixteen-year old five-point plan, including one of replacing all taxes
by a single point 2% tax on all transactions that should be routed only
through banks.

None of the other points appear to have been paid any heed to. He had also recommended scrapping of Rs.100 notes.[54, 55, 56]

It makes a nice story for the media, but that’s all as it appears.

Here is quite another story,[57] apparently, planted by the regime’s spin doctors:
Prime Minister Narendra Modi handpicked a trusted bureaucrat, little
known outside India’s financial circles, to spearhead a radical move to
abolish 86 percent of the country’s cash overnight and take aim at the
huge shadow economy.
Hasmukh Adhia, the bureaucrat, [then Revenue
Secretary and now appointed as Finance Secretary on Nov. 6 201758] and
five others privy to the plan were sworn to utmost secrecy, say sources
with knowledge of the matter. They were supported by a young team of
researchers working in two rooms at Prime Minister Modi’s residence, as
he plotted his boldest reform since coming to power in 2014.
When announced, the abolition of high-value banknotes of 500 and 1,000 rupees came as a bolt from the blue.

The 58-year-old served as principal secretary to Mr Modi from 2003-06
when he was chief minister of Gujarat, establishing a relationship of
trust with his boss and introducing him to yoga.

Mr Adhia
was named revenue secretary in September 2015, reporting formally to
Finance Minister Arun Jaitley. In reality, he had a direct line to Prime
Minister Modi and they would speak in Gujarati when they met to discuss
issues in depth.

Immediately after the address, Mr Adhia
sent a tweet: “This is the biggest and the boldest step by the
Government for containing black money.”
The boast harked back to
Prime Minister Modi’s election vow to recover black money that had
resonated with voters fed up with the corruption scandals that plagued
the previous Congress government.
Over more than a year, Prime
Minister Modi commissioned research from officials at the finance
ministry, the Reserve Bank and think-tanks on how to advance his fight
against black money, a close aide said.

Under Mr Adhia’s
oversight, the team of researchers assembled and modeled [sic] the
findings in what was, for it, a theoretical exercise.

(A more
elaborate and further touched up version [59] has been repeated later,
on the eve of the first anniversary of demonetisation.)

So, here,
a major credit is attributed to a trusted career bureaucrat - of course
of Gujarat cadre, having a PhD in yoga (currently) in the Finance
Ministry, not an economist, by any stretch. Presumably, to neutralise
the criticism that no independent expert input did go into, not even of
the Chief Economic Adviser Arvind Subramanian,60 and no due diligence
was undertaken in the run-up to the allegedly rash and reckless move.


Of course, at that time the story of completely ignoring the advice of
Raghuram Rajan, the preceding RBI Chairman and a noted economist, was
yet to become public.

Finally, it’d be worth taking note of an
observation61 of an analyst carried by the Times of India website on the
first anniversary of demonetisation:
Evidence emerging over the
last fortnight clearly indicates that not a single economists [sic] of
any significance has been consulted while conducting this demonetization
exercise.
A Noteworthy Critical Response to the Announcement


Within the very first week of the announcement, a number of well-known,
and not-so-well-known, social activists, including a few prominent
Leftist economists and other luminaries, came out with a fairly detailed
critique62 of the move - pretty harsh in tone.

It asserted, among other things:
Black money is generated through evasion of taxes on income from lawful
activities and money generated from illegal activities. In the absence
of steps to curb the generation of black money, demonetization is a
futile exercise, as it proved to be in 1978.

And, further underlined:
In the last 5 years, IT raids have found that only 5-6% of black money
is kept in hard cash. Moreover, those who have amassed sizable black
money are equipped to find ways around demonetization by converting
their existing cash to bullion, gold jewellery, real estate and foreign
currencies through brokers and middle-men. In fact, organized middle-men
and touts have already emerged to convert black money into white for a
commission.

It listed out a number of instances allegedly
establishing the government’s utter insincerity as regards the fight
against black money.
It made a special mention:
A key campaign
promise was to bring back black money stashed abroad and deposit Rs 15
lakh each from the proceeds in the account of every citizen. Why has the
Government not made public the names held by it of Indian account
holders in offshore banks?

It emphatically claimed:
It is
evident that demonetisation will not achieve its stated intent of
eliminating black money but has thrown the entire country’s economic
system in disarray. Related developments also call into question
Government’s [very] intentions.
The RBI Annual Report

While
speculations and debates were raging over the net outcome of
demonetisation, especially because of the RBI stonewalling various
queries on the issue from various quarters,[63, 64, 65, 66] on August
30, the RBI came out with its (routine) Annual Report (2016-17)67.
And:
On page 195 of this year’s Reserve Bank of India (RBI) annual report
lies the answer to the question many Indians have been asking for close
to 10 months.[68]

It [67]puts rather blandly:
Until June 30,
2017, SBNs were received by the Reserve Bank either directly or from
bank branches/post offices through the currency chest mechanism. Some of
these SBNs are still lying in the currency chests. The value of the
SBNs received by the currency chests has been credited to the banks’
account on “said to contain basis”. Till such time these notes are
processed by the Reserve Bank for their numerical accuracy and
authenticity, only an estimation of SBNs received back is possible.
Subject to future corrections based on verification process when
completed, the estimated value of SBNs [Specified Bank Notes] received
as on June 30, 2017 is (Rs.) 15.28 trillion. …
Therefore, the
value of notes in circulation is subject to adjustments to be made after
the completion of the verification process of the SBNs received as also
for the notes to be received from DCCBs [District Cooperative Banks]
and Nepalese citizens/ Financial Institutions.

It is quite
noteworthy that only after the release of the Report, the RBI shared
this info with the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance:
Last
week in its annual report, the RBI finally made public the details of
the junked notes that have come back into the system putting the figure
at Rs 15.28 (rpt) 15.28 lakh crore. The same figure has now been shared
with the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance.

And, even then:
The RBI has told a parliamentary panel that it has “no information” on
how much black money has been extinguished as a result of demonetisation
of Rs 500/1,000 notes or about unaccounted cash legitimised through
exchange of currency post note ban.[69]

Be that as it may, the sum and substance of the subject disclosure is rather crisply captured here:
According to Reserve Bank of India’s (RBI) annual report released
Wednesday, 98.96% of Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes (by value) that were
invalidated due to the demonetisation exercise had been returned by the
end of June.

The RBI annual report said that “subject to
future corrections based on verification process when completed,” the
estimated value of the banned notes it “received” was Rs 15.28 trillion.
This compares with the Rs 15.44 trillion of the invalidated notes that
were in circulation as of 8 November, according to data provided by
minister of state for finance Arjun Meghwal to Parliament on 21
January.[70]

The significance of 99.96% of banned notes amounting
to Rs. 16,000 crore coming back to the banks, which, with the
possibility of some more amounts lying with the various DCBs and Nepali
citizens, even if not the amounts still lying with Indian citizens for a
variety of reasons, coming back to the system, may still further go up,
even if only marginally, comes out rather starkly when read together
with the following:
Following Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s
surprise announcement of the invalidation of old high-value currency
notes on 8 November, estimates suggested that around Rs 3 trillion would
not return to the banking system because it was unaccounted or black
money. While defending demonetisation in the Supreme Court in November,
then attorney general Mukul Rohatgi said around Rs 4-5 trillion would
probably not find its way back into the system.[70]

There are also other reports endorsing the same narrative.[71]
So, against an anticipated Rs 4-5 trillion (i.e. 4-5 lakh crore), or at
least 3 lakh crore, only an amount of Rs. 16,000 crore, which may still
get a bit further reduced, has eventually not come back.
No amount of spin is going to alter this core fact.
Let’s not forget, it’s the AG, the highest law officer of the Union
Government, who had claimed before the highest court of the land that
Rs. 400-500 lakh crore is expected to be extinguished because of
demonetisation.
And, it eventually turned out to just Rs. 16,000 crore.
That’s the essential unvarnished fact.

There were, of course, very many other unofficial estimates.

Here is one by the India’s leading pink paper, known to be generally supportive of the incumbent regime’s economic policies:
According to initial estimates, a significant chunk of the Rs. 15 lakh
crore in high-denomination currency was not expected to come back into
the system. But that estimate has been steadily scaled back with some
pegging the returned amount at as much as Rs 10 lakh crore. This hasn’t
been independently verified.
In any case, the unreturned amount is
likely to be less than early estimates as the government has allowed a
settlement option at 50% tax for unaccounted income. Some estimate that
amount of unreturned notes will be Rs 3-4 lakh crore.[72]
Seizure of Fake Currency


In his late evening address to the nation on Nov. 8 last year,
announcing the momentous decision of demonetisation, the Prime Minister
had clearly identified fight against fake currency as one of the three
(or four) drivers listed by him on that occasion.

And, this is also a claim that is the easiest to evaluate.
The Reserve Bank of India (RBI) on Wednesday said detection of
counterfeit notes in 2016-17 was 20.4 per cent higher than the previous
year. Barring Rs 100 notes, the detection of counterfeit notes increased
across denominations — notably Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 — during 2016-17,
the RBI said in its Annual Report. The value of fake demonetised Rs 500
and Rs 1,000 notes was around Rs 41 crore. According to the RBI,
2,56,324 Rs 1,000 notes valued at Rs 25.63 crore were detected during
FY17. It reported that 3,17,567 Rs 500 notes valued at Rs 15.87 crore
were detected.[73]
Interestingly, even the new Rs 2,000 notes,
issued after demonetisation, are already being counterfeited. The report
says 638 fakes of this denomenation [sic] were detected.[74]

Not only that:
In the nearly one year since Rs 2,000 and new Rs 500 notes were
introduced, their counterfeit versions have improved from easily
identifiable in the beginning to “highest quality” in recent times,
according to [the Department of Revenue Intelligence] officials who
track FICN (fake Indian currency notes) cases.


[According to a senior DRI official,] “(c)urrency seized just after
demonetisation were of low quality, visible to the naked eye, but the
quality of the notes recently seized have improved and a common man now
cannot immediately distinguish whether it is fake or genuine.”[75]

Yet another, still more recent, report further confirms this trend.[76]

Two points, here, need be noted.


One, of Rs. 15.28 lakh crore which came back to the banks out of a
total of Rs. 15.44 lakh crore demonetised, the value of fake notes
actually detected is only Rs. 41.50 (= 25.63 + 15.87) crore.

That’s too measly a sum, just 0.0027% of the notes returned, in terms of value.
It’s regardless of the various estimates of fake notes circulating in Indian economy.[77, 78, 79]


Here, one has to keep in mind that, at any given point of time, the
overwhelming bulk of the fake notes would be in circulation as the
creators of these notes, regardless of their specific motive(s) - plain
(illicit) financial gain or sabotaging the Indian economy or both or
whatever else, would have no interest in keeping these notes piled up on
their tables.

So, these would, mostly, be in the hands of unsuspecting possessors.


And, there is no reason to suspect that these people, quite unaware of
the counterfeit nature of these notes, shied away from rushing to the
bank branches to deposit these back along with the rest of the
demonetised notes, as everybody else did.

Only those directly linked to the fake note network would scrupulously stay away.

The second point of interest is that:
638 counterfeit notes of new Rs 2,000 notes [amounting to Rs. 12.76 lakh] … were also detected.
(And, the quality of counterfeiting has considerably improved over the
last one year making it difficult for a lay person to tell a fake note
from a genuine one.)

So, the inescapable conclusions that follow are:
One, the quantum of fake notes circulating in the Indian economy is too
miniscule to justify the hugely disruptive demonetisation.
Two, even then, demonetisation has made actually little, if at all any, impact on generation and transmission of fake notes.
The Other Two, of the First Three, Goals: How Have These Fared?

These two goals as enunciated by the Prime Minister on the momentous evening of November 8 last year are to:
strengthen the hands of the common man [read government] in the fight against [I] corruption, [II] black money.

As corruption is a generic term, we’d first take up the issue black money.

Fighting (or Eliminating?) Black Money


Black money is generated through evasion of taxes on income from lawful
activities and money generated from illegal activities.[62]

It
has been pointed out by umpteen number of knowledgeable commentators
that only a minor fragment of the black money is held in hard Indian
currency.

As far back as in 1978, the then RBI Governor, I G
Patel, as regards the efficacy of the demonetisation undertaken then had
opined, as already pointed out above:
The idea that black money or wealth is held in the form of notes tucked away in suit cases [sic] or pillow cases is naïve.[48]

Here is a more contemporary observation by a knowledgeable commentator:
people do not hold all their black money in the form of cash in their
homes. They convert it into gold and real estate, and move it abroad to
tax havens. From there it comes back through Foreign Institutional
Investors (FIIs) and is invested in the stock market as well as debt
market.[80]

He further illustrates and buttresses his argument by
providing in a tabular form the figures related to the outcomes of the
search and seizure operations carried out by the Income Tax Department
over a period of six years (2006-07 - 2011-12) and summarises as under:
If we look at data for the period of six years of close to 24,000
seizure and search operations, cash formed 4.9 per cent of the
undisclosed wealth. Also, the proportion varied from 3.7 per cent to 7.4
per cent over the years.
What this data tells us is that people who
have black money do not store it in the form of cash. There are better
ways of storing that wealth.

Here is another:
Cash recovery
has been less than 6% of the undisclosed income seized from tax evaders,
shows an HT analysis of data from tax raids from financial year 2012-13
onwards.[81]

Apart from the fact that demonetisation was in no
way, repeat no way, a move towards bringing back allegedly stashed black
money in foreign banks, as had been promised by the PM aspirant Modi,
the data cited above underline a big basic flaw in conceptualising
demonetisation as the most effective way to fight black money.

Be
that as it may, as had been pointed out earlier, the then Attorney
General of India, Mukul Rohatgi, had informed the Supreme Court of
India:
around Rs 4-5 trillion (4-5 lakh crore) would probably not find its way back into the system.[71]


The leading pink paper of India, the Economic Times, known to be
generally supportive of the incumbent regime’s economic policies, almost
a month after demonetisation, carried a speculative report as regards a
possible government move to issue an ordinance to enable the RBI to
extinguish, i.e. cancel, the demonetised notes that are not returned by
December 30.

In this it propositioned:
Only when the
unreturned currency is cancelled can it be made available to the
government, possibly via a dividend paid by RBI. Once this is done, the
government could consider the amount so recovered for its budget that’s
scheduled to be presented on February 1.[82]

In this specific context, it further noted:
According to initial estimates, a significant chunk of the Rs 15 lakh
crore in high-denomination currency was not expected to come back into
the system. But that estimate has been steadily scaled back with some
pegging the returned amount at as much as Rs 10 lakh crore [emphasis
added]. This hasn’t been independently verified.
In any case, the
unreturned amount is likely to be less than early estimates as the
government has allowed a settlement option at 50% tax for unaccounted
income. Some estimate that amount of unreturned notes will be Rs 3-4
lakh crore [emphasis added].

Based on such unreal estimates,
which would soon turn out to be simply absurd, there were also inspired
speculations in the media that every Jan Dhan account, at least those
with zero balance, would be credited with Rs 10,000.00, or some such
sum, out of the windfall gain.[83, 84, 85]

On the ground, rumours that Rs 50,000 or Rs 75,000 would be deposited were reported by a sceptical reporter.[86]

What a grand example of wild daydreaming!


But must be quite reflective of the anticipations in the official
circles in those days, as testified by the AG’s remark before the
Supreme Court.

Hence, the demonetisation, clearly, turned out to
be a huge flop as far as mopping up of black money is concerned, in
terms of the original projections and hopes raised.

That did not, however, stop the spin doctors of the regime from going on an overdrive to prove that white is black.


A report in the Times of India, the leading national newspaper of
India, which very much unabashedly reads like an unedited government
handout carried on the day after the release of the RBI Report, boldly
proclaims:
The Government had expected all the SBNs [Specified Bank
Notes] to come back to the Banking system to become effectively usable
currency.[87]

The obvious question, apart from the stark mismatch
with the expectations aired earlier, that arises is that if the
government’s intention, all the while, was to make the black money come
back to the system then what was the need for so much of secrecy and
drama88, or why the District Cooperative Banks were not being allowed to
return the SBNs accepted by them from Nov. 10-14 2016 [89, 90], till
they were specifically barred, why ordinary Indian citizens have been
debarred from returning these notes to the RBI till March 31st this
year, beyond 30th December last,[91] thereby trashing the original
commitment [92]by the Prime Minister himself?

On the day of the
first anniversary of demonetisation, the Indian Express, a leading
national newspaper, has carried an article by a prominent member of the
freshly formed Economic Advisory Council.[93] The author, Surjit S.
Bhalla, tells us with a straight face, in a way echoing the handout, in
the very caption of the article:[94]
It (demonetisation) is an acknowledged political success and early ‘returns’ indicate an economic success story as well.
Now the reworked refrain is essentially twofold.
One, with almost all the SBNs (Specified Bank Notes) having come back, the tax base has expanded.
Two, the operation unearthing black money has really started now and is
in full swing with the identification of the suspicious amounts
deposited.

We’ll, in the following, examine both the claims, one after the other.

Expanded Tax Base (and Gain)


In a front-paged report,95 evidently based on official inputs, carried
by the Indian Express, on this November 7, i.e. the eve of the first
anniversary of demonetisation, it is claimed:
Tax compliance also
got a boost in the months following demonetisation. A scrutiny of tax
department data available until June 30, 2017 shows that for financial
year 2016-17, 1.26 crore new taxpayers, including return filers and
non-filers making tax payments, were added to the tax base of the
country.
The total number of all returns, electronic as well as
paper, filed during the entire financial year 2016-17 was 5.43 crore,
17.3 per cent more than the returns filed during 2015-16. The number of
e-returns of individual taxpayers filed till the due date of August 5,
2017 increased to 2.79 crore from 2.22 crore returns filed during the
corresponding period last year, an increase of about 25.3 per cent.

The benefits of addition of new taxpayers, however, did not translate
into a rise in tax payments, as was stated in the second volume of the
Economic Survey, which was released in August. The Survey stated that
the growth of taxpayers post-demonetisation was significantly greater at
45 per cent as against 25 per cent than in the previous year.
“The
addition amounted to about 5.4 lakh taxpayers [emphasis added] or 1 per
cent of all individual taxpayers in just a few months,” it said. The
addition to the reported taxable income of these new taxpayers, however,
was about Rs 10,600 crore. “The tax base did expand after
demonetisation. It is, however, interesting that the average income
reported of the new taxpayers — Rs 2.7 lakh — was not far above the tax
threshold of Rs. 2.5 lakh[emphasis added], so the immediate impact on
tax collections was muted,” the Survey authored by Chief Economic
Adviser Arvind Subramanian said.

If we keep aside the increase in
number of taxpayers and rather focus on additional amount of actual
(income) tax payable on account of enhanced reporting, the following
emerges.

5.4 lakh additional tax payers are to pay tax each on an (average) amount of Rs. 20,000 (= Rs. 2.7 lakh - Rs. 2.5 lakh) @ 5%96, the lowest tax slab.

That works out to just Rs. 54 crore. What a princely sum!

This had been noted, in slightly different words, in an earlier analysis [97] as well:
The latest Economic Survey estimated that demonetisation added 5.4 lakh
new taxpayers in the financial year 2016-17. However, the average
income quoted by these new tax payers is only Rs 2.7 lakh, which would
mean that they were required to pay tax for an income of Rs 20,000 only,
as income upto Rs 2.5 lakh is granted exemption.

Interestingly, the Chairman of the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) has in an interview [98] posited:
As a result of organised efforts under operation clean money, both tax
collections as well as the tax base have shown a growing trend
post-demonetisation. There is increase of 17.6% in number of ITRs filed
under all categories till October 30, with 23% increase in ITRs filed by
individuals. The increase in number of ITRs and tax collection
[emphasis added] shows the positive effect of demonetisation.

The
point to be noted is that while giving out figures related to increase
in number of ITRs filed, there is just no mention of how much of
additional tax has actually been paid and collected. Quite strange,
considering the fact that the taxpayers are to pay their due taxes, as
calculated by them, while filing the income tax returns.

Not too strange, of course, if the relevant figure is Rs. 54 crore or of that order.
Operation Unearthing Black Money


The ministry is probing deposits of over $1 billion [i.e. about Rs.
6,500 crore] made by around 20,000 companies during the cash ban last
year, while its Serious Fraud Investigation Office is investigating
1,505 companies for allegedly violating the Companies Act. It is
examining another 809 listed companies, found untraceable by SEBI, to
check their status, existence of their offices and directors, the
minister said.[99]

And, the Chairman of the CBDT informed,[97] presumably on Nov. 7 this year:
Apart from taking punitive actions, tax department has shared data of
over 22,000 beneficiaries identified in the enforcement actions, evading
income of over Rs 13,300 crore through 1,155 shell companies. Criminal
prosecution complaints were filed in 47 cases and actions for criminal
prosecutions in more than 100 cases of entry operators/ beneficiaries
identified is under way.

He did further add:
During this year
we have selected less than 1% cases for scrutiny [emphasis added,
obviously the department is constrained by its limited resources, if not
anything else as well] out of returns filed in last year, accepting 99%
cases [emphasis added]. This shows that the department largely believes
in tax payers and cases are taken up for scrutiny only where there is
prima facie evidence of tax evasion.

A Press Information Bureau (PIB), a Union Government wing, on August 1 2017, in a press release,[100] informed as under:
There was no official estimation of quantum of black money in India.
However, post demonetization, the Income Tax Department (ITD) conducted
searches in 900 groups of persons during November 2016 to March, 2017
leading to seizure of Rs 900 crores and admission of undisclosed income
of Rs 7961 crores. During the same period, 8239 surveys were conducted
leading to detection of undisclosed income of Rs 6745 crores.
Information of various kinds of wrong-doings by about 400 persons was
also shared with other law enforcement agencies such as Enforcement
Directorate and Central Bureau of Investigation for appropriate action.
Further, during the current financial year (01.04.2017 to 30.06.2017)
the ITD has conducted searches in 102 groups, seizing assets worth Rs.
103 crore. The persons searched have admitted undisclosed income of Rs.
2670 crore. During the same period surveys conducted in 202 cases
(01.04.2017 to 31.05.2017) led to detection of Rs. 150 crore as
undisclosed income.
The Department has also launched ‘Operation
Clean Money’ on 31st January 2017 with the mission to “create a tax
compliant society through a fair, transparent and non-intrusive tax
administration where every Indian takes pride in paying taxes”. Broad
outcome of the operation so far is as under:
i. About 18 lakh
persons whose cash transactions did not appear in line with their tax
profile were identified and approached through email/sms.
ii. More
than 9.27 lakh responses were received giving information on 13.33 lakh
accounts involving cash deposits of around Rs.2.89 lakh crore. Out of
this record number of 5.27 lakh responses were received in the first 12
days of the operation.
iii. Advance data analytics tools were
deployed which further identified 5.56 lakhs new cases and about 1 lakh
those cases in which either partial or no response was received in the
earlier phase. Besides, about 200 high risk clusters of persons were
identified for appropriate action.
This was stated by Shri Santosh
Kumar Gangwar, Minister of State for Finance in written reply to a
question in Rajya Sabha today.

These claims have been duly picked up, and sensationalised, by the nedia.[101]


More or less very similar claims have been made in a more recent
communication,102 apparently mass emailed on November 10 2017, by the
Prime Minister’s Office (PMO).

That’s, undoubtedly, all very good as far as it goes.

What, however, in this context, one ought to keep in mind has been pretty succinctly captured by an analyst:[103]
The amounts under investigation so far, however, constitute a drop in
the ocean. Yes, demonetisation delivered leads, but establishing
criminal evasion and ensuring that the corrupt are punished is a
monumental effort. Plus, the tax department’s past record of proving
evasion is unlikely to be giving offenders nightmares. The faulty system
is skewed in their favour. Procedures are time-consuming; there are
limitations of administrative and judicial capacity, handicaps the
government seems to be grossly underestimating. It could well be years
before any serious large-scale clean-up is accomplished, representing at
best a promise of a deferred payback from demonetisation [emphasis
added].
Another challenge is that of measurement. Although the chief
goal of demonetisation was to place a check on black money, the central
theme of the Prime Minister’s policy agenda, the government has no
official estimate of the size of the black economy. Unofficial estimates
range from a third of the white economy to as much as the country’s
GDP. Without an official estimate, it is impossible to meaningfully
evaluate by how much demonetisation successfully down-sized the black
economy, if at all.

But, by far the most enlightening
revelation94 has come from none other than Bhalla, a senior functionary
of the regime and also its consistent backer.

At a moment of unusual candour, he has noted, with a palpable degree of resignation:
In my view, it is very positive that all the cash got returned because
now the black money can be identified as black. This is [now entirely]
up to the tax authorities and a legitimate legal process is underway.
Only if [emphasis added] the income tax authorities are with the
anti-corruption programme will DM be a grand success. Everyone knows
that the Indian tax authorities have been accomplices in tax evasion. If
they change, India will change for the better, faster [emphasis added].

He has, though, provided no clue whatever why the Indian tax authorities would change post-demonetisation.

Any comment on the implications of Bhalla’s observation would be rather superfluous.


All in all, the actual outcome of the much trumpeted actions, as listed
above, lies very much in the womb of some undefined and uncertain
future.
And, the past track records do not leave much room for optimism.

Fighting Corruption

As had been pointed out above, corruption is a rather generic term.


In case of demonetisation, the demon of corruption was meant to be
worsted via the elimination of black money, in turn, achieved through
demonetisation.

In the foregoing, the fight against black money has already been dealt with, in considerable details.


Here, additionally, we’d list out just five landmark facts exemplifying
the actual attitude of the incumbent regime towards corruption, as
distinct from its customary shrill rhetoric.

I. First, let’s have a look at the plight of the The Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, 2013.
The Act was eventually passed by the previous UPA government, after
much feet shuffling, under the impact of the huge anti-corruption
campaign led by Anna Hazare, which had received the full-throated
support of the BJP, in December 2013 and came into force on Jan. 16
2014.104

Almost three and a half years have elapsed since Modi taking over power as the Prime Minister of India.


Yet nothing has been done towards selecting the Lokpal, let alone
making the actual appointment, despite specific directive105 issued by
the Supreme Court of India in April this year.

II. The business-politics nexus is widely acknowledged as a major driver of corruption and black money in India.

Here’s a terse comment,106 to that effect, by a former Chief Election Commissioner of India:
Money power is the only unsolved problem in Indian elections, the root
cause of all corruption. If a candidate spends crores on an election, he
will collect a lot more once in office — through government contracts,
licences, quotas, extortion, etc.

Transparency and accountability is understandably a major tool to combat it.


III. Yet, in the very midst of all the loud claims as regards fight
against corruption and black money, the incumbent regime tweaked the
relevant rule to let corporations anonymously donate unlimited amounts
of cash to the political party of their choice.[107]

That too was
done as a part of the Finance Bill, to dodge effective oversight by the
Rajya Sabha and, then again, through a last moment amendment108, 109 to
escape any meaningful deliberations on this specific move even in the
Lok Sabha.

IV. The BJP had, of course, even earlier reversed its
previous stand to oppose the plea for applicability of the Right to
Information (RTI) Act soon after coming to power at the Centre.[110,
111]

V. Recent disclosure of the Paradise Papers [112] has again
put the spotlight on such disclosures, by private agencies, and the
inaction or evasive actions on the part of the Indian government:

Congress said Liechtenstein documents, and Panama and Paradise papers
have named 2,432 account holders and the government should disclose
those names.[113]


Though
a recent report,[114] dtd. Nov. 19 2017, claims, quoting unidentified
official sources, that the IT Department has now slapped criminal
charges under the new anti-black money Act and launched fresh assessment
of stashed offshore income against over half-a-dozen Indian entities in
the (Panama Papers) list, yet the identities of those presumably
charged remain undisclosed.

So, this report, authentic or not,
makes hardly any impact on the overall picture of lack of governmental
actions in this regard.
Demonetisation to Fight ’Terrorism’

It’s hardly any wonder that the government would claim remarkable success even on this front.

Unsurprisingly, this is almost solely based on the claim that
demonetisation has hit the terrorists by depriving them of the funds to
carry out their nefarious activities and very thin, if at all any,
actual evidence.

The headline115of a news report carried by the
India Today on the occasion of the first anniversary of demonetisation
is a typical illustration:
Arun Jaitley calls demonetisation a success, says terrorists hit by fund shortage
Rather interestingly, the actual report does not at all touch upon the issue of “terrorism”.

The then Defence Minister, Manohar Parrikar, had also made similar
claims soon after demonetisation. Here is an analytical note[116]
tearing apart his arguments and listing out the string of actual
instances of numerous terrorist attacks committed in the immediate wake
of the move: Demonetisation’s Strike on Terrorism is another Blatant Lie
by the Government.

Now, a communication,[117] apparently mass emailed, by the PMO (Prime Minister’s Office) has claimed:
Stone-pelting incidents in Kashmir came down by 75% from the previous
year as one of the multi-dimensional benefits of DEMONETISATION!

As if stone pelting in Kashmir Valley was supposed to continue for eternity but for the demonetisation.

In any case, here is a very different account [118] offered by none other than India’s Chief of the Army Staff:
Stone pelting in Kashmir has come down “to some extent” said Indian Army Chief Bipin Rawat today (Nov. 10 2017).
The army chief said that combined efforts of the Indian Army, BSF, CRPF, and the J&K Police has helped.
“Solution to this can’t be achieved overnight. Government, intelligence
agencies, state administration all are making efforts. Will be
successful if things go in this direction, can say this with belief,” he
added.

No mention of demonetisation, just none!

And, at any rate, stone-pelting cannot be counted under the category of terrorism.

Furthermore, P Chidambaram, a senior Congress leader and former Union Finance and Home Minister, has recently testified: [119]
“As of November 10, the number of infiltrations, the number of
militants neutralised, the number of civilians killed and the number of
jawans martyred, all are larger than the numbers for the corresponding
period in 2016.”

And, this public testimony, by no Tom, Dick or Harry, remains uncontradicted.
Subsequently Added Objectives

Formalisation of Informal Sectors and Less-Cash Economy

The proponents of demonetisation have (now) given a new spin [emphasis
added] (as almost 99 per cent of the Rs 15.44 lakh crore of the
demonetised currency returned to government’s coffers). They portray the
return of the notes as a success. They claim that those with black
money were forced to deposit their illegal hoards in the banks and they
can now be caught by the tax department and made to pay additional
taxes. This, the argument goes, would expand the tax base. Further, they
argue that the idle black money is now in the banks and that would lead
to efficiency because the cash-to-GDP ratio would decline. They believe
there is a formalisation of the informal economy and that the economy
is moving towards a less cash economy. These are the long-term benefits
even if there was short-term pain [emphasis added].[120]

It’s on
November 27 2016, eighteen days after the launch of demonetisation, the
PM had made his first public appeal [121] to the nation through his
monthly radio programme Mann ki Baat, the youth of India in particular,
to take a pledge to become part of a çashless society for a corruption
less, black money-free India.

This was done against the backdrop
of common people’s dire struggle to cope up with the severe cash crunch,
badly affecting their daily lives, triggered by demonetisation.

From that point onward, moving towards a cashless economy was, by and
by, added [122] as another virtuous goal of demonetisation.

The
cashless would, however, in view of its sheer absurdity as highlighted
by the critics of demonetisation, be, after a rather short while,
modified [123, 124] to less-cash.

This does not, however,
necessarily rule out, or for that matter rule in, the possibility that
this goal had already been in the minds of those launching
demonetisation.[125, 125a, 126]

One may, here, like to recall the
full front-paged ads [127] in leading newspapers that the leading
e-wallet company Paytm came up with, on the very morning following the
announcement, congratulating PM Modi.

But, to be sure, the goal
of moving towards a cashless, or rather less-cash, economy did figure
nowhere in the November 8 speech.[127a]

Its subsequent addition,
whatever be the driver(s), strongly suggests an admission, even if only
indirect, of the failure of meeting the originally announced goals. (So
is, arguably, Jaitley’s branding [128, 129] of demonetisation, on the
eve of its first anniversary, as ethical and moral decision.

Similarly, the goal of formalising the informal sectors of the Indian economy would also be added while on the go.

And, it gained considerable traction with a World Bank report, reported
widely by Indian media in early June, strongly championing [130] the
cause of demonetisation as a driver for formalising the informal
economy.

The twin objectives of moving towards a less-cash economy and formalisation of informal economy are fairly interlinked.

A formal economy provides a better ecosystem for the emergence of a
less-cash economy and, conversely, a less-cash economy provides a nudge
towards formalisation.

Before we proceed to examine the success
or otherwise in meeting these two goals, it is necessary to briefly look
into their essential rationale and desirability.

Manmohan Singh, in a recent interview,[131] in his characteristic soft tone has put it this way:
We are a nation of small and medium enterprises. There are certain
characteristics inherent in these small and medium businesses. They tend
to be less organised, more informal and use cash as the primary mode of
transaction. The underlying economic policy objective in our country
should be to find ways to help these small businesses become larger
which will then help us reap the efficiencies of scale economies. But we
need to be able to achieve these objectives without any disruption to
these small enterprises in their current form. Objectives such as a less
cash or digital economy are laudable pursuits. But we also need to get
our economic priorities right. It is unclear that these goals of
cashless economy will indeed help small enterprises become larger and
achieve scale efficiencies. That should be our priority. These small and
medium enterprises are the backbone of India’s economy and labour
markets.

He has further added:
In India, we refer to an
informal economy as one that is not officially registered, is outside
the tax net but plays an important role in the economic value chain. I
do not think India is unique among emerging economies in its share of
the informal economy. Given our size of the overall economy, the
absolute size of the informal economy seems very large. The value
created by the informal sector will be captured in the form of income,
wealth or consumption effects. Hence, we must be cautious about sweeping
generalisations about the informal economy and passing moral judgments
about the entire sector.
Having said all this, it is very important
for a nation such as ours to build strong state capacity to lift our
standards of governance. This is possible only when we increase our
share of tax revenues. If formalisation of the informal sector means
widening of the tax base, it should be welcomed. But the means is as
important as the ends.
(Never mind the irony of Manmohan Singh mouthing the need to protect small and medium enterprises.)

Prior to that, Raghuram Rajan had put it [132]rather crisply:
“One has to be careful on separating intent from cost,” Rajan said.
“Intent is to reduce the extent of non-compliance with taxation, which
in the long run would be good in terms of generating more revenue. The
problem is at what cost?” Rajan asked.

Here is a more hardline view:[133]
The informal sector, however, is not an aberration in our growth
process. It is an integral part of the process of transition from a
traditional economy to a modern economy. While it may not pay taxes and
is largely dependent on cash, it plays an important role in providing
jobs to millions of first-time workers and to millions of others who are
moving out of agriculture to the non-agricultural sector. It provides
the first exposure to many of these illiterate and low-skilled workers
to the new economy. At the same time, it is also the biggest agency
which does the painful task of re-skilling the majority of these
workers—much more than any government scheme. Any attempt to reduce the
role of the informal sector is only going to make the transition arduous
and difficult for the economy.
But in the rhetoric of ‘everybody is
a thief’, the real casualty are the informal enterprises. Attempts at
forcing informal enterprises to become formal may kill the golden goose
which has been taking care of the transitional pains of the economy by
providing jobs. It has also acted as a sponge, creating incomes and
demand when the agricultural sector was in stress. The short-term
benefit of formalisation of the economy is at the cost of long-term loss
of the crucial agency of the informal sector. The net benefits to the
economy through income generation, employment creation and re-skilling
of labour by the informal sector far outweighs any short-term benefits
of tax collection through a process of forced formalisation.
The
need of the hour is to protect and nurture the informal sector and
handhold it to become formal in the process of growth rather than
through surgical strikes a la demonetisation.

Yet another [134] of broadly the same genre:
In public discussion, ‘formalisation of the informal’ emerged as a new
rationale for Demonetisation 2016 after the event. Demonetisation and
then digitalisation of monetary transactions would compel, it was
argued, the informal sector to be henceforth more tax compliant. It was
also argued that the introduction of the Goods and Services Tax (GST)
would only strengthen this process. It is indeed well-known that in
large sections of the informal sector—real estate, retail and wholesale
trade, and professional services—payment of taxes is often not the norm.
Demonetisation and digitalisation may drag these economic agents into
the formal sector and lead to greater tax compliance. However, the
fundamental problem with the ‘formalisation of the informal’ argument is
that the much larger informal sector that ekes out its livelihood on
the margins does not avoid paying taxes, it just earns too little to
fall into the tax bracket. Formalisation of production by the tiny
enterprises in industry, road-side service establishments, and by small-
and medium-sized farmers would not lead to a gain to society. It would,
in fact, put an additional burden on these producers who are already
struggling by earning low incomes.

The foregoing, if nothing
else, at least clearly demonstrates that the view put across by the said
World Bank report, also very much shared and propagated by the
proponents of the incumbent regime, is by no stretch an uncontested one.

In fact, there is a large body of opinions, arguably no less informed
than that of the World Bank, which strongly holds that coerced
formalisation of India’s informal economy, which is estimated to employ
90% of India’s workforce,[135, 136] poses the very palpable and serious
danger of proving traumatic for the sector and would, in that event,
trigger large scale misery and, maybe, even social unrest.
Notwithstanding the lure of better tax compliance and resultant enhanced
tax revenue going to the government coffers.

But then, it could
very well be that the real aim is just that: Destroy the micro, small
and medium enterprises to clear the field for indigenous and global
corporates.125a

Apart from that, analysts after analysts have
shown that there obtains no definite correlationship between the
cash-to-GDP ratio and either corruption or development.

A most
recent example [137] is: Demonetisation Has Failed to Tackle Black Money
by Karan Thapar. And, also noteworthy: [138] Economic Rationale of
‘Demonetisation: Scrutiny of the Government’s Claims’ by Vineet Kohli
and R Ramakumar.

Here are two insightful short excerpts from the Karan Thapar’s article:
I. The country with the highest cash to GDP ratio is Japan with a
figure of 19.40%. It also happens to be one of the least corrupt. Almost
at the bottom is Nigeria, with a cash to GDP ratio of 1.55%. It’s one
of the world’s most corrupt.
According to the same ranking,
Singapore, Switzerland, Hong Kong and the whole of the Eurozone have
cash to GDP ratios significantly above India’s. They’re also
significantly less corrupt. On the other hand, Argentina, Colombia,
South Africa and Brazil have cash to GDP ratios that are around half or
less India’s but they’re perceived to be as corrupt.
The truth is
the cash to GDP ratio is not a test of corruption or corruptibility
because how much cash you hold doesn’t make or tempt you to be corrupt.
II. The total value of digital transactions according to the NPCI in
November 2016 was [Rs.] 94 lakh crore. They reached a high point of 149
lakh crore in March 2017 and then fell to 107 lakh crore in July 2017.
In August, they were almost the same at 109 lakh crore. However, in
September, they rose to 124 lakh crore but collapsed in October to 99
lakh crore. The October figure is accurate only until the 29th of that
month.
Much the same is true of the volume of digital transactions.
They were 671.49 million in November 2016, rising to 957.50 million in
December, before falling to 862.38 million in July and, thereafter,
remaining stable. In October they were 863.9 million.
So, the NPCI
data shows that in value terms, digital transactions in October 2017
were almost exactly what they were in November last year [emphasis
added]. In volume terms, however, they increased by nearly 42% between
November and December but, thereafter, declined significantly and
flattened out.
More importantly, the NCPI data includes all debit
and credit card usage as well as pre-paid instruments and NEFT. It also
includes Bhim and UPI, e-wallets and Paytm.

The second one,
obviously, deals with the level of success in bringing about
digitisation of Indian economy, regardless of its merit or otherwise,
via demonetisation.[139, 140]

As regards formalisation of informal sectors, it is necessary to note here, right or wrong, the GST is the tool to effect it.

Demonetisation is at the utmost, a rather superfluous, auxiliary measure.

And, there is no hard evidence to suggest any significant formalisation
of the informal sectors of the economy over the last one year.
Shoddy Implementation

Despite the much well-orchestrated projection of a super-efficient Mody
- a Rambo Modi,[141] over the last few years, the implementation was
nothing less than shoddy making the resultant chaos even more chaotic.

It clearly spoke of lack of preparations and well thought out plans notwithstanding fabricated claims [59] to the contrary.

There were problems from the very word go.

The sizes of the new Rs. 500 and 2,000 notes, meant to replace the now
scrapped old Rs. 500 and 1,000 notes, were changed, for no apparent good
reasons.

That necessitated recalibration of the cassettes
holding the notes to be dispensed via more than 2.15 lakh ATM
machines142 spread all over India causing additional delay.[143]

Then, going against the very grain of the move to eliminate black money,
the Rs. 1,000 notes were replaced by notes of still higher denomination
- Rs. 2,000.[144]

Apparently, to hasten up the process of remonetisation.[145]

But, during the initial days, these notes, in the absence of sufficient
Rs. 500 notes in circulation, were virtually useless scraps of paper in
the hands of commoners who needed currencies to make small purchases
for day-to-day needs.[146]

And, then the RBI kept on changing the rules only too frequently.

Between Nov. 8 2016 and the following March 31st the rules were
changed/reframed no less than 21 times, excluding the notifications
issued on Nov. 8 itself.[147]

Arguably, the two most significant
of these notifications were: (i) on November 14, the RBI debarred the
District Cooperative Banks from accepting the scrapped notes [148] and
(ii) the withdrawal of facility, as had been committed by the Prime
Minister on November 8, to ordinary resident Indians to exchange SBNs at
RBI branches beyond Dec. 31 till June 30th [149] showing valid reasons
for delay.

These changes caused a lot of additional difficulties
for a large number of people and also for the District Cooperative Banks
as the RBI had refused to accept the scrapped notes received by them
since demonetisation till Nov. 14th.

All these only go to show
the sheer shoddiness of the implementation process further exacerbated
by serious inadequacies in advance planning and due diligence.

Quite interestingly, a leading and extremely vocal and voluble BJP MP,
Subramanian Swamy, even if known for being a sort of loose cannon, had
also publicly aired such a view.[150]


This is an anti-poor policy. This decision by Narendra Modi will in no
way help to curb black money. Everyone knows this, including the prime
minister himself.
Modi has a list of 2,000 people whose net worth is
upward of $1.3 trillion. Why doesn’t he go after them? If he wants to
catch those that mint black money and evade taxes, go after them.
Surgically strike them instead of going after the entire population of
120 crore.

(The agenda is to) move everyone to what they
call a ’plastic economy’. To force the masses - a huge percentage of
which has no access to banks, don’t have accounts and deals only in cash
- to shift to online transactions. [Emphasis added.]
We are now
entering a new world, the world of ’cashless’ economy. But small
traders, vegetable vendors, labourers, farmers or sanitation workers
don’t live in this world. Only the rich inhabit this new world. Everyone
swipes their card in this new world and uses Paytm. I did not know till
yesterday what Paytm is.
And those who don’t conform to the rules
of this new world are being punished. This is only to make richer even
richer and to punish the poor for being poor, by keeping them out of
major financial activity.
If you remember, the list of billionaires
shot up after the 1990 reforms. After this move, you can expect the same
to happen, on a much larger scale.
(Source: Agenda driving Modi govt’s demonetisation move is clear: activist Bezwada Wilson, dtd. Nov. 20 2016, at <http://www.catchnews.com/india-news…> .)
126. Quite a different view, from Satya Sagar, again pretty neatly
argued, would, however, be put across by C Rammanohar Reddy, an
economist and author of the book Demonetisation and Black Money..
Ref.: Hiding a catastrophe, dtd. Nov. 6 2017, at <http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/in…> .
127. Ref.: Tweet by Prashant Bhushan, posted on Nov. 9 2016, at <https://twitter.com/pbhushan1/statu…> .
127a. Ref.:
Speaking at an event organised by “Lokshahi Bachao Abhiyan”, where
former Gujarat chief minister Suresh Mehta was also present, (Yashwant)
Sinha said, “Demonetisation was considered so important that the PM
decided that he himself will announce it, instead of allowing the RBI
Governor or the Finance Minister to do it. While announcing it through
an hour-long speech, he mentioned black money 74 or 75 times. Fake
currency and terrorism were also mentioned, but no where [sic] was
digital and cashless economy mentioned [emphasis added].”
(Source:
Demonetisation has caused a loss of Rs 3.75 lakh crore, economy standing
on one leg: Yashwant Sinha, dtd. Nov. 15 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
128. Ref.: Demonetisation anniversary: Note ban ethical, moral decision, says Arun Jaitley, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
129. Ref.: No moral halo: Demonetisation needs to be examined and
debated, primarily and above all, for its economic merits and
consequences., Indian Express Editorial, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
130. Ref., e.g.:
The World Bank report is of the view that demonetisation has the potential to accelerate the formalisation of the economy.
Informal economy accounted for over half of India’s GDP as of 2008-09 and 82 per cent of non-agricultural employment.
“Demonetisation promotes a reallocation of resources from the informal
to the formal economy … Many firms that had been reluctant to
formalise now adopted digital payments, moving a step closer to
formalisation, thanks to the demonetisation exercise,” it added.

Formalisation is ultimately a positive transformation that can lead to
greater efficiency, World Bank said, adding that India’s low aggregate
productivity is in part due to the prevalence of a large number of
informal unproductive firms.
(Source: Successful Demonetisation To Help Increase Revenue In Long Run: World Bank.dtd. 2016, at <http://profit.ndtv.com/news/economy…> .)
131. Ref.: Demonetisation: Manmohan Singh To Modi - Time For
Politicking Over, Let’s Rebuild The Economy, dtd. Nov.. 6 2017, at <https://www.bloombergquint.com/poli…> .
132. Ref.: A ‘Jhatka’ To Push Formalisation In The Economy Could Come At A Cost: Raghuram Rajan, dtd. Sept. 8 2017, at <https://www.bloombergquint.com/busi…> .
133. Ref.: Demonetisation, inequality and informal sector by Himanshu,
an Associate Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University, dtd. Nov. 6 2017,
at <http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/4d7…> .
134. Ref.: An extract from ’Demonetisation and Black Money’ (by economist C. Rammanohar Reddy), dtd. March 20 2017, at <http://www.thehindu.com/books/an-ex…> .
135. Ref.:
More than 90% of the workforce in India is working as informal labour.
These workers, who are without any written contract, social security
benefit and security of tenure, have seen their numbers swell in not
just the unorganized sector, which is almost entirely informal, but also
in the organized sector. According to the 2011-12 employment and
unemployment survey of the National Sample Survey Office (NSSO ), nearly
50% of workers are employed as informal workers. The share of workers
in the private organized sector is as high as two-thirds of all
employment. Increasing recourse to contractual workers by the organized
sector is a trend that has gained momentum in the last decade, swelling
the ranks of informal workers.
But the informal sector, which
contributes to almost half of national income and employs more than 90%
of all workers, remains neglected in most policy initiatives. It was
also the biggest sufferer in the demonetization drive last year but has
bounced back since then. Despite its overwhelming contribution to the
economy and employment, it is generally seen as parasitic with no
contribution to tax income of the government and also because it is
unregulated.
(Source: Is informal the new normal? by Himanshu, dtd. May 22 21017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/wbG…> .)
136. Ref.:
About 370 million workers constituting 92% of the total workforce in a
country were employed in the unorganized sector as per NSS Survey
1999-2000. It plays a vital role in terms of providing employment
opportunity to large segment of the working force in the country and
contributes to the national product significantly. The contribution of
the unorganised sector to the net domestic product and its share in the
total NDP at current prices has been over 60%. In the matter of savings
the share of household sector in the total gross domestic saving mainly
unorganised sector is about three fourth.
(Source: Indian Informal
Sector: an Analysis by Dr. Muna Kalyani, p. 80/81 in the ’International
Journal of Managerial Studies and Research (IJMSR)’, Volume 4, Issue 1,
January 2016.)
137. Ref.: Demonetisation Has Failed to Tackle Black Money by Karan Thapar, dtd. Nov. 11 2017, at <https://thewire.in/196251/demonetis…> .
138. Ref.: Economic Rationale of ‘Demonetisation’: Scrutiny of the
Government’s Claims by Vineet Kohli and R Ramakumar, dtd. Dec. 31 2016,
at <http://www.epw.in/journal/2016/53/w…> .
139. Ref.: One year after demonetisation, cash is still king by Roshan Kishore, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Industry/S0…> .
140. Ref.: India’s dream of going cashless is just that…a dream by Nupur Anand, dtd. Nov. 13 2017, at <https://qz.com/1127614/demonetisati…> .
141. Ref.: Modi’s Himalayan Miracle by Abheek Barman, dtd. Nov. 26 2013, at <https://blogs.economictimes.indiati...> .
142. Ref.:
According to the Reserve Bank of India (RBI) data, India had 215,039
ATMs at the end of June 2016. This was 182,687 at the end of December
2014, and 205,328 at the end of 2015, which is a growth of over 12%.
(Source: 19.71: Number of ATMs per 100,000 adults, dtd. Dec. 14 2016, at <http://www.livemint.com/Money/sFrNP…> .)
143. Ref.:
The process of demonetisation involves the recalibration of ATMs all
across the country since the size of the newly introduced Rs 2000 note
is different from that of the notes currently in circulation. There are
about two lakh ATMs in India which need to be recalibrated.
(Source: Demonetisation: The recalibration of ATMs and what it entails, explained, dtd. Nov. 24 2016 at <http://www.thenewsminute.com/articl…> .)
Also ref., e.g.: Rs 500, Rs 1,000 notes banned: What is ATM
Recalibration and why it could take 2-3 weeks, dtd. Nov. 2016 at <http://www.firstpost.com/tech/news-…> .
144. This is how one of the very few eminent economists who had supported demonetisation would react:
(Nobel Laureate) Professor (Richard) Thaler didn’t mince his words in
his response. He replied, “The concept (of demonetisation) was good as a
move to a cashless society to impede corruption but the rollout was
deeply flawed and the introduction of the Rs 2000 note makes the
motivation for the entire exercise puzzling [emphasis added].”

(Source: Demonetisation roll-out deeply flawed, introduction of Rs 2000
notes puzzling: Richard Thaler, Nobel Laureate by Sam Jawed, dtd. Nov.
18 2017, at <https://www.altnews.in/demonetisati…> .)
145. Ref., e.g.:
In the initial days of remonetisation, RBI had focused on Rs 2000 notes to quickly increase currency in circulation.
(Source: RBI stops printing Rs 2000 notes, focus now on new Rs 200 notes, dtd. July 26 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Industry/cy…> .)
146. Ref.:
If lower denomination notes (Rs 500 and below) are the focus, why did
the government/ Reserve Bank of India flood the system with Rs 2,000
notes in the days that followed demonetisation when general public was
reeling under severe cash crunch? The Rs 2,000 notes did little help to
ease the misery of the common man and small traders, since there was no
change available in the markets.
(Source: Forget U-turn on Rs 1,000
notes, why did govt launch Rs 2,000 notes in the first place? by Dinesh
Unnikrishnan, dtd. Feb. 22 2017, at <http://www.firstpost.com/business/f…> .)
147. Ref.: Demonetisation: A look at the changing rules for withdrawals and deposits, dtd. March 31 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/…/story-jRBYfczVjnmBCO2Uvt3c8…>.
148. Ref.:
The Reserve Bank of India has today (Nov. 14 2016) clarified that
District Central Cooperative Banks (DCCBs) can allow their existing
customers to withdraw money from their accounts upto Rs 24,000 per week
upto November 24, 2016. However, no exchange facility against the
specified bank notes (Rs 500 and Rs 1000) or deposit of such notes
should be entertained by them [emphasis added].
(Source.: Here’s how RBI changed, reworked demonetisation guidelines, dtd. Dec. 19 2016, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/bu…> .)
149. Ref., eg.:
The Supreme Court on Monday issued a notice to the Narendra Modi-led
central government, asking it to explain why it junked the November 8
notification which stated that an opportunity will be given to those who
are unable to deposit demonetised notes by December 30 [emphasis
added].
“For those who are unable to exchange their Specified Bank
Notes on or before December 30, 2016, an opportunity will be given to
them to do so at specified offices of the RBI, along with necessary
documentation as may be specified by the Reserve Bank of India,” the
November 8 notification had said.

“The Prime Minister’s
speech and the notification that followed clearly said that any person
who is unable to deposit the old notes before 31 December 2016 can do so
at specific branches of RBI,” the lawyer for petitioners argued.
(Source: SC issues notice to Centre on plea against RBI’s refusal to accept banned notes, dtd. Nov. 6 2017, at <https://www.businesstoday.in/curren…> .)
150. Ref.: MODI’S KEY AIDE BLAMES POOR PLANNING FOR INDIA’S CURRENCY CRISIS, dtd. Nov. 13 2016, at <http://www.scmp.com/week-asia/polit…> .

Nobel laureate Richard
Thaler, one of the very few eminent economists applauding the idea of
demonetisation, would also note that the rollout was deeply flawed.[151]
The Negative Outcomes Following Demonetisation

The list is rather long.

The main points are, however, summarised as under.

I. In a heavily cash-dependent economy, overnight scrapping of 86% of
all currencies threw life of a common Indian into utter turmoil.

A funny Tamil song in video format,[152] released recently, provides an effective peek into that profoundly unfunny situation.

II. More than 100 people reportedly died standing in the queues.[153]

III. An estimated 1.5 million jobs were lost in first four months of 2017.[154, 155]

IV. Disastrous effects on the MSMEs, the unorganised sector, in particular.

Here’re a few fragments of noteworthy observation.

A. The unorganized sector in India will be the worst hit by the
November demonetization of high value currency, while lots of industries
in the organized sector would be impacted by the shortage of cash
required to run business, a market analyst said on Monday. “The
unorganized sector is expected to bear higher brunt of demonetization.
Within the organized space, a lot of industries would get impacted owing
to the sucking out of daily liquidity needed to run the business,”
Centrum Wealth Research said in a report.[156]

B. The above
propositions (including the one that the growth rate of the informal
sector would be even lower than overall because of the predominant use
of cash in sales and purchase in this sector, and its overwhelming
dependence on informal cash credit) are not just based on armchair
theorising, but are supported by newspaper reports and independent
surveys. In Ranchi, a survey led by Jean Drèze (Delhi School of
Economics and University of Ranchi) reports a 45% decline in earnings of
small shopkeepers/businesses; in Amritsar, Prateek Sibal (Paris
Institute of Political Studies) reports a similar figure of 46%. In
Delhi, a survey of small shopkeepers and casual labourers by Vyom Anil
(Jawaharlal Nehru University) finds a much larger drop in average income
about 60%. Another study for Delhi, by social activist Harsh Mander,
points to a 60% cut in supply of jobs to labourers, a decline in wages,
and loss in profits for small shops.
In Mumbai, Deepa Krishnan (SP
Jain Institute of Management) and Stephan Siegel (Michael G. Foster
School of Business, University of Washington) report a very significant
loss of 44% in the earnings (relative to the pre-note ban period) of the
self-employed in slum areas. Some of the surveys also indicate huge
income losses for casual workers: 50-70% in Jaipur (conducted by PUCL
Rajasthan), and 72% among domestic workers in Delhi (by Vyom Anil). A
larger survey by India Development Foundation (IDF) covering nine states
asked owners of small and medium enterprises (SMEs) whether there were
output and job losses (Chaddha et al. 2017). With regard to output loss,
61% of respondents in Telengana [sic], 94% in Andhra, and 80% in
Gujarat answered in the affirmative. For job losses, the corresponding
incidence was similar in Telengana [sic] and Gujarat, slightly lower in
Andhra, but very high in Uttar Pradesh (87.5%), which also saw
significant wage decline.
The income losses reported by these
independent surveys are large and mutually consistent. There is also no
sign of remission over the weeks since demonetisation; some newspaper
reports even suggest that the ban is biting more with the passage of
time and there are spillover effects on the formal sector. These adverse
changes have been accompanied by a 60% spike in the demand for MNREGA
(Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) work in
December 2016 (as per report of the Ministry of Rural Development),
confirming the accuracy of independent surveys, and necessitating urgent
policy action.[157]

V. The District Cooperative Banks (DCBs) got financially crippled.[158]

VI. In the latest financial quarter (April-June), the GDP has slipped
by 2.2 percentage points, from 7.9% to 5.7%, year-on-year basis.[159]

Subsequently, it is reported [160] that :
India’s trade deficit widened to its highest in 35 months in October
(2017) as merchandise exports declined for the first time in 14 months,
government data showed.
Exports during October 2017 were valued at
US $23,098.18 million as compared to $23,360.61 million during October
2016, registering a decline of 1.12%, according to data released by the
Ministry of Commerce and Industry on Tuesday (Nov. 14 2017).

Imports, meanwhile, expanded at the slowest pace in 10 months, at 7.6%.
Imports during October 2017 were valued at US $37,117.01 million as
compared to US $34,495.09 million in the same period in 2016.

VII. RBI profit dwindled and instead of ballooning dividend payout to
the government, as had been initially expected (discussed above), it
actually radically shrivelled.[161]
Demonetisation was the one of
the main reasons for Reserve Bank of India’s lower-than-usual profits.
The government too received a lesser dividend from the central bank as
compared to what it received in the previous financial year. RBI
transferred a meagre Rs 30,659 crore as dividend to the government for
the year ended June 2017, which is less than half of what it gave to
government a year ago, Rs 65,880 crore to be precise [emphasis added].
While income for the year 2016-17 decreased by 23.56 per cent, the
expenditure increased by 107.84 per cent. The year ended with an overall
surplus of Rs 30,659 crore as against Rs 65,876 crore in the previous
year, representing a decline of 53.46 per cent.
The net income from
domestic sources decreased by 17.11 per cent from Rs 52,157 crore in
2015-16 to Rs 43,232 crore in 2016-17 mainly due to higher net
expenditure on interest on account of absorption of surplus liquidity in
the banking system post withdrawal of Specified Bank Notes [emphasis
added].
RBI incurred a total expenditure of Rs 7,965 crore on
printing currency notes in 2016-17 [emphasis added], [as against Rs.
16,000 crore not returned] which is more than double the Rs 3,420 crore
spent year before that. The rise in cost of printing could be attributed
to printing of new currency notes during remonetisation.
“The
upsurge in expenditure during the year was on account of change in the
production plan of printing presses due to the introduction of new
design notes in higher denominations as well as the requirement of
larger volume of notes for replacement of the demonetised currency,” RBI
said in its annual report.
Conclusion

1. To begin with,
demonetisation was a measure adopted going against the express opinion
sought and obtained from the then RBI Governor Raghuram Rajan.
No recognised economist, not even the Union Government’s Chief Economic Advisor, was known to have been taken into confidence.

And, it was, of course, no move towards bringing back illegal money
allegedly stashed in foreign banks, as had been promised by Modi, as the
Prime Ministerial aspirant.

2. It was pretty shoddily implemented.

3. It has decisively failed to mop up black money as had been initially projected and expected.

A miniscule amount of fake currencies was detected. And new fake currencies are already back.

No visible impact on terrorism.

4. It has, of course, opened up the possibility of identifying sizeable
amounts of earlier undeclared black money and thereby, eventually,
jacking up tax revenue.

But the actual prospect, right at this point of time, remains pretty much a big question mark.

More so, given the quantum of data/cases involved and the past track
record of the concerned departments, the IT, in particular.

Not
only that, given the already established track record [162] of the
incumbent regime, there is room for very reasonable apprehensions that
these cases may only be selectively pursued in order to blackmail,
silence and arm-twist.

5. As regards the subsequently added goals, no appreciable rise in digitisation of economy.
Formalisation of informal sector has presumably been initiated under
the impact of GST, again badly planned. No appreciable impact of
demonetisation demonstrated.

It is yet another matter that the
very desirability of forcing the pace of these two goals, under current
Indian conditions, remains a much contested issue.

6. The actions
by the regime, especially, in refraining from selecting and appointing a
Lokpal, even after three and half years, and allowing uncapped
anonymous corporate donations to political parties, that too craftily
dodging any effective parliamentary scrutiny, raise serious doubts as
regards its real intentions vis-à-vis fighting corruptions.

So,
does the lack of actions as regards various so-called papers leaked by
private parties giving out details pertaining to a large number of
Indians and Indian entities parking money in secretive foreign bank
accounts.

And, also the fact that the Gross NPAs (Non-Performing
Assets – bad unrecoverable loans, mostly lent to large corporates) of
the Public Sector Banks (PSBs), under the watch of the incumbent regime,
rose from Rs. 234,583 crore, in June 2014, to Rs. 733,[136] crore, in
June 2017.[163]A more than three-fold rise, over a period of three
years.

Even if we, for the moment, just opt to set aside the
various alleged scams,[164-167] of pretty serious nature, that have
surfaced only recently directly involving the Modi regime and the BJP
National President, on the ground that these charges yet remain to be
duly established before a court of law.

7. The impact on the economy, as a whole, at least on the short term, was decidedly negative.

The impact on the unorganised sectors, employing about 90% of the workforce, was just disastrous.

8. Day-to-day lives of ordinary Indians were severely affected.

More than a hundred reportedly lost lives.

Millions lost means of livelihood.

9. All in all, it appears to be primarily a political move, meant to
reap political dividends, with scant regard for actual economic
consequences, though packaged very much in those terms.[168]

10.
Finally, it also indicates a degree of readiness on the part of the BJP,
led by Modi-Shah duo, to tweak its traditional core constituency and,
in the process, even hurt the small and medium business - in the
interest of big money169 and also to occasionally play to the gallery of
the Indian have-nots, even if not all of them.

Sukla Sen, 25 11 2017

Notes and References:

1. Ref.: Narendra Modi takes oath as India’s 15th Prime Minister, dtd. May 26 2014, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
2. Ref.: Everything you need to know about Lok Sabha Verdict 2014 explained in 40 charts, dtd. Jun 06 2014, at <https://scroll.in/article/666049/ev…> .
3. Ref.: How the BJP won this election, dtd. May 17 2014, at <http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation…> .
4. Ref.: BJP’s 31% lowest vote share of any party to win majority, dtd. May 19 2014, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
5. Ref.: BJP releases manifesto, promises to improve economy, end policy paralysis, dtd. Apr. 7 2014, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
6. Ref.: Policy Paralysis, dtd. Sept. 13 2013, at <http://socialsciences.in/article/po…> .
7. Watch, e.g.: Shri Narendra Modi promises to people 15-20 lakh as BJP will bring the black money back to India at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6Li…> .
8. Ref.: Boon or tragedy? Government, opposition parties battle it out on note ban anniversary, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
9. Ref.: Opposition to observe November 8, note ban anniversary, as ’black day’, dtd. Oct. 24 2017, at <http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation…> .
10. Ref.: Nov. 8 anti-black money day: Jaitley, dtd. Oct. 25 2017, at <http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation…> .
11. Source: Modi’s surgical strike on black money, dtd. Nov. 8 2016, at <http://www.thehindubusinessline.com...> .
12. Ref.: Here’s The Full Text Of Modi’s Speech On The Discontinuation Of ₹500 And ₹1,000 Bank Notes, dtd. Nov. 9 2016, at <http://www.huffingtonpost.in/2016/1…> .
13. Ref.:
India’s cash-to-GDP ratio was over 13% before the November 2016 note
ban, which is now estimated to be at around 11% of the GDP.
(Source: Cash in use 26% less than November 8 levels, withdrawals fall for fourth week, dtd. Apr. 10 2017, at
<https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .)
14. Ref.: Ninety seven per cent of retail transactions still cash-based, says USAID report, dtd. Jan. 22 2016, at <http://www.thehindu.com/todays-pape…> .
15. Also:
About 98 percent of all consumer payments in India use cash, and the
high frequency of handling forces the monetary authority to withdraw
about 75 percent of its notes in circulation in a typical year - more
than the number of bank notes collectively produced by all countries
taken together with the exception of China.
(Source: What government plans to do with the old Rs 500, 1,000 notes, dtd. Nov. 23 2016, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .)
16. Ref., e.g.: Your money’s no good: rupee note cancellation plunges India into panic, dtd. Nov. 10 2016, at <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2…> .
17. Ref.:
Featured are summary views, solicited by The Tribune, on the
government’s demonetisation move from nine economists of impeccable
credentials, differing ages, a spectrum of ideological persuasions, and a
variety of locations. We encounter amidst this diversity of backgrounds
a profound sameness of opinion, as reflected in unanimous denunciation
of the government’s action in sentiments and assessments such as:
“essentially political move,…insensitive,…,gratuitous,..,appalling”;
“firing cannonballs to kill mosquitoes” [emphasis added]; “arrogance and
insensitivity”; “an exercise in Manichean economics”; “authoritarian
quackery”; “heavy cost to the economy”; “frightening abandonment of
reason”; “throwing the baby out while retaining the bathwater”; and “a
cavalier or even cynical political calculation”Here’s a cross-section of
scholarly opinion.
(Source: Economists speak up on demonetisation, dtd. Dec. 5 2016, at <http://www.tribuneindia.com/news/co…> .)
18. Also: Demonetization: Winners, losers, and the utterly devastated, Dtd. Dec. 22 2016, at <http://www.atimes.com/demonetizatio…> .
19. Ref.: ’2011 Indian anti-corruption movement’ at <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/2011_…> .
20. Watch: Reality of 15 lakh promise by Narendra Modi, dtd. Feb. 12 2015, at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=rHP…> .
It has been uploaded by a self-confessed supporter of Narendra Modi,
interspersing the original video clip (ref. note 6 above) with textual
commentaries.
21. Ref.: We’ll bring back black money in 150 days: BJP president Rajnath Singh, dtd. April 21 2014, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
22. Watch: Will bring back black money in 100 days: BJP chief Rajnath Singh, dtd. April 1 2014, at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UZ8…> .
23. See: Timeline of black money issue and formation of Special Investigation Team, dtd. Feb. 9 2015, at <http://indiatoday.intoday.in/educat…> .
24. Ref.: How Vijay Mallya flew to London via Delhi, dtd. March 11 2016, at <http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/…> .
25. Ref.: Sushma Swaraj, Vasundhara Raje helped me: Lalit Modi, dtd. June 17 2015, at <http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation…> .
26. Ref.:
In 2014, the Central government introduced amendments to the 2013 Act
diluting the stringent provisions of social impact assessment and
consent clauses in the 2013 Act by the promulgation of the Land
Acquisition Ordinance under Article 123 on the last day of December
2014. The provisions of the ordinance were sought to be kept alive by
repeated promulgation on April 3 and May 30 of 2015.
(Source: Cloud over Land Acquisition Act, dtd. Aug. 11 2017, at <http://www.dnaindia.com/analysis/co…> .)
27. Ref.: From ‘Living Monument of UPA Failure’, Has MNREGA Become PM Modi’s Fav Tool?, dtd. Feb. 1 2017, at <http://www.news18.com/news/business…> .
28. Ref.: Yours is a ’Suit-Boot ki Sarkar, Rahul Gandhi Attacks Government in Parliament’, dtd. April 20 2015, at <https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/you…> .
29. Ref.:
The cloth, made by the longstanding manufacturers Holland & Sherry
which supplies much of Savile Row, has to be specially made at a minimum
of nine metres – this is enough for Allen’s company to make two suits,
which would cost upwards of £15,000 (more for cloth with gold thread).
(Source: Narendra Modi’s style tip for world leaders: wear a suit with
your name written on it: For his recent meeting with Barack Obama,
India’s prime minister wore a suit with his name written in the
pinstripes, dtd. Jan. 26 2015, at <https://www.theguardian.com/fashion…> .)
30. Ref.: Modiji on Rs 15 lakh returning to accounts was a political ’jumla’: Amit Shah to ABP News, dtd. Feb. 5 2015, at <http://www.abplive.in/india-news/mo…> .
31. Watch: Modiji’s statement on Rs 15 lakh returning was just a
political ’jumla’ : Amit Shah to ABP News, dtd. Feb. 5 2015, at <https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Wo9…> .
32. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Delhi…> .
33. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bihar…> .
34. Ref.:
The historic Central Hall of Parliament will host a midnight function
on June 30 to launch the sweeping tax reform of GST, reminiscent of
India’s tryst with destiny on the midnight of August 15, 1947.
(Source: Midnight Parliament central hall event to mark GST rollout, dtd. June 19 2017, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .)
35. Ref.: Shooting in the dark: The Bullet Train project is
economically unviable, will not lead to a transfer of technology and
serve only a minuscule proportion of rail passengers by Anil Dharker,
dtd. Sept. 23 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/op…> .
36. Ref.: Bullet trains: Far too costly for India by Yogi Aggarwal, dtd. Sept. 28 2017, at <http://www.asianage.com/opinion/col…> .
37. Ref.: LIVE: Bullet train project signifies India’s progress, says Narendra Modi, dtd. Sept. 14 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Politics/Q2…> .
38. Ref.: PIB press release: India’s rank rises to 100 in World Bank’s doing Business Report, 2018, dtd. Oct. 31 2017, at <http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRele…> .
39. Ref.: Ease of business ranking also represents ‘ease of living life’, says PM Modi, dtd. Nov. 5 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
40. Ref.: Moody’s Upgrade Endorsement Of Reforms, Says Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, dtd. Nov. 17 2017, at <https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/fin…> .
Also relevant: Modi government should not cheer Moody’s recent upgrade.
Read why by MC Govardhana Rangan and Joel Rebello, dtd. Nov. 22 2017,
at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
41. Ref.: India slips 3 notches to 100 on Global Hunger Index; trails N Korea, Iraq, dtd. Oct. 15 2017, at <http://www.business-standard.com/ar…> .
42. Ref.: India falls to 108 on World Economic Forum’s gender gap index, dtd. Nov. 2 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Industry/uq…> .
43. Ref.:
“Therefore, ahead of the 2019 hustings, we expect Modi’s policy
initiatives to evolve around three ‘C’s — combating corruption;
completing existing policy priorities (resolving NPAs, fine-tuning GST,
completing infra projects etc; and communication to highlight how his
various initiatives are helping the common man, especially in rural
areas,” Saynal [read: Sanyal] says.
(Source: Modi May Shun Major Reforms Till 2019: Barclays’ Siddhartha Sanyal, dtd. Aug. 13 2017, at <https://www.bloombergquint.com/poli…> .)
Also relevant:
“Closer to the polls, Modi might consider deploying his political
capital more to boost BJP’s ‘[Hindu?] nationalist’ credentials rather
than its ‘reformist’ image”, argues Sanyal.
44. Ref.: Mr. Modi’s Perilous Embrace of Hindu Extremists by (The New York Times) Editorial Board, dtd. March 23 2017, at <https://www.nytimes.com/2017/03/23/…> .
45. Ref.: Decoded! Why Amit Shah and Modi picked Adityanath as Uttar
Pradesh Chief Minister by Aman Dwivedi, dtd. March 19 2017, at <http://www.financialexpress.com/ele…> .
46. Ref.: Government bans sale of cows for slaughter at cattle markets, restricts trade, dtd. May 26 2017, at <http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/…> .
47. Ref.: ’Garib hatao’: How the poor are being tricked with demonetisation, dtd. Nov. 22 2016, at <https://www.dailyo.in/politics/demo…> .
48. Source: Digging through India demonetization history — 12 Jan 1946 (Saturday) and 16 Jan 1978 (Monday) at <https://mostlyeconomics.wordpress.c...> .
49. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raghu…> .
50. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_…> .
51. Source: Short-term note ban costs to outweigh long-term benefits:Rajan, dtd. Sept. 4 2017, at

http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/….
52. Source: Demonetisation: On Nov 7, it was Govt which ‘advised’ RBI
to ‘consider’ note ban, got RBI nod next day, dtd. Jan. 10 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/bu…> .
53. Ref.: Understanding RBI Board’s role in Demonetisation 2016… at <https://mostlyeconomics.wordpress.c...> .
54. Ref.: Arthakranti Proposal: 5-Point Plan To Revolutionalise India, dtd. Nov. 10 2016, at <http://www.newsworldindia.in/busine…> .
55. Ref.: THE MAN WHO GAVE MODI THE IDEA OF DEMONETISATION SLAMS IMPLEMENTATION, dtd. Nov. 22 2016, at <https://mumbaimirror.indiatimes.com...> .
56. Ref.: ’This Is Not What We Suggested’, Says Anil Bokil, The Man
Credited With The Idea Of Demonetisation, dtd. Nov. 22 2016, at <http://www.huffingtonpost.in/2016/1…> .
57. Ref.: Behind Notes Ban, Team Of 6 Worked Secretly At PM Narendra Modi’s Home: Report, dtd. Dec. 9 2016, at <https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/who…> .
58. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hasmu…> .
59. Ref.: One year of note ban: The ultra-secret move that no one came to know for several months, dtd. Nov. 7 2017, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
60. Ref.: Why is Chief Economic Adviser Arvind Subramanian Missing in Action? by Hemindra Hazari, dtd. Nov. 30 2016, at <https://thewire.in/83452/chief-econ…> .
61. Source: Who advised Demonetisation? by Brijesh Kalappa, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <https://blogs.timesofindia.indiatim...> .
62. Ref.: ’India: Citizens’ Statement on De-monetisation (November 15, 2016)’ at <http://www.sacw.net/article13025.html> .
63. Ref.: House panel criticises RBI governor for inability to answer demonetisation questions, dtd. Jan. 18 2017, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
64. Ref.: After 6 months, RBI still in dark on junked notes, dtd. May 10 2017, at <http://www.thehindubusinessline.com...> .
65. Ref.: Disclosing Reasons for Demonetisation Will Hurt India, Says RBI, dtd. Dec. 29 2016, at <https://thewire.in/90462/rbi-refuse…> .
66. Ref.: No clue on note ban impact on black money: RBI, Sept. 4 2017, at <http://www.deccanherald.com/content…> .
67. See: <https://rbidocs.rbi.org.in/rdocs/An…> .
68. Source: ’Viewpoint: Why Modi’s currency gamble was ’epic failure’ by Vivek Kaul , dtd. August 30 2017, at <http://www.bbc.com/news/amp/world-a…> .
69. Source: No clue on note ban impact on black money: RBI, dtd. Sept. 4 2017, at <http://www.deccanherald.com/content…> .
70. Source: RBI says 98.96% of Rs 500, Rs 1000 notes returned after demonetisation, dtd. Aug. 31 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Industry/e7…> .
71. See, e.g.: RBI says 99% of demonetised Rs 500, Rs 1,000 returned to banking system, dtd. Aug. 31 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/busin…> .
72. Source: Demonetisation: Government may take ordinance route to cancel unreturned currency, dtd. Dec. 7 2016, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
73. Source: Demonetisation: Value of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 fakes around
Rs 41 crore, says RBI Annual Report, dtd. Aug. 31 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/bu…> .
74. Source: RBI Data Shows Amount Of Fake Currency Insignificant, dtd. Aug 30 2017, at <https://www.bloombergquint.com/busi…> .
75. Source: One year of demonetisation: Rs 2,000, Rs 500 fakes are now of ‘highest quality’, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/ex…> .
76. Ref.: Fake Rs 2,000 notes seized: Here’s how similar they are to real currency, dtd. Nov. 18 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/delhi…> .
77. Ref.: Fake notes more than double of what was estimated: RBI, dtd. Aug. 30 2017, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
78. Ref.: Secret study pegs value of fake notes in circulation at Rs 400 crore, dtd. Nov. 15 2016, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
79. Ref.: ANSWER (a), on p. 1 at <http://164.100.47.190/loksabhaquest…> .
(As per the answer provided by the concerned Minister of State in the
Lok Sabha, on, presumably, Aug. 5 2016, the combined value of seized
counterfeit Rs. 1,000 and Rs. 500 notes in the year 2015 was Rs. 32.78
crore.)
80. Ref.: Demonetisation: How Much of Black Money is in Cash by Vivek Kaul, dtd. Dec. 13 2016, at <https://www.equitymaster.com/diary/…> .
81. Source: Why govt’s demonetisation move may fail to win the war against black money, dtd. Feb. 16 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/india…> .
82. Source: Demonetisation: Government may take ordinance route to cancel unreturned currency, dtd. Dec. 7 2016, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
83. Ref.:
After demonetising Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 notes, the government is
considering depositing Rs 10,000 in the Jan Dhan accounts, particularly
those with zero balance. This grand, populist gesture of turning a
political jumla into a tangible benefit for people, could be carried out
before the crucial elections in Uttar Pradesh, Punjab and Goa.
There are nearly 25 crore Jan Dhan accounts in the country, of which nearly 5.8 crore are zero-balance accounts.
Depositing Rs 10,000 in zero balance Jan Dhan accounts is expected to
cost the government nearly Rs 58,000 crore. Analysts have calculated
that the government’s demonetisation move will result in a windfall of
Rs 3 lakh crore to the RBI which it will pass on to the government.

Highly placed sources said that after targeting black money hoarders,
the government “has to send a signal to poor farmers, among others, that
the benefits are being passed on to them.” A reward for their hardship,
perhaps.
This step, if taken, could be a game-changer and impact Assembly elections expected to be held by April next year.
(Source: Age Exclusive: Jan Dhan accounts may get Rs 10,000, dtd. Nov. 20 2016, at <http://www.asianage.com/india/all-i…> .)
84. Ref.: Government to credit Rs 10,000 in every zero balance Jan Dhan account, dtd. Nov. 20 2016, at <http://www.india.com/news/india/gov…> .
85. Ref.:
(I)mplementation (of demonetisation) has been badly bungled, and will
hit economic growth for two or more quarters. In a worst-case scenario,
this will mean a serious recession. Voters willing to tolerate temporary
travails could turn savagely against Modi if a sinking economy crushes
employment. Without new reforms, demonetisation cannot kill black money,
which will soon boom again.
Yet Modi could emerge in total triumph, by combining imaginative accounting, populism and good economic sense. …
Nevertheless, not all hoarders of high-value notes will be able to
exchange or launder them by December-end. Nobody knows how large this
un-encashed hoard will be. I suspect it may be 20% of the total, worth
Rs 3 lakh crore.

What will Modi do with this windfall? He
can transfer a whopping Rs 10,000 into each of 250 million Jan Dhan
accounts that have been opened since he came to power. This will absorb
Rs 2.5 lakh crore, leaving Rs 50,000 crore for other purposes like
infrastructure. He could also hold a lottery to distribute part of this
Rs 50,000 crore to all other citizens, giving every voter a chance to
benefit from the bonanza.
(Source.: Now, Modi can turn kala dhan to Jan Dhan by Swaminathan S Anklesaria Aiyar, dtd. Nov. 27 2016, at <https://blogs.timesofindia.indiatim...> .)
86. Ref.: Rs 50,000 or Rs 75,000? Allahabad poor debate rumour that
government will put cash in their accounts, dtd. Nov. 30 2016, at <https://scroll.in/article/822853/ho…> .
87. Source: Tax collection up since demonetisation, says government, dtd. August 31 2017, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
88. Ref.:
(T)he note ban would not eliminate black money. The same objective
could be achieved even with the old notes circulating for two or three
months and citizens being given enough time for replacing the old notes.
(Source: The fish, crocodile and note ban by T M Thomas Isaac, dtd. Nov. 9 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/op…> .)
89. Ref.: Government asks banks to deposit junked notes at RBI by July 20, dtd. June 22 2017, at <https://economictimes.indiatimes.co...> .
90. Ref.: RBI refuses to deposit Maharashtra cooperative banks’ Rs200 crore in old notes, dtd. July 22 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/mumba…> .
91. Ref.:
Making another serious observation on the government’s demonetisation
deadline that stopped people from exchanging their old notes beyond
December 30, the Supreme Court today said the government can’t deny
citizens, who have valid reasons, the right to swap the scrapped notes.
(Source: SC asks govt to explain why ’genuine people’ can’t exchange old Rs 500 and Rs 1000 notes, dtd. July 4 2017, at <http://www.businesstoday.in/current…> .)
92. Ref.:
9. There may be some who, for some reason, are not able to deposit
their old five hundred or thousand rupee notes by 30th December 2016.
10. They can go to specified offices of the Reserve Bank of India up to
31st March 2017 and deposit the notes after submitting a declaration
form.
(Source: Here’s The Full Text Of Modi’s Speech On The Discontinuation Of ₹500 And ₹1,000 Bank Notes, dtd. Nov. 9 2016, at <http://www.huffingtonpost.in/2016/1…> .)
93. Ref.: Meet the five members of PM Narendra Modi’s Economic Advisory Council, dtd. Sept. 26 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/busin…> .
94. Ref.: No Proof Required: Demonetisation and its contents, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/op…> .
95. Ref.: One year of demonetisation: Tax compliance better, more funds for banks, dtd. Nov. 7 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/bu…> .
96. Ref.: New Income Tax Slabs and Rates for Financial Year: 2017-18 at <https://www.iciciprulife.com/insura…> .
97. Ref.: WAS DEMONETISATION WORTH IT AT ALL? by Basant Potnuru, dtd. Sept. 19 2017, at <http://www.dailypioneer.com/columni…> .
98. Ref.: ‘With increasing use of data analytics tools, tax
department’s capabilities of data mining have increased manifold’, dtd.
Nov. 8 2017, at <https://blogs.timesofindia.indiatim...> .
99. Source: India Unearths $1 Billion of Suspicious Cash in Corruption Crackdown, dtd. Oct. 24 2017, at <https://www.bloomberg.com/news/arti…> .
100. Ref.: Recovery of undisclosed income post demonitization at <http://pib.nic.in/newsite/PrintRele…> .
101. Ref., e.g.: EXCLUSIVE | Demonetisation: How crores of undisclosed
cash moved into lakhs of bank accounts, dtd. Nov. 15 2017, at <http://www.moneycontrol.com/news/bu…> .
102. Ref.: [Political] [Demonitisation] Got this mail from the PMO today., posted on Nov. 10 2017, at <https://www.reddit.com/r/india/comm…> .
103. Ref.: Discordant notes: a year after demonetisation by Puja Mehra, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-…> .
104. Ref.: <https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/The_L…> .
105. Ref.:
The Supreme Court on Thursday (April 27 2017) directed the government
*to immediately implement the Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act and appoint a
Lokpal* [emphasis added].
The statutory post of Lokpal has been vacant since the law was enacted in 2013.
A bench comprising justices Ranjan Gogoi and Navin Sinha rejected the
government’s contention that a Lokpal cannot be appointed because
certain amendments to the law are pending before Parliament.
“There
is no justification to keep the enforcement of the Act under suspension
till the proposed amendments are carried out,” the court said.
(Source: Supreme Court directs govt to implement Lokpal and Lokayuktas Act, dtd. April 27 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Politics/Ab…> .)
Also see: Anna Hazare says Narendra Modi averse to appointing a Lokpal, dtd. Oct. 02 2017, at <http://www.livemint.com/Politics/Pp…> .
106. Source: At Stake In Chhattisgarh by S Y Quraishi, dtd. Dec. 31 2015, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/op…> .
107. Ref.:
An omitted proviso and a tweaked sub-section, buried deep in a money
bill passed in Parliament’s recently concluded Budget Session, has
fundamentally altered India’s democracy by letting corporations
anonymously donate unlimited amounts of cash to the political party of
their choice.

… (C)ritics say removing funding caps and
disclosure norms will buy corporations — both Indian and foreign —
disproportionate influence over regulatory policy, and offer a lucrative
tax-free conduit to launder money through India’s 2,041 registered
parties – most of whom have never fought an election and exist only in
name.
(Source: Finance Bill: Minor legislative tweaks prompt major fears for democracy’s future, dtd. April 14 2017, at <http://www.hindustantimes.com/india…> .)


Also relevant is the fact that the Rajya Sabha had duly noted the
dangerous implications of the amendment enabling uncapped anonymous
donations to political parties.
But the Lok Sabha, where the BJP
enjoys brute majority, summarily, by voice vote, rejected the five
amendments, including one reversing this provision, passed by the Rajya
Sabha.
Ref.:
Parliament on Thursday [March 30 2017] approved the
Finance Bill 2017 after the Lok Sabha rejected five amendments moved to
it by the Upper House with regard to curbing more powers to taxmen and a
cap on donation by companies to political parties.

The
government had yesterday faced major embarrassment in the Rajya Sabha as
five amendments moved by the Congress and the CPI(M) to the Finance
Bill were adopted and approved by the House.

The Rajya Sabha
also approved an amendment that there should be a cap of 7.5 per cent
of net profit of the last three financial years for donation to
political parties. It also approved a provision to disclose the name of
political parties to which contribution has been made by a company.

(Source: Parliament approves Finance Bill 2017 in its original form; Lok
Sabha rejects amendments by Rajya Sabha, dtd. July 18 2017, at <http://www.businesstoday.in/current…> .
108. Ref.: It’s a tragedy the media failed to see how Finance Bill endangers idea of India, dtd. March 24 2017, at <https://www.dailyo.in/politics/fina…> .
109. For a reasoned analysis of the implications, see: The Big
Corporate Takeover of Political Funding, dtd. May 14 2017, at <https://www.thequint.com/news/polit…> .
For another revealing analysis of the sinister implications of this
move: The danger of electoral bonds by G Sampath, dtd. Nov. 20 2017, at
<http://www.thehindu.com/opinion/op-…> .
110. Ref.: BJP reverses stand on bringing parties under RTI, dtd. Aug 1 2014, at <http://www.livemint.com/Politics/PQ…> .
111. Ref.: Can’t bring political parties under RTI, Centre tells Supreme Court, dtd. Aug. 24 2015, at <http://www.thehindu.com/news/nation…> .
112. Ref.: Why Paradise Papers Matter: Two Explanatory Notes, posted on Nov. 6 2017, at <https://groups.google.com/forum/#!s…> .
113. Source: Paradise papers: Congress dares PM to sack Jayant Sinha,
Left says black money fight has failed, dtd. Nov. 7 2017, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
114. Ref.: Panama papers: I-T slaps criminal charges under new anti-black money law, dtd. Nov. 19 2017, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
115. Ref.: Arun Jaitley calls demonetisation a success, says terrorists hit by fund shortage, dtd. Nov. 8 2017, at <http://indiatoday.intoday.in/story/…> .
116. Ref.: Demonetisation’s Strike on Terrorism is another Blatant Lie
by the Government by Saquib Salim, dtd. Dec. 3 2016, at <http://www.indiaresists.com/demonet…> .
117. Ref.: [Political] [Demonitisation] Got this mail from the PMO today., posted on Nov. 10 2017, at <https://www.reddit.com/r/india/comm…> .
118. Ref.: Stone pelting incidents have come down ’to some extent’: Army Chief Bipin Rawat. dtd. Nov. 10, at <https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com...> .
119. Ref.: Modi Government Likely To Get Corruption Tag As UPA-II: Chidambaram, dtd. Nov. 19 2017, at <https://www.ndtv.com/india-news/mod…> .
120. Source: Calling black white by Arun Kumar, dtd. Sept. 8 2017, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/op…> .
121. Ref.: Narendra Modi urges youth to lead move to a cashless society, dtd. Nov. 28 2016, at <http://www.livemint.com/Politics/yR…> .
122. Ref.: BJP launches drive to raise awareness on cashless transactions, dtd. Nov. 29 2016, at <http://indianexpress.com/article/in…> .
123. Ref.: Arun Jaitley Says Cashless Economy Is A Less Cash Economy And Not Fully Cashless One, dtd. Dec. 15 2016, at <https://www.scoopwhoop.com/Arun-Jai…> .
124. Ref.: Tweet by Amit Shah, posted on De. 17 2016, at <https://twitter.com/BJP4India/statu…> .
125. For an impressively argued concise list of assessed motivations,
ref.: Death By Demonetisation by Satya Sagar, dtd. Nov. 17 2016, at <http://www.countercurrents.org/2016…> .
125a. Also noteworthy, the view proffered by a very eminent grassroots activist:
ded].
“For those who are unable to exchange their Specified Bank
Notes on or before December 30, 2016, an opportunity will be given to
them to do so at specified offices of the RBI, along with necessary
documentation as may be specified by the Reserve Bank of India,” the
November 8 notification had said.

“The Prime Minister’s
speech and the notification that followed clearly said that any person
who is unable to deposit the old notes before 31 December 2016 can do so
at specific branches of RBI,” the lawyer for petitioners argued.
(Source: SC issues notice to Centre on plea against RBI’s refusal to accept banned notes, dtd. Nov. 6 2017, at <https://www.businesstoday.in/curren…> .)
150. Ref.: MODI’S KEY AIDE BLAMES POOR PLANNING FOR INDIA’S CURRENCY CRISIS, dtd. Nov. 13 2016, at <http://www.scmp.com/week-asia/polit…> .

comments (0)