KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL
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LESSON 3310 Sat 21 Mar 2020 Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING from KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL DO GOOD! PURIFY MIND AND ENVIRONMENT! Even a seven year old can Understand. A seventy year old must practice. Say YES to Paper Ballots NO to EVMs/VVPATs to save Democracy, Liberty, Equality and Fraternityfor the welfare, happiness and peace for all Awakened aboriginal societies. is the HONEST VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS) Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make India Buddhist) All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch) Buddhist volunteers in Hanoi give out free face masks on Feb. 6, 2020, to prevent the spread of 2019-nCoV in Vietnam, which has had eight confirmed cases to date.Researchers believe they’ve found a cure for the latest strain of coronavirus The disease has killed more than 6,500 people around the world since January Queensland researcher claims HIV and anti-malaria drugs may be the cure Currently patients cannot be cured and only supported while they recover Coronavirus symptoms: what are they and should you see a doctor? Drugs used to treat HIV and malaria could be used to tackle the coronavirus, according to scientists in Australia. Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta — Attendance on awareness —66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka
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LESSON 3310 Sat 21 Mar 2020

Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING
from

KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL

DO GOOD! PURIFY MIND AND ENVIRONMENT!
Even a seven year old can Understand. A seventy year old must practice.

Say YES to Paper Ballots
NO to EVMs/VVPATs to save Democracy, Liberty, Equality and Fraternityfor
the welfare, happiness and peace for all Awakened aboriginal societies.

is the

HONEST

VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS)

Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make India Buddhist)

All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch)
Buddhist volunteers in Hanoi give out free face masks on Feb. 6, 2020,
to prevent the spread of 2019-nCoV in Vietnam, which has had eight
confirmed cases to date.

Researchers believe they’ve found a cure for the latest strain of coronavirus
The disease has killed more than 6,500 people around the world since January
Queensland researcher claims HIV and anti-malaria drugs may be the cure
Currently patients cannot be cured and only supported while they recover
Coronavirus symptoms: what are they and should you see a doctor?

Drugs used to treat HIV and malaria could be used to tackle the coronavirus, according to scientists in Australia.




Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta — Attendance on awareness —66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,

66) Classical Macedonian-Класичен македонски,

Сатита
Сатипана (МН. 10). Дискурсот за воспоставување на умот) и
Mahatsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta (ДН 22) (Големиот дискурс за воспоставување на
умот) се два од најважните и широко проучени дискурси во Пали Канон на
Терадада Будизам. Првиот се наоѓа во Агама на други рани училишта и е
прифатен од современи практичари на Махајана, како што е Thich Nhat
Hanh.

Овие дискурси (Pāli: sutta) даваат средства за практикување
на умливост во различни контексти и потенцијално постојано. Познато,
Буда изјавува на почетокот на овој дискурс: „Ова е директен начин (Pāli:
ekāyano … maggo), монаси, за прочистување на суштествата, за
надминување на тагата и жалењето, за гаснење на страдањето и тага, за
одење по патот на вистината, за реализација на нибана …. “

Превод на наслов
Buddha4u4ia.jpg

Преводите на англиски јазик на насловот „Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta“ вклучуваат:

„Разбудување на дискурсот за умот“ tipitaka / mn / mn.010.soma.html (Сома, 1999)
„Основи на дискурсот за умот“ типитака / мн / мн.010.nysa.html (Nyanasatta, 1994)
„Рамките на референтниот дискурс“ tipitaka / mn / mn.010.than.html (Танисаро, 1995)


Според Anālayo (2006, стр. 29-30), Танисаро (2000) и Nyanaponika (1996,
стр. 9-10), дел од причината за разновидноста во преводот на овој
наслов има врска со тоа како сложениот Pāli збор ” се анализира
„сатипашана“. Може да се толкува како „сати-пашана“ („основа на
умственост“) или „сати-ушахана“ („присуство на умственост“).

Што
се однесува до префиксот „Маха-“ во насловот Пули од ДН 22, ова
едноставно значи „одлично“ или „поголемо“ и веројатно се однесува на
проширениот дел на ДН 22 за умственост на Четвртата благородна вистина.

Разни повратувања и канонско поставување
BUDDMoon.jpg


Во кинескиот Канон, Нијан Чу ingинг (念 處 經, Smṛtyupasthāna Sūtra),
базиран на извор на Сарвастивадин, се наоѓа на страница 582 од Таишо
Трипитака Вол. 1, Madhyama amagama No. 26. Втората верзија со
Smṛtyupasthāna Sra не беше преведена на тибетски, освен како дел од
долгата Prajñapāramita Sūtra во која беше вклучена. Постои во тибетскиот
превод “Saddharma Smṛtyupasthāna Sūtra” (брана без пана чис dran pa nye
бар bzhag pa’i mdo // dampé chödren panyé barzhak pé do), но ова е
многу голема рана Махајана сутра и е сосема поинаква текст. Вен. Ајхан
Суџато го заврши обемното компаративно истражување на различните
рецитали на Сута, насловено „Историја на умот“. Овие различни верзии се
прилично слични.

Во каналот Теравадин Пали, Сатипашана сута е
десеттиот дискурс во Маџима Никаја (МН) и на тој начин честопати е
назначен од „МН 10“; во публикацијата „Пали Текст општество“ (ПТС) на
Канонот, овој текст започнува на 55-та страница од првиот том на својата
три-тома Маџхима Никаја (М), и на тој начин е наизменично претставена
како „М i 55.“

Што се однесува до Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta, ова е
22-ри дискурс во Дига Никаја (ДН) и на тој начин честопати го означува
„ДН 22“; во изданието на ПТС на Канон, Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta започнува
на 289-та страница од вториот том од три-тома на ПТС, Дига Никаја (Д), и
на тој начин наизменично е претставена како „Д ii 289“.

Во
пост-канонската пали-литература, класичниот коментар за сатита
Сатапаахина (како и за целата Мајџхама Никаја) се наоѓа во Папучаскудани
на Будагоса, Паучаскудани (Булит, 2002; Сома, 2003).

Содржина
Бурма012.jpg


Во оваа сута, Буда идентификува четири референци за воспоставување
умност (сатипаттана): тело, сензации (или чувства), ум (или свест) и
ментална содржина. Потоа, овие делови се поделени во следниве делови и
подсекции:

Тело (Kāyā)
Дишење (исто така, видете ја Сута Анапанасати)
Позиции (одење, стоење, седење, легнување)
Јасно разбирање
Рефлексии врз одбивноста на телото
Рефлексија на елементите на материјалот
Размислувања на гробиштата
Сензации / Чувства (Ведани)
пријатни или непријатни или не-пријатни-ниту-непријатни (неутрални) чувства
светски или духовни чувства
Умот / совеста (Cittā)
страста (sarāgaṃ) или без страста (vītarāgaṃ)
омраза (sadosaṃ) или без омраза (vītadosaṃ)
заблуда (самохаш) или без заблуда (vītamohaṃ)
договорено (саххиттаж) или расфрлано (викиттаич)
возвишен (mahaggataṃ) или не возвишен (amahaggataṃ)
надминување (sa-uttaraṃ) или ненадминливо (anuttaraṃ)
молчи (samāhitaṃ) или не молчи (асамхитаṃ)
ослободена (вимутaṃ) или не е ослободена (avimuttaṃ)
Ментални содржини (Дами)
Хиндурите
Агрегати на припивам
Смислите-бази и нивните подвизи
Фактори на будење со свесност
Четирите благородни вистини

Контекст
Типографија заснована на личност
Gb.buddha.moon.jpg


Според Analāyo (2006, стр. 24-25) и Сома (2003, стр. Xxii - xxiv),
Папашаскудани препорачува различен сатипахина во зависност од тоа дали
лицето:

се стреми повеќе кон афективно копнеење или интелектуална шпекулација; и,
е повеќе мерено во нивните одговори или брза реакција.


Врз основа на овие две димензии, препорачаната коментари заснована на
личноста заснована на личност се рефлектира подолу во мрежата.
искуствена ориентација
(карактер)
афективно
(екстроверт) когнитивен
(интроверт)
реактивност /
темперамент бавен телесен ум
брзи сензации ментална содржина


Сома (2003, стр. Xxiv) додава дека сите практичари (без оглед на
нивниот карактер и темперамент) исто така треба да вежбаат умственост на
држење на телото (движење, стоење, седење, лежење) и јасно разбирање,
за што пишува: „Целата практика на умливоста зависи од правилното
разбирање на вежбите вклучени во двата дела наведени овде “.
Едно фокусирани, последователни и истовремени практики

Постојат различни начини на кои може да се користат методите опишани во Satipa Sathāna Sutta, вклучувајќи:

Фокусирајте се на еден метод. Методот за кој повеќето се пишува на англиски јазик е оној на умственост на здивот.
Вежбајте различни методи индивидуално едноподруго.
Одржувајте ја умливоста на здивот како примарен предмет додека користите други методи за решавање на стимули што не дишат.
Вежбајте повеќе методи или во тандем или на начин управуван од контекст

Исто така види

Умственост (будизам)
Будистичка медитација
Випасана
Медитација на Махасати

Поврзани дискурси:

Анапанасати Сута
Кајагата-сати Сута
Маха-сатипаттана сута

Поврзани практики:

Сампајана
Патикуламанасикара

Поврзани концепти:

Махабхута
Каматтана
Ведана
Вијанана
Сканда
Садајатана / ајатана
Седум фактори на просветлување
Четири благородни вистини

Извор

Википедија: Сатипаттана сута


Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta - Присуство на свесност - со најдобар анимиран
имиџ на Буда, песна, танц на класичен македонски-Класичен english

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Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta - Присуство на свесност во 29) класичен англиски, римски,

Оваа сута е широко сметана како основна референца за пракса на медитација.
Вовед

I. Набудување на Kāya
А. Оддел за ānāpāna
Оддел за држење на телото
В. Оддел за сампајача
Д. Оддел за одбивност
Делот за елементите
.. Делот на деветте карнели

II. Набудување на Ведани

III. Набудување на Citta

IV. Набудување на Дамас
А. Дел за Наварачас
Б. Оддел за Кандите
В. Оддел за сферите на сетилата
Д. Оддел за Бојаџигас
Делот за вистините
Е1. Изложеност на Духакасака
Е2. Изложеност на Самудајасака
Е3. Изложеност на Ниродасака
Е4. Изложба на Маггасака

Вовед

Така слушнав:
Во една прилика, Багавите престојуваа меѓу Курусите во Камсадамхама, пазар на Куру. Таму тој му се обрати на биххукот:
- Бхикхус. - Бахданте одговори на биххук. Багавиќ рече:
- Ова, биххус, е патот што не води до ништо друго освен прочистување на
суштества, надминување на тагата и жалење, исчезнување на
дукха-доманаса, достигнување на вистински начин, реализација на Нибна,
односно четворицата satipaṭṭhānas.

Кои четири? Тука, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu живее набудувајќи ги kya во kya, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā,
отстапијќи се од абихиџо-домансаса кон светот. Тој живее на набудување
на ведан во ведан, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, откако се откажа од
абихиџа-домансаса кон светот. Тој живее на набудување на цитати во цита,
ītāpī sampajāno, satimā, откако се откажа од abhijjhā-domanassa кон
светот. Тој живее на набудување на дамама во дамама, ātāpī sampajāno,
satimā, откако се откажа од абихиџа-домансаса кон светот.

I. Kāyānupamanā

А. Оддел за ānāpāna


И, како што е, бхику, кој живее во живеалиштето набhудувајќи ја кија во
кија? Овде, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, отишол во шумата или отишол во коренот
на дрво или отишол во празна просторија, седнува преклопувајќи ги нозете
напречно, поставувајќи го kyya исправено и го поставува сати паримхаш.
Со оглед на тоа што тој е сато, тој вдишува, и тој е така сато што го
дише. Долго време дишејќи, тој разбира: „Долго дишам“; долго
издишувајќи, тој разбира: „Долго издишувам“; со кратко дишење тој
разбира: „кратко дишам“; Кратко издишувајќи, тој разбира: „Јас кратко
здив“; тој се обучува: „Чувствувајќи го целиот wholeа, ќе дишам“; тој се
обучува: „Чувствувајќи го целиот ,а, ќе издишам“; тој се обучува
себеси: ‘смирувајќи го кјаја-сахрара, ќе дишам во тоа’; тој се обучува
себеси: ‘смирувајќи ги киа-сахера, ќе издишам’.

Исто како што,
bhikkhus, вешт тренер или студент на тренер, со долг чекор, сфаќа: ‘Јас
правам долг пат’; правејќи краток пресврт, тој разбира: „Правам краток
чекор“; на ист начин, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, кој долго дише, разбира: „Долго
дишам“; долго издишувајќи, тој разбира: „Долго издишувам“; со кратко
дишење тој разбира: „кратко дишам“; Кратко издишувајќи, тој разбира:
„Јас кратко здив“; тој се обучува: „Чувствувајќи го целиот wholeа, ќе
дишам“; тој се обучува: „Чувствувајќи го целиот ,а, ќе издишам“; тој се
обучува себеси: ‘смирувајќи го кјаја-сахрара, ќе дишам во тоа’; тој
тренира себеси: ‘смирувајќи го киа-сахерас, ќе издишам’.

Така,
тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува
kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во
kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој
живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго
место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во
обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

Оддел за држење на телото


Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, додека шета, разбира: „Јас одам“, или
додека стои тој разбира: „Јас стојам“, или додека седи разбира: „Седам“,
или додека легнува, тој разбира: ‘ Легнам ’. Или на друго место, во
која и да е позиција расположен неговиот кјаја, тој го разбира тоа
соодветно.

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој
живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно
живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на
феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во
Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya;
или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во
него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не
се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее
набудува kya во kya.

В. Оддел за сампајача

Понатаму,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, додека се приближува и додека заминува, се однесува
со сампајача, додека гледа напред и додека гледа наоколу, се однесува со
сампајача, додека се наведнува и додека се протега, се однесува со
сампајача, додека носи облека и горната облека и додека го носи садот,
тој дејствува со сампајача, додека јаде, додека пие, додека џвака,
додека дегустира, се однесува со сампајача, додека присуствува на
бизнисот на дефекација и мокрење, се однесува со сампајача, додека оди,
додека стои, додека седи , додека спие, додека е буден, додека зборува и
додека молчи, тој дејствува со сампајаша.

Така, тој внатрешно го
набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya,
или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи
како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и
минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е
краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен
пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така,
bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

Д. Оддел за одбивност


Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu го смета ова многу тело, од стапалата на
нозете нагоре и од косата на главата надолу, што е обележана со
нејзината кожа и полна со разни видови нечистотии: „Во овој кајаж, има
влакната на главата, влакната на телото, ноктите, забите, кожата,
месото, тетивите, коските, коскената срцевина, бубрезите, срцето, црниот
дроб, плеврата, слезината, белите дробови, цревата, мезентерија,
желудникот со својата содржина, измет, жолчката, флегмата , гној, крв,
пот, маснотии, солзи, маснотии, плунка, слуз на носот, синовијална
течност и урина “.

Како да е, букхус, имаше торба со две отвори и
исполнета со разни видови жито, како што се риба-месо, месо, грав,
кравјо грашок, семе од сусам и оризово месо. Човек со добар поглед,
неврзан за тоа, ќе размисли за [неговата содржина]: „Ова е рибиз, ова е
меч, тие се грав, тие се грашок, тие се семе од сусам и ова е ориз од
лушпа;“ на ист начин, bhikkhus, bhikkhu го смета ова многу тело, од
стапалата на нозете горе и од косата на главата надолу, што е обележана
со нејзината кожа и полна со разни видови нечистотии: „Во овој кија,
таму се влакната на главата, влакната на телото, ноктите, забите,
кожата, месото, тетивите, коските, коскената срцевина, бубрезите,
срцето, црниот дроб, плеврата, слезината, белите дробови, цревата,
мезентеријата, желудникот, со својата содржина, измет, жолчката, флегма,
гној, крв, пот, маснотии, солзи, маснотии, плунка, слуз на носот,
синовијална течност и урина “.

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува
kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој
внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи
како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и
минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е
краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен
пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така,
bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

Делот за елементите


Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu се одразува на оваа многу каја, сепак таа е
поставена, сепак се отстранува како составена од елементи: “Во овој
каја, има елемент на земјата, воден елемент, огнен елемент и воздушен
елемент.”

Исто како што, bhikkhus, вешт месар или месарник,
убивајќи крава, ќе седеше на крстопат, сечејќи го на парчиња; на ист
начин, bhikkhus, bhikkhu се одразува на овој многу каја, сепак тој е
ставен, сепак е расположен: „Во овој каја, има елемент на земјата, воден
елемент, оган и елемент на воздухот“.

Така, тој внатрешно го
набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya,
или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи
како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и
минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е
краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен
пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така,
bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

(6)
Понатаму,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од
карнел, ги исклучи коските расфрлани овде и таму, тука рачна коска, има
нога коска, тука коска на глуждот, има сјајна коска , овде бутна коска,
има коска на колкот, тука ребро, има задна коска, тука коска на ‘рбетот,
има коска на вратот, тука коска на вилица, има заб коска, или таму
череп, тој го смета ова многу куа : “Оваа краја исто така е од таква
природа, ќе стане вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба”.


Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор
набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее
набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени
во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или
тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на
друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него,
само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се
прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува
kya во kya.

(7)
Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да
гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од карнел, коските изветвени како
школка, тој го смета за ова многу кија: „Овој кија исто така е од таква
природа, се случува да стане вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба “.


Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор
набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее
набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени
во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или
тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на
друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него,
само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се
прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува
kya во kya.

(8)
Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да
гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од карнел, засилен коски над една
година, тој го смета за ова многу кија: „Овој кија исто така е од таква
природа, тоа е ќе стане вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба “.


Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор
набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее
набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени
во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или
тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на
друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него,
само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се
прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува
kya во kya.

(9)
Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да
гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од карнела, расипани коски сведени на
прав, тој го смета за овој многу кија: „Овој кија исто така е од таква
природа, тој оди станете вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба “.


Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор
набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее
набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени
во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или
тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на
друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него,
само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се
прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува
kya во kya.

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој
живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно
живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на
феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во
Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya;
или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во
него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не
се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее
набудува kya во kya.

.. Делот на деветте карнели

(1)

Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во
мраз со земја, еден ден мртов, или два дена мртов или три дена мртов,
отечен, синкава и гнојна, тој го смета ова за многу краја: ” Оваа краја
исто така е од таква природа, ќе стане вака и не е ослободена од таква
состојба “.

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој
живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно
живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на
феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во
Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya;
или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во
него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не
се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее
набудува kya во kya.

(2)
Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто
како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во карнела земја, изеден од врани,
јадење од јастреби, изеден од мршојадци, изеден од страна на herons,
изеден од кучиња, како јаде од тигри, јадејќи од пантерите, јаде од
разни видови на суштества, тој го смета за ова многу краја: „Овој кија
исто така е од таква природа, ќе се појави вака и не е ослободен од
таква состојба. “

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya,
или тој живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и
надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја
Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминува
феноменот во Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ
феномени во Kya; или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати
е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој
живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a
bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

(3)
Освен тоа, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu, исто како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од карнел, костур
со месо и крв, држен заедно со тетивите, тој го смета за овој многу
краја: „Овој kāya исто така е од таков природа, ќе стане вака и не е
ослободена од таква состојба “.

Така, тој внатрешно го набудува
kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува kāya во k orya, или тој
внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во kāya; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој живее набудувајќи
како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и
минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е
краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен
пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така,
bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

(4)
Понатаму,
bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во земја од
карнел, костур без месо и размачкан со крв, држен заедно со тетивите,
тој го смета овој многу кија: „Овој kāya исто така е од таква природа,
ќе се појави вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба “.

Така,
тој внатрешно го набудува kāya во kya, или тој живее однадвор набудува
kāya во k orya, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее набудувајќи kāya во
kāya; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Kāya, или тој
живее набудувајќи како поминува феноменот во Kya, или тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Kya; или на друго
место, [реализирајќи:] „ова е краја!“ Сати е присутен во него, само во
обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудува kya во kya.

(5)
Понатаму, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, исто како да гледа мртво тело, фрлен во
земја од карнел, костур без месо или крв, држено заедно од тетивите, тој
го смета ова многу кија: „Овој kāya исто така е од таков природа, ќе
стане вака и не е ослободена од таква состојба “.

Тој разбира
мана, разбира дамами, тој ја разбира сажјајаната што се јавува поради
овие двајца, тој разбира како се појавува несаканата сашијајана, тој
разбира како е напуштено израснатото сашијана и тој разбира како не се
појавува напуштената сашијана во иднина.

Така, тој живее
внатрешно набудувајќи ги dhammas во dhammas, или тој живее надворешно
набудувани dhammas во dhammas, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее наб
observудување на dhammas во dhammas; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја
на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее набудувајќи поминување на феномени
во dhammas, или тој живее во набудување на samudaya и минува низ
феномени во dhammas; или на друго место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова се dhammas!”
Сати е присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој
живее одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu живее во набудување на dhammas во dhammas, во врска со шесте
внатрешни и надворешни јитанас.

Д. Оддел за Бојаџигас

И
згора на тоа, биххуку, апикхух живее во набудување на дама во дама, во
врска со седумте бојџагаги. И, згора на тоа, бхикус, како еден биххуху
живее набудувајќи ги дамите во дамите, во врска со седумте бојџагаги?


Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, со оглед на тоа што има сати самбојџага
присутен во рамките, разбра: „таму е сати самбојџага во мене“; таму што
не е присутен сати самбојџага, тој разбира: „во мене нема сати
самбојџага“; тој разбира како се појавува незавидениот сати самбојџага;
тој разбира како настанатиот сати самбојџага е развиен до совршенство.


Таму каде што е присутен dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga, тој разбира: „во
мене има dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga“; таму што не е присутен dhammavicaya
sambojjhaṅga внатре, тој разбира: „во мене нема никаков dhammavicaya
sambojjhaṅga“; тој разбира како се појавува нерасификуваната џамавичаја
самбојџага; тој разбира како настанатиот dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga е
развиен до совршенство.

Таму каде што е присутна виријата
самбојџага, тој разбира: „во мене има варија самбојџага“; таму што не е
присутна виријата самбојџага, тој разбира: „во мене нема вирија
самбојџага“; тој разбира како се појавува неизјасната варија самбојџага;
тој разбира како настанатиот варија самбојџага се развива до
совршенство.

Таму каде што е присутен питскиот самбојџага, тој
разбира: „во мене има пати самбојџага“; таму каде што не е присутен pīti
sambojjhaṅga, тој разбира: „во мене нема пати самбојџага“; тој разбира
како се појавува незавидениот пит самбојџага; тој разбира како
настанатиот пит самбојџага е развиен до совршенство.

Имајќи го
пасадскиот самбојџага присутен во него, тој разбира: „во мене има
пасадди самбојџага“; немајќи го пасадскиот самбојџага присутен во себе,
тој разбира: „во мене нема пасадди самбојџага“; тој разбира како
настанува незавидениот пасадди-самбојџага; тој разбира како настанатиот
пасадди-самбојџага е развиен до совршенство.

Таму каде што е
присутен самбојскиот самбојџага, тој разбира: „во мене има самходи
самбојџага“; таму што го нема саммиџискиот самбојџага во рамките на
него, тој разбира: „во мене нема самходи самбојџага“; тој разбира како
се појавува незавидениот самџиски самбојџага; тој разбира како
настанатиот самџиски самбојџага е развиен до совршенство.

Имајќи
го присуството на upekkhā sambojjhaṅga внатре, тој разбира: „во мене има
и најтешко самбојџага“. немајќи го присуството на upekkhā sambojjhaṅga
внатре, тој разбира: „во мене нема никаква upekkhā sambojjhaṅga“; тој
разбира како настанува незавидениот upkkhā sambojjhaṅga; тој разбира
како настанатиот upekkhā sambojjhaṅga е развиен до совршенство.


Така тој живее внатрешно набудувајќи ги dhammas во dhammas, или тој
живее надворешно набудувани dhammas во dhammas, или тој внатрешно и
надворешно живее наб observудување на dhammas во dhammas; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее
набудувајќи поминување на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее во
набудување на samudaya и минува низ феномени во dhammas; или на друго
место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова се dhammas!” Сати е присутен во него, само во
обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее во набудување на dhammas
во dhammas, во врска со седумте bojjhaṅgas.

Еве, bhikkhus,
bhikkhu, каде што има уддача-кукукука, внатре, разбира: „во мене има
uddhacca-kukkucca“; бидејќи не постои удадача-кукувка, тој разбира: „во
мене нема удадача-кукукука“; тој разбира како се појавува незавидената
удадача-кукувка; тој разбира како настанатиот удадача-кукукука е
напуштен; и тој разбира како напуштената удадача-кукувка не се појавува
во иднина.

Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, каде има присуство на
vicikicchā внатре, разбира: „во мене има викичичко“; бидејќи не е
присутен vicikicchā, тој разбира: „во мене нема викичичко“; тој разбира
како се појавува невистинираната викичичка; тој разбира како настанатиот
викичички е напуштен; и тој разбира како напуштениот викичич не се
појавува во иднина.

Така тој живее внатрешно набудувајќи ги
dhammas во dhammas, или тој живее надворешно набудувани dhammas во
dhammas, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее наб observудување на
dhammas во dhammas; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во
dhammas, или тој живее набудувајќи поминување на феномени во dhammas,
или тој живее во набудување на samudaya и минува низ феномени во
dhammas; или на друго место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова се dhammas!” Сати е
присутен во него, само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее
одвоен и не се прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu
живее набудувајќи dhammas во dhammas, во врска со пет nīvaraṇas.

Б. Оддел за Кандите


И згора на тоа, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее во набудување на dhammas во
dhammas во врска со пет khandhas. И, згора на тоа, бхикус, како живеел
ахххху, кој наб dhудува dhama во dhammas во врска со петте khandhas?


Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu [сфаќа]: „таков е rūpa, таков е самудај на рапа,
таков е и минувањето на рапа; таков е веданш, таков е и самудајот на
веданш, таков е и минувањето на веданш; такво е Саш, таков е и самудајот
на Саш, таков е и заминувањето на Саш; таков е сахахра, таков е и
самујајот на сахера, таков е и минувањето на сахахра; таков е виша,
таков е самаја, ваков е самуџа на вича, таков е минување на вијаша “.


Така тој живее внатрешно набудувајќи ги dhammas во dhammas, или тој
живее надворешно набудувани dhammas во dhammas, или тој внатрешно и
надворешно живее наб observудување на dhammas во dhammas; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее
набудувајќи поминување на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее во
набудување на samudaya и минува низ феномени во dhammas; или на друго
место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова се dhammas!” Сати е присутен во него, само во
обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее во набудување на dhammas
во dhammas, во врска со петте khandhas.

В. Оддел за сферите на сетилата


И покрај тоа, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее во набудување на dhammas во
dhammas во врска со шесте внатрешни и надворешни јитанас. И, згора на
тоа, бхикус, како живее еден букху, кој наб observудува dhama во dhammas
во врска со шесте внатрешни и надворешни јитани?

Еве, бхикус,
ахххху разбира cakkhu, тој го разбира rūpa, тој ја разбира saojyojana
што се јавува заради овие двајца, тој разбира како се појавува
несаканата сашијајана, тој разбира како е напуштен настанатата
сашијајана и разбира како напуштената сашијајана не доаѓа да се појави
во иднина.

Ја разбира сата, ја разбира садата, ја разбира
саџојаната што се јавува заради овие двајца, тој разбира како се
појавува несаканата сашијана, тој разбира како е напуштената произведена
сашијана и тој разбира како напуштената сашијана не се јавува во
иднина.

Тој разбира гуана, разбира ганда, ја разбира саџојаната
што се јавува поради овие двајца, тој разбира како се појавува
несаканата сашијана, тој разбира како се напушта настанатата сашијана и
тој разбира како напуштената сашијана не се појавува во иднина.


Ја разбира ivива, ја разбира раса, ја разбира саџојаната што се јавува
заради овие двајца, тој разбира како се појавува несаканата сашијајана,
тој разбира како е напуштената произведена сашијана и тој разбира како
не се појавува напуштената сашијана во иднина.

Ја разбира кија,
ја разбира фоахаба, ја разбира саџојаната што се јавува поради овие
двајца, тој разбира како се појавува несаканата сашијана, тој разбира
како е напуштено израснатото сашијана и тој разбира како напуштената
сашијана не се појавува во иднина.



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Делот за вистините


И, згора на тоа, бхххху, кој живее во написот наб dhудувајќи ги дамите
во дамите, а во врска со четирите ариакаки. И згора на тоа, бхикус, како
еден биххуху живее набудувајќи ги дамите во дамите, во однос на
четирите ариакаки?

Е1. Изложеност на Духакасака

И што,
биххуку, е војводата ариасака? Јати е војвода, стареењето е дукха
(болест е дукха) маража е дукха, тага, жалење, дукха, доманаса и дистрес
е војвода, асоцијација со она што не се допаѓа е дукха, дисоцијација од
она што се сака е дукха, да не се добие она што го сака е војвода;
Накратко, петте доживеани-канџади се војвода.

И што, биххкус, е
тоа? За различните суштества во различните класи на битија, јети,
раѓање, спуштање [во матката], појавување [во светот], изглед, појава на
канџаши, стекнување на јитанас. Ова, биххус, се нарекува jāti.


А, што е, бухкус, е тоа? За различните суштества во различните класи на
суштества, јари, состојба на распаѓање, кршење [заби], сива коса,
збрчкање, опаѓање на виталноста, распаѓање на индијата: ова, бихххус, се
нарекува jarā.

А, што е, бхикус, мараша? За различните суштества
во различните класи на битија, измамата, состојбата на префрлување [од
постоење], распадот, исчезнувањето, смртта, марачата, минувањето,
распадот на канџите, положување на трупот: ова, биххук, се нарекува
мараша.

А, што, бхикус, е тагата? Во една, bhikkhus, поврзана со
разни видови на несреќи, допрени од разни видови на dukkha dhammas,
тага, жалост, состојба на тага, внатрешна тага, внатрешна голема тага:
ова, bhikkhus, се нарекува тага.

А, што е, бхикус, жалење? Во
едно, bhikkhus, поврзан со разни видови несреќи, допрени од разни видови
на дукха-dhammas, плачење, жалење, плачење, плачење, состојба на
плачење, состојба на жалење: ова, bhikkhus, се нарекува жалење.


А, што, биххуку, е војвода? Што и да е, биххук, телесна душка, телесна
непријатност, војвотка замислен со телесен контакт, непријатни
ведеитати: ова, биххус, се нарекува војвода.

А, што, биххуку, е
доманаса? Што и да е, биххук, ментална душка, ментална непријатност,
војвода заробени од ментален контакт, непријатни ведеита: ова, биххук,
се нарекува доманаса.

А, што, биххус, е очај? Во едно, биххус,
поврзан со разни видови несреќи, допрени од разни видови дукха-духами,
неволја, очај, состојба на неволја, состојба на битие во очај: оваа,
бихкус, се нарекува очај.

А, што, биххус, војвотката е поврзана
со она што е незгодно? Тука, што се однесува до формите, звуците,
вкусовите, мирисите, телесните појави и менталните феномени има кои се
незадоволни, не пријатни, непријатни, или на друг начин оние кои сакаат
нечиј недостаток, оние кои сакаат нечија загуба, оние кои сакаат нечија
непријатност, оние кои сакаат нечиствување на нечиј од приврзаност,
средба, здружување, здружување, средба со нив: ова, биххус, се нарекува
војвода за поврзаност со она што е незгодно.

А, што, биххуку,
војвотката се разделува од она што е согласно? Тука, во однос на
формите, звуците, вкусовите, мирисите, телесните појави и менталните
појави има такви кои се пријатни, пријатни, пријатни, или на друг начин
оние кои сакаат нечија предност, оние кои сакаат нечија корист, оние кои
сакаат нечија удобност, оние кои посакуваат нечие ослободување од
приврзаност, не исполнување, не се здружени, не се заедно, не
сретнувајќи ги: ова, биххук, се нарекува војвода за разделување од она
што е согласно.

А, што, биххуку, е војвотката да не го добие она
што го сака? Во битијата, бхххус, имајќи ја карактеристиката да се роди,
се појавува таква желба: „О, можеби, за нас нема да има јати, и
навистина, за да не дојдеме до āити“. Но, ова не треба да се постигне со
желба. Ова е војвода за да не се добие она што го сака.

Во
суштества, биххус, имајќи ја карактеристиката на стареење, се појавува
таква желба: „О, навистина, можеби нема да има жар за нас, и, навистина,
за да не дојдеме до āар“. Но, ова не треба да се постигне со желба. Ова
е војвода за да не се добие она што го сака.

Кај суштествата,
бихххус, имајќи ја карактеристиката да се разболи, се појавува таква
желба: „О, навистина, можеби нема да има болест за нас, и навистина, за
да не дојдеме до некоја болест“. Но, ова не треба да се постигне со
желба. Ова е војвода за да не се добие она што го сака.

Во
суштествата, биххус, имајќи ја карактеристиката на стареење, се појавува
таква желба: “О, навистина, можеби нема да има мараша за нас и
навистина, за да не дојдеме до маража”. Но, ова не треба да се постигне
со желба. Ова е војвода за да не се добие она што го сака.

II. Набудување на Ведани

И, згора на тоа, бхикус, како живеел bhikkhu набудувајќи го vedanā во vedanā?


Тука, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, доживувајќи суха веданш, подвлекува: „Јас
доживувам суха веданш“; доживувајќи дукха веданич, подвлекува:
„Доживувам војвода веданш“; доживувајќи adukkham-asukhā vedanā,
подвлекува: „Јас доживувам адукам-асухи ведани“; доживувајќи sukha
vedanā sāmisa, подвлекува: „Јас доживувам sukha vedanā sāmisa“;
доживувајќи суха ведани нирмиса, подвлекува: „Доживувам суха ведани
ниримиса“; доживувајќи ја dukkha vedanā sāmisa, подвлекува: „Доживувам
војвода веданистима“; доживувајќи ја dukkha vedanā nirāmisa, подвлекува:
„Јас доживувам војвода ведани нирмиса“; доживувајќи adukkham-asukhā
vedanā sāmisa, подвлекува: „Јас доживувам adukkham-asukhā vedanā
sāmisa“; доживувајќи adukkham-asukhā vedanā nirāmisa, подвлекува: „Јас
доживувам адукам-асуху ведани нирмиса“.

Така, тој внатрешно го
набудува vedanā in vedanā, или тој живее надворешно набудуван vedanā во
vedanā, или тој внатрешно и надворешно живее набудување на vedanā во
vedanā; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во Веданш, или
живее на набудување на минување на феномени во Веданш, или живее во
набудување на Самудаја и минува низ феномени во Веданш; или на друго
место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова е ведан!” Сати е присутен во него, само во обем
на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее набудувајќи го vedanā во
vedanā.

III. Набудување на Citta

И згора на тоа, бхикус, како живеел ахххху, кој набудува цита во цита?


Еве, бхикхус, а бхикху ја разбира циттата со рига како „цита со рига“,
или тој ја разбира циттата без рига како „цита без рига“, или ја разбира
цитата со доза како „цита со доза“, или тој ја разбира цитата без рога
како „цита без доза“, или тој ја разбира циттата со моха како „цита со
моха“, или ја разбира циттата без моха како „цита без моха“, или ја
разбира собраната цита како „собрана цита“, или тој разбира расфрлано
цита како „расфрлана цитта“, или тој ја разбира проширената цита како
„проширена цитта“, или тој ја разбира неискористената цита како
„неискористена цита“, или тој ја разбира надмината цита како
„надминување на циттата“, или тој го разбира ненадминлива цита како
„ненадминлива цитта“, или тој ја разбира населената цита како „населена
цитта“, или тој ја разбира неисполнатата цита како „неискажана цита“,
или ја разбира ослободената цита како „ослободена цита“, или тој ја
разбира нелибритираната цита како „недискриминирана цитта“.

Така
тој живее внатрешно набудувајќи цитати во цита, или тој живее однадвор
набудувајќи цита во цита, или тој живее внатрешно и надворешно
набудувајќи цита во цита; тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени
во цита, или тој живее набудувајќи како поминуваат феномени во цита, или
тој живее набудувајќи ја Самудаја и минува низ феномени во цита; или на
друго место, [реализирајќи:] “ова е цита!” Сати е присутен во него,
само во обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се
прилепува на ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее набудувајќи
цита во цита.

IV. Набудување на Дамас

А. Дел за Наварачас


И згора на тоа, бхикус, како живеел ахххху, наб dhудувајќи ги дамите во
дамите? Тука, bhikkhus, a bhikkhu живее набудување на dhammas во
dhammas во врска со пет nīvaraṇas. И згора на тоа, бхикус, како живее
еден буххху кој наб dhудува dhama во dhammas во врска со пет nīvaraṇas?


Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, каде што има kāmacchanda присутен во рамките
на, разбира: „во мене има камаханда“; таму каде што нема kāmacchanda
присутен во себе, тој разбира: „во мене нема камаханда“; тој разбира
како се појавува незавидената камаханда; тој разбира како настаната
напуштена камачанда е напуштена; и тој разбира како напуштената
камаханда не се појавува во иднина.

Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, таму
каде што е присутен byāpāda, разбра: „има мене и мене и во мене“; таму
што не е присутен од страна на тој настан, тој разбира: „во мене нема
бајпада“; тој разбира како се појавува незавидената byāpāda; тој разбира
како настаната бајпада е напуштена; и тој разбира како напуштената
byāpāda не доаѓа да се појави во иднина.

Еве, bhikkhus, bhikkhu,
каде што има танамиџи, присутен во рамките на, разбра: „има мене
танамиџи“; таму што не е присутен танамиџи, тој разбира: „во мене нема
танамиџи“; тој разбира како се појавува незавидениот танамиџи; тој
разбира како настанатиот тамамиџи е напуштен; и тој разбира како
напуштениот танамиџи не се појавува во иднина.

Во битијата,
биххус, имајќи ја карактеристиката на тагата, жалењето, војводата,
домансаса и вознемиреноста, се појавува таква желба: „О, навистина,
можеби нема да има тага, жалење, дукха, доманаса и вознемиреност за нас,
и навистина, можеби и не дојди на тага, жалење, војвода, доманаса и
неволја “. Но, ова не треба да се постигне со желба. Ова е војвода за да
не се добие она што го сака.

А, што, биххус, накратко се петте
угорничави? Тие се: rūpa upādānakkhandha, vedanā upādānakkhandha, saññā
upādānakkhandha, saṅkhāra upādānakkhandha, viññāṇa upādānakkhandha. Овие
се нарекуваат накратко, bhikkhus, петте горди-установи.

Ова се нарекува, биххус, војводата ариасака

Е2. Изложеност на Самудајасака


И што, бихххус, е војвотката-самујаја ариесака? Тоа е тоа тахи што
доведува до повторното раѓање, поврзано со желба и уживање, наоѓајќи
задоволство овде или таму, што значи: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā и
vibhava-taṇhā. Но, овој таххх, биххус, кога се крева, каде се појавува и
кога се населува [сам], каде се населува? Во оној свет што изгледа
пријатно и пријатно, тоа е местото каде што се појавува тахи, кога ќе се
појави, каде кога се населува, се населува.

И, што во светот е
пријатно и согласно? Окото во светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму има,
кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува.
Увото во светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму има, кога се јавува, се
појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува. Носот во светот е пријатен
и пријатно, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
сместува, се населува. Јазикот во светот е пријатен и пријатен, таму
има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува.
Која во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се
појавува, таму кога ќе се населиме, се населува. Мана во светот е
пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога
се сместува, се населува.

Видливите форми во светот се пријатни и
пријатни, таму се појавува, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се
населува, се населува. Звуците во светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму се
појавува, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се
населува. Мирисите во светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму има, кога се
јавува, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува. Вкусовите во
светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува,
таму кога се населува, се населува. Телесните феномени во светот се
пријатни и пријатни, таму има кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се
населува, се населува. Дамамите во светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму
има кога, кога се јавува, се јавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.


Очигледната околина во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има кога ќе
се појави, се појавува, таму кога ќе се населиме, се населува.
Уво-вичата во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има кога, кога се
јавува, се јавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува. Носот-вијаза во
светот е пријатна и пријатна, има тахх, кога ќе се појави, се појавува,
таму кога се сместува, се населува. Јазикот-вијаза во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
населува, се населува. Kāya-vññāṇññāṇa во светот е пријатно и согласно,
таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се
населува. Мана-виња во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има кога, кога
ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.


Самфаса во окото во светот е пријатна и пријатна, има тахха, кога ќе се
појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Уво-самфаса во
светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува,
таму кога се населува, се населува. Самфасашката нос во светот е
пријатна и пријатна, има тахха, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму
кога се сместува, се населува. Јазик-самфаса во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
населува, се населува. Која-самфаса во светот е пријатна и пријатна,
таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се
населува. Мана-самфаса во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога
ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува.


Веданскиот роден од самфаса на око во светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму
има кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави, таму кога ќе се насели, се
населува. Веданот роден од уво-самфаса во светот е пријатен и пријатен,
таму има кога, кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави, таму кога ќе се насели,
се населува. Веданот роден од ном-самфаса во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, таму има кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави, таму кога ќе се
насели, се населува. Веданскиот роден од јазик-самфаса во светот е
пријатно и пријатно, таму има кога, кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави,
таму кога ќе се насели, се населува. Веданот роден од кија-самфаса во
светот е пријатен и пријатно, таму има кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави,
таму кога ќе се насели, се населува. Веданскиот роден од мана-самфаса во
светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму има кога ќе се појави, ќе се појави,
таму кога ќе се насели, се населува.

Самиот видлив облик во
светот е пријатен и пријатно, таму каде што, кога се јавува, се
појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Саусот на звуци во светот е
пријатно и пријатно, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога
се сместува, се населува. Саусот на мириси во светот е пријатно и
пријатно, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
сместува, се населува. Саусот на вкусови во светот е пријатно и
пријатно, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се решава,
се населува. Саисот на телесни феномени во светот е пријатен и
прифатлив, таму има кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се населува,
се населува. Саус на Дамас во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, има тахх,
кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.


Намерата [во врска со] видливите форми во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува,
се населува. Намерата [во врска со] звуците во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму се појавува, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се
населува, се населува. Намерата [поврзана со] мирисите во светот е
пријатна и прифатлива, има тахх, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму
кога се сместува, се населува. Намерата [во врска со] вкусовите во
светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму има кога ќе се појави, се појавува,
таму кога се решава, се населува. Намерата [поврзана со] телесни
феномени во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму, кога се јавува, се
јавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Намерата [во врска со]
dhammas во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се
појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.

Тахито за видливи
форми во светот е пријатно и согласно, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се
појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Тахито за звуци во светот е
пријатно и согласно, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога
се населува, се населува. Таахот за миризби во светот е пријатен и
прифатлив, има тахи, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
сместува, се населува. Тахито за вкусови во светот е пријатно и
пријатно, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се
сместува, се населува. Тахито за телесни феномени во светот е пријатно и
пријатно, таму има, кога се јавува, се јавува, таму кога се населува,
се населува. Таахот за дамамите во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму
има кога ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува.


Витака на видливи форми во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има кога
ќе се појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Витака на
звуци во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се
појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Витака на мириси во светот
е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се јавува, таму кога
се сместува, се населува. Витака на вкусови во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се решава, се
населува. Витака на телесни феномени во светот е пријатна и пријатна,
таму има, кога се јавува, се јавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.
Витака на dhammas во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се
појави, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.


Викарата на видливи форми во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има,
кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува.
Викарата на звуци во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога се
јавува, се појавува, таму кога се населува, се населува. Викарата на
мириси во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се
појавува, таму кога се сместува, се населува. Викарата на вкусови во
светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога ќе се појави, се појавува,
таму кога се решава, се населува. Викарата на телесни феномени во светот
е пријатна и пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога
се населува, се населува. Викарата на dhammas во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, таму има, кога се јавува, се појавува, таму кога се населува,
се населува. Ова се нарекува, биххук, војвода-самуја аријаска.

Е3. Изложеност на Ниродасака


И што, бихххус, е војвотката-самујаја ариесака? Тоа е тоа тахи што
доведува до повторното раѓање, поврзано со желба и уживање, наоѓајќи
задоволство овде или таму, што значи: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā и
vibhava-taṇhā. Но, овој тајхх, биххус, кога е напуштен, каде е напуштен и
кога престанува, каде престанува? Во оној свет што изгледа пријатно и
пријатно, тоа е местото каде што Ташха, кога е напуштен, се напушта,
каде кога престанува, тој престанува.

И, што во светот е пријатно
и согласно? Окото во светот е пријатно и согласно, таму taṇhā, кога е
напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Увото во
светот е пријатно и согласно, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е напуштен,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Носот во светот е пријатен и
пријатен, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува. Јазикот во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму taṇhā,
кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Kāya
во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е
напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Мана во светот е
пријатна и пријатна, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува.

Видливите форми во светот се пријатни
и пријатни, таму што, кога ќе се напушти, е напуштено, таму кога ќе
престане, тој престанува. Звуците во светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму
taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој
престанува. Мирисите во светот се пријатни и пријатни, има тахха, кога е
напуштено, напуштено, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Вкусовите
во светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму има, кога е напуштено, е
напуштено, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Телесните феномени во
светот се пријатни и пријатни, таму е што, кога ќе се напушти, напуштено
е, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Дамамите во светот се пријатни
и пријатни, таму тахха, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува.

Око-вијасот во светот е пријатна и
пријатна, има тахха, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува. Уво-вијазата во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму
тахха, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој
престанува. Носот-вијаша во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму тахха,
кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.
Јазикот-вијаза во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е
напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.
Kāya-vññāṇññāṇa во светот е пријатно и согласно, таму taṇhā, кога е
напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Мана-виња во
светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува.

Самфасата во окото во
светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Уво-самфаса во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога ќе се напушти, е напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Самфаса-носот во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Јазикот-самфаса во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува. Која-самфаса во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму
taṇhā, кога ќе се напушти, е напуштен, таму кога ќе престане, тој
престанува. Мана-самфаса во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā,
кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.


Веданскиот роден од самфаса на око во светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму
тахха, кога е напуштен, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој
престанува. Веданот роден од уво-самфаса во светот е пријатен и
прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува. Веданскиот роден од ном-самфаса во светот е пријатно и
пријатно, таму е што, кога ќе се напушти, ќе биде напуштено, таму кога
ќе престане, тој престанува. Веданскиот роден од јазик-самфаса во светот
е пријатно и пријатно, таму ташха, кога ќе се напушти, е напуштен, таму
кога ќе престане, тој престанува. Веданскиот роден од кјаја-самфаса во
светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е напуштен,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Веданскиот роден од мана-самфаса
во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, е
напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.

Самиот видлив
облик во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму што, кога ќе се напушти,
напуштено е, таму кога ќе престане, тој престанува. Саусот на звуци во
светот е пријатно и пријатно, таму што, кога ќе се напушти, напуштено е,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Саусот на миризби во светот е
пријатен и прифатлив, таму ќе се остави напуштено, таму кога ќе
престане, тој престанува. Саусот на вкусови во светот е пријатен и
прифатлив, таму ќе се остави напуштено, таму кога ќе престане, тој
престанува. Сајот на телесни феномени во светот е пријатен и прифатлив,
таму, кога ќе се напушти, напуштено е, таму кога престанува, тој
престанува. Саус на Дамас во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму е, кога
ќе се напушти, напуштено е, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.


Намерата [поврзани со] видливи форми во светот е пријатна и прифатлива,
таму taṇhā, кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога престанува, тој
престанува. Намерата [во врска со] звуците во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Намерата [во врска со] мирисите во светот е
пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога ќе се напушти, се напушта, таму
кога престанува, тој престанува. Намерата [во врска со] вкусовите во
светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога ќе се напушти, ќе се
напушти, таму кога ќе престане, тој престанува. Намерата [поврзана со]
телесни феномени во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога се
напушта, се напушта, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Намерата
[поврзани со] dhammas во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā,
кога ќе се напушти, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.


Тахито за видливи форми во светот е пријатно и согласно, таму тахха,
кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Таахот
за звуците во светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму е, кога ќе се напушти,
напуштено е, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Таахот за миризби во
светот е пријатен и прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога се напушта, се напушта,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Таахот за вкусови во светот е
пријатен и прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Тахито за телесни феномени во светот е
пријатно и пријатно, таму тахи, кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Таахот за dhammas во светот е пријатен и
прифатлив, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува.

Витака на видливи форми во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува,
тој престанува. Витака на звуци во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму
taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.
Витака на миризби во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога
ќе се напушти, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Витака
на вкусови во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е
напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Витака на
телесни феномени во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е
напуштен, напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Витака на
dhammas во светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога ќе се
напушти, е напуштен, таму кога престанува, тој престанува.


Викарата на видливи форми во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму е, кога
ќе се напушти, напуштено, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Викарата
на звуци во светот е пријатна и пријатна, таму тахи, кога се напушта,
се напушта, таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Викарата на мириси во
светот е пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен,
таму кога престанува, тој престанува. Викарата на вкусови во светот е
пријатна и прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Викарата на телесни феномени во светот е
пријатна и пријатна, таму тахха, кога е напуштен, напуштен, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Викарата на dhammas во светот е пријатна и
прифатлива, таму taṇhā, кога се напушта, се напушта, таму кога
престанува, тој престанува. Ова се нарекува, биххус, војводарската
ариасака.

Е4. Изложба на Маггасака

А, што е биххуку,
војвотката-ниродахеминска парипада ариасака? Тоа е само оваа ariya
aṭṭhaṅgika magga, т.е. sammādiṭṭhi, sammāsaṅkappo, sammāvācā,
sammākammanto, sammā-ājīvo, sammāvāyāmo, sammāsṅkappo и sammāsamādhi.


А, што, биххуку, е саммиџи? Тоа, биххус, што е theа на дукха, ofа на
дукха-самуја, ñāṇа на дукха-нирода и ñāṇа на дукха-нирода-гамини
пашипада, т.е.

А, што е, бхикус, самичаакапас? Оние што се бука,
што се сакапи од некхама, сакапас на абипепа, сакапас на авихиски, тие
се нарекуваат, бхикхус, самичаакапас.

А, што, биххуку, е
саммивче? Тоа, bhikkhus, кој е воздржан од musāvādā, воздржан од pisuṇa
vācā, воздржан од pharusa vācā и воздржаност од samphappalāpa, што се
нарекува bhikkhus, sammāvācā.

И што, биххуку, е сами-каманта?
Тоа, bhikkhus, кој се воздржува од pāṇātipāta, воздржан од adinnādāna,
воздржан од abrahmacariya, што се нарекува bhikkhus, sammā-kammanta.


А, што, биххус, е сам-āаџва? Еве, бхиксус, благороден ученик, што се
откажал од погрешно живеење, го поддржува својот живот со правилно
средство за живот, т.е.

А, што, биххус, е самишвичма? Еве,
бхикус, ахххху ја генерира својата чанда за неизгледување на несакана
пепака и акусала дама, тој се вежба себеси, ја разбеснува неговата
вирија, енергично ја применува својата цита и се стреми; тој ја генерира
својата чанда за напуштање на произлезената папака и акусала-dhammas,
тој се вежба себеси, ја разбеснува неговата вирија, ја применува
енергично својата цита и се стреми; тој ја генерира својата чанда за
појава на неиселени кусала дихами, тој се вежба себеси, ја буди својата
вирија, ја применува енергично својата цита и се стреми; тој ја генерира
својата чанда за стабилноста на настанатите кусала дихами, за нивно
отсуство на збунетост, за нивно зголемување, нивно развивање, нивно
култивирање и нивно завршување, тој се вежба себеси, ја разнежни својата
вирија, енергично ја применува својата цита и се стреми. Ова се
нарекува, bhikkhus, sammāvāyāma.

Што е тоа, биххукус, саммиси?
Тука, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее набудувајќи ги kya во kya, ātāpī
sampajāno, satimā, отстапијќи се од абихиџо-домансаса кон светот. Тој
живее на набудување на ведан во ведан, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, откако
се откажа од абихиџа-домансаса кон светот. Тој живее на набудување на
цитати во цита, ītāpī sampajāno, satimā, откако се откажа од
abhijjhā-domanassa кон светот. Тој живее на набудување на дамама во
дамама, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, откако се откажа од абихиџа-домансаса
кон светот. Ова се нарекува, bhikkhus, sammāsati.

А, што, биххус,
е саммисади? Тука, bhikkhus, bhikkhu, одвоен од kima, одвоен од akusala
dhammas, влегол во првата jhna, останува во него, со vitakka и vicāra,
со pīti и Sukha родени од одред. Со застој на витака-викара, откако
влегол во втората јуна, тој престојува во него со внатрешна
танкилизација, обединување на цита, без витака или викара, со пети и
суха родени од Самади. И со рамнодушност кон Птити, тој престојува во
река, сато и сампајно, во кија доживува суха која ариите ја опишуваат:
one оној што е рамноправен и умник живее во [оваа] суха, откако влегол
во третата јуна, тој престојува во тоа. Напуштајќи ја сухата и
напуштањето на дукха, соманаса и доманаса, кои претходно исчезнале, без
сука и дукха, со чистотата на уреки и сати, откако влегол во четвртиот
āана, тој престојува во него. Ова се нарекува, bhikkhus, sammāsamādhi.

Ова се нарекува, биххук, војвода · ниродахеминска парипада ариасака.


Така тој живее внатрешно набудувајќи ги dhammas во dhammas, или тој
живее надворешно набудувани dhammas во dhammas, или тој внатрешно и
надворешно живее наб observудување на dhammas во dhammas; тој живее
набудувајќи ја Самудаја на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее
набудувајќи поминување на феномени во dhammas, или тој живее во
набудување на samudaya и минува низ феномени во dhammas; или на друго
место, [сфаќајќи:] “ова се dhammas!” Сати е присутен во него, само во
обем на само Аа и обичен пасисати, тој живее одвоен и не се прилепува на
ништо на светот. Така, bhikkhus, bhikkhu живее во набammудување на
dhammas во dhammas, во врска со четири ариакаки.

Придобивките од вежбањето на Сатипаханс


Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој
начин за седум години, може да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има некаква лепеза лево,
ангемита.

А камоли седум години, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би
ги практикувал овие четири сатифашини на овој начин за шест години, може
да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи
феномени, или ако има некои прилепувани лево, анагмита.

А камо
ли шест години, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие
четири сатифашини на овој начин за пет години, може да се очекува еден
од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако
има некои припиени лево, ангемита.

А камо ли пет години, бхикус.
Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сатифашини на овој
начин за четири години, може да се очекува еден или два резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи појави, или ако има некаква лепеза лево,
ангемита.

А камоли четири години, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би
ги практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој начин за три години, може
да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи
појави, или ако има некаква лепеза лево, ангемита.

А камо ли три
години, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири
сателити на овој начин за две години, може да се очекува еден или два
резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има
некаква лепеза лево, анагмита.

А камо ли две години, бхикус.
Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој
начин за една година, може да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи појави, или ако има некаква лепеза лево,
ангемита.

А камоли една година, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги
практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој начин за седум месеци, може
да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи
феномени, или ако има некои припиени лево, ангемита.

А камоли
седум месеци, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири
сателити на овој начин за шест месеци, може да се очекува еден од двата
резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има
некаква лепеза лево, ангемита.

А камо ли шест месеци, бхикус.
Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сатифажини на овој
начин за пет месеци, може да се очекува еден или два резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи појави, или ако има некаква лепеза лево,
ангемита.

А камо ли пет месеци, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги
практикувал овие четири сатифашини на овој начин за четири месеци, може
да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи
феномени, или ако има некаква лепеза лево, анагмита.

А камоли
четири месеци, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири
сатифажија на овој начин за три месеци, може да се очекува еден од
двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има
некои прилепувани лево, ангемита.

А камо ли три месеци, бхикус.
Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сателити на овој начин
за два месеци, може да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има некаква лепеза лево,
анагмита.

А камо ли два месеци, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги
практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој начин за еден месец, може
да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи
појави, или ако има некои прилепувани лево, ангемита.

А камо ли
еден месец, бхикус. Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири
сатифажија на овој начин за половина месец, може да се очекува еден или
два резултати: или [совршено] знаење во видливи појави, или ако има
некаква лепеза лево, ангемита.

А камо ли половина месец, бхикус.
Зашто, кој, биххус, би ги практикувал овие четири сатифазиони на овој
начин за една недела, може да се очекува еден од двата резултати: или
[совршено] знаење во видливи феномени, или ако има некои прилепувани
лево, анагмита.

„Ова, биххус, е патот што не води до ништо друго
освен прочистување на суштества, надминување на тагата и жалење,
исчезнување на дукха-доманаса, достигнување на вистински начин,
реализација на Нибна, односно четворицата satipaṭṭhānas “. Така е
речено, и врз основа на сето ова е кажано.

Така зборуваше Багавиќ. Воодушевен, биххусот ги поздрави зборовите на Бахавиќ.

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https://www.dailymail.co.uk/…/COVID-19-Australian-researche…
Have they found a cure for the coronavirus? Australian researchers
claim two existing drugs could ‘cure’ COVID-19 after patients they
tested responded ‘very well’ to treatment

Researchers believe they’ve found a cure for the latest strain of coronavirus
The disease has killed more than 6,500 people around the world since January
Queensland researcher claims HIV and anti-malaria drugs may be the cure
Currently patients cannot be cured and only supported while they recover
Coronavirus symptoms: what are they and should you see a doctor?

Drugs used to treat HIV and malaria could be used to tackle the coronavirus, according to scientists in Australia.


A team of infectious disease experts at the University of Queensland in
Brisbane say they have seen two existing medications manage to wipe out
COVID-19 infections.

Chloroquine, an anti-malarial drug, and
HIV-suppressing combination lopinavir/ritonavir have both reportedly
shown promising results in human tests and made the virus ‘disappear’ in
infected patients.

The drugs are being tested as researchers and
doctors around the world scramble to try and find a vaccine, cure or
treatment for the deadly virus.

Around 170,000 people across the globe have now been infected with the coronavirus and over 6,500 have died.


After China managed to get a handle on its sudden outbreak other
countries were blindsided by huge epidemics – almost 25,000 people have
caught it in Italy, around 14,000 in Iran, 8,000 in Spain and more than
5,000 apiece in Germany and France.

Queensland researcher,
Professor David Paterson, said he hopes to enrol people in larger scale
pharmaceutical trials by the end of the month.

Professor Paterson
said it wouldn’t be wrong to consider the drugs a possible ‘treatment
or cure’ for the deadly respiratory infection.

He explained that
when the HIV medication lopinavir/ritonavir was given to people
infected with the coronavirus in Australia it led to the ‘disappearance
of the virus’.

He told Australian news site news.com.au: ‘It’s a potentially effective treatment.

‘Patients would end up with no viable coronavirus in their system at all after the end of the therapy.’


Although the treatment had been effective in a smattering of cases,
there hasn’t been any controlled testing like what would be needed to
test a new drug, Professor Paterson said.

‘That first wave of
Chinese patients we had (in Australia), they all did very, very well
when they were treated with the HIV drug,’ Professor Paterson said.


‘What we want to do at the moment is a large clinical trial across
Australia, looking at 50 hospitals, and what we’re going to compare is
one drug, versus another drug, versus the combination of the two drugs,’
Professor Paterson said.

There have been around 300 confirmed cases of the coronavirus in Australia and three people have died.

Lopinavir/ritonavir, the anti-HIV drug being tested, is most commonly sold under the name Kaletra.


It is an antiviral medication which can be taken twice a day by people
infected with HIV in order to reduce levels of the virus circulating in
the body.

Regular use of the medication is intended to stop HIV
progressing to AIDS, which is fatal, and may also reduce the risk of
people transmitting the infection to others.

It is a type of drug
called a protease inhibitor, which works by stopping viruses from using
an enzyme called protease, which is vital for them to be able to
spread.

Without protease viruses cannot make the fully-matured
clones that they need to be able to infect other healthy cells, so the
infection can’t spread.

This ability to stop a virus from
reproducing and infecting new cells is believed to be what apparently
makes Kaletra an effective coronavirus treatment.

More than 170,000 people around the world have been infected with the coronavirus, and at least 6,512 have died
Professor David Paterson (pictured) hopes to have patients enrolled in a clinical trial of the drug by the end of March
+7

Professor David Paterson (pictured) hopes to have patients enrolled in a clinical trial of the drug by the end of March
The HIV drug Kaletra has shown promising results in the small number of
coronavirus patients who have been treated with it, scientists say ¿
they now want to start proper clinical trials
+7

The HIV drug
Kaletra has shown promising results in the small number of coronavirus
patients who have been treated with it, scientists say – they now want
to start proper clinical trials
COULD AN EXPERIMENTAL EBOLA DRUG WORK?


Remdesivir, developed by California-based Gilead, has previously
protected animals against a variety of viruses in lab experiments.


The experimental drug has effectively treated monkeys infected with
Ebola and Nipah viruses, the US National Institutes of Health says.

At least two trials of the drug, originally developed as an Ebola treatment, are known to be underway for SARS-CoV-2 in China.

Remdesivir works by blocking a protein that helps coronaviruses make copies of themselves and, in turn, infect patients.

Scientists in China earlier this month filed a patent for remdesivir in hope that it will help treat coronavirus patients.


More recently, remdesivir was found to help relieve symptoms in the
first American coronavirus patient while he was hospitalized.

It
was given intravenously to a man in Washington, the very first person
diagnosed with coronavirus in the US, for compassionate use.


One day after he took the drug, he didn’t need supplemental oxygen
anymore and his appetite improved. Four days later, his fever broke.


Kaletra is approved for use in the US, Europe and Australia, and its
manufacturer – AbbVie – has already donated supplies of the drug to
authorities China, the US and to the World Health Organisation. It is a
different combination to the PREP drug which was recently approved for
HIV prevention in the UK.

Chloroquine – an antimalarial drug –
works in a different way and is given to people to prevent malaria
infections if they are bitten by a mosquito carrying the parasite.

It does not cure malaria but stops it from developing when taken before, during and after someone visits an at-risk area.

The drug works by salts inside them poisoning parasites and preventing them from growing inside human red blood cells.


It has also been found to be able to destroy viruses, and scientists
found in lab tests that it could be effective against the coronavirus
(SARS-CoV-2).

Chloroquine is already widely used as an
antimalarial for travellers and is also approved in the UK for use on
people with rheumatoid arthritis or lupus.

Scientists are keen to
use an already-approved medication to try and treat the coronavirus
because it would cut out the lengthy processes of safety trials – they
are already proven to be safe – and getting government approval and
manufacturing.

Professor Paterson, an infectious diseases
physician, has launched a fundraising appeal alongside the Royal
Brisbane and Women’s Hospital to raise money to support the clinical
trials.

The Coronavirus Action Fund hopes to raise $750,000 to go toward understanding and better treating COVID-19.

A statement from the organisers says research and trials will be underway as soon as funding is secured.



https://time.com/5775892/coronavirus-response/
The Coronavirus Outbreak Should Bring Out the Best in Humanity
Buddhist volunteers in Hanoi give out free face masks on Feb. 6, 2020,
to prevent the spread of 2019-nCoV in Vietnam, which has had eight
confirmed cases to date.

Pandemics are perversely democratic.
They’re nasty, lethal and sneaky, but they don’t discriminate. No matter
your age, ethnicity, religion, gender, or nation, you’re a part of the
pathogenic constituency.

That shared vulnerability, and the
resulting human collectivism—a universal response to a universal
threat—is newly and vividly evident in the face of the now-global
outbreak of the novel coronavirus known as 2019-nCoV. As of writing,
there have been over 30,000 diagnosed cases and over 630 related deaths.
A virus that emerged in a single city, Wuhan, China—indeed, in a single
crowded market from an unknown infected animal—has now reached 23
countries, across Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and North America.

Confirmed and clinically diagnosed cases of COVID-19, globally


These days, says Justin Lessler, associate professor of epidemiology at
the Johns Hopkins Bloomberg School of Public Health, “it takes only a
few links to make the global population fully connected in a pandemic
like this. There hasn’t been a population fully isolated from pandemic
since the 15th century, when the Spaniards came to the Americas and
brought smallpox with them.”

In the pre-Columbian era,
civilizations could rise and thrive on one side of the world without
ever being exposed to viruses, from the other. Half a millennium on, the
behavior of viruses like smallpox or 2019-nCoV hasn’t changed, but the
behavior of their human hosts and victims has. Of all of the things that
distinguish 21st century humanity from that of earlier eras, it’s our
growing state of interconnectedness that has the greatest impact on
disease spread. In 2019, there were some 40 million commercial flights
worldwide, carrying about 4.7 billion passengers. For a virus, that’s
the equivalent of 4.7 billion dandelion spores, each a potential carrier
of its DNA, drifting to wherever the air-travel currents blow them.


Sign up for our daily coronavirus newsletter by clicking on this link,
and please send any tips, leads, and stories to virus@time.com.


“Air travel contributes to the rapidity of a disease’s spreading,” says
Dr. Jay Varkey, associate professor in the Division of Infectious
Diseases at Emory University School of Medicine. “Think of the 2009
novel H1N1 influenza virus. It was first identified in Mexico, and it
was demonstrably proven that its rapid spread to the United States and
Mexico was enhanced by air travel.” From April 2009 to April 2010, the
U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) counted 60.8
million infections in the U.S. alone, with more than a quarter of a
million hospitalizations and more than 12,000 deaths from H1N1.
Globally, the CDC estimates another 152,000 to 575,000 deaths due to the
virus—a decidedly wide range, but the best the Centers could do with
spotty reporting from around the world.
Epidemics and discrimination


But while air travel certainly hastens the spread of disease, it by no
means causes the spread. “Diseases have always been a global
phenomenon,” says Lessler. “In 1918, during the [Spanish] flu pandemic,
there were only ships and railroads and perhaps one or two commercial
air flights, and yet somewhere between 20 and 100 million people were
killed.” There were also pandemics of the bacterial disease cholera in
the 1800s, when rail and steamship travel were even less extensive than
they were in 1918, and air travel did not exist at all.

The fact
that infectious diseases are so easily transported in from elsewhere
gives them an alien quality, an otherness that can play to the worst in
humans. While the disease causing the current pandemic officially goes
by the decidedly anodyne name 2019-nCoV, it is often referred to in the
Western media as “Wuhan coronavirus.” Ebola virus similarly takes its
name from the Ebola River in the Democratic Republic of Congo, where the
virus first emerged, and the 2012 pandemic of MERS stands for Middle
East Respiratory Syndrome, because it was first identified in Saudi
Arabia. (Tellingly, as Sonia Shah wrote recently in TIME, “HIV,
discovered in NYC in the 1980s is not ‘NYC-1’ and MRSA, which first
exploded in Boston, is not, say, ‘the Boston plague.’”)

Spotlight Story
In the Wake of the Coronavirus, Here’s Why Americans Are Hoarding Toilet Paper
Our panic buying represents one thing we can control


This leads to inevitable—and usually undeserved—finger-pointing, with
blame placed on allegedly “primitive” or “unclean” practices in the
nations of origin. The 2014 Ebola outbreak was wrongly said to have been
caused by people eating bat meat in Guinea, and while the disease did
jump from bat to human, the epidemic was eventually traced to a single
luckless girl who ate food inadvertently contaminated by bat droppings.
And while live wild game—including beavers, porcupines and snakes—were
indeed sold for human consumption in the market in Wuhan where the
2019-nCoV is thought to have emerged, myths have spread in the U.K. and
Malaysia that the disease crossed into the human population because of a
Wuhanese diet that supposedly includes bat soup and rats. The bat-soup
canard has been widely discredited as an Internet-fed falsehood, and
while bamboo rats are indeed sometimes consumed in China there is
nothing linking them to coronavirus.
Marshaling a global response


Increasingly, one of the more powerful and less probable
counter-offensives against such bias may be the dry, cool-headed
language of bureaucracy. On January 30, the World Health Organization
(WHO) declared 2019-nCoV a “Public Health Emergency of International
Concern (PHEIC),” a designation it has made only five times before,
during outbreaks of swine flu, polio, Ebola, Zika, and Ebola again. A
PHEIC designation does not give the WHO any enforceable authority, but
it does elevate the urgency of the pandemic and helps WHO coordinate
nations in implementing non-binding recommendations regarding
quarantine, travel restrictions, global trade and other measures. It
also encourages multinational pharmaceutical companies to work together
to sequence the virus and develop treatments and perhaps a vaccine.


The impact of the recommendations depends entirely on the willingness
of local and national health officials around the world to follow them,
which means compliance can be spotty. But there are no countries or
localities that would want to go through what Wuhan and the rest of
China are experiencing, and recommendations from WHO carry a lot of
persuasive weight.

Just as important, the PHEIC declaration gives
WHO general-director Dr. Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus an opportunity to
remind the world that any country that is the first to be struck by a
disease is not some form of pandemic boogeyman, but a victim of viral
chance. “This declaration is not because China is not doing what it
can,” Ghebreyesus said during a press event announcing the public health
emergency on Jan. 30. “It’s actually doing more than what it’s required
to do. [The PHEIC] is about protecting countries with weaker health
systems.”

Dr. Tedros Adhanom, Director General of the World
Health Organization, (L) meets with Chinese President Xi Jinping at the
Great Hall of the People, on Jan. 28, 2020 in Beijing, China.
Naohiko Hatta—Pool/Getty Images


What’s more, anyone from wealthy western countries tempted to blame
pandemics on some unclean other would be better served by looking
inward, because wherever life exists on the planet—which is effectively
everywhere—disease can emerge. Varkey and Lessler both lay the
responsibility for antibiotic-resistant strains of otherwise
controllable bacterial diseases at the feet of the West, where the drugs
are often overused. That makes it more likely for strains of bacteria
to develop mutations rendering them immune—or at least-less
susceptible—to antibiotics, and that in turn creates whole new
epidemics.

“Cases of C. diff [Clostridium difficile, an
intestinal infection] are common in health care settings, and those are a
result of antibiotic use,” says Varkey. One particularly deleterious
strain of C. diff is known at NAP-1—the NA in the name stands for “North
American,” because it started in the U.S. before spreading to Canada
and Europe.

It’s not just antibiotic-resistant bacteria that
emerge from the West. Powassan virus, a rare tick-borne disease, emerged
in Ontario, Canada in the 1950s and then traveled to New England before
spreading to other northeastern and Great Lakes-region states. While
the mosquito-borne Zika virus may have emerged in Africa, it changed its
character and its virulence only after it spread to the west. During
the outbreak of 2015 and 2016, the disease spread to 26 countries in the
Americas, hitting Brazil hardest, with 1.5 million cases; Colombia,
with more than 25,000 cases was next, with thousands of cases elsewhere
in the region.

“All areas of the world are capable of throwing an
infection out into the global arena,” says Dr. Marshall Lyon, also a
professor at Emory’s Division of Infectious Diseases. “There’s not one
particular disease originating in one particular place that is special
in that respect.”

All that means infectious disease pandemics
necessitate truly global responses, where, instead of casting blame,
people rise up to protect those communities not yet infected and care
for those that have been.
How we’ll beat 2019-nCoV

In the
case of 2019-nCoV, human response has been mixed. As Charlie Campbell
reported for TIME this week, fear and rage have driven some in China to
act heartlessly and even violently towards those from Wuhan and Hubei
province, and some analysts have raised concerns about how the Chinese
Communist Party has handled the outbreak. But, on the other hand,
doctors and other caregivers have staffed hospital wards and fanned out
throughout Wuhan and other cities to help contain the infection, putting
themselves in danger of falling ill themselves. Construction workers
built two entirely new hospital buildings with capacity for 2,300
patients combined in less than a week.

Meanwhile, Pakistan, which
has restricted commercial flights to China, has nonetheless offered to
send a field hospital to the country to help care for the sick. Germany,
which has still had only a handful of cases, has ramped up its drug
development trials, with the nation’s research minister, Anja Karliczek,
promising a vaccine within months.

In 2014, TIME named the Ebola
Fighters the Persons of the Year, after teams of health-care workers
from around the world swept into Western Africa to battle an outbreak of
the disease. WHO estimates that caregivers working with Ebola patients
are from 21 to 32 times more likely to contract the disease than people
in the surrounding population—and during the 2014 outbreak WHO announced
that more than 240 health care workers did fall sick in four African
nations, more than half of whom died. The same selflessness is evidenced
by the field workers who have risked—and in some cases lost—their lives
vaccinating children against polio in tribal regions of Pakistan, where
Taliban extremists target outsiders they suspect of spreading disease
with the vaccines meant to prevent it. Something similar is true too of
every worker who has ever choppered or trudged or driven into infectious
hot zones to fight Zika or SARS or MERS or any other emerging diseases.


Dr. Tunji Funsho, who led Rotary International’s successful effort to
wipe out polio in Nigeria, likes to tell a story about a public
gathering in the country at the beginning of a seasonal round of
vaccinations in 2016. Rumors were still circulating that the vaccine
would sicken children and sometimes leave them sterile. So the Emir of
northern Nigeria—a hereditary, religious leader descended from a ruling
family, with ceremonial authority in part of the country where the
rumors were especially stubborn—took the stage, promised the audience
that the vaccine was indeed perfectly safe and then, to make that point
clear, called for a vial of it to be brought to him. “He opened it up
and drank the entire thing,” Funsho says. “After that, people believed
the truth.”

Pandemics will always be characterized by their
randomness, pitilessness, and power to sicken and kill. The human
response, when it’s at its best, is defined by collective courage and
compassion, a “not-on-our-watch” refusal to let a disease have its way
with fellow humans. And to limit the impact of—and ultimately defeat—the
current coronavirus pandemic, that’s exactly what we’ll need.

U.S.
Coronavirus Price Gouging Complaints Surge Across U.S.
41 states responded with numbers that included both tips and formally filed complaints against retailers


ne store advertised hand sanitizer at $60 a bottle. Another was accused
of hawking it at $1 a squirt. Chain stores offered $26 thermometers and
face masks at the “everyday low price” of $39.95 a pair, while a
convenience store touted toilet paper at $10 a roll next to a sign
reading: “This is not a joke.”

Read more: Americans Are Stockpiling Cleaning Products Due to COVID-19 Fears. Do They Actually Prevent Coronavirus?


Across a country where lines are long, some shelves are empty and
patience is thin, authorities are receiving a surge of reports about
merchants trying to cash in on the coronavirus crisis with outrageous
prices, phony cures and other scams. An Associated Press survey of
attorneys general or consumer protection agencies nationwide found
reports already exceeded 5,000, with hundreds more arriving daily.


“Greed is a powerful motivator for some people,” said Josh Stein, the
attorney general of North Carolina, where the number of reports jumped
from 72 to 131 one day earlier this week. “It is inexcusable to prey on
people in a vulnerable time to make a quick buck.”

AP’s 50-state
survey is the most comprehensive look so far at the emerging problem. In
all, 41 states responded with numbers that included both tips and
formally filed complaints against mom-and-pop stores and big-box
retailers alike. AP’s count is certainly low also because it only
includes cases in which someone went online or called to register a
grievance. Many others went to the court of social media to vent their
outrage.

“STOP SHOPPING HERE!!” one woman blared on Facebook next
to cellphone photos of a Southern California grocery charging $6.98 for
a gallon of milk and $14.99 for cheddar cheese. “There are families out
there who really need groceries and they’re overcharging.”


Beyond AP‘s state count, individual cities are carrying out efforts to
prevent exploitation. New York City alone has received more than 1,000
complaints, issued 550 violations and imposed $275,000 in fines for
price gouging — including one case in which a store was accused of
selling bottles of Purell at $79 each. Among the items the city is
preventing stores from jacking up the prices on: aloe vera and rubbing
alcohol, the ingredients that can be combined to make hand sanitizer.


Three states, including California, refused to share how many reports
they’ve received, and several rural states said they had none. Those
that did are still checking out many of the claims. While some have gone
to court against sellers, others have determined cases didn’t meet
their legal standard for price gouging, which generally involves an
increase of more than 10%.

One store advertised hand sanitizer at
$60 a bottle. Another was accused of hawking it at $1 a squirt. Chain
stores offered $26 thermometers and face masks at the “everyday low
price” of $39.95 a pair, while a convenience store touted toilet paper
at $10 a roll next to a sign reading: “This is not a joke.”

Read more: Americans Are Stockpiling Cleaning Products Due to COVID-19 Fears. Do They Actually Prevent Coronavirus?


Across a country where lines are long, some shelves are empty and
patience is thin, authorities are receiving a surge of reports about
merchants trying to cash in on the coronavirus crisis with outrageous
prices, phony cures and other scams. An Associated Press survey of
attorneys general or consumer protection agencies nationwide found
reports already exceeded 5,000, with hundreds more arriving daily.


“Greed is a powerful motivator for some people,” said Josh Stein, the
attorney general of North Carolina, where the number of reports jumped
from 72 to 131 one day earlier this week. “It is inexcusable to prey on
people in a vulnerable time to make a quick buck.”

AP’s 50-state
survey is the most comprehensive look so far at the emerging problem. In
all, 41 states responded with numbers that included both tips and
formally filed complaints against mom-and-pop stores and big-box
retailers alike. AP’s count is certainly low also because it only
includes cases in which someone went online or called to register a
grievance. Many others went to the court of social media to vent their
outrage.

“STOP SHOPPING HERE!!” one woman blared on Facebook next
to cellphone photos of a Southern California grocery charging $6.98 for
a gallon of milk and $14.99 for cheddar cheese. “There are families out
there who really need groceries and they’re overcharging.”


Beyond AP‘s state count, individual cities are carrying out efforts to
prevent exploitation. New York City alone has received more than 1,000
complaints, issued 550 violations and imposed $275,000 in fines for
price gouging — including one case in which a store was accused of
selling bottles of Purell at $79 each. Among the items the city is
preventing stores from jacking up the prices on: aloe vera and rubbing
alcohol, the ingredients that can be combined to make hand sanitizer.


Three states, including California, refused to share how many reports
they’ve received, and several rural states said they had none. Those
that did are still checking out many of the claims. While some have gone
to court against sellers, others have determined cases didn’t meet
their legal standard for price gouging, which generally involves an
increase of more than 10%.



















https://www.republicworld.com/…/mayawati-pays-respects-to-k…
BSP Chief Mayawati Celebrated Kanshi Ram Jayanti At Home Due To Coronavirus Outbreak.
BSP Supremo Mayawati on Sunday during a press briefing paid her
respects to social reformer Kanshi Ram on the occasion of his birth
anniversary.
She extended her “best wishes” to his followers and
also urged them to follow the path of his teaching.She said, “Kanshi Ram
has devoted his whole life for completing the work started by Babasaheb Bhimrao Ambedkar.”


She further added, “Some political leaders are working behind the
scenes with other casteist parties to sabotage the good work done for
the benefit of SC/STs, Adivasis and other oppressed classes. It is
important to stay united under the banner of BSP and strive for forming
government in both State and Centre.”

Kanshi Ram who was born in
1934 was a political reformer who worked for the upliftment and
political mobilization of the backward people.

BSP Chief stated
that due to the Coronavirus outbreak, they will not celebrate Kanshi
Ram’s birth anniversary in a social gathering. Instead, she said, “We
are celebrating his birth anniversary in our homes.” She further thanked
his followers for showering wishes.

Breakfast: Idli, sambar wheat upma, sambar, chutney,

Mid-morning: Ginger and lemon with skin in warm water

Lunch: Chapati, mint (pudhina) rice, vegetable poriyal, greens poriyal, rasam and roasted Bengal gram dal

Mid-evening: Dal soup with pepper, and boiled channa

Dinner: Chapati, idli, vegetable korma and chutney

A meal for those in the isolation wards at the hospital

https://townhall.com/…/trump-defends-calling-covid19-the-ch…
Trump Swipes at Critics Calling Him Racist for Labeling COVID-19 ‘Chinese Virus’: It Did Come from China
I didn’t appreciate the fact that China was putting out information, that our military gave that to them.

https://friendsforsyria.com/…/was-the-2020-wuhan-coronavi…/…

The 2020 Wuhan Coronavirus an Engineered Biological Attack on China by America for Geopolitical Advantage.


That the United States will risk World War III, using nuclear weapons,
by launching a coronavirus inside China during the 2020 Chinese New Year
celebrations. But that is exactly the scenario.

discussing this horror


It is actually intentionally engineered and used against China, it
means that the USA is flirting with global nuclear annihilation. This is
nothing that should be treated lightly.

Maybe not so far-fetched. When you get into the details…


Many in the know, believe America has two options when it comes to
winning a world war against China and Russia. Also, what most agree on
is the fact that America cannot win a conventional war against either
power, or both.

Officially called the novel coronavirus
(2019-nCoV), the contagion is a respiratory illness , a new type of
viral pneumonia, in the same family of infections as SARS and MERS.

It highly contagious. It’s of a factor many, many time contageous than any other known virus.

High Contagiousness


Indeed, if we compare how SARS spread out in 2002-2003, it is hard not
to notice how much more contagious nCoV-2019 is compared to SARS.


It took SARS three months to reach to the point of 300 cases between
November 2002 and February 2003. In the climax of SARS, the daily number
of newly registered cases in Mainland China never exceeded 200 cases.


In comparison, on 28th January 2020 alone, 1459 new cases of nCoV-2019
were reported nationwide, including 315 cases in Wuhan. In just a week
between 20-28 January, the number of patients with nCoV-2019 exceeded
the number of all SARS patients confirmed in Mainland China between
2002-2004!

Mainland China had just 5327 cases of SARS, but nCoV-2019 already had 5974 registered cases by the end of January 28th, 2020.

– Coronavirus: Summary to date & insights


Taken alone, it’s just “another” viral agent. Only this time it’s much
stronger. However, taken in context with other events, other systems,
and other considerations it points to some very serious conclusions;
conclusions that are far too hard to ignore.

Everything seemingly points to biowarfare being waged against China.

Crazy! Right?


No nation would be so crazy, so stupid, so insane, so evil… as to
launch a very deadly WMD inside a nuclear-armed world power on their
most important holiday. Right?

Who would be interested in doing this?

This Is How to Stop China from Dominating the South China
What Happens After China Surpasses the U.S. Economy
US law enforcers should stop China’s influence
It’s too late to stop China’s rise, so the West must start …
How to Stop China in the South China Sea | Foreign Affairs
How To Stop China’s Rise


The calls for drastic and immediate action against China are all over
the major American neocon publications. Just because you (personally)
are not aware of them, does not mean that they do not exist. These
neocons are foaming at the mouth for a fight.

Who are they?


The culprits are the dominant Western Powers. Which pretty much is
America and it’s allies (namely Britain). The objective is to put
“stress” on China in a combined effort to contain her growing power and
influence.

It seems so far-fetched.

No one would be that
crazy, that evil, that insane to want to hurt a successful nation full
of hard-working and family loving people. No one, unless…

…they are ideologically motivated.


Negotiation is not a policy. It’s a technique. It’s something you
use when it’s to your advantage, and something that you don’t use when
it’s not to your advantage.

–John Bolton


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LESSON 3309 Fri 20 Mar 2020 Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING from KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL DO GOOD! PURIFY MIND AND ENVIRONMENT! Even a seven year old can Understand. A seventy year old must practice. Say YES to Paper Ballots NO to EVMs/VVPATs to save Democracy, Liberty, Equality and Fraternityfor the welfare, happiness and peace for all Awakened aboriginal societies. is the HONEST VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS) Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make India Buddhist) All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch) Chitpavan brahmins Exposed According to one hindutva cult in Prabuddha Bharat, the answer is simple - a tall glass of cow urine. Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha will be hosting a cow urine drinking party to test their belief that the golden substance will help protect their bodies against the pandemic known as COVID-19. Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta — Attendance on awareness —65) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,
Filed under: General, Vinaya Pitaka, Sutta Pitaka, Abhidhamma Pitaka, Tipiṭaka
Posted by: site admin @ 8:31 am

LESSON 3309 Fri 20 Mar 2020

Free Online NIBBANA TRAINING
from

KUSHINARA NIBBANA BHUMI PAGODA -PATH TO ATTAIN PEACE and ETERNAL BLISS AS FINAL GOAL

DO GOOD! PURIFY MIND AND ENVIRONMENT!
Even a seven year old can Understand. A seventy year old must practice.

Say YES to Paper Ballots
NO to EVMs/VVPATs to save Democracy, Liberty, Equality and Fraternityfor
the welfare, happiness and peace for all Awakened aboriginal societies.

is the

HONEST

VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS)

Dr B.R.Ambedkar thundered “Main Bharat Baudhmay karunga.” (I will make India Buddhist)

All Aboriginal Awakened Societies Thunder ” Hum Prapanch Prabuddha Bharatmay karunge.” (We will make world Prabuddha Prapanch)

Chitpavan brahmins Exposed
According
to one hindutva cult  in Prabuddha Bharat, the answer is simple - a tall glass of cow
urine. Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha  will be
hosting a cow urine drinking party to test their belief that the golden
substance will help protect their bodies against the pandemic known as
COVID-19.

Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta — Attendance on awareness —65) Classical Luxembourgish-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch,


De
Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta (MN 10). Den Discours iwwer d’Grënnung vu
Mindfulness) an de Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta (DN 22) (De Grousse Discours
iwwer d’Grënnung vu Mindfulness) sinn zwee vun de wichtegsten a wäit
studéiert Discoursen am Pali Canon vum Theravada Buddhismus. De fréiere
gëtt och an den amasgamas vun anere fréie Schoulen fonnt, a gouf vun
zäitgenëssesche Mahayana Praktiker wéi den Thich Nhat Hanh geprägt.


Dës Discoursen (Pāli: sutta) bidden e Mëttel fir e Mindfulness an
verschiddenen Kontexter an potenziell kontinuéierlech ze üben. Berühmt
deklaréiert de Buddha am Ufank vun dësem Discours: “Dëst ass den
direkten Wee (Pāli: ekāyano … maggo), Mönche, fir d’Rengegung vun de
Wesen, fir d’Iwwerwanne vu Leed a Lamentatioun, fir d’Leucht vu Leiden a
Trauer, fir op de Wee vun der Wourecht ze goen, fir d’Realiséierung vun
nibbāna …. “

Titel Iwwersetzung
Buddha4u4ia.jpg

Englesch Iwwersetzunge vum Tittel, “Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta,” enthalen:

“The Arousing of Mindfulness Discourse” tipitaka / mn / mn.010.soma.html (Soma, 1999)
“The Foundations of Mindfulness Discourse” tipitaka / mn / mn.010.nysa.html (Nyanasatta, 1994)
“D’Frames of Reference Discourse” tipitaka / mn / mn.010.than.html (Thanissaro, 1995)


Geméiss dem Anālayo (2006, S. 29-30), Thanissaro (2000) an Nyanaponika
(1996, S. 9-10), Deel vum Grond fir d’Varietéit an der Iwwersetzung vun
dësem Titel huet ze dinn wéi d’verbonne Pāli Wuert ” satipaṭṭhāna “gëtt
analyséiert. Et kann als “sati-paṭṭhāna” (”Grënnung vu Mindfulness”)
oder “Sati-upaṭṭhāna” (”Präsenz vu Mindfulness”) interpretéiert ginn.


Am Bezuch op de Präfix “Maha-” am Pāli Tittel vum DN 22, heescht dat
einfach “super”, oder “méi grouss” a bezitt sech wahrscheinlech op den
DN 22 säi erweiderten Deel iwwer Bewosstsinn vun de véierten Noble
Wahrheiten.

Verschidde Rezensiounen & kanonesch Plazverbrauch
BUDDMoon.jpg


Am chinesesche Canon ass den Nian Chu Jing (念 處 經, Smṛtyupasthāna
Sūtra), baséiert op enger Sarvastivadin Quell, op der Säit 582 vum
Taisho Tripitaka Vol. 1, Madhyama Āgama Nr. 26. Eng zweet Versioun mat
der Smṛtyupasthāna Sūtra gouf net op Tibetan iwwersat, ausser als Deel
vum laange Prajñapāramita Sūtra, an deem et agebaut gouf. Et existéiert
an der tibetanescher Iwwersetzung e “Saddharma Smṛtyupasthāna Sūtra”
(Dam pa’i chos dran pa nei Bar bzhag pa’i mdo // dampé chödren panyé
barzhak pé do) awer dëst ass e ganz grousse fréi Mahayana Sutra an ass
eng ganz aner Text. Ven. D’Ajahn Sujato huet eng extensiv Comparativ
Ëmfro vun de verschiddene Rezensioune vu Sutta ofgeschloss, mam Titel A
History of Mindfulness. Dës verschidde Versiounen si ganz ähnlech.


Am Theravadin Pali Canon ass de Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta den zéngten Discours
am Majjhima Nikaya (MN) an ass dofir dacks vum “MN 10″ designéiert; an
der Pali Text Society (PTS) Editioun vum Canon, dësen Text fänkt op der
55. Säit vun der éischter Band vu sengem dräi-Volumen Majjhima Nikaya
(M) un, an ass also alternativ als “M i 55.”

Wat de
Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta ugeet, ass dëst den 22. Discours am Digha Nikaya
(DN) an ass domat dacks vum “DN 22″ designéiert; an der PTS Editioun vum
Canon, fänkt d’Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta op der 289. Säit vum zweete
Volumen vum PTS ‘Dräi-Volumen Digha Nikaya (D) un, an ass domat
alternativ als “D ii 289 representéiert.”

An der post-kanonescher
Pali Literatur ass de klassesche Kommentar iwwer d’Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta
(wéi och fir déi ganz Majjhima Nikaya) am Buddhaghosa sengem
Papañcasudani fonnt (Bullitt, 2002; Soma, 2003).

Inhalt
Burma012.jpg


An dësem Sutta identifizéiert de Buddha véier Referenze fir Mindfulness
opzebauen (Satipatthana): Kierper, Sensatiounen (oder Gefiller),
Geescht (oder Bewosstsinn) a mental Inhalter. Dës ginn dann weider an
déi folgend Sektiounen an Ënner Sektiounen opgedeelt:

Kierper (Kāyā)
Atemung (kuckt och d’Anapanasati Sutta)
Posturen (Spazéieren, Standéieren, Sëtzen, Liggen)
Kloer verständlech
Reflexiounen iwwer Repulsivitéit vum Kierper
Reflexiounen iwwer Materialelementer
Kierfecht Iwwerleeungen
Sensatiounen / Gefiller (Vedanā)
agreabel oder onsympathesch oder weder-agreabel-nach-onsympathesch (neutral) Gefiller
weltlech oder spirituell Gefiller
Geescht / Bewosstsinn (Cittā)
Lust (sarāgaṃ) oder ouni Lust (vītarāgaṃ)
haassen (sadosaṃ) oder ouni hate (vītadosaṃ)
Wahn (Samohaṃ) oder ouni Wahn (Vītamohaṃ)
ageschafft (saṅkhittaṃ) oder verstreet (vikkhittaṃ)
loft (mahaggataṃ) oder net Loft (amahaggataṃ)
iwwerschësseg (sa-uttaraṃ) oder net iwwerdriwwen (anuttaraṃ)
roueg (samāhitaṃ) oder net roueg (asamāhitaṃ)
verëffentlecht (vimuttaṃ) oder net verëffentlecht (avimuttaṃ)
Mental Inhalter (Dhammā)
D’Hindernisser
D’Aggregate vun Hënn
D’Sense-Bases an hir Bréiwer
D’Faktore vun Erwächt mat Bewosstsinn
Déi Véiert Adel Wourechten

Kontext
Perséinlechkeet-baséiert Typographie
Gb.buddha.moon.jpg


Geméiss den Analāyo (2006, S. 24–25) a Soma (2003, S. xxii - xxiv),
gëtt de Papañcasudani recommandéiert eng aner Satipaṭṭhāna ofhängeg ze
maachen ob eng Persoun:

tendéiert méi Richtung affektiv Verlaangen oder intellektuell Spekulatioun; an,
gëtt méi gemooss an hiren Äntwerten oder séier reagéiert.


Baséierend op dësen zwou Dimensioune gëtt de empfohlene
Perséinlechkeet-baséiert Satipaṭṭhāna vum Kommentar am Gitter ënnen
reflektéiert.
experimentell Orientéierung
(Charakter)
affektiv
(extrovert) kognitiv
(introvert)
Reaktivitéit /
temperament lues Kierper Geescht
séier Sensatiounen mental Inhalt


Soma (2003, S. xxiv) füügt datt all Praktiker (onofhängeg vun hirem
Charakter an Temperament) och Mindfulness vu Postures sollten üben
(beweegen, stoen, sëtzt, léien) a kloere Verständnis, iwwer deen hie
schreift: “Déi ganz Praxis vun mindfulness hänkt vun de richtege Gräifen
vun den Übungen abegraff an den zwee Deeler genannt hei. “
Single-konzentréiert, successiv a gläichzäiteg Praktiken

Et gi verschidde Weeër fir d’Methoden ze benotzen déi an der Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta beschriwwe ginn abegraff:


Fokusséiert op eng eenzeg Method. D’Method déi am meeschte
geschriwwe gëtt an der englescher Sprooch ass déi vu Mindfulness vum
Atem.
Praxis déi verschidde Methoden individuell a Succès.
Behaalt Atem Bewosstsinn als primär Objet wärend Dir aner Methoden benotzt fir net-Atem-Reizen unzegoen.
Praxis verschidde Methoden entweder a Tandem oder op eng kontextgedriwwen Manéier

Kuck och

Mindfulness (Buddhismus)
Buddhistesch Meditatioun
Vipassana
Mahasati Meditatioun

Verbonnen Discoursen:

Anapanasati Sutta
Kayagata-sati Sutta
Maha-satipatthana Sutta

Verbonnen Praktiken:

Sampajanna
Patikulamanasikara

Verbonnen Konzepter:

Mahabhuta
Kammatthana
Vedana
Vijnana
Skandha
Sadayatana / Ayatana
Siwe Facteure vun der Luucht
Véier Noble Wahrheiten

Quell

Wikipedia: Satipatthana Sutta


Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta - Opbewosstsinn - mat beschte animéierten Buddha
Bild, Lidd, Danz a Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch-Klassesch Lëtzebuergesch

https://www.youtube.com/watch
Satipatthana Sutta (Discours iwwer de Fundamenter vu Mindfulness)

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Satipatthana Sutta (Discours iwwer de Fundamenter vu Mindfulness)
Moies Diskussioun bei Privatresidenz zu Colombo, 21. Dezember 2014
Mahāsatipaṭṭhāna Sutta - Opsiicht iwwer Bewosstsinn —in 29) Klassesch Englesch, Réimesch,

Dës Sutta gëtt vill als eng fundamental Referenz fir Meditatiounspraxis ugesinn.
Aféierung

I. Observatioun vu Kāya
A. Sektioun iwwer ānāpāna
B. Sektioun iwwer Posturen
C. Sektioun iwwer sampajañña
D. Sektioun iwwer Repulsivitéit
E. Sektioun iwwer d’Elementer
F. Sektioun op den néng Charnell Terrain

II. Observatioun vum Vedanā

III. Observatioun vu Citta

IV. Observatioun vum Dhammas
A. Sektioun iwwer d’Nīvaraṇas
B. Sektioun iwwer d’Khandhas
C. Sektioun iwwer d’Sense Sphär
D. Sektioun iwwer de Bojjhaṅgas
E. Sektioun iwwer d’Wahrheeten
E1. Ausstellung vun Dukkhasacca
E2. Ausstellung vu Samudayasacca
E3. Ausstellung vun Nirodhasacca
E4. Ausstellung vu Maggasacca

Aféierung

Sou hunn ech héieren:
Op enger Geleeënheet war de Bhagavā tëscht dem Kurus bei Kammāsadhamma,
enger Maartstad vun der Kurus, bliwwen. Do adresséiert hien sech zum
Bhikkhus:
- Bhikkhus.– Bhaddante huet d’Bhikkhus geäntwert. De Bhagavā sot:
- Dëst, bhikkhus, ass de Wee deen zu näischt anescht wéi d’Reinigung
vun de Wesen féiert, d’Iwwergewinnung vu Leed a Lamentatioun,
d’Verschwannen vun der Dukkha-Domanassa, d’Erreeche vum richtege Wee,
d’Realiséierung vun Nibbāna, dat heescht déi véier satipaṭṭhānas.


Wéi eng véier? Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya,
ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, nodeems hien abhijjhā-domanassa géint d’Welt
opginn huet. Hie wunnt observéiert vedanā am Vedanā, ātāpī sampajāno,
Satimā, nodeems hien Abhijjhā-Domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet. Hie wunnt
observéiert Zitta an Zitta, ātāpī sampajāno, Satimā, nodeems hien
Abhijjhā-Domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet. Hie wunnt observéiert dhamma ·
s an dhamma · s, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, nodeems hien
abhijjhā-domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet.

I. Kāyānupassanā

A. Sektioun iwwer ānāpāna


A wéi, bhikkhus, wunnt e bhikkhu an observéiert kāya a kāya? Hei,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, an de Bësch gaang ass oder bei der Wurzel vun engem
Bam fortgaang ass oder an en eidele Raum gaang ass, sëtzt sech d’Been
ze kreien, sech kāya oprecht ze setzen, a sati parimukhaṃ. Wär doduerch
als sato hält hien an, an deemno sou Sato hält hien aus. Den Atmung huet
laang hie versteet: ‘Ech ootme laang’; otemt laang, hie versteet: ‘Ech
ootme mech laang’; kuerz Atmung hie versteet: ‘Ech ootme kuerz’; kuerz
ootmen, hie versteet: ‘Ech béien kuerz aus’; hien trainéiert sech
selwer: ‘Gefill de ganze kāya, ech wäert ootmen’; hien trainéiert sech
selwer: ‘Gefill de ganze kāya, ech wäert ootmen’; hien trainéiert sech
selwer: ‘d’Kali-Saṅkhāras berouegen, ech ginn ootmen’; hien trainéiert
sech selwer: ‘d’Kali-Saṅkhāras berouegen, ech ginn eraus’.

Just
als, bhikkhus, e kompetente Turner oder e Turner, deen e laange Wendung
mécht, versteet: ‘Ech maachen e laange Turn’; e kuerzen Tour maachen,
hie versteet: ‘Ech maachen e kuerzen Tour’; op déiselwecht Manéier,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, déi laang anhalen, versteet: ‘Ech ootme laang’;
ootmen laang, hie versteet: ‘Ech ootme mech laang’; kuerz Atmung hie
versteet: ‘Ech ootme kuerz’; kuerz ootmen, hie versteet: ‘Ech béien
kuerz aus’; hien trainéiert sech selwer: ‘Gefill de ganze kāya, ech
wäert ootmen’; hien trainéiert sech selwer: ‘Gefill de ganze kāya, ech
wäert ootmen’; hien trainéiert sech selwer: ‘d’Kali-Saṅkhāras berouegen,
ech ginn ootmen’; hien trainéiert sech selwer: ‘d’Kali-Saṅkhāras
berouegen, ech ginn eraus’.

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya
intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse
beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie
wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie
wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien
wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang;
oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him
präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt
ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

B. Sektioun iwwer Posturen


Weider bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, beim Spazéieren, versteet: ‘Ech sinn
dohinner’, oder wann ech stoen, hie versteet: ‘Ech stinn’, oder wann e
sëtzt, hie versteet: ‘Ech sëtzen “, oder wann hie louch, hie versteet:”
Ech leien ‘. Oder anescht, a wéi enger Positioun seng Kāya entsuergt
ass, hie versteet et deementspriechend.

Sou lieft hie sech déi
kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya
dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern
observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der
Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya
beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener
an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den
Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer
paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt
fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

C. Sektioun iwwer sampajañña


Weider bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, wärend der Approche a beim Oflaf, handelt
mam Sampajañña, wärend hien no vir kuckt a wärend hie ronderëm kuckt,
handelt hie mam Sampajañña, wärend sech biegt a wärend hie streckt,
handelt hie mam Sampajañña, wärend hien d’Kleed an déi iewescht Kleed a
wärend hien déi Schuel fiert, handelt hie mam Sampajañña, wärend hie
giess, beim Drénken, wärend de Knéien, wärend hie schmaacht, handelt hie
mam Sampajañña, wärend hie sech mam Geschäft ofschaaft an urinéiert,
handelt hie mam Sampajañña, wärend hie bleift, während hie bleift, souz ,
wärend hie schléift, wärend hie waakreg ass, wärend hie geschwat huet a
während e roueg ass, handelt hie mam Sampajañña.

Sou lieft hie
sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als
kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern
observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der
Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya
beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener
an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den
Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer
paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt
fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

D. Sektioun iwwer Repulsivitéit


Ausserdeem betruecht bhikkhus, e bhikkhu dësen ganz Kierper, vun de
Sole vun de Féiss no uewen an aus den Hoer um Kapp no ​​ënnen, déi vu
senger Haut ofgrenzt ass a voller verschidden Aarte vun Gëftstoffer: “An
dëser kāya sinn do d’Haeren. vum Kapp, Haeren am Kierper, Neel, Zänn,
Haut, Fleesch, Sehnen, Schanken, Knochenmark, Nieren, Häerz, Liewer,
Pleura, Milz, Lunge, Darm, Mesenterie, Bauch mat sengem Inhalt, Féiss,
Galle, Läsch , Pus, Blutt, Schweess, Fett, Tréinen, Fett, Spaut,
Naseschleim, Synovialflëssegkeet an Urin. “

Just wéi, bhikkhus,
gouf et eng Täsch mat zwou Ëffnungen a gefëllt mat verschiddenen Arten,
wéi Hill-Paddy, Paddy, Mung Bounen, Kéi-Erzen, Sesam Saieren a
geschuelte Reis. E Mann mat gudder Siicht, déi et ofgeschloss huet, géif
[seng Inhalter] berücksichtegen: “Dëst ass Hiwwel-Paddy, dëst ass
Paddy, déi sinn Mung Bounen, déi sinn Kéi-Erbsen, déi sinn Sesam-Somen
an dëst ass geschuelte Reis;” op déiselwecht Manéier bhikkhus, e bhikkhu
betruecht dëse ganz Kierper, vun de Sole vun de Féiss no uewen an aus
den Hoer um Kapp no ​​ënnen, dee vu senger Haut ofgrenzt ass a voller
verschidden Aarte vun Gëftstoffer: “An dëser kāya, do sinn d’Haeren um
Kapp, Haeren am Kierper, Neel, Zänn, Haut, Fleesch, Sehnen, Schanken,
Knochenmark, Nieren, Häerz, Liewer, Pleura, Milz, Lunge, Darm,
Mesenterie, Bauch mat sengem Inhalt, Féiss, Galle, Phlegm, Pus, Blutt,
Schweess, Fett, Tréinen, Fett, Spaut, Naseschleim, Synovialflëssegkeet
an Urin. “

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten
ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt
wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum
Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu
Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya
z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht,
[realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der
Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale
sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt
observéiert kāya a kāya.

E. Sektioun iwwer d’Elementer


Ausserdeem reflektéiert bhikkhus, e bhikkhu iwwer dëst ganz kāya, wat et
awer plazéiert ass, awer et ass entsuergt wéi et aus Elementer besteet:
“An dësem kāya gëtt et d’Äerdelement, d’Waasserelement, d’Feierelement
an d’Loftelement.”

Just wéi, bhikkhus, e qualifizéierte Metzler
oder e Metzlungsléier, deen eng Kéi ëmbruecht huet, géif op enger
Kräizung sëtze fir se a Stécker ze schneiden; an déiselwecht Manéier,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu reflektéiert sech op dës ganz Kāya, wéi en awer
plazéiert ass, awer et ass entsuergt: “An dësem kāya gëtt et
d’Äerdelement, d’Waasserelement, d’Feierelement an d’Loftelement.”


Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder
wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya
intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu
Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener
an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de
Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst
ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa
a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op
der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(6)
Ausserdeem, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem Schnouer Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, ofgetrenntene
Schanken, déi hei an do verstreet sinn, hei eng Handknochen, do e
Foussbuttek, hei e Knöchelbein, do e Schëllerbuttchen. , hei en
Uewerschenkel, do en Hip Knochen, hei e Ripp, do e Réckbeen, hei e
Wirbelschnouer, do en Hals Schanken, hei e Knuewsbeen, do en Zännbäi,
oder do de Schädel, hien betruecht dëst ganz kāya : “Dëst kāya ass och
vu sou enger Natur. Et wäert sech wéi dat ginn an ass net fräi vun esou
enger Bedingung.”

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern
beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet
oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt
d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an
den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de
Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder
anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent,
just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt
ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(7)
Ausserdeem,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper gesinn hätt,
an engem charnel Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, d’Schanken wäiss wéi eng
Mierhell, hien betruecht dës ganz kāya: “Dëse kāya ass och vu sou enger
Natur, et geet esou ze ginn, an ass net fräi vun esou enger Bedingung. “


Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder
wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya
intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu
Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener
an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de
Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst
ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa
a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op
der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(8)
Ausserdeem, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem Schnouer Terrain ewechgehäit, Schanken opgehuewen
iwwer e Joer al ass, betruecht hien dës ganz kāya: “Dëse kāya ass och vu
sou enger Natur, et ass wäert esou sinn, an ass net fräi vun esou enger
Bedingung. “

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern
beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet
oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt
d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an
den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de
Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder
anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent,
just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt
ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(9
Ausserdeem,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper gesinn hätt,
an engem charnel Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, verfaultene Schanken, déi op
Pudder reduzéiert ginn, betruecht hien dës ganz kāya: “Dëse kāya ass och
vu sou enger Natur, et geet ginn esou, an ass net fräi vun esou enger
Bedingung. “

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern
beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet
oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt
d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an
den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de
Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder
anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent,
just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt
ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

Sou lieft hie sech déi
kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya
dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern
observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der
Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya
beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener
an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den
Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer
paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt
fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

F. Sektioun op den néng Charnell Terrain

(1)
Weider bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem Schnouer Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, een Dag dout,
oder zwee Deeg dout oder dräi Deeg dout, geschwollen, bloem a feierlech,
betruecht hien dës ganz kāya: ” Dëse Kāya ass och vu sou enger Natur,
et wäert esou ausgoen an ass net fräi vun esou enger Bedingung. “


Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder
wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya
intern a extern observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu
Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener
an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de
Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst
ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa
a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op
der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(2)
Ausserdeem, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, grad wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem Schnouer Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, vun Kräizer
giess ginn, vun Haken giess ginn, vu Gierzer giess ginn, vun Hieronen
giess ginn, vun Hënn giess, ginn giess vun Tigers, giess vu Panther,
giess vu verschiddenen Arten, hien betruecht dës ganz Kāya: “Dëse Kāya
ass och vun esou enger Natur. Et wäert sech esou maachen an ass net fräi
vun esou enger Bedingung. “

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am kāya
intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya dobausse
beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert; hie
wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder hie
wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder hien
wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya fortgaang;
oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an him
präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt
ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(3)
Ausserdeem,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper gesinn hätt,
an engem charnel Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, e Skelett mat Fleesch a
Blutt, zesumme vun Sehnen gehal, betruecht hien dës ganz kāya: “Dëse
kāya ass och vun esou engem der Natur, et wäert esou ginn, an ass net
fräi vun esou enger Bedingung. “

Sou lieft hie sech déi kāya am
kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als kāya a kāya
dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern observéiert;
hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der Kāya, oder
hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya beobachtet, oder
hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Kāya
fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den Sati ass an
him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie
wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(4)

Ausserdeem, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem charnel Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, e Skeleton ouni
Fleesch a mat Blutt verschmiert, vun Sehnen zesummegesat, betruecht hien
dës ganz kāya: “Dëse kāya ass och vun esou eng Natur, et wäert esou
ginn an ass net fräi vun esou enger Bedingung. “

Sou lieft hie
sech déi kāya am kāya intern beobachten ze loossen, oder wunnt en als
kāya a kāya dobausse beobachtet oder gëtt wunnen a kāya intern a extern
observéiert; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vum Samudaya vu Phenomener an der
Kāya, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener an der Kāya
beobachtet, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener
an der Kāya fortgaang; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst ass kāya!” den
Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer
paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt
fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya.

(5)
Ausserdeem, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, just wéi wann hien en doudege Kierper
gesinn hätt, an engem charnel Terrain ewechgehäit ginn, e Skeleton ouni
Fleesch a Blutt, gehale vun Sehnen, betruecht hien dës ganz kāya: “Dëse
kāya ass och vun esou engem der Natur, et wäert esou ginn, an ass net
fräi vun esou enger Bedingung. “

Hie versteet de Mana, hie
versteet den Dammas, hie versteet d’Saṃyojana déi entstinn wéinst dësen
Zwee, hie versteet wéi déi unarisen Saṃyojana entstinn, hie versteet wéi
déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie versteet wéi déi verlooss
Saṃyojana net entstinn an der Zukunft.

Also wunnt hien den Dammas
am Dammas intern ze beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas no
baussen ze beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas intern an extern
ze beobachten; hie wunnt an de Samudaya vu Phenomener an Dhammas ze
beobachten, oder hien wunnt an Iwwerbléck vu Phenomener bei Dhammas ze
observéieren, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an Iwwerleeung
vu Phänomener an dhammas; oder soss, [realiséiere:] “Dëst sinn Dammas!”
den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer
paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt
fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas,
mat Referenz op déi sechs intern an extern yyatanas.

D. Sektioun iwwer de Bojjhaṅgas


A weider, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat
Referenz zu de siwe bojjhaṅgas. A weider, bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e bhikkhu
an observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat Bezuch op déi siwe bojjhaṅgas?


Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, do wou de Sati Sambojjhaṅga präsent ass,
versteet: “do ass de Sati Sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; wann et net de
Sati Sambojjhaṅga bannen ass, hie versteet: “et gëtt kee Sati
Sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi den unarisen Sati
sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie versteet wéi den arisen Sati Sambojjhaṅga fir
Perfektioun entwéckelt gëtt.

Do wou den dhammavicaya
sambojjhaṅga bannen ass, versteet hien: “do ass den dhammavicaya
sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; do wou keen dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga
präsent ass, versteet hien: “et gëtt keng dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga
bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi déi unarisen dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga
entsteet; hie versteet wéi déi arisen dhammavicaya sambojjhaṅga zu
Perfektioun entwéckelt ass.

Do wou de vīriya sambojjhaṅga präsent
ass, versteet hien: “do ass de vīriya sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; wann
et net de vīriya sambojjhaṅga ass, wat hie bannen huet, versteet hien:
“et gëtt kee vīriya sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi den
onverarisen vīriya sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie versteet wéi déi entstane
vīriya sambojjhaṅga fir Perfektioun entwéckelt gëtt.

Do wou de
pīti sambojjhaṅga präsent ass, versteet hien: “do ass de pīti
sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; wann et net de pīti sambojjhaṅga ass, wat
hie bannen huet, versteet hien: “et gëtt kee pīti sambojjhaṅga bannent
mir”; hie versteet wéi den onarisen pīti sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie
versteet wéi déi entstoe pīti sambojjhaṅga fir Perfektioun entwéckelt
gëtt.

Do wou de Passaddhi Sambojjhaṅga präsent ass, versteet en:
“do ass de Passaddhi Sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; wann et net de
passaddhi sambojjhaṅga präsent ass, versteet hien: “et gëtt kee
passaddhi sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi den unarisen
passaddhi sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie versteet wéi déi entstane passaddhi
sambojjhaṅga fir Perfektioun entwéckelt gëtt.

Do wou de samādhi
sambojjhaṅga präsent ass, versteet hien: “do ass de samādhi sambojjhaṅga
bannent mech”; wann et net de samādhi sambojjhaṅga ass, dee bannen ass,
versteet hien: “et gëtt kee samādhi sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; hie
versteet wéi den unarisen samādhi sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie versteet
wéi déi entstane samādhi sambojjhaṅga fir Perfektioun entwéckelt gëtt.


Do wou de upekkhā sambojjhaṅga bannen ass, versteet hien: “do ass den
upekkhā sambojjhaṅga bannent mech”; do wou keen den upekkhā sambojjhaṅga
präsent ass, versteet hien: “et gëtt keng upekkhā sambojjhaṅga bannent
mech”; hie versteet wéi den unarisen upekkhā sambojjhaṅga entsteet; hie
versteet wéi déi arisen upekkhā sambojjhaṅga zu Perfektioun entwéckelt
gëtt.

Also wunnt hien den Dammas am Dammas intern ze beobachten,
oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas no baussen ze beobachten, oder wunnt den
Dammas am Dammas intern an extern ze beobachten; hie wunnt an de
Samudaya vun de Phenomener an der Damm beobachtet, oder den e wunnt an
den Iwwerliewe vu Phenomener an der Dammas ze beobachten, oder hien
wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Dammas
ewechzekréien; oder soss, [realiséiere:] “Dëst sinn Dammas!” den Sati
ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati,
hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas, mat Referenz
zu de siwe bojjhaṅgas.

Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, do wou
uddhacca-kukkucca präsent ass, versteet: “et gëtt uddhacca-kukkucca a
mir”; do wou keen uddhacca-kukkucca bannent derbäi ass, hie versteet:
“et gëtt keng uddhacca-kukkucca an mir”; hie versteet wéi den onarisen
Uddhacca-Kukkucca entsteet; hie versteet wéi déi entstane
Uddhacca-Kukkucca opginn ass; an hie versteet wéi de verloossene
Uddhacca-Kukkucca an der Zukunft net entsteet.

Hei, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu, do wou vicikicchā präsent ass, versteet: “et gëtt vicikicchā
bannent mech”; do wou keen vicikicchā präsent ass, hie versteet: “et
gëtt kee vicikicchā bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi den unarisen
vicikicchā entsteet; hie versteet wéi den entstane vicikicchā opginn
ass; an hie versteet wéi de verloossene vicikicchā an der Zukunft net
entsteet.

Also wunnt hien den Dammas am Dammas intern ze
beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas no baussen ze beobachten,
oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas intern an extern ze beobachten; hie
wunnt an de Samudaya vun de Phenomener an der Damm beobachtet, oder den e
wunnt an den Iwwerliewe vu Phenomener an der Dammas ze beobachten, oder
hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Dammas
ewechzekréien; oder soss, [realiséiere:] “Dëst sinn Dammas!” den Sati
ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati,
hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also,
bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas, mat Bezuch op
déi fënnef nīvaraṇas.

B. Sektioun iwwer d’Khandhas

A
weider, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat
Referenz zu de fënnef khandhas. A weider, bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e bhikkhu
an observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat Bezuch op déi fënnef khandhas?


Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu [ënnerscheet]: “sou ass rūpa, sou ass de
samudaya vu rūpa, sou ass de laanschtgaang vu rūpa; sou ass vedanā, sou
ass de samudaya vum vedanā, sou ass de vergaangene vum Vedanā; sou ass
saññā, sou ass de Samudaya vu saññā, sou ass de laanschtgaang vu saññā;
sou ass saṅkhāra, sou ass de samudaya vu saṅkhāra, sou ass de
laanschtgaang vu saṅkhāra; sou ass et viññāṇa, sou ass de samudaya vu
saṅkhāra, sou ass et laanschtgoe vun viññāṇa “.

Also wunnt hien
den Dammas am Dammas intern ze beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am
Dammas no baussen ze beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am Dammas intern
an extern ze beobachten; hie wunnt an de Samudaya vun de Phenomener an
der Damm beobachtet, oder den e wunnt an den Iwwerliewe vu Phenomener an
der Dammas ze beobachten, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an
de Phenomener an der Dammas ewechzekréien; oder soss, [realiséiere:]
“Dëst sinn Dammas!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu
renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un
näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert
dhammas an dhammas, mat Referenz zu de fënnef khandhas.

C. Sektioun iwwer d’Sense Sphär


A weider, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat
Referenz op déi sechs intern an extern āyatanas. A weider, bhikkhus, wéi
wunnt e bhikkhu an observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat Bezuch op déi
sechs intern an extern yatanas?

Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu versteet
de cakkhu, hie versteet de rūpa, hie versteet de saṃyojana, deen
entstinn wéinst dësen zwee, hie versteet wéi déi onarisen Saṃyojana
entstinn, hie versteet wéi déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie
versteet wéi déi verlooss Saṃyojana kënnt an Zukunft net op.

Hie
versteet sota, hie versteet sadda, hie versteet de saṃyojana déi
entstinn wéinst dësen Zwee, hie versteet wéi déi unarisen Saṃyojana
entstinn, hie versteet wéi déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie
versteet wéi déi verlooss Saṃyojana net entstinn an der Zukunft.


Hie versteet Ghāna, hie versteet Gandha, hie versteet de saṃyojana, déi
entstinn wéinst dësen zwee, hie versteet wéi déi unarisen Saṃyojana
entstinn, hie versteet wéi déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie
versteet wéi d’verlooss Saṃyojana net entstinn an der Zukunft.


Hie versteet d’Jivha, hie versteet de Rasa, hie versteet de saṃyojana
déi entstinn wéinst dësen Zwee, hie versteet wéi déi unarisen Saṃyojana
entstinn, hie versteet wéi déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie
versteet wéi d’verlooss Saṃyojana net opgeet an der Zukunft.

Hie
versteet kāya, hie versteet phoṭṭhabba, hie versteet de saṃyojana, déi
opgrond vun dësen Zwee entsteet, hie versteet wéi déi unarisen Saṃyojana
entstinn, hie versteet wéi déi opgestan Saṃyojana opginn ass, an hie
versteet wéi d’verlooss Saṃyojana net opgeet. an der Zukunft.


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E. Sektioun iwwer d’Wahrheeten


A weider, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat
Bezuch op déi véier Ariya · saccas. A weider, bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e
bhikkhu beim observéiere vun dhammas an dhammas mat Bezuch op déi véier
Ariya · saccas?

E1. Ausstellung vun Dukkhasacca

A wat,
bhikkhus, ass den Dukkha Ariasacca? Jāti ass Dukkha, Alterung ass Dukkha
(Krankheet ass Dukkha) maraṇa ass Dukkha, Leed, Kléng, Dukkha,
Domanassa an Nout ass Dukkha, Associatioun mat deem wat net gefällt ass
Dukkha, Dissoziatioun aus deem wat gefällt ass ass Dukkha, net ze kréien
wat een wëll ass dukkha; Kuerz gesot, déi fënnef upādāna · k · khandhas
sinn dukkha.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass jāti? Fir déi verschidde Wesen
an de verschiddene Klassen vu Wesen, jāti, der Gebuert, der Ofstamung
[an der Gebärmutter], déi entstinn [op der Welt], d’Erscheinung,
d’Erscheinung vun de Khandhas, d’Acquisitioun vun den yatanas. Dëst,
bhikkhus, ass jāti genannt.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass jarā? Fir déi
verschidde Wesen an de verschiddene Klassen vun de Wesen, jarā, den
Zoustand vun der Verfall, vun der gebrach [Zänn], vun der hunn gro Hoer,
vun der verfaultung, der Réckgang vun der Vitalitéit, den Zerfall vun
den Indriyaën: dëst, bhikkhus, heescht jarā.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass
maraṇa? Fir déi verschidde Wesen an de verschiddene Klassen vun de
Wesen, den Doud, den Zoustand vun der Verrécklung [aus der Existenz],
den Opbriechen, de verschwonnenen, den Doud, maraṇa, d’Vergaangenheet,
den Opbau vun der Khandhas, de Dispositioun vum Läich: dëst, bhikkhus,
heescht maraṇa.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass Trauregkeet? An engem,
bhikkhus, verbonne mat verschiddenen Aarte vu Ongléck, beréiert vu
verschiddenen Aarte vun Dukkha Dhammas, de Sträich, de Trauer, den
Zoustand vun der Trauer, den banneschten Traur, den banneschten groussen
Trauer: dëst, bhikkhus, heescht Trauer.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass
d’Lamentatioun? An engem, bhikkhus, verbonne mat verschiddenen Aarte vu
Ongléck, beréiert vu verschiddenen Aarte vun Dukkha Dhammas, de Gejäiz,
d’Lamentatiounen, d’Gefaang, de Gejäiz, de Staat vu Gejäiz, de Staat vu
Klauen: dëst, bhikkhus, nennt een Kläng.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass
Dukkha? Wat och ëmmer, bhikkhus, kierperlech Dukkha, kierperlech
Onglécklechkeet, Dukkha entstanen duerch kierperleche Kontakt,
onsympathesch Vedayitas: dëst, bhikkhus, heescht Dukkha.

A wat,
bhikkhus, ass domanassa? Wat och ëmmer, bhikkhus, mental Dukkha, mental
Ongenauegkeet, Dukkha entsteet vu mentale Kontakt, onsympathesch
Vedayitas: dëst, bhikkhus, gëtt domanassa genannt.

A wat,
bhikkhus, ass verzweifelt? An engem, bhikkhus, verbonne mat
verschiddenen Arten vu Ongléck, beréiert vu verschiddenen Arten vun
Dukkha Dhammas, den Ierger, d’Verzweiflung, den Zoustand vun Ierger, den
Zoustand vun der Verzweiflung: dëst, bhikkhus, heescht Verzweiflung.


A wat, bhikkhus, ass den Dukkha vu verbonne mat deem wat net averstan
ass? Hei, wat d’Formen, Toun, Goût, Gerécher, Kierperlech Phenomener a
mental Phänomener do sinn, déi ongenügend sinn, net agréabel,
onangenehm, oder soss déi, déi een aus engem Nodeel wëllen, déi, déi ee
verléiere wëllen, déi, déi engem eenzege Péng verléieren, déi déi engem
wëllen net befreit vun Uschloss, Treffen, verbonne sinn, zesumme sinn,
se begéinen: dëst, bhikkhus, nennt een den Dukkha vu verbonne sinn mat
deem wat net averstan ass.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass den Dukkha derzou
getrennt vun deem wat agreabel ass? Hei, wat d’Formen ugeet, kléngt,
schmaacht, Gerécher, Kierperlech Phenomener a mental Phänomener do sinn,
déi agreabel, agreabel, agreabel sinn, oder soss déi, déi ee vu senger
Virdeel wënschen, déi, déi ee profitéiere wëllen, déi, déi ee bequem
wënschen, déi déi wëllen vun der Befreiung vun der Befestegung wënschen,
net treffen, net verbonne sinn, net zesumme sinn, se net begéinen:
dëst, bhikkhus, nennt een den Dukkha vun der Dissociatioun vun deem wat
agreabel ass.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass den Dukkha net ze kréien wat
een wëll? An Wesen, bhikkhus, déi charakteristesch si fir gebuer ze
ginn, entsteet esou e Wonsch: “Oh wierklech, dierf et keng Jāti fir eis
sinn, a wierklech, kënne mir net op jāti kommen.” Awer dëst ass net
duerch Wonsch z’erreechen. Dëst ass den Dukkha fir net ze kréien wat een
wëll.

A Wesen, bhikkhus, déi charakteristesch sinn fir al ze
ginn, sou e Wonsch entsteet: “oh wierklech, dierft et kee Jarā fir eis
sinn, a wierklech, kënne mir net op jarā kommen.” Awer dëst ass net
duerch Wonsch z’erreechen. Dëst ass den Dukkha fir net ze kréien wat een
wëll.

An Wesen, bhikkhus, déi charakteristesch sinn, krank ze
ginn, entsteet esou e Wonsch: “Oh wierklech, dierf et keng Krankheet fir
eis sinn, a wierklech, kënne mir net op Krankheet kommen”. Awer dëst
ass net duerch Wonsch z’erreechen. Dëst ass den Dukkha fir net ze kréien
wat een wëll.

A Wesen, bhikkhus, déi charakteristesch sinn fir
al ze ginn, sou e Wonsch entsteet: “Oh wierklech, dierf et keng Maraṇa
fir eis sinn, a wierklech, kënne mir net op maraṇa kommen.” Awer dëst
ass net duerch Wonsch z’erreechen. Dëst ass den Dukkha fir net ze kréien
wat een wëll.

II. Observatioun vum Vedanā

A weider, bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e bhikkhu an der Vedanā observéiert an der Vedanā?


Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, deen e sukha vedanā erlieft, ënnersträicht:
“Ech erliewen e sukha vedanā”; en Dukkha Vedanā erliewen, ënnersträicht:
“Ech erliewen en Dukkha Vedanā”; en adukkham-asukhā vedanā erliewen,
ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen en adukkham-asukhā vedanā”; erliewen e
sukha vedanā sāmisa, ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen e sukha vedanā
sāmisa”; erliewen e sukha vedanā nirāmisa, ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen e
sukha vedanā nirāmisa”; en Dukkha vedanā sāmisa erliewen,
ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen en Dukkha vedanā sāmisa”; en Dukkha vedanā
nirāmisa erliewen, ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen en Dukkha vedanā
nirāmisa”; en adukkham-asukhā vedanā sāmisa erliewen, ënnersträicht:
“Ech erliewen en adukkham-asukhā vedanā sāmisa”; en adukkham-asukhā
vedanā nirāmisa erliewen, ënnersträicht: “Ech erliewen en
adukkham-asukhā vedanā nirāmisa”.

Sou lieft hie beim Vedanā am
Vedanā am Observéiere observéiert oder, oder hie lieft am Observatioun
vu Vedanā am Vedanā extern, oder hie lieft beim Observéiere vu vedanā am
Vedanā intern an extern; hie wunnt d’Iwwerleeung vun der Samudaya vu
Phenomener am Vedanā, oder hie wunnt an den Iwwerliewe vu Phenomener am
Vedanā ze beobachten, oder hie wunnt de Samudaya z’observéieren an de
Phänomener am Vedanā z’iwwerloossen; oder anescht, [realiséiere:] “Dëst
ass vedanā!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu der Mooss vu renger
ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an hale sech un näischt
op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert vedanā am
Vedanā.

III. Observatioun vu Citta

An zousätzlech bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e bhikkhu an der Citta observéiert?


Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu versteet d’Zitta mat Rāga als “Citta mat
Rāga”, oder hien versteet d’Zitta ouni Rāga als “Citta ouni Rāga”, oder
hie versteet d’Zitta mat Dosa als “Citta mat Dosa”, oder hien versteet
d’Zitta ouni Dosa als “Citta ouni Dosa”, oder hien versteet d’Zitta mat
Moha als “Citta mat Moha”, oder hien versteet d’Zitta ouni Moha als
“Citta ouni Moha”, oder hie versteet eng gesammelt Zitta als “eng
gesammelt Zitta”, oder hien versteet eng verstreet citta als “eng
verstreet Zitta”, oder hien versteet eng erweidert Zitta als “eng
erweidert Zitta”, oder hien versteet en net ausgedehnt Zitta als “eng
net ausgedehnt Zitta”, oder hie versteet en iwwerdribblen Zitta als “eng
iwwerdribblen Zitta”, oder hien versteet eng onvergiesslech Zitta als
“eng onverantwortlech Zitta”, oder hie versteet eng etabléiert Zitta als
“eng befestegt Zitta”, oder hie versteet eng onzefridden Zitta als “eng
onzefridden Zitta”, oder hien versteet eng befreit Zitta als “eng
befreit Zitta”, oder hie versteet eng onliberéiert Zitta als “eng
onliberéiert Zitta”.

Sou lieft hie bannen d’Zitta an der Zitat
observéiert intern, oder wunnt en Zitta an der Zitta extern observéiert,
oder wunnt en Zitta am Zitat intern an extern; hien wunnt d’Samudaya
observéiert vu Phänomener an der Zitta, oder wunnt en Iwwerbléck op de
passéierte Phenomener an der Zitta, oder hie wunnt an de Samudaya
observéiert an de Phenomener an der Zitta fortgaang; oder soss,
[realiséiere:] “Dëst ass Zitta!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu
der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an
hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt
observéiert Zitta a Zitta.

IV. Observatioun vum Dhammas

A. Sektioun iwwer d’Nīvaraṇas


An zousätzlech bhikkhus, wéi wunnt e bhikkhu an dhammas ze
observéieren? Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert dhammas an
dhammas mat Referenz op déi fënnef nīvaraṇas. A weider, bhikkhus, wéi
wunnt e bhikkhu an observéiert dhammas an dhammas mat Bezuch op déi
fënnef nīvaraṇas?

Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, do wou kāmacchanda
präsent ass, versteet: “et gëtt kāmacchanda bannent mech”; do wou keng
kāmacchanda bannent präsent ass, hie versteet: “et gëtt keng kāmacchanda
bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi déi unarisen kāmacchanda entstinn; hie
versteet wéi déi entstane kāmacchanda opginn ass; an hie versteet wéi
déi verloossene Kāmacchanda an der Zukunft net entstoe wäert.


Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, et gëtt byāpāda präsent bannent, versteet: “et
gëtt byāpāda bannent mech”; wann et net byāpāda bannent derbäi ass, hie
versteet: “et gëtt keng byāpāda bannent mech”; hie versteet wéi den
unarisen byāpāda entsteet; hie versteet wéi déi entstane Byāpāda opginn
ass; an hie versteet wéi de verloossene vunāpāda an der Zukunft net
entsteet.

Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu, wär deen thīnamiddhā präsent
ass a versteet: “et gëtt thīnamiddhā a mir”; wann et keen Thīnamiddhā
bannen ass, versteet hien: “et gëtt keen Thīnamiddhā an mir”; hie
versteet wéi den unarisen Thīnamiddhā entsteet; hie versteet wéi den
entstoe Thīnamiddhā opginn ass; an hie versteet wéi de verloossene
Thīnamiddhā an der Zukunft net entsteet.

An Wesen, bhikkhus, déi
d’Charakteristik vu Trauer, Klauen, Dukkha, Domanassa an Nout hunn,
entsteet esou e Wonsch: “Oh wierklech, dierf et keng Leed, Klauen,
Dukkha, Domanassa an Nout fir eis sinn, a wierklech, kënne mir eis och
net kommt zu Leed, Lamentatioun, Dukkha, Domanassa an Nout. ” Awer dëst
ass net duerch Wonsch z’erreechen. Dëst ass den Dukkha fir net ze kréien
wat een wëll.

A wat, bhikkhus, sinn kuerz déi fënnef
upādānakkhandhas? Si sinn: de rūpa upādānakkhandha, de vedanā
upādānakkhandha, de saññā upādānakkhandha, de saṅkhāra upādānakkhandha,
de viññāṇa upādānakkhandha. Dës gi kuerz genannt, bhikkhus, déi fënnef
upādānakkhandhas.

Dëst ass genannt, bhikkhus, d’dukkha ariyasacca

E2. Ausstellung vu Samudayasacca


A wat, bhikkhus, ass d’dukkha-samudaya ariyasacca? Et ass dëst taṇhā,
deen zu der Wiedergebuerung féiert, verbonne mat Wonsch a Spaass, Freed
hei oder do ze fannen, dat heescht: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā a
vibhava-taṇhā. Awer dësen Taṇhā, bhikkhus, wann et opgeet, wou entstinn
en, a wann se sech selwer settelen, wou setzt en sech? An där an der
Welt, déi angenehm an agreabel schéngt, ass dat, wou taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, wou, wann et sech setzt, se settelt.

A wat op
der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel? D’Aa op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, opgeet, do wann et sech setzt, setzt
en sech. D’Ouer op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech. D’Nues an der
Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do
wann et siedelt, setzt se sech. D’Zong op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt,
setzt se sech. Kāya an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech. Mana op der
Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do
wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech.

Sichtbar Formen op der Welt
sinn agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann
et niddergelooss gëtt, et setzt sech. Kläng an der Welt sinn agreabel an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et niddergelooss
gëtt, et setzt sech. Geruchen an der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et niddergelooss gëtt, setzt en
sech. Geschmaach an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
Dir opstinn, entstinn, do wann et niddergelooss gëtt, et setzt sech un.
Kierperlech Phenomener an der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et niddergelooss gëtt, et setzt sech
un. Dhammas op der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech.

Den
Ae-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech. D’Ouer-viññāṇa
op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet,
entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech. D’Nues-viññāṇa op der
Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do
wann et setzt, setzt se sech. D’Zong-viññāṇa op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt,
setzt se sech. Kāya-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et siedelt, setzt se sech.
Mana-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech.

Den
Ae-Samphassa an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. Den Ouer-Samphassa an
der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn,
do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. D’Nues-Samphassa op der Welt ass
angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
setzt, setzt se sech. D’Zong-Samphassa op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt,
setzt se sech. Kāya-samphassa an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech.
Mana-samphassa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech.

De vedanā aus
Auge-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vedanā aus
Ouer-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt en sech. De vedanā aus
Nues-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vedanā aus
Zong-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vedanā aus
kāya-samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, se setzt sech. De vedanā
gebuer vu mana-samphassa an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech.

De
Saññā vu sichtbare Formen op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech.
De Saññā vu Kläng op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech. De Saññā vu
Gerécher op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet,
entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech. De Saññā vu Geschmaach
an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet,
entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech. De Saññā vu Kierperleche
Phenomener op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech. De Saññā vun
Dhammas op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet,
entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech.

D’Intentioun
[bezunn op] siichtbar Formen op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech.
D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat] Kläng an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel,
do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech.
D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat] Gerécher op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se
sech. D’Intentioun [bezunn op] Geschmaach an der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se
sech. D’Intentioun [bezunn op] kierperlech Phenomener an der Welt ass
angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
siedelt, setzt se sech. D’Intentioun [bezunn op] dhammas op der Welt ass
angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
setzt, setzt se sech.

Den taṇhā fir siichtbar Formen op der Welt
ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
setzt, setzt se sech. Den taṇhā fir Kläng an der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se
sech. Den taṇhā fir Gerécher op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. Den
taṇhā fir Geschmaach an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. Den taṇhā fir
Kierperlech Phenomener op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech. Den
taṇhā fir dhammas op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt en sech.

De
Vitakka vu sichtbare Formen an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De
Vitakka vun den Tounen op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De Vitakka
vun Gerécher op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De Vitakka vum
Geschmaach op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De Vitakka vu
kierperleche Phenomener op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De Vitakka
vun den Dammas op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et
opgeet, entstinn, do wann et sech setzt, setzt se sech.

De vicāra
vu sichtbare Formen an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vicāra vu
Kläng an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet,
entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vicāra vu Gerécher op der
Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do
wann et setzt, setzt se sech. De vicāra vu Geschmaach an der Welt ass
angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
setzt, setzt se sech. De vicāra vu kierperleche Phenomener an der Welt
ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et
setzt, setzt se sech. De vicāra vun dhammas op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et opgeet, entstinn, do wann et setzt, setzt
se sech. Dëst nennt sech, bhikkhus, den Dukkha · samudaya ariyasacca.

E3. Ausstellung vun Nirodhasacca


A wat, bhikkhus, ass d’dukkha-samudaya ariyasacca? Et ass dëst taṇhā,
deen zu der Wiedergebuerung féiert, verbonne mat Wonsch a Spaass, Freed
hei oder do ze fannen, dat heescht: kāma-taṇhā, bhava-taṇhā a
vibhava-taṇhā. Awer dës Taṇhā, bhikkhus, wann opginn, wou ass en opginn,
a wann ophalen, wou hält en op? An där an der Welt, déi angenehm an
agreabel schéngt, ass dat, wou taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, verlooss gëtt,
wou, wann et ophält, et ophält.

A wat op der Welt ass agreabel an
agreabel? D’Aan op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen. D’Ouer op
der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen. D’Nues an der Welt ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann se ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt entlooss,
do wann et ophält, da gëtt se ophalen. D’Zong an der Welt ass agreabel
an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann se ofgeléist ginn, do ass opginn, do wann si
ophält, se ophält. Kāya an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann opginn, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. Mana op
der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann hie verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen.

Siichtbar Formen op
der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen. Kläng op der Welt sinn
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen. Gerécher op der Welt sinn agreabel an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält,
da gëtt opgehalen. Geschmaach an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt
opgehalen. Kierperlech Phenomener an der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel,
do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, et ophält.
Dhammas op der Welt sinn agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, et ophält.

Den
Ae-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
D’Ouer-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt en ophält.
D’Nues-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
D’Zong-viññāṇa op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
Kāya-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
Mana-viññāṇa op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.


Den Ae-Samphassa an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da ophält en. Den
Ouer-Samphassa an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
opginn, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, et hält op. D’Nues-Samphassa op
der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt,
gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. D’Zong-Samphassa op
der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt,
gëtt ofgeléist, do wann et ophält, et ophält. Kāya-samphassa an der Welt
ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann opginn, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, et ophält. Mana-samphassa op der Welt ass agreabel an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält,
da ophält en.

De vedanā aus Ae-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da ophält en. De vedanā aus Ouer-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer
ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, et ophält. De vedanā aus Nues-Samphassa op
der Welt gebuer ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst,
gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da ophält en. De vedanā aus
Zong-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et opgehalen.
De vedanā aus kāya-samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass agreabel an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt verlooss, do wann et
ophält, et ophält. De vedanā aus Mana-Samphassa op der Welt gebuer ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da gëtt et ophält.

De Saññā vu sichtbare Formen op der
Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. De Saññā vu Kläng op
der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. De Saññā vu Gerécher op
der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. De Saññā vum Geschmaach
op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et opgehalen. De Saññā vu
Kierperleche Phenomener op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt en ophält. De
Saññā vun Dhammas op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.


D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat] sichtbare Formen op der Welt ass agreabel
an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et
ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat] Kläng an der
Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn,
do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat]
Gerécher op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
D’Intentioun [bezunn op] Goûten op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se
opgehalen. D’Intentioun [bezunn op] kierperlech Phenomener an der Welt
ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do
wann et ophält, da gëtt opgehalen. D’Intentioun [verbonnen mat] dhammas
op der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt
opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.

Den taṇhā fir
siichtbar Formen op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. Den
taṇhā fir Kläng an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. Den
taṇhā fir Gerécher op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann
ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. Den
taṇhā fir Geschmaach an der Welt ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā,
wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen.
Den taṇhā fir Kierperlech Phenomener op der Welt ass agreabel an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält,
da gëtt en ophält. Den taṇhā fir dhammas op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält,
da gëtt se opgehalen.

De Vitakka vu sichtbare Formen an der Welt
ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do
wann et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. De Vitakka vu Kläng op der Welt ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. De Vitakka vun Gerécher op der Welt ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da gëtt et opgehalen. De Vitakka vum Geschmaach op der Welt
ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do
wann et ophält, da gëtt et opgehalen. De Vitakka vu kierperleche
Phenomener op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et ophält. De Vitakka
vun den Dammas op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee
verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et opgehalen.


De vicāra vu sichtbare Formen an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, et
ophält. De vicāra vu Kläng an der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt ofgeléist, do wann et ophält, et
ophält. De vicāra vu Gerécher op der Welt ass agreabel an agreabel, do
taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann et ophält, da gëtt et
opgehalen. De vicāra vum Geschmaach op der Welt ass angenehm an
agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt ofgeléist, do wann et
ophält, et ophält. De vicāra vu kierperleche Phenomener an der Welt ass
agreabel an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann ee verléisst, gëtt opginn, do wann
et ophält, da gëtt se opgehalen. De vicāra vun den Dammas op der Welt
ass angenehm an agreabel, do taṇhā, wann et ofgeléist gëtt, gëtt
ofgeléist, do wann et ophält, et ophält. Dëst gëtt genannt, bhikkhus,
den dukkha · nirodha ariyasacca.

E4. Ausstellung vu Maggasacca


A wat, bhikkhus, ass den Dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca?
Et ass just dës ariya aṭṭhaṅgika magga, dat heescht sammādiṭṭhi,
sammāsaṅkappo, sammāvācā, sammākammanto, sammā-ājīvo, sammāvāyāmo,
sammāsati a sammāsamādhi.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass sammādiṭṭhi? Dat,
bhikkhus, dat ass den ñāṇa vun dukkha, den ñāṇa vun dukkha-samudaya, den
ñāṇa vun dukkha-nirodha an den ñāṇa vun dukkha-nirodha-gāmini paṭipada,
dat gëtt genannt, bhikkhus, sammādiṭṭhi.

A wat, bhikkhus, si
sammāsaṅkappas? Déi, bhikkhus, déi siṅkappas vum nekkhamma, saṅkappas
vun abyāpāda, saṅkappas vun avihiṃsā, déi ginn genannt, bhikkhus,
sammāsaṅkappas.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass sammāvācā? Dat, bhikkhus,
dat ofhält vu musāvādā, ofhalen vun der pisuṇa vācā, ofhalen vun der
pharusa vācā, a vun der Samphappalāpa ofhalen, dat gëtt genannt,
bhikkhus, sammāvācā.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass sammā-kammanta? Dat,
bhikkhus, dat ofhalen vun pāṇātipāta, ofhalen vun adinnādāna, ofhalen
vun abrahmacariya, dat gëtt genannt, bhikkhus, sammā-kammanta.

A
wat, bhikkhus, ass sammā-ājīva? Hei, bhikkhus, en nobelen Jünger, dee
falscht Liewensënnerhalt opginn huet, ënnerstëtzt säi Liewen duerch
richteg Liewensverhältnisser, dat gëtt genannt bhikkhus, sammā-ājīva.


A wat, bhikkhus, ass sammāvāyāma? Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu generéiert
seng Chanda fir den Net-entstoe vun unarisen pāpaka an akusala dhammas,
hien ännert sech, widdert seng Viriya, setzt kräfteg seng Zitta a
probéiert; hie generéiert seng Chanda fir d’Verloosse vu arisen Pāpaka
an Akusala dhammas, hie mécht sech selwer aus, widdert seng Viriya,
setzt kräfteg seng Zitta an probéiert; hie generéiert seng Chanda fir
den Opstig vu unarisen Kusala Dhammas, hie mécht sech selwer aus,
widdert seng Viriya, setzt kräfteg seng Zitta an probéiert; hie
generéiert seng Chanda fir d’Stabilitéit vun der opgestanter Kusala
Dhammas, fir hir Verontreiung vu Verwirrung, fir hir Erhéijung, hir
Entwécklung, hir Kultivatioun an hir Vervollstännegung, hien setzt sech
selwer aus, widdert seng Viriya, setzt kräfteg seng Zitta an probéiert.
Dëst gëtt genannt, bhikkhus, sammāvāyāma.

An wat, bhikkhus, ass
sammāsati? Hei, bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt observéiert kāya a kāya, ātāpī
sampajāno, satimā, nodeems hien abhijjhā-domanassa géint d’Welt opginn
huet. Hie wunnt observéiert vedanā am Vedanā, ātāpī sampajāno, Satimā,
nodeems hien Abhijjhā-Domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet. Hie wunnt
observéiert Zitta an Zitta, ātāpī sampajāno, Satimā, nodeems hien
Abhijjhā-Domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet. Hie wunnt observéiert dhamma ·
s an dhamma · s, ātāpī sampajāno, satimā, nodeems hien
abhijjhā-domanassa op d’Welt opginn huet. Dëst gëtt genannt, bhikkhus,
sammāsati.

A wat, bhikkhus, ass sammāsamādhi? Hei, bhikkhus, e
bhikkhu, vun kāma, vun der akusala dhammas ofgetraff, an den éischte
jhāna agaangen ass, wunnt dohannert, mam Vitakka a vicāra, mam Pīti a
Sukha aus der Detachement gebuer. Mat der Stellung vum Vitakka-vicāra,
nodeems hien an den zweete Jhāna erakoum ass, blouf hie sech mat
bannenzeger Tanquiliséierung, Eenheet vu Citta, ouni Vitakka oder
Vicāra, mat Pīti a Sukha gebuer aus Samādhi. A mat Indifferenz géint
Pīti, wunnt hien am Upekkha, Sato a Sampajāno, hien erliewt a kāya de
Sukha, deen d’Ariyas beschreift: ‘een deen ass gläichwäerteg a gënschteg
wunnt an [dësem] sukha’, nodeems hien am drëtten Jhāna agaangen ass,
bleift hien derbäi. De Sukha ofzéien an den Dukkha ofzeginn, Somanassa
an Domanassa hu virdru verschwonnen, ouni Sukha nach Dukkha, mat der
Rengheet vu Upekkha a Sati, a sech an de véierte Jhāna erakomm, wunnt
hien do. Dëst gëtt genannt, bhikkhus, sammāsamādhi.

Dëst gëtt genannt, bhikkhus, den dukkha · nirodha · gāminī paṭipadā ariyasacca.


Also wunnt hien den Dammas am Dammas intern ze beobachten, oder wunnt
den Dammas am Dammas no baussen ze beobachten, oder wunnt den Dammas am
Dammas intern an extern ze beobachten; hie wunnt an de Samudaya vun de
Phenomener an der Damm beobachtet, oder den e wunnt an den Iwwerliewe vu
Phenomener an der Dammas ze beobachten, oder hien wunnt de Samudaya
z’observéieren an de Phenomener an der Dammas ewechzekréien; oder soss,
[realiséiere:] “Dëst sinn Dammas!” den Sati ass an him präsent, just zu
der Mooss vu renger ñāṇa a bloer paṭissati, hie wunnt ewechgehäit, an
hale sech un näischt op der Welt fest. Also bhikkhus, e bhikkhu wunnt
observéiert dhammas an dhammas, mat Referenz zu de véier Ariya · saccas.

D’Virdeeler fir d’Satipaṭṭhānas ze praktizéieren


Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaṭṭhānas op dës Manéier fir
siwe Joer géifen üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn:
entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse
bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng siwe Joer, bhikkhus. Fir
deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaṭṭhānas op dës Manéier fir sechs
Joer géifen üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder
[perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift,
anāgāmita.

Loosst sechs Joer, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen,
bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas an dësem Wee fir fënnef Joer géif üben,
kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a
sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.


Loosst eleng fënnef Joer, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier
Satipaṭṭhānas an dësem Wee véier Joer praktizéiere kann, kann ee vun
zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare
Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng
véier Joer, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas
an dësem Wee fir dräi Joer praktizéieren, kann ee vun zwee Resultater
erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder
wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng dräi Joer,
bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipanashānas an dësem
Wee fir zwee Joer praktizéiere kann, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart
ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e
bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng zwee Joer, bhikkhus. Fir
deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas an dësem Wee fir ee Joer
géifen üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder
[perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift,
anāgāmita.

Loosst ee Joer, bhikkhus. Fir wien, bhikkhus, dës
véier Satipaṭṭhānas op dës Manéier fir siwe Méint géif üben, kann ee vun
zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare
Phenomener, oder wann et nach e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst
eleng siwe Méint, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier
Satipaāhānas an dësem Wee fir sechs Méint praktizéiere géif, kann ee vun
zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare
Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst sechs
Méint, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas an
dësem Wee fir fënnef Méint üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart
ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e
bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng fënnef Méint, bhikkhus. Fir
deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaṭṭhānas op dës Manéier véier
Méint praktizéiere géif, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn:
entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse
bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng véier Méint, bhikkhus. Fir
deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas op dës Manéier fir dräi
Méint üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt]
Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.


Loosst eleng dräi Méint, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier
Satipaāhānas an dësem Wee fir zwee Méint üben, kann ee vun zwee
Resultater erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare
Phenomener, oder wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng
zwee Méint, bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaāhānas
an dësem Wee fir ee Mount praktizéiere géif, kann ee vun zwee Resultater
erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder
wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst Iech ee Mount,
bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaṭṭhānas an dësem
Wee fir en halleft Mount géifen üben, kann ee vun zwee Resultater
erwaart ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder
wann et e bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

Loosst eleng en halleft Mount,
bhikkhus. Fir deejéinegen, bhikkhus, dës véier Satipaṭṭhānas an dësem
Wee fir eng Woch praktizéiere géif, kann ee vun zwee Resultater erwaart
ginn: entweder [perfekt] Wëssen a sichtbare Phenomener, oder wann et e
bësse bleift, anāgāmita.

“Dëst, bhikkhus, ass de Wee deen zu
näischt anescht wéi d’Reinung vun de Wesen féiert, d’Iwwerwanne vu
Trauer a Lamentatioun, d’Verschwanne vun der Dukkha-Domanassa,
d’Erreeche vum richtege Wee, d’Realiséierung vun Nibbāna, dat heescht
déi véier satipaṭṭhānas. ” Sou ass et gesot ginn, an op der Basis vun
all dat ass et gesot ginn.

Sou geschwat de Bhagavā. Gespaant huet d’Bhikkhus d’Wierder vum Bhagavā begréisst.


HONEST

VOICE of ALL ABORIGINAL AWAKENED SOCIETIES (VoAAAS)


Ace of Spades HQ

https://ace.mu.nu/
Ace of Spades HQ
Search domain ace.mu.nuhttps://ace.mu.nu
According
to one Hindu group in India, the answer is simple - a tall glass of cow
urine. Akhil Bharat Hindu Mahasabha (All India Hindu Union) will be
hosting a cow urine drinking party to test their belief that the golden
substance will help protect their bodies against the pandemic known as
COVID-19.


https://brahminsexposed.wordpress.com/posts/page/7/
Chitpavan brahmins Exposed

Caste
system (Manusmritic Jati Pratha) promoters in the name of stealth,
shadowy hindutva cult who believe chitpavan brahmins as 1st rate athmas
(souls), kshatrias, vysias, shudrasa snd, 3rd, 4th rate souls and the
aboriginal SC/Sts as having no soul at all so that all sorts of
atrocities could be committed on them.But the Buddha never believed in
any soul. He said all are equal.Hence ou Marvelous Modern Constitution
is based on the teachings of the Buddha the Awakened One with Awareness
for the welfare, happiness and peace for all societies.

These
Just 0.1% intolerant, violent, militant, number one terrorists of the
world, cunning, crooked, ever shooting,mob lynching, lunatic, mentally
retarded foreigners from Bene Israel,Tibet, Africa, Eastern Europe,
Western Germany, Northern Europe, South Russia, Hungary, etc, etc.,
chitpavan brahmins of Rowdy/Rakshasa Swayam Sevaks (RSS) / hindutva
mahasabha plan to establish stealth and shadowy hidutva cult are some
influential peoples on media those spread ideology of Manusmritic Jati
Pratha/Vedism/Casteism (Rig Vedic purusha Sukta 10:90 i.e. fourfold
caste system) in India. They claim they are hindutvaites but not as
Secular Democratic Indian Nationalist. So in other ways they say they
are not a part of Democratic India so need hindutva cult which implies
treason against India; means Rashstra Droh. They don’t accept they are
secular. They reject preamble of constitution “WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA,
having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST
SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC.” It directly proofs they are anti
nationalist with a so called slogan we are nationalist as hindutvaites
for their personal and organized benefits. India is a Nation of multi
linguistic, multi culture, multi religions, multi races and a place for
even non-believers. It is not belongs to only caste followers of vedism.
Claiming it belongs to only Caste followers polytheists is just anti
nationalism. Re-meaning to the word “Hindu” as “an art of living for all
root natives of Indian origin” is just like making a new construct by
present con vedic followers to impose vedism to whole Indian root
natives though they follow or not follow any faiths but belongs to
origin of Vedism. Vedism is just a stupid & most idiotic faith of
this land that has been destroying all good rational faith systems of
Indian origin for which original progressive Indian civilization has
been devastated. Their ideology declines and hurts SECULARISM mentioned
in preamble of India. They want to replace SECULARISM word from
preamble making it HINDUTVAISM in the process of making India as a Hindu
Rastra or Nation of hindutvaites . These stupids even don’t know what
is hindutva? They follow their stupid master V.D Savarkar who had
defined “Who is hindutvaite?” and they loved to be brain raped by his
ideology. V. D. Savarkar had defined hindutva according to his won
understanding of word hindutva without the basic knowledge of its
meaning and its origin and defined it with fake and wrong claims. That
stupid so called intellect imposed and induced Brahmanism in the word
Hindu to promote caste system and polytheist idolism. Who advocates
“Hindu glory is evident in the preservation of the Vedas and Shastras,
the protection of Cows and chitpavan brahmins.” Is he a secular? In his
book he had said “Rape is religious duty.” RSS and BJP i.e. Sangh
Parivar and their paid media follow him as their God father. Our Nation
so far strong and under development country because its root base is
Secularism otherwise it might have the position like Pakistan; even
worsen than them. V.D. Savarkar had agreed that Sindhu word is not from
Sanskrit language. Sindhu word is from Pali language and its meaning is
river. India was a land of SAPTA SINDHU meant it was land of seven major
rivers that had flourished the multicultural civilization of India.
India is a land of rivers was its original demographic entity not
Brahmanism. Indus, Hindu, Hindustan, Sindhusthan, Shindh, Sindhi,
Al-Hind, Indoustan, India etc. all are streams from this Pali language
word Sindhu. Sindhu word got popularized in the age of Buddhism in India
due to propagation of Pali Buddhist scriptures. BTW prime architecture
of Indian constitution Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar was a Buddhism ideology
follower not a hindutvaite. Why an intelligent person who was prime
architecture of the constitution rejected the ideology of hindutvaism?
Was he a fool? He knew the cons of India well; and had architect the
constitution in that forms so that future generations won’t face major
problems due to ideological faith contradiction based on God. RSS and
BJP administration and their paid media trying to change the core of its
architecture which is nothing but unconstitutional, anti nationalism
and anti patriotic. When you meet them ask to say Proudly say “I am
secular and I love India” and See their reaction.

Here is some Stupids those stagnate our India to 5000 years back.


Caste system (Manusmritic Jati Pratha) promoters in the name of Hindu nationalist.

These
are some influential
peoples on media those spread ideology of Manusmritic Jati
Pratha/Vedism/Casteism (Rig Vedic purusha Sukta 10:90 i.e. fourfold
caste system) in India. They claim they are Hindu nationalist but not as
Secular Democratic Indian Nationalist. So in other ways they say they
are not a part of Democratic India so need Hindu Rashtra which implies
treason against India; means Rashstra Droh. They don’t accept they are
secular. They reject preamble of constitution “WE, THE PEOPLE OF INDIA,
having solemnly resolved to constitute India into a SOVEREIGN SOCIALIST
SECULAR DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC.”
It directly proofs they are anti nationalist with a so called slogan we
are nationalist as Hindu for their personal and organized benefits.
India is a Nation of multi linguistic, multi culture, multi religions,
multi races and a place for even non-believers. It is not belongs to
only caste followers of vedism. Claiming it belongs to only Caste
followers polytheists is just anti nationalism. Re-meaning to the word
“Hindu” as “an art of living for all root natives of Indian origin” is
just like making a new construct by present con vedic followers to
impose vedism to whole Indian root natives though they follow or not
follow any faiths but belongs to origin of Vedism.  Vedism is just a
stupid & most idiotic faith of this land that has been destroying
all good rational faith systems of Indian origin for which original
progressive Indian civilization has been devastated. Their ideology
declines and  hurts SECULARISM mentioned in preamble of India. They want
to replace  SECULARISM word from preamble making it HINDUSIM
in the process of making India as a Hindu Rastra or Nation of Hindus.
These stupids even don’t know  what is Hindu? They follow their stupid
master V.D Savarkar who had defined “Who is Hindu?” and they loved to be
brain raped by his ideology.  V. D. Savarkar  had defined Hindu,
Hindutva and Hinduism according to his won understanding of word Hindu
without the basic knowledge of its meaning and its origin and defined it
with fake and wrong claims. That stupid so called intellect imposed and
induced Brahmanism in the word Hindu to promote caste system and
polytheist idolism. Who advocates “Hindu glory is evident in the
preservation of the Vedas and Shastras, the protection of Cows and
Brahmins.”
Is he a secular? In his book he had said “Rape is religious duty.” RSS
and BJP i.e. Sangh Parivar and their paid media follow him as their God
father. Our Nation so far strong and under development country because
its root base is Secularism otherwise it might have the
position like Pakistan; even worsen than them. V.D. Savarkar had agreed
that Sindhu word is not from Sanskrit language. Sindhu word is from
Pali language and its meaning is river. India was a land of SAPTA SINDHU
meant it was land of seven major rivers that had flourished the
multicultural civilization of India. India is a land of rivers was its
original demographic entity not Brahmanism. Indus, Hindu, Hindustan,
Sindhusthan, Shindh, Sindhi, Al-Hind, Indoustan, India etc. all are
streams from this Pali language word Sindhu. Sindhu word got popularized
in the age of Buddhism in India due to propagation of Pali Buddhist
scriptures. BTW prime architecture of Indian constitution Bhimrao Ramji
Ambedkar was a Buddhism ideology follower not a Hindu. Why an
intelligent person who was prime architecture of the constitution
rejected the ideology of Hinduism? Was he a fool? He knew the cons of
India well; and had architect the constitution in that forms so that
future generations won’t face major problems due to ideological faith
contradiction based on God. RSS and BJP administration and their paid
media trying to change the core of its architecture which is nothing but
unconstitutional, anti nationalism and anti patriotic. When you meet
them ask to say Proudly say “I am secular and I love India” and See
their reaction.

Here is some Stupids those stagnate our Prabuddha Bharat to 5000 years back.


Theocrats

Mathadhiswaras (Background Players)

Mohan Bhagwat

Mohan Madhukar Bhagawat

RSS-General-Secretary-Suresh-Bhaiyaji-Joshi

Bhaiyyaji Joshi

advani-pti

Lal Krishna Advani (Now Underground player)

Murli-Manohar-Joshi

Murli Manohar Joshi (Now Underground player)

Narendra-Modi

Narendra Damodardas Modi

Amit Shah

Amitbhai Anilchandra

LUCKNOW, INDIA - DECEMBER 6: Union Home Minister and Lucknow MP Rajnath Singh at Beti village under Mohanlalganj Lok Sabha constituency on December 6, 2014 in Lucknow, India. Beti is the village that Rajnath has adopted under the Pradhan Mantri Adarsh Gram Yojna. Under the scheme launched by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, MPs of urban areas can adopt villages in other places as well. (Photo by Ashok Dutta/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

Rajnath Singh

Ramdev

Ramdev

Devendra Fadnavis

Devendra Fadnavis

vinay

Vinay Katiyar

Subramanian Swamy

Swami Chakrapani

smriti

Smriti Zubin Irani

Sadhvi Rithambara

Sadhvi Rithambara

Uma Bharati

Uma Bharti

m_id_449843_pravin_togadia-e1387438917143Pravin Togadia (Master of hate speech)

Acharya Shri Dharmendra JiAcharya Shri Dharmendra Ji (Master of Hate speech)

Yogi_Adityanath

Mahanth Yogi Adityanath (Hate speaker)

Girraj

Giriraj Singh

Shivsena

Shiv Sena

503632864

Ramdas Kadam

sadhwi balika saraswati

Sadhwi balika saraswati (Hate speaker)

Sadhvi-Prachi

Sadhvi Prachi (Hate speaker)

sakshiSachchidanand Hari Sakshi (Hate speaker)

Ram Madhav

Ram Madhav

rakesh-sinha

Prof. Rakesh Sinha

Vijay Shankar Tiwari

Ravi Shankar Prasad

Vinod Bansal VHP

Vinod Bansal VHP

nalin-kohli.full

Nalin S. Kohli

Sudhanshu_Trivedi

Sudhanshu Trivedi

Guwahati: BJP spokesperson Sambit Patra addresses a press conference in Guwahati, on May 22, 2015. (Photo: IANS)

Dr. Sambit Patra

shrikant-sharmaSrikant Sharma

Prem Shukla

KK Sharma

Sangit Ragi

Nirmala_Sitharaman

Nirmala Sitharaman

SRINAGAR, INDIA - DECEMBER 12: Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) leader Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi addressing an election rally at interiors of Dal Lake on December 12, 2014 in Srinagar, India. (Photo by Waseem Andrabi/Hindustan Times via Getty Images)

Mukhtar Abbas Naqvi

bjp-spokesperson-syed-shahnawaz-hussain

Syed Shahnawaz Hussain

Pseudo Secular Hinduism

Digvijay Singh

Rajiv Tyagi

Manish Tewari



Anand Sharma



Alok Sharma



Sanjay Jha

THEO-SOCIOPATHS

Detected Hindu (Polytheist & Casteism follower) promoters Media persons….



Sudhir Chaudhary

rajat-sharmaRajat Sharma (India TV)

Arnab Ranjan Goswami

Sweta Singh

Nishant Chaturvedi

kartikeya_sharma  Kartikeya Sharma (India News)

Chitra Tripathi

Acharya shailesh tiwari

Acharya Vikramaditya

Amish Devgan

 Anjana Om Kashyap

Avnijesh-Awasthi

Deepak chaurasia

Gaurav Bhatia
 

Rohit Sardana

Swami Dipankar

Exposing Media by Media person:

Punya Prasun Bajpai 
tells the truth about our biased media but he himself also seldom
slips…. may be due to undue influences or may be for some other reasons
but he is no doubt different…..

Many more are there but these are some eye catching members …..

Hindu Organizations to discriminate others.

  1. Siddha Yoga-Siddh Gufa Society of Mahaprabhu Ramlal Ji Maharaj

If our democratic nation gives
rights to freedom of religion and speech that does not mean promoting
lies, delusions, ignorance, violence, irrationality, blind beliefs,
inequality, disharmony and exploitation etc. etc. contained in their
faiths are justified and should be given rights to promote all these to
exploit Indians.

STUPID
INDIAN POLITICIANS OPEN YOUR EYES AND MAKE A FAITH CENSORSHIP ACT SO
THAT SPIRITUALITY AND RELIGIOUS CRIME WILL BE DEPARTED TO EACH OTHERS,
SO THAT WE WILL HAVE LESS SOCIAL EVILS DUE TO DIVERSIFIED RELIGIONS. WE
HAVE TO SEPARATE STATE FROM RELIGIONS FOR GOOD GOVERNANCE & BETTER
CIVILIZATION. WE NEED FAITH CENSORSHIP ACTS OR THE LAWS THOSE CAN BE THE
WATCH DOG FOR THE LIES, DELUSIONS, IGNORANCE, VIOLENCE, IRRATIONALITY,
EXPLOITATION, CHEATING OR ANY KIND OF CRIMES, DISCRIMINATION, BLIND
BELIEFS ETC. CONTENTED IN ANY RELIGIOUS SCRIPTURES AND THEIR PRACTICES
IN INDIA. EVERY SCRIPTURES, THEIR PUBLICATIONS, THEIR PRACTICES AND
RELIGIOUS ACTIVITIES OF DIFFERENT FAITHS WILL BE MONITORED AND SHOULD
UNDER GO THROUGH THE “FAITH CENSORSHIP ACT.” USING CENSORED PRACTICES
AND SCRIPTURES SHOULD BE PUNISHABLE BY LAWS WITHOUT ANY MERCY. GOD HOMES
(TEMPLES, MOSQUES, CHURCHES ETC.) SHOULD BE LIMITED ACCORDING TO
POPULATION OF THAT FAITH FOLLOWERS. FOR AN EXAMPLE, ONE GOD HOME SHOULD
BE PERMITTED FOR TEN THOUSAND POPULATION. NO ONE CAN MAKE ANY GOD HOME
WITHOUT THE PERMISSION OF GOVERNMENT. DONATION TO TEMPLES SHOULD BE
TAKEN BY THE GOVERNMENT(REVENUES GENERATED FROM SPIRITUALITY) AND SHOULD
BE USED FOR DEVELOPMENT OF THE CITIZENS AND NATION WITHOUT GIVING TO
THEIR EXECUTIVES. RELIGION PROMOTING PREACHERS THOSE GENERATES MONEY
FROM THEIR PREACHING OR COUNSELING SERVICES SHOULD HAVE PROFESSIONAL TAX
50% OF THEIR INCOME BUT FREE COUNSELING SHOULD BE ADMIRED. WITHOUT
LICENSE NO ONE CAN BE ALLOWED TO SPIRITUAL COUNSEL TO INDIANS. LICENSE
SHOULD BE GIVEN IF THEY DON’T PROMOTE LIES, DELUSIONS, IGNORANCE,
IRRATIONALITY, BLIND BELIEFS, DISCRIMINATION, DISHARMONY AND VIOLENCE
ETC. IN THE NAME OF THEIR FAITH OR IF IT IS IN THEIR FAITH. THEY ONLY
CAN PROMOTE RATIONAL MORALS AND THOSE THINGS WHICH ARE NOT CONTRADICTORY
TO MANKIND IN THEIR FAITH SYSTEM ACCORDING TO THE ABOVE GUIDE LINES. 
BEFORE
GETTING LICENSE THEY MUST HAVE TO SUBMIT THEIR FAITH SYSTEM MEMORANDUM,
DECLARATION AND HAVE TO GO THROUGH A SCREEN TEST TO AN INTELLECT PANEL
THOSE ARE WELL EDUCATED TO THAT FAITH; IF FOUND FRAUD THEY SHOULD BE
PROSECUTED ACCORDING TO LAWS. LOCAL GOVERNMENT CAN APPOINT CLERICS &
CARE TAKERS FOR THE GOD HOMES THROUGH CONTRACTUAL BASIS WITH A
RECRUITMENT PROCESS. NO ORGANIZATION WILL BE ALLOWED TO PROMOTE ANY
SPECIFIC FAITH CONTROLLED MINDSETS TO CONTROL THEIR FOLLOWERS IN ANY
KIND IN ANY FORMS SO THOSE HAVE THEIR ORGANIZATION REPRESENTING WITH ANY
FAITH CONTROLLED MINDSET OR SIMILAR KIND OF ORGANIZATIONS, SHOULD BE
EITHER RENAMED WITH EXCLUDING THEIR COMMUNISM MINDSET OR SHOULD BE
BANNED FOR PROMOTING DISHARMONY. POLITICAL PARTIES THOSE USE FAITH, RACE
OR ANY KIND OF DISCRIMINATORY ENTITY SHOULD BE BANNED AND SHOULD
EXCLUDED IN ELECTION PROCESS. IN ANY ART OF LIVING BASED ON GOD BELIEF
SYSTEM THEY FOCUSES MARRIAGE, BIRTH AND DEATH PART OF HUMAN LIFE TO MAKE
FAITH CONSTRUCT TO PROMOTE THEIR FAITH. GOVERNMENT SHOULD MAKE MARRIAGE
OFFICES IN ALL PARTS OF INDIA THAT ALLOWS ANY ADULT INDIANS FREE
MARRIAGE CENTER WITH A PROCESS THAT IS NOT BASED ON ANY FAITH SYSTEM AS
COMPULSORY PROCESS OF GOVERNANCE; IF THEY WISH THEY MAY GO FOR THEIR
TRADITIONAL METHOD WHICH IS OPTIONAL TO THEM BECAUSE, SOME CITIZENS FEEL
MARRIAGE SHOULD BE MEMORABLE FOR THEM, OR SOME MAKES THEIR MARRIAGE
CEREMONY MEMORABLE TO MAINTAIN THEIR SOCIAL STATUS. A STANDARD MARRIAGE
CEREMONY COST SHOULD BE MENTIONED BY GOVERNMENT TIME TO TIME FOR THOSE,
WHO GO FOR SOCIAL SHOW OF THE  MARRIAGE. IF MARRIAGE COST EXCEEDS
GOVERNMENT MENTIONED COSTS THAT WILL BE TAXABLE.
MARRIAGE OFFICES WILL DIGITALLY RECORD THE MARRIAGE AND ISSUE MARRIAGE
CERTIFICATE ACCORDINGLY. IF WE WILL HAVE POPULATION CONTROL LAW IN
FUTURE THESE OFFICES COULD BE USED TO RECORD THE NEWBORN INDIAN BABIES. 
IF IN FUTURE WE WILL HAVE UNIFORM CIVIL CODE THAT ALLOWS ANY NUMBER OF
WIVES (FREEDOM OF PRACTICING MONOGAMY AS WELL AS POLYGAMY BOTH) BUT
LIMITED (ONE-TWO) BABIES FROM ONE MALE PARTNER THOUGH MALE HAS ANY
NUMBER WIVES IT DOES NOT MATTERS; THEN THESE CENTERS CAN BE USED TO
REGISTER THEIR UNBORN BABIES I.E REGISTERING THE BABIES BEFORE ITS
BIRTH. REGISTERED UNBORN BABIES WILL GET ALL FREE GOVERNMENT BENEFITS
THAT OFFERED TIMES TO TIMES I.E.  NURSING HELP UP TO 5YRS; FREE
EDUCATION AND RESERVATION IN GOVERNMENT JOBS ETC. AFTER HIS BIRTH. EVERY
PART OF THE NATION THERE SHOULD BE FREE CREMATION HOMES
(ELECTRIFIED/BURIAL) AND LOCAL GOVERNMENT SHOULD HELP FREE SERVICE TO
CREMATE INDIANS AS WE HAVE FREE AMBULANCE SERVICE TO MINIMIZE INFLUENCE
OF FAITH SYSTEMS TO A LIFE OF AN FAITH CONTROLLED INDIAN. WHEN OUR
POPULATION WILL BE CONTROLLED AND IT WILL BE REDUCED TO LESS THAN TO
136->100->50 CRORES AND WE WILL HAVE ECONOMICALLY ENOUGH STRONG;
WHEN THOSE BABIES WILL BE OLDER I.E. AT THE AGE OF THEIR 60/65YR SHOULD
GET A LIFE SUPPORT PENSION FROM GOVERNMENT(SAY 40 THOUSAND/MONTH TILL
DEATH). HOMELESS WILL BE GIVEN SHELTER PROVIDED BY GOVERNMENT. LEGALIZED
FREE SEX
AND PAID SEX FOR PERMANENTLY UNMARRIED
CITIZENS OR FOR MULTI-SEX SEEKERS OR SEX ADDICTED SHOULD BE MONITORED BY
GOVERNMENT WHICH WILL MINIMIZE SEX OFFENSES IN INDIA. SEX IS A NATURAL
PHENOMENA IF WE WILL CONTROL IT STRICTLY, IT WILL CREATE MANY SOCIAL
EVILS THOUGH EVERY CITIZENS DON’T SEEKS PAID SEX OR LEGAL FREE SEX.
LEGAL PAID SEX SHOULD NOT BE CONSIDERED AS IMMORAL AND LEGALIZING TO
PAID SEX WITH A WELL DIGITIZED PLATFORM TO SUPPORTING AND REGULATING
THEIR SERVICES CAN MINIMIZE PIMP PROSECUTION, SEX RACKETS AND HUMAN
TRAFFICKING WITH NEXUS OF BUREAUCRATS & POLITICIANS. THOUGH
PROSTITUTION IS NOT ILLEGAL IN INDIA
BUT ITS NOT REGULATED AND MONITORED WELL. SINCE THERE WILL BE DIGITIZED
LEGAL PROCESS OF ACTIVITIES; EASILY SEX ACTIVITIES OF A MARRIED PERSON
WHICH INCLUDES EXTRAMARITAL SEX EVEN CAN BE MONITORED AND WE CAN
MINIMIZE CONJUGAL DEFORMITIES DUE TO LEGALIZATION OF PAID SEX
DIGITIZATION.  THOSE ADULT CITIZEN WANTS TO SELL THEIR SEX SERVICES THEY
SHOULD BE GIVEN LICENSE
INDIVIDUALLY TO PERFORM THEIR PROFESSION AND SHOULD GET SUPPORT FROM
GOVERNMENT FOR THEIR SERVICES WHICH SHOULD BE TAXED. EVERY PAID SEX OR
FREE LEGAL SEX ACTIVITIES SHOULD BE PERFORMED THROUGH GOVERNMENT
DIGITIZED PLATFORM LIKE WE USE IN NET BANKING OR E-COMMERCE PLATFORM
OTHERWISE IT WILL BE CONSIDERED AS ILLEGAL AND PUNISHABLE. PRIVATE
SERVICE GIVERS  SHOULD BE PROTECTED AND INSURED BY GOVERNMENT AND SHOULD
BE PROTECTED FROM THE ORGANIZED SEX SERVICES LIKE BROTHELS OR ESCORT
AGENCY SERVICES, PROSTITUTION SERVICES I.E. MONOPOLY MARKET FOR ACTIVE
FLESH TRADES. TRANSACTIONS ACTIVITIES & PRIVACY OF THE SERVICE
GIVERS AND SERVICE SEEKERS SHOULD BE IN ENCAPSULATED/ENCRYPTED FORM TILL
THERE IS AN INVOCATION OF OFFENSE DETECTED BY LAW ENFORCEMENT AGENCIES.
LEGALIZING PAID SEX CAN HELP TO CONTROL SEX OFFENSES
TO SOME EXTENT. NOT GIVING AN HONEST SOCIAL AND NATIONAL RECOGNITION TO
PAID SEX CREATES SOCIAL EVILS & CRIMES; WHERE PIMPS CONTROLLED
BROTHELS LIKE ORGANIZED SEX OFFENSE BECOMES THE PLACE OF THE SEX SLAVES.
SEX IS BASIC NEED OF HUMANS WHICH CAN’T BE AVOIDED. THE DEVELOPED
COUNTRIES LIKE THE USA, AUSTRALIA, CANADA, GERMANY, SPAIN, ETC. ALL
RECOGNIZE PROSTITUTION AS A SERVICE AND ALLOW THEM TO EARN THEIR LIVING
WITH RESPECT AND ALSO COLLECT TAXES ON THEIR EARNINGS. HERE SEXUAL
OFFENSE ACTIVITIES DISCUSSED MORE BECAUSE ITS DIRECTLY RELATED TO FAITH
SYSTEM; MANY FAITH SYSTEM AND THEIR MANAGING EXECUTIVES MOST OF THE TIME
CAUGHT IN SEX OFFENSES. YOU CAN FIND THOSE GIVE LECTURES AND TEACH
CELIBACY OR TEACHING HOW TO BEING HONEST TO FEMALES THEY OFTEN CAUGHT
WITH SEX OFFENSES; BECAUSE THOUGH THEY TEACH THEIR FOLLOWERS HOW TO 
SUPPRESS AND REGULATE SEX BUT THEY THEMSELVES GOT VICTIMIZE OF SEX
DESIRES DUE TO SUPPRESSING SEX; SO MOST OF THE TIME THEY COMMIT SEX
OFFENSES. YOU CAN FIND LOT OF EXAMPLES HOW ISLAMIC & CHRISTIANITY
CLERICS INVOLVED IN SEX OFFENSES. BRAHMANISM HAS CREATED A RELIGIOUS WAY
TO ENJOY SEX FROM POOR  CLASS MAKING DEVDASI PRATHA. THOUSANDS REASONS
ARE THERE FEMALES HAVE BEEN USED AS SEX OBJECTS, BUT THEY DID NOT GOT
BENEFITED FOR THEIR SERVICES WHERE MOST OF THE CASE ALWAYS BLACKMAILED,
TORTURED, EXPLOITED, SUPPRESSED AND OPPRESSED. MANY REASONS ARE THERE
THOSE COME IN PROSTITUTION. NOBODY WILL WISH TO COME IN THIS PROFESSION
ACCORDING TO HER OWN WILL IF HER SOCIOECONOMIC STANDARD IS HEALTHY IN
MAJOR CASES, BUT MANY FEMALES EVEN CHOOSE THIS PROFESSION DUE TO THEIR
HYPER SEXUALITY AND EASY WAY TO INCOME THOUGH HAVE ANY EDUCATION OR
WITHOUT ANY EDUCATION. IF YOU DON’T KNOW YOU MUST KNOW SOME CELEBRITIES
THOSE DON’T HAVE EVEN ANY SOCIOECONOMIC PROBLEMS THEY DEMAND MORE THAN
RS.5 LAKHS PER HOUR FOR THEIR PRIVATE SERVICES.
WHERE
AN EDUCATED ADULT STRUGGLES AFTER FINISHING HIS/HER EDUCATION BUT AN
UNEDUCATED ADULT WITH THIS PROFESSION MAKES HUGE MONEY THAN AN EDUCATED
ONE. REASONS MAY BE WHATEVER BUT THERE SHOULD NOT BE A REASON OF
ENFORCEMENT WHERE THEY ARE FORCED TO DO THAT PROFESSION TO MAKE RICH
OTHERS. INDIA’S PAID SEX INDUSTRY IS MORE THAN $8 BILLION I.E. MORE THAN RS.5,81,88
CRORES PER YEAR. WE CAN FIND EVEN PSEUDO MORAL PREACHERS THOSE HAVE
ORGANIZED SEX OFFENSES WITH THE NEXUS OF POLITICIANS AND POLICE.
WHITE-HATED CRIMINALS THOSE HAVE WELL SOCIAL STATUS IN SOCIETY THEY LOVE
SEX BUT DON’T FEEL WELL WITH OPEN PROSTITUTION INDUSTRY SO FAKE
RELIGIOUS BABA AND THEIR INDUSTRY WORKS FOR THEM.
WE
GET MANY SADHUS/BABAS ARE INVOLVED IN SEX OFFENSES WHICH IS ONLY DUE TO
SUPPRESSION OF SEX IN OUR FAITH SYSTEM AND DEFORMITY SOCIAL SYSTEMS
THOSE SUPPRESS SEX. ANOTHER FACE OF SOME RELIGIOUS ORGANIZATION IS MOST
OF THE TIME THEY CHOOSE THE FAME OF SADHU/BABA AND RELIGIOUS BASE TO RUN
THEIR SEX INDUSTRY COVERING IT WITH A RELIGIOUS FAITH SYSTEM. ENFORCING
TO A CITIZEN FOR PAID SEX PROFESSION SHOULD BE RIGOROUSLY PUNISHABLE.
RAPE AND MURDER SHOULD BE PUNISHABLE BY VISION BLOCK FOR SPECIFIC TERMS;
LIKE VISION BLOCK FOR A MURDERER UP TO 15YEARS AND FOR A RAPIST 7 YRS
WITHOUT SENDING THEM TO JAIL. NO VISION WILL MAKE MINIMUM POSSIBILITIES
OF CRIMES; BECAUSE I HAVE NEVER HEARD ANY BLIND HUMAN COMMITTED ANY
CRIMES. ONCE WE WILL IMPLEMENT VISION BLOCK PUNISHMENT FOR RAPE AND
MURDER LETS SEE HOW MANY RAPE AND MURDER CASES WILL BE COMMITTED IN OUR
SOCIETY. ALL BLIND BELIEFS IN ALL RELIGIONS SHOULD BE EXPOSED IN ALL
MEDIAS AND PEOPLES OF THE NATION SHOULD BE RATIONALIZED. ALL INDIANS
SHOULD BE ALLOWED TO ANY GOD HOMES WITHOUT ANY RESTRICTIONS AND
DISCRIMINATION WHETHER THEY FOLLOW  OR NOT FOLLOW THAT FAITH; IT DOES
NOT MATTERS. THOSE WILL OBJECT TO FREEDOM OF ENTERING TO ANY GOD HOMES
THEY SHOULD BE PUNISHED. ALL HINDU DEITIES SHOULD BE EXPOSED BECAUSE
MOST OF THEM ARE MIND-BORN IDENTITIES OF STUPID VEDIC PROMOTERS; WHICH
MEANS ONLY MIND BORN NON-EXISTING IMAGINATIVE IDENTITIES CONTROLLING THE
PHYSICALLY EXISTING HUMAN’S BRAIN BY CON THEO-SOCIOPATHS FOR THEIR SELF
AND ORGANIZED BENEFITS. CON VEDIC PROMOTERS MADE MANY IMAGINATIVE
CONSTRUCTS TO CONTROL AND FOOL THE INDIAN ROOT NATIVES. THEY FED LIES,
IGNORANCE, BLIND BELIEFS, DELUSIONS AND IRRATIONALITY TO THEIR BRAINS
AND MAKING GOD FAITH AS A PSYCHOLOGICAL OPIUM TO THEM FOR DECADES. WHICH
MAKES FOLLOWERS PARTIAL PSYCHOLOGICAL PARANOID AND STUPID.
ANY
INDIANS SHOULD HAVE FREEDOM OF LEARNING ANY FAITH, PRACTICING ONE OR
MULTI FAITH OR NO FAITH AND EVEN SHOULD BE ELIGIBLE FOR BEING A CLERIC
TO THAT FAITH IF HE/SHE POSSESS ENOUGH KNOWLEDGE IN THAT FAITH WITHOUT
ANY DISCRIMINATION, WE DON’T NEED TO FOLLOW THE ORIGIN OF THE FAITH OR
WHAT THEIR JURISTS AND THEOLOGIANS SAID IN THEIR FAITH SYSTEM; IF IT IS
PRACTICED BY OUR CITIZENS AND IN OUR DEMOGRAPHIC REGIONS IT SHOULD
FOLLOW AND UNDER GO OUR LAWS. ANY INDIANS SHOULD HAVE RIGHTS TO BELIEVE
IN ANY FAITHS, NO FAITH OR MULTI FAITHS AS HE/SHE HAS INTERESTED IN;
THERE SHOULD NOT BE ANY MONOPOLY POSSESSION TO HIS/HER BRAIN BY ANY
HEGEMONIC FAITH SYSTEM; BUT ANY CRIMES DONE EVEN IN THE NAME OF ANY
FAITH SHOULD NOT BE EXCUSED AND SHOULD BE PUNISHABLE BY INDIAN LAWS. 
NEXT
STEP IS, PERSONAL LAWS SHOULD BE ELIMINATED AND WE SHOULD HAVE
COMPULSORY PRE-CRIME LAWS. WE ARE ONE NATION SO LAWS SHOULD BE SAME FOR
ALL WITHOUT ANY PERSONAL LAWS.


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Nazism
and Fascist Murderer of democratic institutions and Master of diluting
institution (Modi) by tampering the fraud EVMs/VVPATs to win elections

Nazism and Narendra Modi: The ideological influence on India’s next Prime Minister

imagmes modi_04

Further to the previous detailed Loonwatch article about Narendra Modi and the rise of India’s neo-fascist Far-Right, some more facts have surfaced. Readers may be particularly interested in the following:

1. According to Outlook India and Forbes India, the colour photo at the top of this article was taken at a meeting of the paramilitary ultranationalist
“Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh” (“RSS”) near Ahmedabad in Gujarat, India
in September 2009. Narendra Modi has been an active member of the RSS
for the entirety of his political career, and can be seen openly
performing a modified Nazi salute alongside a number of his fellow RSS
members.

The nature of that salute and the
uniforms worn by the RSS members in the photo is not a coincidence. As
discussed in the main part of this article further below, the RSS’s core
ideology is explicitly and directly influenced by Hitler and Third
Reich-era Nazism.

2. Narendra Modi is currently predicted
to become 1.2 billion-population, nuclear-armed India’s next Prime
Minister. He is campaigning as a member of the Bharatiya Janata Party (“BJP”), which is effectively the political wing of the RSS. In fact, a BJP spokesperson even recently described the RSS as the “ideological fountainhead” of the BJP.

3. A Caravan magazine article from 2012 comprehensively details
Narendra Modi’s career trajectory, from his early membership of the
RSS, to his eventual involvement with the BJP, to his current role as
Chief Minister of India’s Gujarat state. The article includes extensive
information on Modi’s specific political manouverings during the course
of his career; it is very revealing. As the article also mentions,
India’s then-Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vaypayee wanted to remove Modi
as Gujarat’s Chief Minister after the anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat in
2002. Vajpayee even publicly admonished Modi for his sectarian and
bigoted attitudes.

The article also mentions the following
fact: In late 2001, during the tenure of the previous BJP Chief Minister
of Gujarat, Modi complained to the senior BJP leadership in Delhi that
the CM was “interested only in development, but not advancing the stated
goals of Hindutva [Hindu Nationalism]”. This certainly adds weight to
suspicions that Modi’s current newfound public emphasis on his alleged
interest in “development” may actually be a Trojan Horse for a far more
dangerous agenda.

4. The New York Times have recently published an informative article summarising the timeline of the Gujarat 2002 riots and the subsequent sequence of events involving Narendra Modi.

5. The BJP’s recently-released 2014 election manifesto
includes a declaration that a Modi national government would reconsider
India’s “no first strike” nuclear weapons policy, which was originally
implemented by Atal Bihari Vajpayee during the previous BJP government. The Hindu have subsequently confirmed the following: In 1999, the RSS’s mouthpiece Organiser
actually tried to convince then-Prime Minister Vajpayee to launch a
nuclear attack on Pakistan. Addressing the following directly to
Vajpayee, the RSS stated: “Arise, Atal Behari! Who knows if fate has
destined you to be the author of the final chapter of this long story.
For what have we manufactured bombs? For what have we exercised the
nuclear option?“
. Vajpayee obviously ignored the RSS’s belligerent statements.

The Hindu’s article also contains details
on India and Pakistan’s respective nuclear arsenals, including India’s
current plans to significantly increase its number of nuclear warheads.
The RSS leadership have publicly backed
Narendra Modi as their choice for India’s Prime Minister and
simultaneously reiterated that Modi is an RSS activist, and the RSS as a
whole have been heavily involved in supporting Modi’s election
campaign.

6. The Economist recently published a lead article
in which the magazine has formally refused to endorse Narendra Modi as a
suitable Prime Minister for India. Amol Rajan, the Indian-born editor
of the The Independent has also personally written an article condemning Modi. Furthermore, The Times has published an article
warning that Modi will cause huge problems both domestically and
internationally; the start of the article also notes Modi’s similarity
to Hitler.

7. The Guardian recently published an open letter
signed by very senior British lawyers, senior Indian-origin academics
at Harvard and the London School of Economics, and a number of famous
Indian-origin writers and artists condemning Narendra Modi and warning
about the dangers he poses for India. Multiple British Indian academics
have written similar letters to The Guardian.

8. The Independent recently published an open letter
signed by more than 70 academics (mostly British Indians) at multiple
universities in the UK, condemning Narendra Modi and warning about the
dangerous ramifications of Modi achieving power in India.

9. Approximately 60 leading figures from India’s Bollywood film industry have signed an open letter warning about the dangers of voting for Narendra Modi. Hundreds of Indian civil rights groups
have also mobilised at the grassroots level across India, with the aims
of opposing Modi and a possible “communal [sectarian] takeover” of the
country, providing a “strong and viable opposition to the forces of
fascism at the national level”, and “safeguarding [Indian] democracy and
the Indian Constitution”.

10. Referring to Narendra Modi’s role in
the Gujarat 2002 riots, many of his apologists and supporters are
claiming that he has been “given a clean chit” (ie. exonerated) by
India’s Supreme Court, based on the report of the Supreme
Court-appointed Special Investigation Team (“SIT”). However, this claim
is completely false. Not only has the Supreme Court accused Modi of
being a “modern-day Nero” at the very least, but the SIT’s report can be
read in full online here.
Amongst other things, the SIT report confirmed that Modi’s Gujarat
state government is guilty of destroying a huge amount of incriminating
evidence, including completely destroying the records of police
communications and government meetings during the riots. The SIT report
also confirmed multiple incidents where Modi’s conduct was divisive and
prejudiced against Gujarat’s Muslim population; as Gujarat’s Chief
Minister, Modi was therefore in violation of his constitutional duty to
protect the life and property of every citizen of Gujarat state.

Equally damningly, the SIT report
confirmed that Modi’s Gujarat state government assigned an unusual
number of public prosecutors involved with the RSS and VHP to cases
against people accused of perpetrating the anti-Muslim riots. There have
been relatively few convictions compared to the actual number of
rioters. Bear in mind that the RSS and VHP were among the main
ringleaders of the violence.

Also note that the SIT report confirmed
that (a) Modi claimed to have been unaware of the first massacre during
the riots (at the Gulbarg Society area of Ahmedabad) for as long as 5
hours after the atrocity; Modi specifically claimed that he only heard
about it during a meeting at his house that evening, (b) there were
numerous communications between police officers during the course of the
siege and subsequent massacre, and (c) Modi was praised for holding a
series of meetings with police officers throughout the day in order to
continuously monitor the violence. Readers will note the glaring
contradiction in this narrative and can draw their own conclusions about
the implications.

Furthermore, the Supreme Court also appointed an amicus curiae. Based on the SIT’s own findings, the
senior Supreme Court lawyer and former Additional Solicitor General
& Vice-President of the Supreme Court Bar Association
has
recommended that Modi should be put on trial and has concluded that
there is indeed sufficient evidence to prosecute Modi on multiple
criminal charges, including: (a) Promoting enmity on grounds of
religion, (b) Making assertions prejudicial to national integration, (c)
Being a public servant disobeying the law, with intent to cause injury
to people, and (d) Making statements creating or promoting enmity and
hatred. Full details via the Times of India and Tehelka.
According to Indian law, guilty verdicts on all these charges would
result in Modi being sentenced to up to 10 years in prison.

A case can of course also be made for
prosecuting Modi via the International Criminal Court at The Hague and
putting him on trial there.

Readers here in the West may be interested to know that multiple British citizens of Indian origin were also murdered
by the rioters; a number of British Members of Parliament have
correspondingly confirmed their support for prosecuting Modi and
continuing to ban him from the UK “irrespective of the results of the
upcoming Indian elections until he has been brought to account for his
actions in fermenting racial and religious violence and bigotry”.

11. It is worth noting the following fact
regarding the attack against the train carrying Hindu pilgrims in 2002,
which ostensibly caused the anti-Muslim riots: The people responsible
for the attack have never actually been identified.
Despite the fact that there was absolutely no evidence of the
identities of the perpetrators, at the time Narendra Modi promptly
issued a press release declaring “This is not a mere communal event but a one-sided collective terrorist attack by one community [ie. the entire Muslim population]”.

Furthermore, in a foretaste of the depths
of barbarity to come, Modi also took the following actions: Instead of
treating the victims and their families with respect by handing over the
bodies to the grieving relatives, like some twisted medieval king Modi
decided to let the VHP publicly parade the burnt, mutilated corpses
through the streets of the city of Ahmedabad. Full details via the Indian Express and Kafila.

12. Anti-Muslim riots in Gujarat rapidly ensued. The previous Loonwatch article on Narendra Modi
included extensive details on a number of these massacres (readers are
strongly advised to familiarise themselves with that article if they
have not done so already), but it is worth summarising the following
incident too: The first location attacked was the Gulbarg Housing Society,
a residential area in Ahmedabad whose inhabitants were mostly
upper-middle-class Muslims. One of these properties was owned by Ehsan Jafri,
who also happened to be a former Member of Parliament for the Congress
party; many of Jafri’s neighbours along with Muslims from nearby areas
had gathered at his house too, since it was expected that Jafri’s status
as a veteran MP would give them safety. A huge baying mob had gathered
outside the housing society, armed with swords, petrol bombs and cycle
chains. After they broke into the complex, they proceeded to slaughter
69 of the inhabitants, at least 35 of whom were burned alive. Women were
also raped and then killed. Children were not spared either.

Ehsan Jafri himself made numerous phone
calls asking for help, contacting Gujarat’s Director-General of Police,
Ahmedabad’s Police Commissioner, Gujarat state’s Chief Secretary, and
dozens of others. No assistance ever came. Ultimately, Jafri even
directly phoned Modi. As confirmed by Caravan and The Telegraph,
far from offering assistance, Modi responded by verbally abusing Jafri,
and even taunted him by expressing surprise that Jafri was still alive.
It was at this point that Jafri turned to his family members and told
them that there was no hope of rescue. When the killers finally reached
Jafri, they stripped him of his clothes, took him outside, beat him to
the ground, and publicly paraded the 72-year-old man naked. They also
repeatedly tried to force Jafri to sing Hindu prayers; when he refused,
they beat him with swords and incrementally cut off his fingers, hands
and legs. The dying & dismembered Ehsan Jafri was then thrown onto a
burning wooden pyre and burned alive.

13. Investigative journalists conducted
an interview with one of Ehsan Jafri’s killers; an English-language
transcript of that interview is available here. Jafri’s horrific murder occurred in full sight of his now-75-year-old wife, who was watching from a balcony; she is still fighting for justice.

14. Referring to the Gujarat riots as a whole, The Guardian confirmed
that some of the murderers actually poured chemicals on the victims in
order to ensure that their flesh was completely burned off. Furthermore,
The Guardian’s own correspondent in India at the time personally witnessed
local policemen actively co-ordinating attacks against ordinary
Muslims, accompanying the perpetrators as they torched village fields
and shooting at the Muslim farmers who tried to stop them.

15. It is worth noting that Gujarat’s state police is under the jurisdiction of Amit Shah,
who is Gujarat’s Home Minister and Narendra Modi’s right-hand-man. Like
Modi, Shah also has an extensive history of involvement with the RSS.
India’s English-language NDTV news channel recently speculated that Shah
will be India’s Deputy Prime Minister in a Modi national government.
Shah is currently being prosecuted on multiple charges of murder, the
illegal surveillance of ordinary Indian citizens, and being the head of
an extortion syndicate.

16. Estimates of the number of people
killed during the anti-Muslim riots range from 1000-2000. Approximately
200,000 people were also displaced. Narendra Modi’s Gujarat state
government refused to relocate the Muslim victims of the riots; Modi
even disparagingly described their refugee camps as “baby-making
factories”. Furthermore, in an echo of Jewish ghettos in Nazi-occupied Europe,
areas of Gujarat with large Muslim populations are now increasingly
becoming isolated sites of poverty and deprivation; basic state
infrastructure such as water, roads and sewage systems are not being
extended to them; in some cases, large garbage dumps of rotting (and
potentially toxic & dangerous) waste material from multiple nearby
hospitals have been placed near these populations. The New York Times has confirmed this in a detailed article about Ahmedabad’s largest Muslim ghetto, containing 400,000 people.

17. The Indian filmmaker Rakesh Sharma has created an acclaimed documentary about the Gujarat riots and their aftermath, titled Final Solution. The full 2.5 hour film is available online via Youtube here.
It specifically draws accurate parallels with political developments in
Nazi Germany in the early/mid-1930s. Sharma is currently involved in a high-profile argument
with the Bollywood actor Anupam Kher, as the latter was a member of the
censor board committee that previously banned Sharma’s film in India;
it is worth noting that Kher’s wife [the actress Kirron Kher] is
currently campaigning as a BJP politician and is therefore allied to
Narendra Modi.

18. India’s total Muslim population is
170 million; the country’s total Christian population is approximately
30 million. It is not just Muslims who are the primary targets of “Hindu
Nationalist” extremists; as documented in the main part of this article
below, specifically the section discussing the RSS’s core ideology,
Christians are also at risk. In fact, as discussed in the previous Loonwatch article and in much more detail in Caravan
magazine, Narendra Modi is the main political patron of Swami
Aseemanand, a senior RSS leader who was responsible for anti-Christian
riots involving mass-murder, forced conversions to Hinduism, the
destruction of dozens of churches, and the rape of nuns. Aseemanand is
also on record
as admitting that the RSS leadership personally authorised a series of
terrorist attacks across India, deliberately targeting innocent Muslims
for mass-murder.

19. Readers are strongly advised to read this excellent article in The Hindu
by Dr Nissim Mannathukkaren, an Associate Professor at a Canadian
university. The article eloquently summarises the core moral issues of
the situation as a whole, including the spurious nature of the arguments
used by Narendra Modi’s apologists; as Dr Mannathukkaren writes in the
final paragraph of his article, “Fascism is in the making when economics
and development are amputated from ethics and an overarching conception
of human good, and violence against minorities becomes banal”.

Furthermore, Cambridge University’s Dr Priyamvada Gopal has written a very good article in The Guardian which succinctly discusses many of the facts that the previous Loonwatch article on Modi also highlighted.

20. Referring to his role in the Gujarat riots, Narendra Modi recently declared
“If I am guilty, hang me in the street”. Ironically, this was indeed
what eventually happened to one of Modi and the RSS’s ideological
predecessors, the Italian fascist dictator Mussolini. Furthermore, Modi
also recently declared
in a speech that “A government that cannot protect its own people
should not stay in power even for a minute”; considering what happened
in Gujarat in 2002 under Modi’s own state government, readers will note
the hypocrisy.

At the end of the Guardian article
mentioned in #19, Dr Priyamvada Gopal proposed that Western governments
should terminate relations with a Modi national government if he wins
the election in India. There are of course arguments both for and
against the feasibility and practicality of such measures; it is also
possible that realpolitik will force Modi to moderate his stance one he
is Prime Minister (due to foreign trade/diplomatic ties, or if the BJP
has to form a coalition with other Indian parties). Nevertheless,
Western governments, intelligence agencies and business leaders should
certainly be apprised of the true ideology of a Modi regime. For the
international public record, these facts will therefore be reiterated
and expanded below.

******************************************************************

”HINDUTVA”/“HINDU NATIONALISM”, NAZISM, NARENDRA MODI AND THE RSS

Via The Independent:

Hindu fundamentalism, also called Hindutva, is driven
by a trio of organisations in India called the Sangh Parivar – the
family. The RSS is an ultra-conservative group that demands unflinching
patriotism and preservation of Hindu culture; the VHP is their religious
arm; the BJP is the political arm and India’s main opposition party.
There are smaller offshoots too including a violent paramilitary wing
called the Bajrang Dal and the hardline Shiv Sena party in Mumbai whose
founder adored Hitler.

“Hindu nationalism is built on the idea that India is a Hindu
majoritarian nation, with Muslims and Christians cast as the minority,
‘other’,” Rahul Verma, a journalist and researcher on the subject, says.
He says Hindu nationalism in recent years has fed off the Islamophobic,
post-9/11 “Muslim terrorist” narrative.

Chetan Bhatt, the director at the Centre for the Study of Human
Rights at the London School of Economics, has also spent years studying
this movement. “Narendra Modi has been an activist for the Hindu
far-right paramilitary RSS and its affiliates for the entirety of his
political life. He remains committed to the supremacist ideology of
Hindutva which says that India should be an exclusive Hindu nation
state in which minorities are treated as second-class citizens or
worse.”

1. V.D. SAVARKAR AND “HINDUTVA”

Savarkar
(1883-1966) coined the term “Hinduvta”, ie. Hindu Nationalism. Narendra
Modi openly describes himself as a “Hindu Nationalist”. Savakar wrote
numerous propaganda texts promoting this ideology and has been one of
its most influential figures. Savarkar was an atheist, which possibly
explains why Hindutva is stripped of Hinduism’s admirable pluralistic
religious ideals and ethical principles.

Savarkar was also one of the leaders of the Hindu Mahasabha,
a Far-Right Indian political party that multiple senior RSS founders
were also heavily involved with. The party’s core ideology is
essentially the same as that of the RSS.

The Hindu Mahasabha did not actively
support agitations against British rule in India. Under the leadership
of Mahatma Gandhi, the mainstream Indian independence movement led
several nationwide campaigns of non-violent civil disobedience; the
Hindu Mahasabha refused to endorse any of these campaigns and
participated in the legislative councils established by the British,
which were otherwise boycotted by Gandhi’s movement and most of the
Indian population.

Many readers will be aware of the following fact: In 1948, a year after India’s independence, a former member of the RSS
murdered Gandhi, primarily due to the latter’s desire for Hindu-Muslim
unity and his opposition to anti-Muslim bigotry. (Gandhi was also
staunchly opposed to Nazism and fascism). Furthermore, during the 1960s,
a formal judicial investigation in India (known as the Kapur
Commission) concluded
that Savarkar had been part of the conspiracy to kill Gandhi; the
assassins had even personally visited Savarkar shortly beforehand, who
blessed them “Be successful and return”. All of the assassins were prominent members of the Hindu Mahasabha.

Savarkar is on record as repeatedly
endorsing Hitler, the Nazis, and their treatment of religious
minorities. Examples of Savarkar’s statements are listed below.

(a) Praises Hitler, Nazism and Fascism:

[‘Speech on India’s Foreign Policy’, Poona, 3.11.1938,
quoted in “Veer Savarkar’s Whirlwind Propaganda”, A.S. Bhinde, Bombay,
1941, page 51-52] “Hitler knows better than Pandit [Jawaharlal] Nehru
does what suits Germany best. The very fact that Germany or Italy has so
wonderfully recovered and grown as powerful as never before at the
touch of the Nazi or Fascist magical wand is enough to prove that those
political ‘isms’ were the most congenial tonics their health
demanded…Pandit Nehru went out of his way when he took sides in the name
of all Indians against Germany and Italy. Pandit Nehru might claim to
express the Congress section in India at the most. But it should be made
clear to the German, Italian or Japanese public that [tens of millions]
of Hindu Sanghatanists in India who neither Pandit Nehru nor Congress
represents cherish no ill-will towards Germany or Italy or Japan or any
other country in the world simply because they had chosen a form of
Government or constitutional policy why they thought suited best and
contributed most to their national solidarity and strength.”

[Savarkar, speech in 1940]:
“There is no reason to suppose that Hitler must be a human monster
because he passes off as a Nazi…..Nazism proved undeniably the savior of
Germany under the set of circumstances Germany was placed in.”

(b) Praises expansionist Nazi Germany and multiple aspects of Nazi ideology:

After Nazi Germany’s invasion of
Czechoslovakia in March 1939, Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha (1) explicitly
adopted a pro-Nazi stance and (2) explicitly drew parallels between
Hindutva and Nazism’s “Aryan” cult.

[‘Speech on India’s Foreign Policy’, Poona, 1938, quoted
in “Veer Savarkar’s Whirlwind Propaganda”, A.S. Bhinde, Bombay, 1941,
page 53] ”Germany was perfectly justified in uniting the Austrian and
Sudeten Germans under the German flag…The fact is that when Germany was
weak, they [the British] partitioned [her] piecemeal. Now that Germany
is strong, why should she not strike to unite all Germans and
consolidate them into a pan-German State and realise the political dream
which millions of German people have cherished.”

[Via M. Casolari, Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence]
In 1939, Savarkar’s Hindu Mahasabha celebrated Germany’s ‘solemn
revival of Aryan culture, the glorification of the Swastika, her
patronage of Vedic learning, and the ardent championship of the
tradition of Indo-Germanic civilisation’.

[Direct quote from the Hindu Mahasabha spokesman’s speech
in 1939] “Germany’s solemn idea of the revival of the Aryan culture,
the glorification of the Swastika, her patronage of Vedic learning and
the ardent championship of the tradition of Indo-Germanic civilization
are welcomed by the religious and sensible Hindus of India with a
jubilant hope. Only a few Socialists headed by Pundit J. Nehru have
created a bubble of resentment against the present government of
Germany, but their activities are far from having any significance in
India. The vain imprecations of Mahatma Gandhi against Germany’s
indispensable vigour in matters of internal policy obtain but little
regard in so far as they are uttered by a man who has always betrayed
and confused the country with affected mysticism. Germany’s crusade
against the enemies of Aryan culture will bring all the Aryan nations of
the world to their senses and awaken the Indian Hindus for the
restoration of their lost glory.”

[Via C. Jaffrelot, “The Hindu Nationalist Movement in
Indian Politics”, Hurst, London, 1996, pages 51-52] The Nazi newspaper
“Vokischer Beobachter” reported on Savarkar’s speeches in exchange for
the promotion of Germany’s anti-semitic policies in India.

[Via M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the
1930s: archival evidence’] This resulted in Savarkar receiving a copy of
[Hitler’s autobiography] Mein Kampf from Germany.

(c) Duplicates Nazi concept of a “Fatherland”:

[From Savarkar’s propaganda book Hindutva or Who is a Hindu]
“The Aryans who settled in India at the dawn of history already formed a
nation, now embodied in the Hindus…..Hindus are bound together not only
by the love they bear to a common Fatherland and by the common blood
that courses through their veins and keeps our hearts throbbing and our
affection warm but also by the of the common homage we pay to our great
civilization, our Hindu culture.”

(d) Explicitly compares Indian Hindus and Muslims to Germans and Jews:

[Savarkar speaking at the 20th session of the Hindu
Mahasabha, held in Nagpur in 1938] “If you call it an Indian Nation it
is merely an English synonym for the Hindu Nation. To us Hindus,
Hindustan and India mean one and the same thing. We are Indians because
we are Hindus and vice versa…It is absurd to call us a community in
India. The Germans are the nation in Germany and the Jews a
community…..Even so the Hindus are the nation in India – in Hindustan,
and the Muslim minority a community”

[Savarkar speaking at the 21st session of the Hindu
Mahasabha, held in Calcutta in 1939] “Today we Hindus from Kashmir to
Madras and Sindh to Assam will be a nation by ourselves – while the
Indian Muslims are on the whole more inclined to identify themselves and
their interests with Muslims outside India than Hindus who live next
door, like Jews in Germany.”

(e) Explicitly states that Indian Muslims should be treated the way Nazis treated German Jews:

[Via V.D. Savarkar, “Hindu Rashtra Darshan”, G. Khare,
Bombay, 1949, page 65] “If they [Indian Muslims] grow stronger they can
play the part of Sudeten Germans alright. But if we Hindus in India grow
stronger in time these Muslim friends of the League type will have to
play the part of German-Jews instead. We Hindus have taught the Shakas
and the Huns already to play that part pretty well. So it is no use
bandying words till the test comes. The taste of the pudding is in its
eating.”

(f) Explicitly advocates the “Two Nation Theory”, reiterates parallels with Germany and Jews:

[Savarkar presiding over the 19th Hindu Mahasabha in
1937] “I warn the Hindus that the Mohammedans are likely to prove
dangerous to our Hindu Nation… India cannot be assumed today to be a
Unitarian and homogenous nation, but on the contrary there are two
nations in the main: the Hindus and the Muslims in India.”

[Savarkar, 15 August 1943, confirmed by the “Indian
Annual Register” 1943 vol.2 page 10] “I have no quarrel with Mr Jinnah’s
two-nation theory. We, Hindus, are a nation by ourselves and it is a
historical fact that Hindus and Muslims are two nations.”

[Savarkar presiding over the 20th Hindu Mahasabha in
1938] “The original political sin, which our Hindu
Congressites…committed at the beginning of the Indian National Congress
movement and are persistently committing still of running after the
mirage of a territorial Indian Nation and of seeking to kill as an
impediment in that fruitless pursuit the lifegrowth of an organic Hindu
Nation.….We Hindus are a Nation by ourselves because religious, racial,
cultural and historical affinities bind us intimately into a homogenous
nation.”

[Savarkar, October 1938] “A nation is formed by a
majority living therein. What did the Jews do in Germany? They being in
minority were driven out from Germany.”

[Savarkar, July 1939] “Nationality did not depend so much
on a common geographical area as on unity of thought, religion,
language and culture. For this reason the Germans and the Jews could not
be regarded as a nation.”

(g) Denigrates historical Hindu
warrior codes of chivalry towards women and explicitly states that Hindu
men should rape Muslim women:

[From Savarkar’s propaganda book The Six Glorious Epochs of Indian History,
specifically the chapter “Hindu Chivalry Towards Enemy Women”] “The
Muslim women never feared retribution or punishment at the hands of any
Hindu for their heinous crime. They [Hindus] had a perverted idea of
woman-chivalry…..Muslim women were sure that even in the thick of
battles and in the confusion wrought just after then neither the victor
Hindu Chiefs, nor any of their common soldiers, nor would any civilian
ever touch their hair. For ‘albeit enemies and atrocious, they were
women’ ! Hence, even when they were taken prisoner in battles the Muslim
women — royal ladies as also the commonest slaves — were invariably
sent back safe and sound to their respective families ! Such incidents
were common enough in those times. And this act was glorified by the
Hindus as their chivalry towards the enemy women and the generosity of
their religion !

…..The souls of…..millions of aggrieved [Hindu] women might have
perhaps said, ‘Do not forget, O, Your Majesty, Chhatrapati Shivaji
Maharaj [the 17th Century Maratha leader]…the unutterable atrocities and
oppression and outrage and committed on us by the Sultans and Muslim
noblemen and thousands of others, big and small. Let those Sultans
and their peers take a fright that in the event of a Hindu victory our
molestation and detestable lot shall be avenged on the Muslim women.
Once they are haunted with this dreadful apprehension that Muslim
women, too, stand in the same predicament in case the Hindus win, the
future Muslim conquerors will never dare think of such molestation of
Hindu women…..It was the suicidal Hindu idea of chivalry to women
which saved the Muslim women…..Their womanhood became their shield…..But
because of the then prevalent perverted religious ideas about chivalry
to women, which ultimately proved highly detrimental to the Hindu
community, neither Shivaji Maharaj nor Chimaji Appa could do such wrongs
to the Muslim women.

(h) Continues denigrating historical
Hindu chivalry towards Muslim women, explicitly states that Muslim women
should be forcibly converted to Hinduism:

[From Savarkar’s propaganda book “The Six Glorious Epochs
of Indian History”, specifically the chapter “Hindu Chivalry Towards
Enemy Women”] “Still worse was the ridiculous idea, which the Hindus of
those times entertained, that it was a sin to convert a Muslim woman to
Hinduism…..Naturally, even in the midst of a Hindu community and the
Hindu state they were secure against any attempt by the Hindus at
abducting them or their forcible conversion to Hinduism. Exceptions
however were very rare.

Under these circumstances, the Muslim feminine class was left
seraphically free from any chastisement or penalty for their share of
the crimes perpetrated against the Hindu woman-world…..”

(i) Denigrates Buddhism’s principle of universal brotherhood:

[From Savarkar’s propaganda book Essentials of Hindutva,
specifically the chapter “Buddhism – a universal religion”] “Buddhism
had made the first and yet the greatest attempt to propagate a universal
religion…..As long as the whole world was red in tooth and claw and the
national and racial distinction so strong as to make men brutal, so
long if India had to live at all a life whether spiritual or political
according to the right of her soul, she must not lose the strength born
of national and racial cohesion. So the [Hindu] leaders of thought and
action grew sick of repeating the [Buddhist] mumbos and jumbos of
universal brotherhood…..”

In the previous chapter, Savarkar had
already disparagingly referred to what he called “the mealy-mouthed
formulas of Ahimsa [non-violence] and universal brotherhood”.

(j) Promotes collaboration with British colonial authorities, refuses to support mainstream Indian independence movement:

Savarkar was originally involved in
activities opposing the British colonial rule of India; he primarily
advocated violent revolution and assassinations. After a member of
Savarkar’s revolutionary group killed a British official, British
authorities arrested and jailed Savarkar, sentencing him to life
imprisonment in the Andaman Islands. It was during his incarceration
that Savarkar wrote his “Hindutva” treatise (in the early 1920s), which
unequivocally depicted Muslims as the primary enemy.

Within a year of his imprisonment,
Savarkar also repeatedly contacted British authorities, appealing for
clemency; for example, in a sycophantic letter dated November 1913,
Savarkar wrote the following:

[Savarkar] “If the government in their manifold
beneficence and mercy release me, I for one cannot be but the staunchest
advocate of constitutional progress and loyalty to the English
government which is the foremost condition of that progress…..Moreover,
my conversion to the constitutional line would bring back all those
misled young men in India and abroad who were once looking up to me as
their guide…..The Mighty alone can afford to be merciful and therefore
where else can the prodigal son return but to the parental doors of the
government?”

From his incarceration onwards, the
primary targets of Savarkar’s hostility were Indian Muslims, not the
British colonial authorities who had actually imprisoned him and who
were continuing to rule India. After Savarkar’s early release in 1924,
he never participated again in any aspect of the Indian independence
movement.

In fact, in October 1939, as a leader of
the Hindu Mahasabha, Savarkar personally met the British Viceroy Lord
Linlithgow and explicitly offered to collaborate with the British
colonial authorities. Linlithgow spoke positively about the matter:

[Linlithgow] “The situation, [Savarkar] said, was that
His Majesty’s Government must now turn to the Hindus and work with their
support…..Our interests were now the same and we must work together.
Even though now the most moderate of men, he had himself been in the
past the adherent of a revolutionary party … But now that our interests
were so closely bound together the essential thing was for Hinduism and
Great Britain to be friends, and the old antagonism was no longer
necessary. The Hindu Mahasabha, he went on to say, favoured an
unambiguous undertaking of Dominion Status at the end of the war [as
opposed to India’s full independence]”

The mainstream “Quit India” movement was
launched in 1942; its leaders included Gandhi, Nehru and Sardar Patel.
At the time, when Gandhi asked Indians to resign from government jobs
with the British colonial authorities as part of the independence
movement’s campaign of non-violent non-cooperation, Savarkar ordered his followers to continue collaborating with the British:

[Savarkar] “I issue this definite instruction to all
Hindu Sanghatanists in general holding any post or position of vantage
in the government services, should stick to them and continue to perform
their regular duties.”

To quote this article in Frontline (part of The Hindu
media group): To summarise, Savarkar started out as a revolutionary,
abjectly renounced his principles in the Andamans, refused to join his
fellow prisoners in their struggle there, stayed away from all
anti-British activities after his release from prison, and, with his
virulent anti-Muslim campaign, ended up helping the British in their
policy of “divide and rule”.

And, of course, Savarkar was also one of the ringleaders of the cabal that murdered Mahatma Gandhi.

(k) Savarkar and betrayal:

In a speech directed at India’s royalty, Savarkar made the following statement:

[Via “Savarkar Commemoration Volume, page 82] “But anyone
who might have actively betrayed the trust of the people, disowned his
fathers, and debased his blood, by arraying himself against the Mother –
he shall be crushed to dust and ashes, and shall be looked upon as a
helot, a bastard, and a renegade.”

Considering the information
comprehensively documented above, readers can draw their own conclusions
about the extent to which Savarkar’s diatribe inadvertently applies to
himself.

(l) Narendra Modi repeatedly praises Savarkar:

As of 29 May 2013, Narendra Modi’s official website has displayed an article praising Savarkar,
which quotes Modi describing Savarkar as a “heroic man”, a “worshipper
of weapons” and a “worshipper of sacred texts”. Along with some
imaginative claims about Savarkar’s alleged contribution to India’s
freedom struggle against British imperialism, the article highlights the
fact that Modi “paid tributes” to Savarkar on the latter’s “130th birth
anniversary on 28th May 2013” at the Gujarat Vibhan Sabha [Gujarat
Legislative Assembly] at the state capital of Gandhinagar (Modi’s
website has publicised photos here).
The article also includes audio footage of a speech of Modi “going back
almost two decades, where he talks about the phenomenon Veer Savarkar
was”.



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2. THE ROWDY RAKSHASA SWAYAMSEVAK SANGH (“RSS”)
Filed under: General
Posted by: site admin @ 4:17 am

2. THE ROWDY RAKSHASA  SWAYAMSEVAK SANGH (“RSS”)

Via the Delhi-based British historian William Dalrymple, writing in the New York Review of Books in 2005:

…..the RSS was founded in direct imitation of European
fascist movements. Like its 1930s models, it still sponsors daily
parades in khaki uniforms and requires militaristic salutes; in fact,
the RSS salute differs from that of the Nazis only in the angle of the
forearm, which is held horizontally over the chest. The RSS aims to
create a corps of dedicated paramilitary zealots who will bring about a
revival of what it sees as the lost Hindu golden age of national
strength and purity. The BJP, the Hindu nationalist party which ruled
India from 1999 until last May, was founded as the political wing of the
RSS, and most senior BJP figures hold posts in both organizations. The
BJP is certainly much more moderate than the RSS—like the Likud in
Israel, the BJP is a party which embraces a wide spectrum of right-wing
opinion, ranging from mildly conservative free marketeers to raving
ultra-nationalists. But both organizations believe, as the centerpiece
of their ideology, that India is in essence a Hindu nation and that the
minorities may live in India only if they acknowledge this.

The RSS publicly claims to have approximately 5-6 million members. However, The Guardian recently reported
that the RSS actually has 40 million members in India. The organisation
has at least 50,000 branches across the country, with meetings held
daily. The RSS also has approximately 100 affiliate organisations.
Furthermore, Bloomberg recently confirmed that the RSS is running a network of 18,000 schools across India.

Although the RSS’s core ideology was
initially influenced by Italian Fascism, it was subsequently heavily
influenced by Hitler and Third Reich-era Nazism. Readers will be aware
that there is a specific term describing such organisations & individuals.

The RSS as an organisation had precisely
zero involvement in India’s struggle for independence from British
colonial rule. For all their jingoistic claims of “nationalism”,
“patriotism” and “opposition to foreigners”, the RSS did absolutely
nothing to free India during that period.

Furthermore, “nationalism”, particularly
the RSS’s definition of the concept, is of course a foreign import from
19th and 20th Century Europe; the RSS’s Nazi-inspired salutes, uniforms,
ideological aspects etc are also foreign imports to India. Readers will
note the hypocrisy.

Only male Hindus are allowed to join the
RSS. Ever since its founding in 1925, the RSS has repeatedly carried out
acts of violence against Muslims throughout India, including
involvement in the rapes and massacres during the Gujarat 2002 riots. As
discussed earlier, the RSS has also (1) been involved in the
mass-murder, rape and forced conversions of Christians, and (2) been
exposed by one of its own leaders as being responsible for multiple
terrorist attacks deliberately targeting innocent Muslims across India.
In 2004, the RSS was designated a terrorist organisation by the
Terrorism Research Center.

There are direct implications for Western countries too. As confirmed by the Financial Times, the UK’s Channel 4 News, Outlook India, the human rights group Awaaz, and most recently by The Independent,
the RSS has been using front organisations here in the West to promote
its propaganda in the United States and the United Kingdom. These front
organisations have also been diverting millions of dollars of donations
from ordinary Hindus intended for charitable humanitarian causes
(including major crises involving Muslim and Christian victims in India)
and using the money to finance the RSS’s extremist activities in India
instead.

Details on the RSS’s key founders, leaders, and core ideology are listed below.

B.S Moonje, RSS co-founder and mentor of the RSS’s first leader:

(a) Claims India should have a dictator like Hitler, promotes need to systematically promote this propaganda:

[Via M. Casolari, Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the 1930s: archival evidence] “…..unless we have our own swaraj [self-rule] with a Hindu as a dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini
or Hitler of present day Italy and Germany…But this does not mean that
we have to sit with folded hands until some such dictator arises in
India. We should formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda
for it.”

(b) Personally visits Mussolini and
multiple fascist institutions in Italy in 1931, claims Hindus need a
similar fascist movement throughout India in the form of the RSS:

[Via M. Casolari, ‘Hindutva’s foreign tie-up in the
1930s: archival evidence’] “The Balilla institutions [which organised
military training and the fascist ideological indoctrination of young
Italian boys] and the conception of the whole organization have appealed
to me the most…The whole organization is conceived by Mussolini for the
military regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature appear ease-loving
and non-martial, like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like
Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of
war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived
the idea of the Balilla organization…The idea of fascism vividly brings
out the conception of unity amongst people…India and particularly Hindu
India need some such institution for the military regeneration of the
Hindus…Our institution, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh [RSS] of Nagpur,
under [the RSS’s first leader and former Hindu Mahasabha member] Dr
Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I shall
spend the rest of my life developing and extending this institution of
Dr Hedgewar all throughout Maharashtra and other provinces.”

…..The Italy visit inspired Moonje to promote these ideas among
Hindus in Maharashtra and begin the organization of Hindu youth
movements based on this fascist model. This included a conference on
Fascism and Mussolini’s political thought in 1934, presided by RSS
founder K.B. Hedgewar and at which Moonje spoke.

[Moonje quoted in an interview with “The Mahratta”, 12
April 1931] “Leaders should imitate the youth movement of Germany and
the Balilla and Fascist organizations of Italy. I think they are
eminently suited for introduction in India, adapting them to suit the
special conditions. I have been very much impressed by these movements
and I have seen their activities with my own eyes in all details.”

(c) Promotes violence, fascism and perpetual war:

[Moone’s “Preface to the Scheme of the Central Hindu
Military Society and its Military School”] “This training is meant for
qualifying and fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men
with the ambition of winning victory with the best possible causalities
(sic) of dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the
adversary.”

[Quotes from Mussolini’s “Doctrine of Fascism” in Moone’s
“Preface to the Scheme of the Central Hindu Military Society and its
Military School”] “I absolutely disbelieve in perpetual peace which is
detrimental and negative to the fundamental virtues of man, which only
by struggle reveal themselves in the light of the sun. … War alone
brings up to its highest tension all human energy and puts the stamp of
nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it. … Fascism
believes neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace.
It thus repudiates the doctrine of pacifism, which is born of
renunciation of the struggle and an act of cowardice in the face of
sacrifice.”

M.S. Golwalkar, the RSS’s second leader and its major ideological influence:

The core ideology of the RSS is heavily based on the writings of Golwalkar (1906-1973), specifically his book We or Our Nationhood Defined and the follow-up Bunch of Thoughts. The full text of both books is currently available online in English here and here.
Golwalkar wrote the first book in 1938, when RSS founder K.B. Hedgewar
appointed him RSS General Secretary. Golwalkar’s second book was
published in 1966. Golwalkar never retracted any of these statements,
not even after the horrors of the Holocaust.

(i) Extracts from We or Our Nationhood Defined:

(a) Promotes explicitly racial
Far-Right propaganda. Claims a “Nation” is based on 5 indivisible
factors: Race, Religion, Culture, Language and Geography; claims Race
and Religion are the dominant factors for the RSS:

”the idea contained in the word Nation is a compound of
five distinct factors fused into one indissoluble whole the famous five
“Unities” – Geographical (country), Racial (Race), Religious (Religion),
cultural (Culture) and linguistic (language).”

”It is superfluous to emphasis the importance of Racial
Unity in the Nation idea. A Race is a hereditary Society having common
customs, common language, common memories of glory or disaster; in
short, it is a population with a common origin under one culture. Such a
race is by far the important ingredient of a Nation. Even if there be
people of a foreign origin, they must have become assimilated into the
body of the mother race and inextricably fused into it. They should have
become one with the original national race, not only in its economic
and political life, but also in its religion, culture and language, for
otherwise such foreign races may be considered, under certain
circumstances, at best members of a common state for political purposes;
but they can never form part and parcel of the National body. If the
mother race is destroyed either by destruction of the persons composing
it or by loss of the principle of its existence, its religion and
culture, the nation itself comes to an end. We will not seek to prove
this axiomatic truth, that the Race is the body of the Nation, and that
with its fall, the Nation ceases to exist.”

“Where religion does not form a distinguishing factor,
culture together with the other necessary constituents of the Nation
idea become the important point in the making up of individual
Nationality. On the other hand in Hindusthan [India], religion is an
all-absorbing entity. Based as it is on the unshakable foundations of a
sound philosophy of life (as indeed Religion ought to be), it has become
eternally woven into the life of the Race, and forms, as it were, its
very Soul. With us, every action in life, individual, social or
political, is a command of Religion. We make war or peace, engage in
arts and crafts, amass wealth and give it away, indeed we are born and
we die-all in accord with religious injunctions. Naturally, therefore,
we are what our great Religion has made us. Our Race-spirit is a child
of our Religion and so with us. Culture is but a product of our
all-comprehensive Religion, a part of its body and not distinguishable
from it.”

“Ever since that evil day, when Moslems first landed in
Hindusthan, right up to the present moment, the Hindu Nation has been
gallantly fighting on to shake off the despoilers. . . . The Race Spirit
has been awakening.”

(b) Contempt for educated Hindus:

“This ‘educated’ class of Hindus became in truth slaves
of the English, as the late Dr S.V Ketkar has aptly described them. They
had cut their traces, lost their footing in the National past, and
become deculturized, denationalized people. But they also formed the
bulk of the ‘Congress’ and found no difficulty in eagerly gulping down
the extra-ordinary absurdity, that their country was not theirs, but
belonged to strangers and enemies of their Race equally with them.”

(c) Opposition to inclusive, pluralistic democracy and territory-based nationality:

“The idea was spread that for the first time the people
were going to live a National life, the Nation in the land naturally was
composed of all those who happened to reside therein and that all these
people were to unite on a common ‘National’ platform and win back
‘freedom’ by ‘Constitutional means’. Wrong notions of democracy
strengthened the view and we began to class ourselves with our old
invaders and foes under the outlandish name – Indian – and tried to win
them over to join hands with us in our struggle. The result of this
poison is too well known. We have allowed ourselves to be duped into
believing our foes to be our friends and with our hands are undermining
true Nationality.”

(d) Claims non-Hindus in India “deserve no privileges, not even citizen’s rights”:

“There are only two courses open to the foreign elements
[non-Hindus], either to merge themselves in the national race and adopt
its culture, or to live at its mercy so long as the national race may
allow them to do so and to quit the country at the sweet will of the
national race. That is the only sound view on the minorities problem.
That is the only logical and correct solution.”

“All those not belonging to the national, i.e. Hindu
race, Religion, Culture and Language, naturally fall out of the pale of
real ‘National’ life. We repeat: in Hindusthan, the land of the Hindus,
lives and should live the Hindu Nation – satisfying all the five
essential requirements of the scientific nation concept of the modern
world. Consequently only those movements are truly ‘National’ as aim at
re-building, revitalizing and emancipating from its present stupor, the
Hindu Nation. Those only are nationalist patriots, who, with the
aspiration to glorify the Hindu race and Nation next to their heart, are
prompted into activity and strive to achieve that goal. All others are
either traitors and enemies to the National cause, or, to take a
charitable view, idiots.

The foreign races in Hindusthan must either adopt the Hindu
culture and language, must learn to respect and hold in reverence Hindu
religion, must entertain no idea but those of the glorification of the
Hindu race and culture, i.e., of the Hindu nation and must loose their
separate existence to merge in the Hindu race, or may stay in the
country, wholly subordinated to the Hindu Nation, claiming nothing,
deserving no privileges, far less any preferential treatment — not even
citizen’s rights. There is, at least, should be, no other course for
them to adopt. We are an old nation; let us deal, as old nations ought
to and do deal, with the foreign races, who have chosen to live in our
country.”

(e) Glorifies Nazi Germany and the
persecution of Germany’s Jews, states that India should duplicate
Hitler’s treatment of minority populations:

“To keep up the purity of the Race and its culture,
Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic
Races — the Jews. Race pride at its highest has been manifested here.
Germany has also shown how well nigh impossible it is for Races and
cultures, having differences going to the root, to be assimilated into
one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindusthan to learn and profit
by.”

“To be brief, all the five constituents of the Nation
Idea have been boldly vindicated in modern Germany and that too, today
in the actual present, when we can for ourselves see and study them, as
they manifest themselves in their relative importance.”

(ii) Extracts from Bunch of Thoughts:

(a) Misrepresents and slanders Judaism, Christianity and Islam:

“In all those Semitic religions-Judaism, Christianity and
Islam-a single way of worship is prescribed for all. Those creeds have
but one prophet, one scripture and one God, other than whom there is no
path of salvation for the human soul. It requires no great intelligence
to see the absurdity of such a proposition.”

(b) Claims Hindus are differentiated from other religious groups before birth:

“Some wise men of today tell us that no man is born as
Hindu or Muslim or Christian but as a simple human being. This may be
true about others. But for a Hindu, he gets the first “samskar” when he
is still in the mother’s womb, and the last when his body is consigned
to the flames. There are sixteen “samaskars” for the Hindu which make
him what he is. In fact, we are Hindus even before we emerge from the
womb of our mother. We are therefore born as Hindus. About the others,
they are born to this world as simple unnamed human beings and later on,
either circumcised or baptized, they become Muslims or Christians.”

(c) Claims RSS aims to reconvert Indian Muslims and Christians:

“Everybody knows that only a handful of Muslims came here
as enemies and invaders. So, also, only a few foreign Christian
missionaries came here. Now the Muslims and Christians have enormously
grown in number…..it is our duty to call these our forlorn brothers,
suffering under religious slavery for centuries, back to their ancestral
home…..come back and identity themselves with their ancestral Hindu way
of life in dress, customs, performing marriage ceremonies and funeral
rites and such other things.”

“There are some people who claim that they have achieved
unity of Hindus, Muslims, Christians and all others on the political and
economic plane. But why limit the oneness only there? Why not make it
more wide and more comprehensive so as to fuse them all in the Hindu way
of life, in our dharma and take them back as lost brothers? To those
who speak of unity on the political and economic plane, we say that we
stand not only for political and economic unity but also for cultural
and religious unity.”

(d) Rejects Indian nationality of all Indian non-Hindus:

“They forgot that here was already a full-fledged ancient
nation of the Hindus and the various communities which were living in
the country were here either as guests, the Jews and Parsis, or as
invaders, the Muslims and Christians. They never faced the question how
all such heterogeneous groups could be called as children of the soil
merely because, by an accident, they happened to reside in a common
territory under the rule of a common enemy.”

(e) Reiterates opposition to territory-based nationality and Gandhi’s principle of Hindu-Muslim unity:

“Most of the tragedies and evils that have overtaken our
country during the last few decades and are even today corroding our
national life are its direct outcome…..In their phantom chase of
achieving new unity and new nationality, our [Congress] leaders raised
the slogan of ‘Hindu-Muslim unity’…..The first thing they preached was
that our nationality could not be called Hindu, that even our land could
not be called by its traditional name Hindusthan, as that would have
offended the Muslim. The name ‘India’ given by the British was accepted.
Taking that name, the ‘new nation’ was called the ‘Indian Nation’. And
the Hindu was asked to rename himself as ‘Indian’.

But here, we had leaders who were, as if, pledged to sap all
manliness from their own people. However, this is not a mere accident of
history. This leadership only came as a bitter climax of the despicable
tribe of so many of our ancestors who during the past twelve hundred
years sold their national honour and freedom to foreigners, and joined
hands with the inveterate enemies of our country [read: “Muslims”] and
our religion in cutting the throats of their own kith and kin to gratify
their personal egoism, selfishness and rivalry. No wonder nemesis
overtook such a people in the form of such a self-destructive
leadership.”

(f) Further examples of bigotry towards Muslims:

“They had come here as invaders. They were conceiving
themselves as conquerors and rulers here for the last twelve hundred
years. That complex was still in their mind. History has recorded that
their antagonism was not merely political. Had it been so, they could
have been won over in a very short time. But it was so deep-rooted that
whatever we believed in, the Muslim was wholly hostile to it. If we
worship in the temple, he would desecrate it. If we carry on bhajans and
car festivals, that would irritate him. If we worship cow, he would
like to eat it. If we glorify woman as a symbol of sacred motherhood, he
would like to molest her. He was tooth and nail opposed to our way of
life in all aspects – religious, cultural, social, etc. He had imbibed
that hostility to the very core.”

(g) Further examples of bigotry towards Christians:

“So far as the Christians are concerned, to a superficial
observer they appear not only quite harmless but as the very embodiment
of compassion and love for humanity! Their speeches abound in words
like ‘service’ and ‘human salvation’ as though they are specially
deputed by the Almighty to uplift humanity! They run schools and
colleges, hospitals and orphanages. The people of our country, simple
and innocent as they are, are taken in by all these things. But what is
the real and ulterior motive of Christians in pouring [tens of millions]
of rupees in all these activities?

…..the missionary who spoke next bluntly said, “If we had been
prompted to do all this by mere humanitarian considerations, why should
we have come all the way here? Why should we have spent so much money?
We are here for only one reason and that is to increase number of
followers of our Lord Jesus Christ.” They are very clear about it.

Towards that end they feel that any tactics, however foul, is fair.
The various surreptitious and mean tactics they employ for conversion
are all too well known.

….. What does all this mean? It means that all the people in this
country should be converted to Christianity. That is, their hereditary
religion, philosophy, culture and way of life should be demolished and
they should become absorbed in a world federation of Christianity.

….. Even St. Paul, the great disciple of Christ, has said, as quoted
by Lokamanya Tilak in his Gita Rahasya, “How can it be a sin if by
uttering falsehood I add to Your (God’s) Glory?”

….. Such is the role of Christian gentlemen residing in our land
today, out to demolish not only the religious and social fabric of our
life but also to establish political domination in various pockets and
if possible all over the land. Such has been, in fact, their role
wherever they have stepped-all under the alluring grab of bringing peace
and brotherhood to mankind under the angelic wings of Jesus Christ.
Jesus had called upon his followers to give their all to the poor, the
ignorant and the downtrodden. But what have his followers done in
practice? Wherever they have gone, they have proved to be not
‘blood-givers’ but ‘bloodsuckers’?

….. So long as the Christians here indulge in such activities and
consider themselves as agents of the international movement for the
spread of Christianity, and refuse to offer their first loyalty to the
land of their birth and behave as true children of the heritage and
culture of their ancestors, they will remain here as hostiles.”

(iii) RSS agenda is to “hold an empire without becoming emperor”:

Extract from The RSS and the BJP: A Division of Labour, by A.G. Noorani (further information here):

Golwalkar had bared the RSS’s ambitions and technique as
far back as 1949: “If the Congress completely disintegrates and anarchy
rules the country and there is nobody to take over…..we may sacrifice
part of our normal cultural activities and accept the responsibility.”
Asked point blank “Is it a fact that the Sangh plans to capture power?”,
he replied: “We have kept before ourselves the ideal of Bhagwan Shri
Krishna who held a big empire under his thumb but refused to become an
emperor himself”. Or, as Rajendra Singh [4th RSS leader] and Bhaurao
Deoras [RSS activist and brother of the 3rd RSS leader] said in Para 38
of their Application, ‘The RSS desires to dominate the world by cultural
conquest by a great process of true national regeneration’. The ideal
can be fully realized if the BJP, kept under the RSS thumb, captures
power as the ‘national alternative.’

Interestingly, the British had, after careful deliberation, made
sound assessment of the RSS. A circular sent by the Home Department of
the Government of India to the Bihar government (No. F 201/44 Ests.
Dated March 16, 1944) said: “After a protracted consideration of the
question in which the Governments of the C.E. and Berar and Bombay were
also consulted, as the organization was strongest there, it was decided
that the RSS was a politico-commercial organization which concentrated
on the formation of a militant body on fascist lines….”

The word fascist was aptly chosen. As Donald E. Smith says in his
classic “India as a Secular State” (1963): “The leader principle, the
stress on militarism, the doctrine of racial-cultural superiority,
ultra-nationalism infused with religious idealism, the use of symbols of
past greatness, the emphasis on national solidarity, the exclusion of
religious or ethnic minorities from the nation-concept — all of these
features of the RSS are highly reminiscent of fascist movements in
Europe.”

A.G. Noorani also writes:

So brutally candid is “We or Our Nationhood Defined” that
a desperate attempt was made by the RSS to distance itself from it –
the RSS claimed that the book was merely an English translation of the
Marathi work “Rashtra Meemansa” by Babarao G.D. Savarkar, brother of V.
D. Savarkar. However, in his Preface to “We or Our Nationhood Defined”
dated March 22, 1939, Golwalkar described “Rashtra Meemansa” as ‘one of
my chief sources of inspiration and help. An English translation of this
is due to be shortly out [sic].

Rajendra Singh and Bhaurao Deoras made an authoritative statement on
that book in Para 10 of their 1978 application: ‘With a view to give a
scientific base to propagate the idea India being (sic) historically
from time immemorial a Hindu Nation, late Shri M.S. Golwalkar had
written a book entitled, “We or Our Nationhood Defined”,’ In Para 7 they
‘placed on record’ his book “Bunch of Thoughts” (1966) in order ‘to
clarify and understand the true purpose, the exact nature, the ambit and
scope of the RSS work… and its activities.’

The RSS appeal thus affirmed the continuing validity and relevance of Golwalkar’s writings, specifically of those two books.

3. HITLER’S VIEWS ON INDIANS

The RSS’s deliberate emulation of various
aspects of Nazism is particularly ironic considering what the racist
white supremacist Hitler actually thought of Indians, including the
British colonial rule of India. The relevant Wikipedia page has an accurate and fully-referenced summary, which is quoted verbatim as follows:

Hitler’s views on India were disparaging.
He considered the British colonial rule of the subcontinent as an
exemplary one and intended the German rule in the occupied East to
resemble it. Hitler thought little of the Indian independence movement,
declaring the freedom fighters of being racially inferior “Asiatic
jugglers”. As early as 1930 he spoke of the Indian freedom movement as
the rebellion of the “lower Indian race against the superior English
Nordic race”, and that the British were free to deal with any subversive
Indian activists as they liked. In 1937 he told the British Foreign
Secretary Lord Halifax that the British should “shoot Gandhi, and if
this doesn’t suffice to reduce them to submission, shoot a dozen leading
members of the Congress, and if that doesn’t suffice shoot 200, and so
on, as you make it clear that you mean business.” During the same
discussion Hitler reportedly told Halifax that one of his favorite films
was The Lives of a Bengal Lancer, because it depicted a handful of “superior race” Britons holding sway over an entire continent.

******************************************************************

FURTHER INFORMATION

(a) As discussed above, May 2014 will be
the date when RSS member & “Hindutva”/“Hindu Nationalism” proponent
Narendra Modi will probably become India’s next Prime Minister. May 2014
is also the 50th anniversary of the death of Jawaharlal Nehru, who was
one of Mahatma Gandhi’s closest friends & allies, a senior leader of
the mainstream Indian independence movement, and independent India’s
first Prime Minister. Depending on one’s perspective, the timing is
either an interesting coincidence or it tragically symbolises what is
about to occur.

(b) The information in this article
should not be exploited by anyone to denigrate India & Indians in
general, Hindus en masse or the religion of Hinduism as a whole; both as
a Sikh and as an individual, I have a zero-tolerance policy towards
racial & religious bigotry, regardless of the source and regardless
of the target.

(c) For interested readers and for future reference, contact details for the International Criminal Court at The Hague are available here. Details on atrocities which the ICC defines as crimes against humanity are available here. It is also worth noting that the United Nations Security Council has adopted multiple resolutions
during the past decade in which it has reaffirmed its responsibility to
protect people from genocide, ethnic cleansing and crimes against
humanity; furthermore, one of these resolutions also states that rape
and other forms of sexual violence can constitute crimes against
humanity or “a constitutive act with respect to genocide”.

(d) Contact details for the US Department of State are available here. The US Department of State’s Twitter address is @StateDept.

(e) Contact details for US Secretary of State John Kerry are available here. John Kerry’s Twitter address is @JohnKerry.

(f) Democratic Congressman Keith Ellison
and Republican Congressman Joe Pitts have been leading American
bipartisan efforts to oppose Narendra Modi. They have jointly introduced
a bipartisan Congressional resolution
urging the US Government to continue denying a visa to Modi on the
grounds of religious freedom violations. They have also jointly
introduced a bipartisan Congressional resolution
on the protection of religious minorities in India, which includes
calls for specific actions to be taken by the US State Department; the
complete text of the resolution is available in PDF form online here.

Congressman Keith Ellison’s Twitter address is @keithellison. Congressman Joe Pitts’s Twitter address is @RepJoePitts.

(g) Contact details for the British Government’s Foreign and Commonwealth Office are available here. The FCO’s Twitter address is @foreignoffice.

(h) The Twitter address of Baroness
Sayeeda Warsi, Senior Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth
Office and Minister for Faith and Communities, is @SayeedaWarsi.

(i) Contact details for the British Government’s Home Office are available here. The Home Office’s Twitter address is @ukhomeoffice.

(j) The Twitter address of Keith Vaz, Chairman of the British Government’s Home Affairs Select Committee, is @Keith_VazMP.

Source: http://www.loonwatch.com/2014/04/nazism-and-narendra-modi-the-ideological-influence-on-indias-next-prime-minister/


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Why is BJP backing an outfit inspired by Mussolini and accused of terror?

The leader

  • 12 December is the 143rd birth anniversary of Hindutva ideologue BS Moonje
  • He was the mentor of KB Hedgewar and helped him shape the RSS

The outfit

  • Moonje founded the Central Hindu Miltary Education Society which runs the Bhonsala Military School in Nashik
  • The School was named in connection with the 2008 Malegaon blasts

More in the story

  • What is the BJP’s view of Moonje?
  • Why associating with Moonje’s outfit can harm the BJP?
  • What was Moonje’s association with Benito Mussolini?

If you are in Delhi on 12 December, do
not be surprised if you see a group of 80-odd young boys marching to
military music in the heart of the national capital. These will be
students of Bhonsala Military School run by Nashik-based Central Hindu
Military Education Society (CHMES).

These young men will be celebrating the
143rd birth anniversary of Balakrishna Shivram Moonje, the society’s
founder. Moonje was also a president of the Hindu Mahasabha and mentor
to the founder of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), K B Hedgewar.

CHMES, which was established by Moonje in
1935, will organise a route march and a salutation programme near the
statue of its founder. The statue is located close to the New Delhi
Railway Station. The event is likely to be attended by several
dignitaries. The society’s treasurer Atul Patankar told Catch that BJP MP Meenakshi Lekhi has confirmed her participation.

Resurrecting another Hindutva icon

Indications are that this event is in
keeping with plans of RSS and associated organisations to revive the
memories of key members of their pantheon. These organisations and
theirs followers have been celebrating the life and deeds of several
such leaders on a national level ever since the BJP-led NDA came to
power in May 2014.

This galaxy includes Hedgewar, his
successors M S Golwalkar and Balasaheb Deoras, founder of Jan Sangh –
BJP’s forerunner – Shyama Prasad Mookerjee and Mookerjee’s successor
Deen Dayal Upadhyaya, among others.

Moonje is best known for his deep faith
in the need for Hindus to militarise, a goal for which he went all the
way to Europe, and especially to Italy to seek inspiration from the
founder of fascism, Benito Mussolini. Upon his return, he collaborated
closely with Hedgewar in shaping the RSS and making military training
compulsory for its volunteers.

Bhonsala Military School’s sinister connection

The BJP is believed to have sought to
distance itself from Moonje for a brief period in recent decades.
However, in an indication of the growing significance of his inspiration
for the RSS, Sangh-chief Mohan Bhagwat had addressed the platinum
jubilee function of the Bhonsala Military School on 21 February, 2012.
“We should give top priority to military education to students to make
India strong,” Bhagwat had said at the function.

Moonje met Mussolini in 1931. He was impressed by the ideology and structure of the Fascist party.

The school itself has also been in the
news for being named in the charge-sheet filed by the Maharashtra
Anti-Terrorism Squad in the 2008 Malegaon blasts probe. The charge-sheet
had claimed that the main accused in the blasts had been teaching at
the school. One of these was Lt Col Srikant Purohit, accused of
conspiracy for terror and murder, currently lodged in Nasik Central
Prison. The charge-sheet had also alleged that conspiracy meetings were held at the school.

Moonje’s fascination with Fascism

Moonje’s fascination with military
training and his admiration of Italy’s fascists for the same comes out
best in a paper written by Italian scholar Marzia Casolari. Documenting
archival evidence, Casolari has presented extensive details of Moonje’s trip to Italy between February and March 1931.

The paper says Moonje visited some
important military schools and educational institutions there, but the
highlight of his visit was the meeting with Mussolini.

Here are a few excerpts –

1. “The deep impression left on Moonje by
the vision of the fascist organisation is confirmed by his diary: The
idea of fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst
people…India and particularly Hindu India need some such institution for
the military regeneration of the Hindus…Our institution of RSS of
Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind, though quite independently
conceived. I will spend the rest of my life in developing and extending
this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all throughout the Maharashtra and other
provinces.”

2. In his meeting with Mussolini, Moonje
told him, “Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations.
India needs them most for her military regeneration…I shall have no
hesitation to raise my voice from the public platform both in India and
England when occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist
organisations. I wish them good luck and every success.”

3. In March, 1934 Moonje, Hedgewar and
Laloo Gokhale had a meeting to discuss the military organisation of the
Hindus, along Italian and German lines. Moonje said in this meeting, “I
have thought out a scheme based on Hindu Dharm Shastra which provides
for standardisation of Hinduism throughout India.”

Bhonsala Military School was named in the Maharashtra ATS’ chargesheet on the Malegaon blasts

“But the point is that this ideal cannot
be brought to effect unless we have our own swaraj with a Hindu as a
dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of the present day
in Italy and Germany…But this does not mean that we have to sit with
folded hands until some such dictator arises in India. We should
formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda for it”.

4. In 1934, Moonje began to work at the
foundation of the Central Hindu Military Education Society, whose aim
was to bring about military regeneration of the Hindus and to fit Hindu
youths for undertaking the entire responsibility for the defence of
their motherland, to educate them in the ‘Sanatan Dharma’, and to train
them “in the science and art of personal and national defence”.

5. “There is an explicit reference to
fascist Italy and Nazi Germany in a document that Moonje circulated
among those influential personalities who were expected to support the
foundation of the school. It said at the outset:

This training is meant for qualifying and
fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men with the
ambition of winning victory with the best possible casualties (sic) of
dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the adversary.
Moonje does not give any clear-cut indication regarding this
‘adversary’, whether it was the external enemy, the British, or the
‘historical’ internal enemy, the Muslims.”

6. “…from Mussolini’s Doctrine of
Fascism, I absolutely disbelieve in perpetual peace which is detrimental
and negative to the fundamental virtues of man, which only by struggle
reveal themselves in the light of the sun, war alone brings up to its
highest tension all human energy and puts the stamp of nobility upon the
peoples who have the courage to meet it, Fascism believes neither in
the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates
the doctrine of pacifism which is born of renunciation of the struggle
and an act of cowardice in the face of sacrifice.”

RSS and the multitude of organisations
associated with it have long been accused of having a fascist
orientation. Moonje’s study of Italy’s fascist organisations and the
record of his attempts to emulate them through the RSS only further
deepen this suspicion.

As a party participating in democratic
electoral politics, why does the BJP want to associate with such an
organisation? Backing the CHMES function is a double whammy of sorts,
given the terror links that its military school is accused of.

Source: http://www.catchnews.com/politics-news/why-is-bjp-backing-an-outfit-inspired-by-mussolini-and-accused-of-terror-1448130484.html


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Hindutva’s Foreign Tie-up in the 1930s

Hindutva’s Foreign Tie-up in the 1930s

Archival Evidence

To understand militant Hinduism, one
must examine its domestic roots as well as foreign influence. In the
1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform
‘different’ people into ‘enemies’. Leaders of militant Hinduism
repeatedly

expressed their admiration for
authoritarian leaders such as Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist
model of society. This influence continues to the present day. This
paper presents archival evidence on the would-be collaborators.

‘Fascist’ was in Sumit Sarkar’s words, “till the other day a mere epithet”

(‘The Fascism of the Sangh Parivar’, Economic and Political Weekly,
January 30, 1993, p 163). It has come to define the ideology and
practice of the Hindu militant organisations. It is a commonplace,
accepted by their opponents, as well as by those who have a critical,
but not necessarily negative, view of Hindu fundamentalism. Defining the
Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh (RSS) and, in general, the organisations of
militant Hinduism 1 as undemocratic, with authoritarian,
paramilitary, radical, violent tendencies and a sympathy for fascist
ideology and practice, has been a major concern for many politically
oriented scholars and writers. This has been the case with the
literature which started with Gandhi’s assassination and continues up to
the present day with works such as Amartya Sen’s India at Risk (The New York Review of Books, April 1993) and Christophe Jaffrelot’s The Hindu Nationalist Movement in India (Viking, New Delhi, 1996), the latest book published on the subject, or the well known Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags
(Orient Longman, New Delhi, 1993), which came out soon after the
destruction of the Babri masjid. As a result, the fascist ideological
background of Hindu fundamentalism is taken for granted, never proved by
systematic analysis. This is an outcome that is, to a certain extent,
explained by the fact that most of the abovementioned authors are
political scientists and not historians.

It is a fact that many of those who
witnessed the growth of Hindu radical forces in the years around the
second world war were already convinced of the Sangh’s fascist outlook.
Particularly acute was the perception that the Congress had of these
organisations and their character. There is no need to mention the
already well known opinion of Nehru, who, right

MARZIA CASOLARI

from the beginning, had pointed at these
organisations as communalist and fascist. Less well known is the fact
that, as shown by a confidential report circulated within the Congress
most probably at the time of the first ban of the RSS, after Gandhi’s
assassination, the similarity between the character of the RSS and that
of fascist organisations was already taken for granted. In fact, the
report itself states that the RSS

  • …Started in Nagpur some sort of Hindu Boys Scout movement. Gradually
    it developed into a communal militarist organisation with violent
    tendencies.
  • The RSS has been purely Maharashtrian brahmin organisation. The
    non-brahmin Maharashtrians who constitute the bulk of C P and
    Maharashtra have no sympathy with it.
  • Even in the other provinces the chief organisers and whole-time workers will be found to be inevitably Maharashtrian brahmins.
  • Through the RSS the Maharashtrian brahmins have been dreaming of
    establishing in India ‘a Peshwa Raj’ after the withdrawal of Britishers.
    The RSS flag is the Bhagwa Flag of the Peshwas –

Maharashtrian rulers [who] were the last
to be conquered by the British – and after the termination of British
rule in India, the Maharashtrians should be vested with political
powers.

  • The RSS practises secret and violent methods which promote
    ‘fascism’. No regard is paid to truthful means and constitutional
    methods.
  • There is no constitution of the organisation; its aims and objects
    have never been clearly defined. The general public is usually told that
    its aim is only physical training, but the real aims are not conveyed
    even to the rank and file of the RSS members. Only its ‘inner circle’ is
    taken into a confidence.
  • There are no records or proceedings of the RSS organisation, no
    membership registers are maintained. There are also no records of its
    income and the expenditure.

The RSS is thus strictly secret as
regards its organisation. It has consequently… ( National Archives of
India (NAI), Sardar Patel Correspondence, microfilm, reel no 3 , ‘A Note
on the RSS’, undated ).

Unfortunately the document stops abruptly
here, but it contains enough evidence of the reputation the RSS already
had by the late 1940s.

This document, however, is by no means
exceptional. An accurate search of the primary sources produced by the
organisations of Hindu nationalism, as well as by their opponents and by
the police, is bound to show the extent and the importance of the
connections between such organisations and Italian fascism. In fact the
most important organisations of Hindu nationalism not only adopted
fascist ideas in a conscious and deliberate way, but this happened also
because of the existence of direct contacts between the representatives
of the main Hindu organisations and fascist Italy.

To demonstrate this, I will reconstruct
the context from which arose the interest of Hindu radicalism in Italian
fascism right from the early 1920s. This interest was commonly shared
in Maharashtra, and must have inspired B S Moonje’s trip to Italy in
1931. The next step will be to examine the effects of that trip, namely
how B S Moonje tried to transfer fascist models to Hindu society and to
organise it militarily, according to fascist patterns. An additional aim
of this paper is to show how, about the end of the 1930s, the
admiration for the Italian regime was commonly shared by the different
streams of Hindu nationalism and the main Hindu leaders.

Particular attention will be devoted to
the attitude adopted by the main Hindu organisations during the second
world war. During those crucial years, Hindu nationalism seemed to
uneasily oscillate between a conciliatory attitude towards the British,
and a sympathy for the dictators. This is in fact far from surprising
because – as will be shown – in those years, militant Hindu
organisations were preparing and arming themselves to fight the
so-called internal enemies, rather than the British. More generally, the
aim of this paper is to disprove Christophe Jaffrelot’s thesis that
there is a sharp distinction between nazi and fascist ideology on one
side and RSS on the other as far as the concept of race and the
centrality of the leader are concerned.2

I

Hindu Nationalists and Italian Fascism

None of the works mentioned above,
Jaffrelot’s included, deals with what I consider a most important
problem, namely, the existence of direct contacts between the
representatives of the fascist regime, including Mussolini and Hindu
nationalists. These contacts demonstrate that Hindu nationalism had much
more than an abstract interest in the ideology and practice of fascism.

The interest of Indian Hindu nationalists
in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as dictated by an
occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals, rather, it should
be considered as the culminating result of the attention that Hindu
nationalists, especially in

Maharashtra, focused on Italian
dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be an example
of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at length by the
Marathi press, right from the early phase of the Italian regime.

From 1924 to 1935 Kesari
regularly published editorials and articles about Italy, fascism and
Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the socialist
origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to have
transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power.
Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the
regime, there was very little substance.

Moreover, the Indian observers were
convinced that fascism had restored order in a country previously upset
by political tensions. In a series of editorials, Kesari described
the passage from liberal government to dictatorship as a shift from
anarchy to an orderly situation, where social struggles had no more
reason to exist.3 The Marathi newspaper gave considerable
space to the political reforms carried out by Mussolini, in particular
the substitution of the election of the members of parliament with their
nomination (ibid, January 17, 1928) and the replacement of parliament
itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini’s idea was the
opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the dictator’s
principle, according to which ‘one man’s government is more useful and
more binding’ for the nation than the democratic institutions (ibid,
July 17, 1928).4 Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of ‘obedience to one leader’ (‘ek chalak anuvartitva’) followed by the RSS?

Finally, a long article of August 13,
1929, ‘Italy and the Young Generations’, stated that the Italian young
generation had succeeded the old one to lead the country. That had
resulted in the ‘fast ascent of Italy in every field’. The article went
on to describe at length the organisation of the Italian society
according to fascist models. The principal reasons of the discipline of
the Italian youths were strong religious feelings, widespread among the
population, attachment to the family, and the respect of traditional
values: no divorce, no singles, no right to vote for women, whose only
duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace. The article focused then on
the fascist youth organisations, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti.

One may wonder how the Indian journalists
could be so well informed about what was going on in Italy. Very
possibly, among their sources there was a pamphlet in English, published
by an Italian editor in 1928, entitled The Recent Laws for the Defence of the State
(copy in NAI, Foreign and Political Department, 647G, 1927).
Emphasised, right from the beginning, was the importance of the National
Militia, defined as “the bodyguard of the revolution”. The booklet
continued with the description of the restrictive measures adopted by
the regime: a ban on the “subversive parties”, limitations to the press,
expulsion of “disaffected persons” from public posts, and, finally, the
death sentence.

Significantly, the shift from the liberal
phase to fascism is described by the pamphlet in strikingly similar
terms to those employed by the above-mentioned articles:

This step [the shift to fascism] has
struck a death blow to the thread-bare theories of Italian liberalism,
according to which the sovereign state must observe strict neutrality
towards all political associations and parties. This theory explains why
in Italy the ship of state was drifting before the wind, ready to sink
in the vortex of social dissolution or to be wrecked on the rocks of
financial disaster.

Another inspiring source of the literature published in Kesari
must have been the work by D V Tahmankar, the correspondent of the
Marathi newspaper from London and admirer of the Italian dictator. In
1927 Tahmankar published a book entitled Muslini ani Fashismo,
(Mussolini and Fascism), a biography of the dictator, with several
references to the organisation of the fascist state, to the fascist
social system, to the fascist ideology, and to Italy’s recent past. An
entire chapter, the last, was devoted to description of fascist society
and its institutions, especially the youth organisations.

One can easily come to the conclusion
that, by the late 1920s, the fascist regime and Mussolini had
considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The aspects of fascism which
appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of course, both the
militarisation of society and what was seen as the real transformation
of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order. The
antidemocratic system was considered as a positive alternative to
democracy which was seen as a typically British value.

Such literature made an implicit
comparison between fascism and the Italian Risorgimento. The latter’s
influence on Indian nationalism, both moderate and radical, is well
known.5 However, whereas the Risorgimento appealed to both
moderates and extremists, fascism appealed only to the radicals, who
considered it as the continuation of the Risorgimento and a phase of the
rational organisation of the state. The first Hindu nationalist who
came in contact with the fascist regime and its dictator was B S Moonje,
a politician strictly related to the RSS. In fact, Moonje had been
Hedgewar’s mentor, the two men were related by an intimate friendship.
Moonje’s declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a
nationwide organisation is well known. Between February and March 1931,
on his return from the round table conference, Moonje made a tour of
Europe, which included a long stop-over in Italy. There he visited some
important military schools and educational institutions. The highlight
of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini. An interesting account of
the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje’s diary, and takes 13 pages
(Nehru Memorial Museum and Library ( NMML),

Moonje papers, microfilm, rn 1).6 The
Indian leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in
Rome, he visited, among others, the Military College, the Central
Military School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical
Education, and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti
organisations. These two organisations, which he describes in more than
two pages of his diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of
indoctrination – rather than education – of the youths. Their structure
is strikingly similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the
age of six, up to 18: the youths had to attend weekly meetings, where
they practised physical exercises, received paramilitary training and
performed drills and parades.

According to the literature promoted by
the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist organisations and parties, the
structure of the RSS was the result of Hedgewar’s vision and work.
However Moonje played a crucial role in moulding the RSS along Italian
(fascist) lines. The deep impression left on Moonje by the vision of the
fascist organisation is confirmed by his diary:

The Balilla institutions and the
conception of the whole organisation have appealed to me most, though
there is still not discipline and organisation of high order. The whole
idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military regeneration of Italy.
Italians, by nature, appear ease-loving and non-martial like the Indians
generally. They have cultivated, like Indians, the work of peace and
neglected the cultivation of the art of war. Mussolini saw the essential
weakness of his country and conceived the idea of the Balilla
organisation…Nothing better could have been conceived for the military
organisation of Italy…The idea of fascism vividly brings out the
conception of unity amongst people…India and particularly Hindu India
need some such institution for the military regeneration of the Hindus:
so that the artificial distinction so much emphasised by the British of
martial and non-martial classes amongst the Hindus may disappear. Our
institution of Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh of

Nagpur under Dr Hedgewar is of this kind,
though quite independently conceived. I will spend the rest of my life
in developing and extending this Institution of Dr Hedgewar all
throughout the Maharashtra and other provinces.

He continues describing drills and uniforms:

I was charmed to see boys and girls well
dressed in their naval and military uniforms undergoing simple exercises
of physical training and forms of drill.

Definitely more meaningful is the report
of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm,
in Palazzo Venezia, the headquarters of the fascist government, he met
the Italian dictator. The meeting is recorded in the diary on March 20,
and it is worth reproducing the complete report.

…As soon as I was announced at the door, he got up and walked up to receive me.

I shook hands with him saying that I am
Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me and appeared to be closely
following the events of the Indian struggle for freedom. He seemed to
have great respect for Gandhi. He sat down in front of me on another
chair in front of his table and was conversing with me for quite half an
hour. He asked me about Gandhi and his movement and pointedly asked me a
question “If the Round Table Conference will bring about peace between
India and England”. I said that if the British would honestly desire to
give us equal status with other dominions of the Empire, we shall have
no objection to remain peacefully and loyally within the Empire;
otherwise the struggle will be renewed and continued. Britain will gain
and be able to maintain her premier position amongst the European Nation
(sic) if India is friendly and peaceful towards her and India
cannot be so unless she is given Dominion Status on equal terms with
other Dominions. Signor Mussolini appeared impressed by this remark of
mine. Then he asked me if I have visited the University. I said I am
interested in the military training of boys and have been visiting the
Military Schools of England, France and Germany. I have now come to
Italy for the same purpose and I am very grateful to say that the
Foreign Office and the War Office have made good arrangements for my
visiting these schools. I just saw this morning and afternoon the
Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much impressed. Italy
needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not see anything
objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the newspapers
not very friendly criticisms about them and about your Excellency also.
Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them?

Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much
impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations.
India needs them most for her military regeneration. During the British
Domination of the last 150 years Indians have been waved away from the
military profession but India now desires to prepare herself for
undertaking the responsibility for her own defence and I am working for
it. I have already started an organisation of my own, conceived
independently with similar objectives. I shall have no hesitation to
raise my voice from the public platform both in India and England when
occasion may arise in praise of your Balilla and Fascist organisations. I
wish them good luck and every success.

Signor Mussolini – who appeared very
pleased – said – Thanks but yours is an uphill task. However I wish you
every success in return.

Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave.

The description of the Italian journey
includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist
‘revolution’, etc, and continues for two more pages.

One can wonder at the association between
B S Moonje and the RSS, but if we think that Moonje had been Hedgewar’s
mentor, the association will be much clearer.7 The intimate
friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the former’s declared
intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a nationwide
organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and the RSS.
Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of militant
Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje’s Italian experience.

II

Moonje’s Plans for

Militarising Hindus

Once Moonje was back in India, he kept
the promise made in his diary and started immediately to work for the
foundation of his military school and for the militant reorganisation of
Hindu society in Maharashtra. He really did not waste time, for, as
soon as he reached Pune, he gave an interview to The Mahratta.8
Regarding the military reorganisation of the Hindu community, he
stressed the necessity to ‘indianise’ the army and expressed the hope
that conscription would become compulsory and an Indian would be put in
charge of the defence ministry. He finally made a clear reference to the
Italian and German examples:

In fact, leaders should imitate the youth
movement of Germany and the Balilla and Fascist organisations of Italy.
I think they are eminently suited for introduction in India, adapting
them to suit the special conditions. I have been very much impressed by
these movements and I have seen their activities with my own eyes in all
details.

Soon fascism became a subject of public
debate and Hedgewar himself was among the promoters of a campaign in
favour of the militarisation of society, according to fascist patterns.
On January 31, 1934 , Hedgewar presided over a conference about fascism
and Mussolini, organised by Kavde Shastri. Moonje made the concluding
speech (NMML, Moonje papers, microfilm, Diary, rn 2, 1932-36).

A few months later, on March 31, 1934
Moonje, Hedgewar and Laloo Gokhale had a meeting, the subject of which
was again the military organisation of the Hindus, along Italian and
German lines:

Laloo – Well you are the president of the
Hindu Sabha and you are preaching Sanghathan of Hindus. It is ever
possible for Hindus to be organised?

I said – You have asked me a question of
which exactly I was thinking of late. I have thought out a scheme based
on Hindu Dharm Shastra which provides for standardisation of Hinduism
throughout India…But the point is that this ideal cannot be brought to
effect unless we have our own swaraj with a Hindu as a dictator like
Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of the present day in Italy and
Germany…But this does not mean that we have to sit with folded hands
untill (sic) some such dictator arises in India. We should formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda for it (NMML, ibid).

The intimate connection between Moonje
and the RSS and the fascist character of the latter is confirmed by
British sources. An Intelligence report published in 1933 and entitled
‘Note on the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh’, ascribed to Moonje the
responsibility of the reorganisation of the Sangh in the Marathi
speaking districts and in the Central Provinces in 1927. The report,
describing the activity and the character of the RSS, warned that

It is perhaps no exaggeration to assert
that the Sangh hopes to be in future India what the ‘Fascisti’ are to
Italy and the ‘Nazis’ to Germany (NAI, Home Poll Department, 88/33,
1933).

Summing up, contrary to Jaffrelot’s
interpretation, it is clear that the Hindu nationalists were very much
attracted by the figure of a strong leader. Moreover, they were keen to
give their organisation a strongly centralised structure.

Moonje’s trip to Italy, contrary to what
happened in the case of Subhas Chandra Bose and other nationalists, did
not give place to any further co-operation between Hindu nationalism and
the fascist regime. However, these contacts were important at the
ideological and organisational levels. In fact, Moonje kept his promise
to improve military education in India and, as soon as he came back from
his European trip, he started to contact all those who could support
his idea of militarising Hindu society. In 1934, Moonje started to work
for the foundation of his own institution, the Bhonsla Military School.9
For this purpose, in the same year he began to work at the foundation
of the Central Hindu Military Education Society, whose aim was to bring
about military regeneration of the Hindus and to fit Hindu youths for
undertaking the entire responsibility for the defence of their
motherland.

to educate them in the ‘Sanatan Dharma’,
and to train them “in the science and art of personal and national
defence” (NMML, Moonje papers, subject files, n 24, 1932-36, ‘The
Central Military Education Society’, undated, probably written in 1935).
Moonje’s programme was therefore entirely devoted to Hindu society, and
not to Indian society as a whole.

It is possible that the other function of
the society was that of facilitating the diffusion of military
education and supporting the foundation of new schools. During the
preliminary work for the foundation of both the school and society,
Moonje publicly admitted that his idea of militarily reorganising Hindu
society was inspired by the ‘military training schools of England,
France, Germany and Italy” (NMML, Moonje papers, subject files, n 23,
1934-36, report of the progress of the work of the society from January
1, 1935 to August 15, 1936). Moreover, there is an explicit reference to
fascist Italy and nazi Germany in a document that Moonje circulated
among those influential personalities who were expected to support the
foundation of the school (NMML, Moonje papers, subject files, n 25,
1935, ‘Preface to the Scheme of the Central Hindu Military Society and
Its Military School’). It said at the outset:

This training is meant for qualifying and
fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men with the
ambition of winning victory with the best possible casualties (sic) of dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the adversary.

Moonje does not give any clear-cut
indication regarding this ‘adversary’, whether it was the external
enemy, the British, or the ‘historical’ internal enemy, the Muslims. The
document continues with a long dissertation on the relation between
violence and non-violence. In it are drawn many examples from Indian
history and Hindu holy books, all in favour of organised violence, in
the form of militarism. On the contrary, non-violence is considered a
form of renunciation and cowardice.

Moonje’s views corresponded almost perfectly with Mussolini’s opinions:

…The same thought is repeated though in a
more forceful and direct language by Signor Mussolini, the maker of
modern Italy. When he says: “Our desire for peace and collaboration with
Europe is based on millions of steel bayonets.”

And again, from Mussolini’s Doctrine of Fascism,

I absolutely disbelieve in perpetual
peace which is detrimental and negative to the fundamental virtues of
man, which only by struggle reveal themselves in the light of the sun,

War alone brings up to its highest
tension all human energy and puts the stamp of nobility upon the peoples
who have the courage to meet it,

Fascism believes neither in the
possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace. It thus repudiates the
doctrine of pacifism which is born of renunciation of the struggle and
an act of cowardice in the face of sacrifice.

Moonje added that these considerations
did not aim at the legitimation of a climate of civil war. Contrary to
the Indian situation, where the British were responsible for the
maintenance of public order, peace should rise from the self-defence of a
militarily organised nation. Italy and Germany could offer a further
example:

His Majesty, the King of Italy, says:
“Italy wants the longest possible period of peace but the greatest
guarantee for a peace is the efficiency of the Italian armed forces. The
government was striving to augment the efficiency of forces, which
depends upon the cadres, materials and the unity of command. Efforts
must be made to improve the physique of the Italian youths and their
preliminary training in order to raise the level of soldierly
efficiency.”

As far as Germany was concerned, Moonje quoted a booklet entitled Wehrwissenschaft (Military Science), written by Ewald Banse, a professor at the Brunswick Technical High School:

“The starting point of the book is that
war is inevitable and certain and that it is imperative to know as much
about it and to be as efficient as possible … the mind of the nation,
from childhood on must be impregnated and familiarised with the idea of
war”, because, the Professor says: “The dying warrior dies more easily
when he knows that his blood is ebbing for his national god.”

The spirit of the last sentence is surprisingly coincident with the essence of the Hindu nationalism.

When Moonje had to indicate practical
ways of militarising Hindu society, he returned again to the example of
Italy and its military and paramilitary organisations, and reported what
he had seen. He described in detail the structure of the ‘She Wolf’s
Children’, the Balilla and the Avanguardisti. He asserted that these
organisations could provide paramilitary training to the male population
from the age of 8 up to 18, when the youth became young fascists. Italy
was therefore in a position of having “command of 6,000,000 trained and
disciplined men ready to face any emergency”.

The result was that

The Balillas are taught to build up moral character and take the first steps towards becoming soldiers.

As a consequence,

There will thus be no longer any distinction between the citizen and the soldier between the civilian and the man in uniform.

Of course, nowadays we know that, in
spite of this remarkable number of militarily trained citizens, Italy
lost the war: Moonje did not know that the level of the training was
low, the cohesion between people poor, and the fascist faith of the
people skin-deep.

Fascist ideas were widespread among Hindu
nationalists, at least in Maharashtra. The above-mentioned script had
been printed in the form of a pamphlet (copy in NAI, Jayakar papers,
microfilm, fn6, rn2) and distributed not only among the people Moonje
tried to involve in his project, but, most probably, to an even wider
public. Fascism therefore, had a certain popularity, which,
unfortunately, is at present difficult to measure.

III

Eve of Second World War

After Moonje’s trip to Italy there was no
further direct contact between exponents of the main Hindu
organisations and the Italian government. However, by the end of the
1930s Italian representatives in India established some connections with
the extremist fringes of Hindu nationalism. The Italian consulate in
Bombay was very active in seeking contacts with the local political
milieu. The Italian diplomatic mission in Bombay was part of a network
linking the Italian consulates in Bombay and Calcutta with the radical
movements of Maharashtra and Bengal (author’s PhD thesis, pp 276-79).

From June 1938 the consulate in Bombay
started to ‘recruit’ as many Indian students as possible for Italian
language courses, with the purpose of indoctrinating them with
propaganda in favour of Italy and fascism. The person in charge of this
activity was Mario Carelli, sent from Rome with the specific purpose of
organising and managing the Italian activities in Bombay. Mario Carelli
was secretary and librarian at the Institute for Middle and Far East
(ISMEO), founded in Rome in 1933 under the auspices of the Italian
government, and presided by Giovanni Gentile.10 Among the students, one Madhav

Kashinath Damley was particularly promising. Following Carelli’s suggestion, Damley translated into Marathi Mussolini’s Doctrine of Fascism
and, in summer 1939, published it as a series of articles in a weekly
he founded in June of the same year. The name of the magazine was Lokhandi Morcha (Iron Front). It published also, as a five parts article, a booklet by Antonio Pagliaro entitled II Fascismo contro il comunismo (Fascism against Communism) and an article by Mario Carelli entitled ‘The Institution of the

House of the Fasci and Corporations’.11

In the autumn of 1939, a particularly radical article published in the Lokhandi Morcha
attracted the attention of the police. The result was that Damley, who
had already been noticed by the agents, was forced to suspend the
magazine and pay a fine. The refusal to pay determined the cessation of
the publication of the Lokhandi Morcha. Damley was a chitpavan
brahmin from Pune, resident in Bombay. His father owned the printing
house where the magazine was printed. According to the police,

He [Damley] holds extreme political views
and believes himself to be a follower of B G Tilak…He openly says that
he is enamoured of the history of Italy and Nazi Germany (MSA, Home
Special Department, 830(I)1939, note dated July 11, 1939).

Even more meaningful is Damley’s description by the Italian consul:

Holding fascist ideas, he founded an
organisation called Iron Guards, modelled on ours, but adapted to Indian
peculiar conditions.

He and his friends wore the black shirt: India’s first black shirts.

The development of this organisation was compromised by the outbreak of the war.12

The influence of fascist ideology and
practice must have gone far beyond the limits of the main organisations
of Hindu militant nationalism and must have extended to the wide and
intricate net of secondary militant groups and centres of physical
education or paramilitary training. This is shown by the example of the
Swastik League, founded on March 10, 1929 by M R Jayakar – who became
its president – and by other local personalities. In organising the
Swastik League, Jayakar, who had a prominent position within the Hindu
Mahasabha, drew some inspiration from the fascist paramilitary
organisations. In his own words,

in the near future, our GOC… intends to
form a cadet corps, consisting of boys between the age of 15 and 18
years. The training which these cadets will receive will ultimately
enable them to join the League’s volunteer corps…

This reminds us of a picture published in the Sunday Chronicle
on the 28th instant, showing two of Sgr Mussolini’s “Baby Soldiers”
remaining on sentry duty at the entrance of their annual encampment at
Camp Dux, where the young members of the Avan Guardista, (sic) a
youth organisation of Italy for boys from 14 to 18 years of age, get
first hand acquaintance with the tools of war. Neither we nor our cadets
can expect to be able to get such a direct training, but all the same,
the efforts to train a boy in military discipline will never be wasted
and will in course of time make that boy an ideal volunteer (NAI,
Jayakar papers, microfilm, rn 13, Swastik Herald, of November 7, 1934).

In 1940, when nazism manifested its real
nature and the swastika became an inauspicious symbol, the organisation
felt obliged to dissociate from nazism:

Hitler discriminates between Aryans and
non-Aryans, between Germans and Jews. The League, though it is a purely
Hindu organisation, does not make a difference between the Hindus and
the non-Hindus… Hitler has many enemies, the League cannot have any. He
is revengeful; the League is forgiving and tolerant. He is violent and
wild; the League is not. He thinks and acts in terms of destruction. He
has destroyed many families, many nations: nay, the peace of the world.
Armed to teeth he is running amuck. The League stands for construction.
He is an enemy of humanity. The League is a saviour of humanity. It has
saved thousands of human lives. Its ambulance is most efficient (NAI,
ibid, Article entitled ‘Hitler and the Swastik League’ in Swastik Herald, July-August 1940).

IV Savarkar and Nazism

At this point we have to dwell on the crucial problem of Savarkar’s position vis-a-vis the European radical right.

With Savarkar’s coming on the political
scene, from the late 1930s to the second world war, there was the
attempt, even if timid and unsuccessful, to search for new contacts with
the totalitarian regimes. At the same time, there was an
intensification of cries in favour or in defence of Italian and German
policy, even if the preference for Germany increased progressively.

Savarkar was declared president of the
Hindu Mahasabha as soon as he was released in 1937, and he held that
office until 1942. His presidentship covered the most sensitive period
of both Indian and international history in this century. According to
the commonly accepted opinion – supported by the organisations of
militant Hinduism – the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha have never been
particularly close, and, during Savarkar’s presidentship, they severed
their links. Reality, however, seems to be different. In fact, the
available documentation shows not only that such a split never happened,
but that the two organisations always had close connections. We should
not forget that Hedgewar had been secretary to the Hindu Mahasabha from
1926 to 1931 (NAI, Home Poll Department, August 28, 1942; intelligence
report ‘Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh’, dated March 7, 1942).13
The RSS seems to have provided support to the Hindu Mahasabha, as shown
by the fact that groups of RSS militants used to gather at the public
meetings organised to celebrate Savarkar’s release.14

Two of the main topics of the speeches
Savarkar gave at the gatherings organised in his honour and at any other
public function of his party were the international situation and
Hindu-Muslim relations.

Regarding the first aspect, Savarkar had a
rather cynical view of the relations India should entertain at the
international level. He returned to freedom and entered into politics at
the time of the formation of the Rome-Berlin Axis and Japan’s adhesion
to the pact. Such an outcome was favourably assessed by Hindu radical
nationalism, including the Hindu Mahasabha.

‘India’s foreign policy’ was the subject
of a speech Savarkar gave to about 20,000 people in Pune on August 1,
1938. The following are the most meaningful parts of the speech,
according to a press note issued by the Bombay office of the Hindu
Mahasabha:15

He observed India’s foreign policy must
not depend on “isms”. Germany has every right to resort to Nazism and
Italy to Fascism and events have justified that those isms and forms of
governments were imperative and beneficial to them under the conditions
that obtained there. Bolshevism might have suited Russia and Democracy
as it is obtained in Briton (sic) to the British people.

Political systems correspond then to the
nature of the respective population. This theory was clearly inspired by
a deterministic conception of race, similar to the conception of race
then dominant in Europe.

Starting a controversy with Nehru,
Savarkar openly defended the authoritarian powers of the day,
particularly Italy and, even more so, Germany:

Who are we to dictate to Germany, Japan
or Russia or Italy to choose a particular form of policy of government
simply because we woo it out of academical attraction? Surely Hitler
knows better than Pandit Nehru does what suits Germany best. The very
fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown so
powerful as never before at the touch of Nazi or Fascist magical wand is
enough to prove that those political “isms” were the most congenial
tonics their health demanded.

India may choose or reject particular
form of government, in accordance with her political requirements. But
Pandit went out of his way when he took sides in the name of all Indians
against Germany or Italy. Pandit Nehru might claim to express the
Congress section in India at the most. But it should be made clear to
the German, Italian, or Japanese public that crores of Hindu
Sanghatanists in India whom neither Pandit Nehru nor the Congress
represents, cherish no ill-will towards Germany or Italy or Japan or any
other country in the world simply because they had chosen a form of
government or constitutional policy which they though (sic) suited best
and contributed most to their national solidarity and strength.

Savarkar went on to defend Germany’s position regarding the Sudeten problem:

…as far as the Czechoslovakia question
was concerned the Hindu Sanghatanists in India hold that Germany was
perfectly justified in uniting the Austrian and Sudeten Germans under
the German flag. Democracy itself demanded that the will of the people
must prevail in choosing their own government. Germany demanded
plebiscite, the Germans under the Czechs wanted to join their kith and
kin in Germany. It was the Czechs who were acting against the principle
of democracy in holding the Germans under a foreign sway against their
will…Now that Germany is strong why should she not strike to unite all
Germans and consolidate them into a Pan-German state and realise the
political dream which generations of German people cherished.

When the outbreak of the second world war
was imminent, Savarkar openly declared the attitude Hindu Mahasabha
should adopt towards the other nations:

Any nation who helps India or is friendly
towards her struggle for freedom is our friend. Any Nation which
opposes us or pursues a policy inimical to us is our foe. Towards those
who do neither, India must maintain an attitude of perfect neutrality
refusing to poke her nose unnecessarily into their internal or external
policy.

This document summarises Savarkar’s view
regarding international problems and, at the same time, it contains the
future lines of the Hindu Mahasabha foreign policy. This party
elaborated its foreign policy only with Savarkar’s presidentship,
imitating, in a certain sense, what Nehru did within the Congress, but
choosing different allies among the foreign powers. Given the content of
the above-mentioned speech, it is no wonder that it was published on
November 30, 1938 by a famous

German daily, the Volkischer Beobachter ( NMML, Savarkar papers, microfilm, rn 1 part 2, March 1937-May 1938).

The reference to the German minorities in
Czechoslovakia was an implicit comparison with the Indian situation. As
Savarkar asserted in a speech in the presence of some 4,000 people at
Pune on October 11, 1938, if a plebiscite had taken place in India,
Muslims would have chosen to unite with Muslims and Hindus with Hindus.
This was a consequence of the principle according to which it was not
enough living together for a few centuries to form a nation, as “The
common desire to form a nation was essential for the formation of a
nation” (MSA, Home Special Department, 60D(g) Pt II, 1937, ‘Extract from
the weekly confidential report of the District Magistrate, dated the
October 21, 1938). During Savarkar’s presidentship the antiMuslim
rhetoric became more and more radical, and distinctly unpleasant. It was
a rhetoric that made continuous reference to the way Germany was
managing the Jewish question. Indeed, speech after speech, Savarkar
supported Hitler’s antiJewish policy, and, on October 14, 1938, he
suggested the following solution for the Muslim problem in India:

A Nation is formed by a majority living
therein. What did the Jews do in Germany? They being in minority were
driven out from Germany (MSA, Home Special

Department, 60 D(g) Pt III, 1938, ‘Translation of the verbatim speech made by V D Savarkar at Malegaon on October 14, 1938).

Then, towards the end of the year in
Thane, in front of RSS militants and local sympathisers, right at the
time when the Congress expressed its resolution against

Germany,16 Savarkar stated
that in Germany the movement of the Germans is the national movement but
that of the Jews is a communal one (MSA, Home Special Department, 60
D(g) Pt III, 1938, ‘A report on the meeting held on December 11, 1938).

And again the next year, on July 29, in Pune, he said:

Nationality did not depend so much on a
common geographical area as on unity of thought, religion, language and
culture. For this reason the Germans and the Jews could not be regarded
as a nation (MSA, ibid, ‘Extract from the BP weekly letter n 31, dated
August 5, 1939).

Without this unity, not even Muslims and
Hindus could be regarded as belonging to the same nation. Indian Muslims
should rather resign themselves to be considered as a minority, the
recognition of whose rights should depend on the magnanimity of the
majority.

Finally, at the end of 1939, on the
occasion of the 21st session of the Hindu Mahasabha, Savarkar made one
of the most explicit comparisons between the Muslim question in India
and the Jewish problem in Germany:

…the Indian Muslims are on the whole more
inclined to identify themselves and their interests with Muslims
outside India than Hindus who live next door, like Jews in Germany.17

One can find a certain continuity between the ideas of nation and nationhood expressed in Savarkar’s Hindutva18 and the content of these declarations. Indeed in his book, Savarkar, referring to the

Muslims, asserted that their holyland is
far off in Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and godmen, ideas and
heroes are not the children of this soil. Consequently their names and
their outlook smack of foreign origin (Hindutva: Who is a Hindu?, 4th ed, Bharat Mudranalaya, Pune, 1949, p 94).

A feeling of admiration for the Jewish
policy of Germany seems to have been shared by the entire circle of
Hindu nationalism at the end of the 1930s. In We, or Our Nationhood Defined, Golwarkar, who would have become general secretary of the RSS a year later, declared that

German national pride has now become the
topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the nation and its culture,
Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the semitic
races – the Jews. National pride at its highest has been manifested
here. Germany has also shown how well-nigh impossible it is for races
and cultures, having differences going to the mot [?], to be assimilated
into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and
profit by (Nagpur, 1939, p 37).

This had its roots in the idea that being
a Hindu was a matter of race and blood, not only a matter of culture.
In turn that was an idea which was strikingly similar to the racial
myths elaborated in Germany, more than in Italy.

As demonstrated by Jaffrelot (op cot, pp
53-54), Golwarkar drew his idea of nation and nationalism from the works
of a German lawyer, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli.

Golwarkar’s position regarding Muslims was even more extreme than Savarkar’s:

in one word, they [Muslims] must cease to be foreigners19 or may stay in the country

wholly subordinated to the Hindu nation
claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less any preferential
treatment, not even citizen’s rights (op cit, p 52). Apart from the
militants of the main Hindu organisations, there is reason to think that
the Indian – and particularly Marathi – public opinion also was exposed
to the views of some newspapers which echoed Savarkar’s declarations20 or published articles in favour of the dictators. In 1939 The Mahratta published a series of articles in favour of the international policy of Italy and Germany,21 while Kesari
of December 8 and 15, 1939 published an article bearing the title
‘Failure of Democracy and Rise of Fascism’. There the same
interpretation already expressed during the 1920s was repeated,
according to which fascism arose from the crisis of democracy. Fascism
of obviously considered superior to democracy.

While this literature still focused on
both the dictators and their policies, already from the Spring of 1939
the Savarkarled Hindu Mahasabha seemed to have finally chosen Germany as
its main reference point at the international level. On March 25, 1939
the Hindu party made the following statement:

Germany’s solemn idea of the revival of
the Aryan culture, the glorification of the Swastika, her patronage of
Vedic learning and the ardent championship of the tradition of
Indo-Germanic civilisation are welcomed by the religious and sensible
Hindus of India with a jubilant hope. Only a few socialists headed by
Pandit J Nehru have created a bubble of resentment against the present
government of Germany, but their activities are far from having any
significance in India. The vain imprecations of Mahatma Gandhi against
Germany’s indispensable vigour in matters of internal policy obtain but
little regard insofar as they are uttered by a man who has always
betrayed and confused the country with an affected mysticism. I think
that Germany’s crusade against the enemies of Aryan culture will bring
all the Aryan nations of the world to their senses and awaken the Indian
Hindus for the restoration of their lost glory (The declaration
contained in Auswartiges Amt-Politischen Archiv (AA-PA, Bonn)/Pol VII,
statement by the spokesman of the Hindu Mahasabha, March 25, 1939, is
quoted by M Hauner, op cit, p 66).

The aggressive racial policy carried out
by Germany must have played a fundamental role in this shift of interest
from Italy to Germany.

At the practical level, this shift was
represented by the attempt made by Savarkar to get in touch with other
Hindu nationalist forces working abroad. Throughout 1938 Savarkar had a
considerable exchange of letters with one of the historical leaders of
the revolutionary movement abroad: Rash Behari Bose. (On Rash Behari
Bose see Uma Mukherjee, Two Great Indian Revolutionaries, Firma
KLM, Calcutta, 1966). Rash Behari, who had lived in Japan since 1915
and had obtained Japanese nationality in 1923, was in touch with the
Japanese extreme right, in particular with the ‘Association of the Black
Dragon’ (ASMAE, AP,

Giappone (Japan), b 6, 1934, b Movimento
Panasiatico (Pan-Asiatic Movement), express telegram n 166/113, from
Italian Embassy, Tokyo, February 24 , 1934 , to the Ministry of External
Affairs, signed Auriti).

According to our sources, Savarkar and

Rash Behari were in touch at least from
March 1938. A couple of letters from Rash Behari to the president of the
Hindu Mahasabha were published by The

Mahratta, for propaganda purposes.22
The expected effect of the publication of the two letters was that All
Hindu Sanghatanists in India find themselves strengthened in their views
and activities to see you advocating the cause of Hindu Sanghatan and
taking up such a far seeing and insighted a view of the Indian situation
political and social ( NMML, ibid, August 18).

In the summer of 1938 Rash Behari
informed Savarkar of his intention to open a branch of the Hindu
Mahasabha in Japan. Even if the number of the militants was small, it
could nevertheless become an authorised international mouth piece of the
Hindu Mahasabha and Hindudom as such in Eastern foreign countries (
NMML, ibid ).

Savarkar’s reply was favourable: the
president of the Hindu Mahasabha invited Rash Behari to realise his
objective as soon as possible, and advised him that the Japanese branch
of the party should depend upon the main office in India (NMML, ibid,
letter from Savarkar to Rash Behari Bose, November 14, 1938, signed
President Hindu Maha Sabha).

In winter the closeness between the two
leaders was such that Savarkar asked Rash Behari to send a message to
the Hindu Mahasabha session of December 28 ( NMML, ibid ).

The contacts that Savarkar tried to
establish with the consulates of the axis powers in Bombay did not bring
any noticeable result. Most probably this happened because the outbreak
of the war made collaboration with foreign powers much more difficult.

The only result of these contacts – which
could materialise only through the German consulate – was, most
probably, the circulation of the already mentioned speech of Savarkar in
the German newspapers,23 in exchange for articles in favour of Germany’s Jewish policy in the Marathi newspapers.24 The
person in charge of contacting the axis representatives was
Jugalikishor Birla (NMML, ibid, letter from Savarkar to Birla, November
2, 1938, signed by hand VDS), while the two Germans in charge of dealing
with the Hindu Mahasabha were G L Lesczczynski, representative of the
German News Agency, and P Pazze, officially manager of a company located
in Bombay. These two agents had been responsible for the publication of
Savarkar’s speech in the Volkischer Beobachter (NMML, ibid,
letter from the secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha to Pazze, November 19,
1938, and, with the same date, letter from Leszczynski to Malekar). The
most evident sign of these contacts was the despatch of a copy of Mein Kampf from Leszczynski to Savarkar.

V

Waiting for the Right Enemy

The literature promoted by militant Hinduism is trying nowadays to compare the attitude adopted by the Hindu

Mahasabha towards the totalitarian
regimes with Subhas Chandra Bose’s position towards the axis powers.
According to this literature, the evidence in favour of such
interpretation is a meeting which took place between Bose and Savarkar
in Bombay in June 1940.25 On this occasion Savarkar is
supposed to have suggested to Subhas that he should go to Europe and
seek the dictators’ support. Whereas the authors connected to the
above-mentioned school of thought consider this claim a matter of fact, I
could not find any record of the talks between the two leaders.
According to a short article in the Times of India of June 24,

Mr Bose had also talks with Mr V D

Savarkar, president of the All India
Hindu Mahasabha, at the latter’s residence at Dadar on Saturday evening.
It is understood that the discussions related to the present political
situation in the country and the steps the Hindu Mahasabha and the
‘Forward Bloc’ should take in co-operation with other parties. The
results of the talks, it is stated, were not encouraging.

The episode, as always, did not go unnoticed by the police, who gave a brief account of it:

Subhas Chandra Bose arrived in Bombay on
June 22nd and had discussions with M A Jinnah and V D Savarkar with a
view of exploring the possibilities of co-operation between the Forward
Bloc and the Hindu Mahasabha respectively. Bose’s efforts were
apparently productive of no result. The Bombay Forward Bloc endeavoured
to arrange a meeting on June 23rd at which Subhas Chandra Bose would
speak, but it was necessary to abandon the meeting on account of lack of
support (MSA, Home Special Department, 1023 , 1939-40, SA dated June
29, 1940, ‘Forward Bloc’).

The absence of accounts by the Hindu
Mahasabha on the meeting can be explained by the fact that, both the
leaders being involved in anti-British activities, it would not make
sense leaving records of sensitive matters. Not even among Bose’s papers
and writings is there any reference to the meeting. It is therefore
impossible to reconstruct the content of the talks between the two
leaders, unless we trust the only source available. This is the speech
made by Savarkar on the occasion of the dissolution of the Abhinav
Bharat in 1952. It is weak evidence, because it is not supported by any
written proof, and was given several years after the event. My
impression of the episode is that it is a sort of historiographic
invention, directed to legitimise the otherwise ambiguous position of
the Hindu Mahasabha during the war. Asserting that Netaji’s project had
Savarkar’s sanction means not only that Savarkar had a sort of patronage
on Bose’s activities in Europe, but, more important, that Savarkar
played an important role in the freedom fight.

Certainly the meeting did take place, and
very possibly the two leaders discussed Bose’s intention to go to
Europe and seek the support of the axis powers. However, all this is far
from meaning that Savarkar inspired Bose, who, right from 1933, had his
own connections with the dictators’ governments. The president of the
Hindu Mahasabha put forward his claim on the content of his meeting with
Netaji four years after Gandhi’s assassination, when the image of the
Hindu Mahasabha and its affiliations were badly damaged by the suspicion
of their involvement in the murder. Accordingly it makes sense to think
that the organisations of militant Hinduism must have perceived the
necessity to rehabilitate their political past and re-invent a more
clear-cut antiBritish stand. What stronger argument, therefore, could be
available than the assertion that the Hindu Mahasabha was secretly
ready to support Bose’s plans?

The involvement in Gandhi’s assassination
was not the only reason of crisis: the image of Hindu nationalism was
indeed already damaged by the ambiguous attitude adopted in the war
period. The policy actually followed by Hindu nationalism during the
war, namely, responsive cooperation, was far from being unambiguous on
both transfer of powers and relations with the British. In fact, the
ambivalence of responsive co-operation was made explicit by Savarkar
himself in a 1942 presidential speech. On that occasion Savarkar stated
that: “the policy of responsive co-operation…covers the whole gamut of
patriotic activities from unconditional co-operation to active and even
armed resistance… (L G Khare (ed), Hindu Rashtra Darshan,
Bombay, 1949, p 266). It comes as no surprise that this ambiguous stand
raised almost universal suspicion towards the forces of militant
Hinduism and invited the charge of collaborationism. 26 Immediately
after the outbreak of the war, the Hindu Mahasabha decided that its
working committee of September 10 , 1939 should adopt the following line
of conduct:

no reference should be made to the
justice or otherwise of the claim of residents of Danzig to return to
the Reich; for, in principle we shall have to support the action of the
Germans of Danzig; not that we should denounce this but then under no
circumstances can we take part in this war on the side of British (NMML,
Savarkar papers, microfilm, rn 12, cit, letter from Mandlekar to
Savarkar, September 7, 1939).

The working committee of September 10
decided which steps should be taken in order to prepare the nation to
face the emergency provoked by the outbreak of the war:

As the task of defending India from any
military attack is of common concern to the British government as well
as ourselves and as we are unfortunately not in a position today to
carry out that responsibility unaided, there is ample room for
wholehearted co-operation between India and England (NMML, Moonje
papers, subject files, n 51).

The preliminary condition for such
cooperation was the devolution of full powers to a central Indian
government by the British. Later on, the Hindu Mahasabha would be less
strict than the Congress on this issue.

The committee wished for the realisation
of the militarisation of Indian society and the Indianisation of the
army. It requested a reform of the Arms Act, along the lines prevailing
in the UK. It demanded also that territorial forces and paramilitary
groups be strengthened, that new military organisations be created in
those provinces where they did not exist before, and, finally, that more
Indian students be accepted in the military academies. The Hindu
Mahasabha requested the government to increase the local production of
modern armaments so that India could equip its army, without depending
on imports from other nations.

Soon after this resolution, the Hindu
Mahasabha started to work for the creation of a national militia.
Naturally enough, Moonje became the person in charge. Inviting party
members to attend a preliminary meeting for the foundation of the
militia, in Pune on October 8, Moonje described the future organisation
in the following terms:

I have the pleasure in bringing to your
notice a resolution of the Hindu Mahasabha for the organisation of the
Hindu Militia in the country for the purpose of taking part in the
defence of India both from external and internal aggression, whenever an
occasion of emergency may arise during the course of the AngloGerman
War.

… I believe that it will be quite in the
fitness of things, in view of the historic All-India Military leadership
of the Maharashtra, that a beginning should be made in the Maharashtra;
so that the lead may be taken up by the whole of India afterwards
(NMML, ibid, circular letter dated September 27). Who could be the
internal aggressors if not the Muslims?

The answer seems to be contained in a letter from Moonje to Khaparde of October 18:

… the Moslems are making themselves a
nuisance. The Congress government will not stand up but will yield to
them. We cannot expect any consideration at the hands of the Congress
government. We shall have to fight both the government and the Moslems
just as the Khaksars are doing in the UP. The Hindu Mahasabha will give
its support to such fights as the Muslim League is supporting the
Khaksars: you must prepare the volunteers in your towns. The Rashtriya
Swayamsevak Sangh may be useful and handy (NMML, ibid).

Moonje expressed in more explicit terms his hostility to the Congress:

But there is one worry which is
menacingly uppermost in its mind at the present moment and that is –
what will happen if, in the mutually antagonistic and clashing
ideologies, the Charka were to come into conflict with the Rifle …?
(NMML ibid, circular letter).

Charka as a Gandhian symbol was a metaphor for the Congress.

The theme of the ‘internal enemy’ is a
further element of affinity between the ideology of fascism and of Hindu
nationalism, expressed by a similar rhetoric. It seems nevertheless
that the Sanghatanists were inclined to fight the Muslims and the
Congress, rather than the British.

According to Moonje’s plans, the RSS
should be involved in the creation of the national militia. Indeed, in a
letter of October 18 to General Nanasahib Shinde of Baroda, Moonje
affirmed I am glad to note that you have approved of my idea of a Hindu
National Militia for Maharashtra as is being organised by the Hindu
Mahasabha.

I have been myself thinking of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and I am corresponding with their leader.
They may have their peculier (sic) difficulties and the point is that the militia should be organised under these circumstances whether the Rashtriya Swayamsevak

Sangh can undertake the task or not ( NMML, ibid, reply to a letter from Shinde to Moonje, dated October 16, 1939).

During this preliminary phase, Moonje
consulted Hedgewar, with whom he exchanged several letters and whom
Moonje hoped to meet, in order to discuss the participation of the RSS
in the militia (NMML, ibid, letter from B S Moonje to Hedgewar, October
18, 1939).

On October 27 a militant from Lahore
informed Moonje that We have at present in Punjab several Dals and
Sanghs, the total number of members of which is approximately about
50,000; but they are not working under a single organisation. There are
Rashtriya Sevak Sangh, Atma Sangh, Mahabir Dal, Seva Sangh and Akali Dal
working under different leaders. They have a sort of military
organisation. The Akali Dal is armed with swords: but the others have
other weapons. The Rashtriya Sevak Sangh has only lathies. The first
thing to do is to bring all these sanghs on a uniform basis working
under a single leadership though not of one man but of a council (NMML,
ibid). In spite of such mobilisation, the Hindu militia had not been
formed. The government did not withdraw the existing restrictions
imposed on military and paramilitary organisations and schools.

It is difficult to establish if the
organisations of militant Hinduism were arming themselves against
possible foreign invaders, the internal enemy, or the British. Most
probably they were carefully hedging their bet, ready to take advantage
of any future development. However, it is a fact that at a meeting with
Linlithgow in Bombay on October 9, 1939, Savarkar adopted a decidedly
conciliatory position vis-a-vis the British. According to Linlithgow

the situation, he [Savarkar] said, was
that His Majesty’s Government must now turn to the Hindus and work with
their support. After all, though we and the Hindus have had a good deal
of difficulty with one another in the past, that was equally true of the
relations between Great Britain and the French and, as recent events
had shown, of relations between Russia and Germany. Our interests were
now the same and we must therefore work together. Even though now the
most moderate of men, he had himself been in the past an adherent of a
revolutionary party, as possibly, I might be aware. (I confirmed that I
was). But now that our interests were so closely bound together the
essential thing was for Hinduism and Great Britain to be friends; and
the old antagonism was no longer necessary. The Hindu Mahasabha, he went
on to say, favoured an unambiguous undertaking of Dominion Status at
the end of the war. It was true, at the same time, that they challenged
the Congress claim to represent anything but themselves ( India Office
(IO), Mss Eur F 125/8 1939, Letters to the Secretary of State for India:
the letter is dated October 7, but the report of the meeting is in the
postscript on October 9).

In 1940 the Hindu Mahasabha declared its
intention to take part in the viceroy’s executive council and the war
office. We should not forget that neither the Hindu Mahasabha nor the
RSS took part in the Quit India movement. The position they maintained
in that period is clearly depicted by Savarkar’s declaration of February
17, 1942, when he asserted that, if Japan, after having approached the
Indian borders and invaded the country, had been ready to declare the
independence of India, it would have incredibly “boosted” Indians’
imagination. The British should therefore give the impression that
fighting beside them meant fighting for freedom.27 It seems,
in other words, that the Hindu Mahasabha (and probably its affiliations)
was more interested in succeeding the British, if possible with their
complicity, rather than fighting them.

The other side of this ambiguous stand
was a blatant admiration for the European dictators. According to a
police report of May 1942, regarding the activities of Poona

Officers Training Camp of April-May,

Dr P C Sahasrabudhe addressed the
volunteers on three occasions. On 4.5.42 he announced that the Sangh
followed the principle of dictatorship. Denouncing democratic government
as an unsatisfactory form of government, he quoted France as a typical
example and, praising dictatorship, he pointed to Japan, Russia and
Germany. He particularly praised the Fuehrer principle of Germany. On
21.5.42 he drew attention to the value of propaganda, quoting Russia and
Germany as examples, and again extolled the virtues of the leader
principle, citing Mussolini’s success as a further example (NAI, Home
Poll Dept 28/8/1942, ‘Summary of a report on the officers’ Training Camp
of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh held in April/May 1942 at Poona’,
copy in MSA, Home Special Dept, 822 IInd 1940-41).

When, in the 1940s, the totalitarian
regimes had already revealed their true colours, the attitude of the
organisations of militant Hinduism towards fascism and nazism was still
benevolent. In spite of the already, even if only partially, known
atrocities committed by Hitler and Mussolini, the main organisations of
Hindu nationalism still praised the dictators and their regimes. This
position could be justified, had it been part of a coherent and strong
anti-British policy. However, as I have tried to demonstrate, the forces
of Hindu nationalism seem to have concentrated their efforts more
against the socalled internal enemies – Muslims and Congress – rather
than the foreign invaders. While Bose’s alliance with the axis powers
had mainly an anti-British function, the Hindu Mahasabha used its
support to the dictators as an instrument to blackmail the British.

VI Conclusions

The preceding discussion has shown that:
(a) the main historical organisations and leaders of Hindu nationalism
had a distinctive and sustained interest in fascism and nazism; (b)
fascist ideological influences on Hindu nationalism were present and
relevant; and (c) to a certain extent, these influences were channelled
through direct contacts between Hindu nationalists and members of the
Italian fascist state. No doubt, beginning with the early 1920s, and up
to the second world war, Hindu nationalists looked at the political
reality of fascist Italy, and subsequently of nazi Germany, as a source
of inspiration.

One of the results of the contacts
between fascism and Hindu nationalism was the attempt to militarise
Hindu society and to create a militant mentality among the Hindus. If it
is true that the Hindu society elaborated its own patterns of
militarisation – I refer to the shakas as a typically Indian phenomenon –
it is equally true that a most relevant result of fascist influence was
the transmission of a more functional organisation and a stronger
political character to the already existing organisations of political
Hinduism.

At the ideological level, the most
meaningful effect of the fascist influence is represented by the way in
which Hindu nationalism developed its own concept of diversity,
transforming ‘diverse’ people into enemies. Of course, the concept of
internal enemy is already implicit contained in Savarkar’s Hindutva.
Nevertheless, the continuous reference to German racial policy and the
comparison of the Jewish problem in Germany with the Muslim question in
India reveals the evolution of the concept of ‘internal enemy’ along
explicitly fascist lines.

In my opinion, if one wants to understand
the evolution of Hindu radicalism in the post-independence period, one
has to take into account both the domestic roots of this phenomenon and
the external influence on its development.

In the 1920s and 1930s fascism was an
international phenomenon. As such it was bound to influence the ideology
and practice of similar movements all over the world. Since many of Bal
Thackeray’s most outraceously anti-Muslim and racist statements are
literal quotations of Savarkar’s speeches and theories, it is legitimate
to conclude that such influence is still alive in today’s militant
Hinduism. EPW

Notes

[My stay in India for collecting material
for the present paper was made a lot easier and more profitable by
Partha Sarathi Gupta. T R Sareen, A R Kulkarni and Bhanu Kapil. While
writing this paper in Italy I was able to count on Michelguglielmo
Torri’s criticisms and suggestions, which forced me to considerably
rework my first draft. I wish to warmly thank all of them for their help
and friendship. Of course, the usual disclaim stands that I am the only
one responsible for the contents of and any error left in this
article.]

  • In the following pages I will treat the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS
    as two different organisations, belonging to the same political milieau.
    This, in spite of the attempt made by the BJP or RSS oriented
    intellectuals and scholars to deny, or at least to minimise any
    reciprocal affinity between the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha. Speaking
    about a topic which has nothing to do with the relations between the RSS
    and the Hindu Mahasabha, I will indirectly show that the two
    organisations shared a specific ideological background.
  • Regarding this aspect, Jaffrelot asserts that “As distinct from
    Nazism, the RSS’s ideology treats society as an organism with a secular
    spirit, which is implanted not so much in the race as in a
    socio-cultural system … Finally, in contrast to both Italian fascism and
    Nazism the RSS does not rely on the central figure of the leader” (op
    cit, pp 63-64).
  • The details mentioned in the text are in Kesari, May 13,
    1924, June 24, November 10 and 24, 1925. I will just summarise the
    content of the articles, having had this material translated from
    Marathi by a young Indian colleague of mine.
  • The article quotes a speech of Mussolini, without specifying its date.
  • Regarding this aspect, see Paolo Beonio Brocchieri and Giorgio Borsa (eds), Garibaldi, Mazzini e il Risorgimento nel risveglio dell’Asia e dell’Africa (Garibaldi, Mazzini and the Italian Risorgimento in the awakening of Asia and Africa), Franco Angeli, Milan, 1984.
  • Unfortunately there is no Italian report of the meeting, not even
    among the prime minister’s papers. But there are the routine papers,
    recording Moonje’s request for an audience, dated March 16, 1931 and the
    response of the cabinet of the minister of the external affairs, dated
    March 18: Archivio Storico Ministero degli Affari Esteri (Historical
    Archives Ministry of External Affairs ASMAE), Rome, Udienze (Audiences),
    1930-33, bundle 27 , letter from the British Embassy in Rome, to the
    Ministry of External Affairs, March 16, 1931 and reply from the cabinet
    of the minister, n 1102, March 18, 1931. The British authorities in Rome
    managed Moonje’s audience.
  • It was indeed Moonje who brought up the young Hedgewar in his own
    house and, later sent him to Calcutta, officially to study at the
    National Medical College, but with the secret aim to get in touch with
    the revolutionary organisations in Bengal (B V Deshpande and S R
    Ramaswamy, Dr Hedgewar the EpochMaker, Sahitya Sindhu, Bangalore, 1981 , pp 14-32).
  • The Mahratta, April 12, 1931, ‘Dr B S Moonje on Round Table Conference’. Special

Interview for The Mahratta,
paragraph entitled ‘National Militia’. A report of Moonje’s tour of
Europe is in M N Ghatate, ‘Dr B S Moonje – Tour of European Countries’
in N G Dixit (ed), Dharmaveer Dr B S Moonje. Commemoration Volume. Birth Centenary Celebration 1872-1972, Nagpur, 1972, p 68.

  • Moonje was interested in the problem of military education already
    by the end of 1920s. He was in favour of Indianisation of the army. In
    1927 he worked at the foundation of the Aeroclub of India, while in 1929
    he was a member of the commission for the selection of candidates to
    Sandhurst Military Academy. In the same year he founded the Rifle
    Association in Nagpur (see correspondence in NMML, Moonje papers,
    microfilm, Letters, rn 7, 1926-28).
  • References to the above-mentioned activities of the Italian
    consulates in Bombay are in Giovanni Gentile Foundation, Rome,
    Correspondence from third parties to Gentile, f Carelli Mario, undated
    letter, certainly written on June 29, 1938 and letter dated October 11,
    1938.
  • The articles are in the issues of July 6, August 10 and July 27,
    1939 respectively: Central State Archives (ACS), Minculpop (Ministry of
    Popular Culture), b 17 bis, f 26, Gran Bretagna, subfile 14, R Consolato
    Bombay ( Royal Consulate Bombay), report n 1904/St 3, August 4, 1939,
    from Italian Consulate, Bombay, to the Ministry of Popular Culture.

A copy of Carelli’s article is in MSA, Home Special Dept, 830 (I) 1939.

  • “Di idee fasciste, ha fondato un’organizzazione da lui chiamata
    ‘Iron Guards’ prendendo a modello le nostre, ma adattandole alle
    peculiari condizioni dell’India. Egli e i suoi amici vestivano la
    camicia nera: le prime camicie nere dell’India. Lo sviluppo di questa
    organizzazionee stato compromesso dallo scoppio della guerra”: ACS,
    Minculpop, 17 bis, cit, report n 2298/St 3, from Italian Consulate,
    Bombay, October 4, 1939, to the Ministry of Popular Culture.
  • It seems, moreover, that Hedgewar was deeply influenced by the ideas expressed in Savarkar’s Hindutva.
    When Hedgewar decided to found his organisation, he went to Ratnagiri
    to meet Savarkar, in order to obtain from him suggestions and advice.
    Subsequently, during Sarvarkar’s internment in Ratnagiri, Hedgewar had
    continuously been in touch with Babarao Savarkar. See, respectively,
    DeshpandeRamaswamy, op cit, p 65 and 74; Walter K Andersen, Shridhar D
    Damle, The Brotherhood in Saffron: The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Hindu Revivalism, Vistaar Publications, New Delhi, 1987, p 33; Dhananjay Keer, Veer Savarkar and His Time,
    Popular Prakashan, Bombay, 1988, pp 17071. Among Hedgewar papers, in
    Nagpur, I found several letters exchanged between Hedgewar and Babarao
    Savarkar, who was closely connected to the RSS.
  • On several occasions, after having been released, Savarkar
    congratulated “the Rashtriya Swayam Sewak Sangh of Dr Hedgewar of Nagpur
    on its work and discipline”. At the ‘guru purnima’ celebrated by the
    RSS on July 29, 1939, Savarkar gave a speech to approximately 5,000
    people, while several years later, during the RSS officers’ training
    camp (OTC) which took place in Pune during May 27 to 29, 1943, in the
    presence of Golwarkar, Babarao Savarkar, B S Moonje and about 5,000
    people, the former president of the Hindu Mahasabha expressed his
    pleasure to see the display by swayamsevaks in great number and said
    that he was “proud to see the branches of the Sangh spread throughout
    India during his visits to various places…He was pleased to see the
    Hindu youths, boys and girls, joining the institutions, based on
    Hinduism, in great number”. Militants had also the habit of collecting
    donations for their leader. In August 1937 in Pune, the local Hindu
    militants and sympathisers offered him Rs 250. Several years later, on
    the occasion of Savarkar’s 61st birthday, considerable donations were
    collected by the exponents of the Hindu organisations Savarkar visited
    during one of his propaganda tours. At the above-mentioned OTC camp,
    where Savarkar celebrated his birthday, Rs 1,80,000 had been collected
    by Hindu organisations, Pune municipality, and private citizens.
    Respectively in MSA, Home Special Dept, 60 D (g) Pt II, 1937, Extract
    from the Bombay Secret Abstract for week ending January 15, 1938,
    entitled ‘Hindu Affairs’ and ‘Summary report of the meeting held in the
    Tilak Smarak Mandir on behalf of Poona students’, August 3, 1937;
    Maharashtra State Archives (MSA), Home Special Dept, 60 D (g) Pt III,
    1938, ‘Extract from the Bombay Province weekly letter No 31, dated
    August 5, 1939’; MSA, Home Special Department, 1009 III 1942, police
    report entitled ‘A summary report of the concluding ceremony of the
    Officers’ Training Camp of the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh, at Poona on
    the May 27, 1943’ and note from the Home Department Special, dated June
    10, 1943.
  • NMML, Savarkar papers, microfilm, rn 23, part 2, Miscellaneous
    Correspondence January 1938-May 1939, ‘Press Note issued by the Hindu
    Mahasabha Office Bombay Branch’, undated A summary of Savarkar’s speech
    is also in MSA, Bombay, Home Special

Department, 60 D (g) Pt III 1938,
‘Extract from the weekly confidential report of the District Magistrate,
Poona, dated the August 11, 1938’.

The Italian consul in Calcutta sent to
the ministry of external affairs in Rome an accurate abstract of an
article about Savarkar’s speech, reported in Ananda Bazar Patrika
of August 3. The abstract is entitled ‘Critiche al viaggio di Pandit
Jawaharlal Nehru in Europa’ (Critiques of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru’s trip
to Europe), in ASMAE Affari Politici (Political Affairs AP), India, b
7, 1938, resoconto della stampa indiana (summary of the Indian press),
enclosure to express telegram n 3489/46, from Italian Consulate,
Calcutta, August 12, 1938, to the ministry of external affairs.

  • Immediately after the great anti-Jewish pogrom of November 9, 1938,
    known as ‘Crystal night’, the Congress expressed its condemnation of the
    German policy with the declaration of December 12, and subsequently
    supported the concession of asylum in India to the Jews. Regarding this
    matter, see Milan Hauner, India in Axis Strategy: Germany, Japan and Indian Nationalists in the Second World War, Klett-Cotta Stuttgart, 1981, p 67.
  • A summary of the presidential speech is in Bombay Chronicle of December 29, 1939.
  • Hindutva had been written clandestinely during Savarkar’s
    detention at the Andamans, sent to India secretly in 1917 and published
    underground in 1923.
  • Savarkar, as well as most of the militants belonging to his milieu,
    considered the Indian Muslims either as successors of the Mughal
    invaders, or as original Hindus who were forcibly converted to Islam. In
    any case, according to the main ideologues of political Hinduism the
    pole of attraction of Indian Muslims was outside India and Hindu system
    of values. Not only was Islam a ‘foreign’ religion, which had its main
    institutions outside India, but the Indian Muslims were, according to
    Savarkar and his companions, more interested in creating a separate
    nation, instead of recognising India as their homeland. Apart from the
    fact that this must have not been the attitude of most of Indian
    Muslims, militant Hindus had exaggerated claims towards the Muslims. For
    militant Hindus it was not sufficient that Indian Muslims considered
    themselves first Indians and secondly Muslims, as most of them probably
    did. According to the Hindu fundamentalists, indeed, Muslims should
    conform themselves to the Hindu system of values, which was, of course,
    unacceptable.
  • An article entitled ‘The Savarkar Method of rejuvenation of the Hindudom: New Drive in Hindu Thought and Action’, published in The Mahratta of January 6, 1939 repeated the opinions already expressed by Savarkar in the speech of December 11, 1938.
  • April 28, 1939, ‘Why Italy Invaded Albania?’, May 26, ‘How Germany’s
    National Socialism Arose?’ and ‘Inciting Mussolini against Hitler’, May
    19 and June 2, ‘Germany-Rome Axis Strengthened’ and ‘German-Italian
    Pact Concluded: Reaction to Encirclement Policy’. At p 51 of his book,
    Jaffrelot quotes some articles in favour of Franco, Mussolini and Hitler
    published by the Hindu Outlook of November 2 and 30, 1938 and The Mahratta, of November 6, 1939.
  • To the two letters, dated March 7 and August 11 , 1938 respectively,
    there is a reference in NMML, Savarkar papers, microfilm, r n 23,
    letter dated May 23, 1938 from the secretary, Hindu Mahasabha, Bombay
    Office to Rash Behari Bose; unsigned letter dated August 11 to the
    editor of The Mahratta, Gajantrao Ketkar; August 18 from J D Malekar, secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha to Rash Behari Bose.
  • Copy of the press note containing the text of the speech had been
    sent also to Rash Behari, so that he would not only publish, but also
    show it to the Japanese government: NMML, Savarkar papers, rn 23, cit,
    letter from the secretary of the Hindu Mahasabha to Rash Behari Bose,
    November 4, 1938.
  • NMML, ibid, letter from Malekar to Leszczynski, December 7, 1938 and
    reply, December 9, 1938. At the ministry of external affairs, in Rome,
    among the papers from the cabinet of the ministry, I could find a copy
    of Savarkar’s The Indian War of Independence of 1857: it is not
    possible to establish if the book arrived in Italy during this period,
    before, or later. We are, however, allowed to suppose that Savarkar was
    not totally unknown to the Italian authorities: ASMAE, Gab 409, b3.
  • In favour of this thesis are: (1) Vikram Savarkar, Vinayak’s
    grandson, whom I met in Bombay in March 1997; (2) Vishvas Savarkar,
    author of a script entitled ‘Veer Savarkar INA’s Source of Inspiration’,
    in Savarkar, commemoration volume published by Savarkar Darshan
    Pratisthan, Bombay, 1989, pp 147-51. In the same volume: (3) Shivramu
    (pseud), ‘Savarkar’s Role in The British Quitting India’, pp 183-88 ;
    (4) D Keer, op cit, p 257; (5) N B Khare, Political Memoirs, Nagpur, 1959, p 52 ; (6) U Mukherjee, op cit, pp 159-60 ; (7) S V Bhalerao, Savarkar: His SocioPolitical Thought and Leadership, a PhD thesis submitted to the Nagpur University, faculty of social sciences, p 234-35.
  • Regarding the collaborationist attitude of the Hindu Mahasabha and the RSS, see D R Goyal, Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh,
    Radha Krishna Prakashan, New Delhi, 1979, p 86. 27 NMML, Savarkar
    papers, microfilm, rn 24. Unfortunately, the photocopies of this
    document have never been mailed to me by the staff. I could only
    summarise from my notes, instead of quoting the original text.

Source: http://www.sacw.net/DC/CommunalismCollection/ArticlesArchive/casolari.pdf


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Hindutva’s fascist heritage

Hindutva’s fascist heritage

In the
1930s Hindu nationalism borrowed from European fascism to transform
‘different’ people into ‘enemies’. Leaders of militant Hinduism
repeatedly expressed their admiration for authoritarian leaders such as
Mussolini and Hitler and for the fascist model of society. 

The
existence of direct  contacts between the  representatives of the 
(Italian) fascist regime, including Mussolini, and Hindu nationalists
demonstrates that Hindu nationalism had much more than an abstract
interest in the ideology and practice of fascism. The interest of Indian
Hindu nationalists in fascism and Mussolini must not be considered as
dictated by an occasional curiosity, confined to a few individuals;
rather, it should be considered as the culminating result of the
attention that Hindu nationalists, especially in Maharashtra, focussed
on Italian dictatorship and its leader. To them, fascism appeared to be
an example of conservative revolution. This concept was discussed at
length by the Marathi press right from the early phase of the Italian
regime.

From 1924 to
1935 Kesari regularly published editorials and articles about Italy,
fascism and Mussolini. What impressed the Marathi journalists was the
socialist origin of fascism and the fact that the new regime seemed to
have transformed Italy from a backward country to a first class power.
Indians could not know, then, that, behind the demagogic rhetoric of the
regime, there was very little substance.

Moreover,
the Indian observers were convinced that fascism had restored order in a
country previously upset by political tensions. In a series of
editorials, Kesari described the passage from liberal government to
dictatorship as a shift from anarchy to an orderly situation, where
social struggles had no more reason to exist. 

The Marathi
newspaper gave considerable space to the political reforms carried out
by Mussolini, in particular the substitution of the election of the
members of Parliament with their nomination and the replacement of
parliament itself with the Great Council of Fascism. Mussolini’s idea
was the opposite of that of democracy and it was expressed by the
dictator’s principle, according to which ‘one man’s government is more
useful and more binding’ for the nation than the democratic
institutions. 

Is all this not reminiscent of the principle of ‘obedience to one leader’ (‘ek chalak anuvartitva’) followed by the RSS?

Finally, a
long article of August 13, 1929, ‘Italy and the Young Generations’,
stated that the Italian young generations had succeeded the old one to
lead the country. That had resulted in the ‘fast ascent of Italy in
every field’. The article went on to describe at length the organisation
of the Italian society according to fascist models. The principal
reasons of the discipline of the Italian youths were strong religious
feelings, widespread among the population, attachment to the family, and
the respect of traditional values: no divorce, no singles, no right to
vote for women, whose only duty was to sit at home, by the fireplace.
The article focussed then on the fascist youth organisations, the
Balilla and the Avanguardisti.

One can
easily come to the conclusion that, by the late 1920s, the fascist
regime and Mussolini had considerable popularity in Maharashtra. The
aspect of fascism which appealed most to Hindu nationalists were, of
course, both the militarisations of society and what was seen as real
transformation of society, exemplified by the shift from chaos to order.
The anti–democratic system was considered as a positive alternative to
democracy which was seen as a typically British value.

The first
Hindu nationalist who came in contact with the fascist regime and its
dictator was BS Moonje, a politician strictly related to the RSS. In
fact, Moonje had been Hedgewar’s mentor, the two men were related by an
intimate friendship. Moonje’s declared intention to strengthen the RSS
and to extend it as a nation–wide organisation is well known. 

Between
February and March 1931, on his return from the Round Table Conference,
Moonje made a tour to Europe, which included a long stop–over in Italy.
There he visited some important military schools and educational
institutions. The highlight of the visit was the meeting with Mussolini.
An interesting account of the trip and the meeting is given in Moonje’s
diary and takes 13 pages. 

The Indian
leader was in Rome during March 15 to 24, 1931. On March 19, in Rome, he
visited, among others, the Military College, the Central Military
School of Physical Education, the Fascist Academy of Physical Education,
and, most important, the Balilla and Avanguardisti organisations. These
two organisations, which he describes in more that two pages of his
diary, were the keystone of the fascist system of indoctrination —
rather than education — of the youths. Their structure is strikingly
similar to that of the RSS. They recruited boys from the age of six, up
to 18: the youth had to attend weekly meetings, where they practised
physical exercise, received paramilitary training and performed drills
and parades.

According to
the literature promoted by the RSS and other Hindu fundamentalist
organisations and parties, the structure of the RSS was the result of
Hedgewar’s vision and work. However, Moonje played a crucial role in
moulding the RSS along Italian (fascist) lines. The deep impression left
on Moonje by the vision of the fascist organisations is confirmed by
his diary.

“The Balilla
institutions and the conception of the whole organisation have appealed
to me most, though there is still not discipline and organisation of
high order. The whole idea is conceived by Mussolini for the military
regeneration of Italy. Italians, by nature, appear ease–loving and
non–martial, like the Indians generally. They have cultivated, like
Indians, the work of peace and neglected the cultivation of the art of
war. Mussolini saw the essential weakness of his country and conceived
the idea of the Balilla organisation…Nothing better could have been
conceived for the military organisation of Italy… 

“The idea of
fascism vividly brings out the conception of unity amongst people…
India and particularly Hindu Indias need some such institution for the
military regeneration of the Hindus: so that the artificial distinction
so much emphasised by the British of martial and non–martial classes
amongst the Hindus may disappear. 

“Our
institution of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh of Nagpur under Dr. Hedgewar
is of this kind, though quite independently conceived. I will spend the
rest of my life in developing and extending this Institution of Dr.
Hedgewar all throughout Maharashtra and other provinces”.

Definitely
more meaningful is the report of the meeting with Mussolini. On the same
day, March 19, 1931 at 3 pm, in Palazzo Venzia, the headquarters of the
fascist government, he met the Italian dictator. The meeting is
recorded in the diary on March 20… 

“I shook
hands with him saying that I am Dr Moonje. He knew everything about me
and appeared to be closely, following the events of the Indian struggle
for freedom… 

“Signor Mussolini asked me if I have
visited the University. I said I am interested in the military training
of boys and have been visiting the Military Schools of England, France
and Germany. I have now come to Italy for the same purpose and I am very
grateful to say that the Foreign Office and the War Office have made
good arrangements for my visiting these schools. I just saw this morning
and afternoon the Balilla and the Fascist Organisations and I was much
impressed. Italy needs them for her development and prosperity. I do not
see anything objectionable though I have been frequently reading in the
newspapers not very friendly criticisms about them and about your
Excellency also. 

“Signor Mussolini: What is your opinion about them?

“Dr Moonje: Your Excellency, I am much impressed. Every aspiring and growing Nation needs such organisations. 

“Signor
Mussolini – who appeared very pleased – said – Thanks but yours is an
uphill task. However I wish you every success in return.

“Saying this he got up and I also got up to take his leave”.

The description of the Italian journey
includes information regarding fascism, its history, the fascist
‘revolution’, etc, and continues for two more pages.

One can
wonder at the association between BS Moonje and the RSS, but if we think
that Moonje had been Hedgewar’s mentor, the association will be much
clearer. The intimate friendship between Moonje and Hedgewar and the
former’s declared intention to strengthen the RSS and to extend it as a
nation–wide organisation prove a strict connection between Moonje and
the RSS. Moreover, it makes sense to think that the entire circle of
militant Hinduism must have been influenced by Moonje’s Italian
experience.

Moonje’s Plans for Militarising Hindus:

Once Moonje was back in India, he kept the
promise made in his diary and started immediately to work for the
foundation of his military school and for the militant reorganisation of
Hindu society in Maharashtra. He really did not waste time, for, as
soon as he reached Pune, he gave an interview to The Mahratta. Regarding
the military reorganisation of the Hindu community, he stressed the
necessity to ‘Indianise’ the army and expressed the hope that
conscription would become compulsory and an Indian would be put
in–charge of the defence ministry. 

He finally
made a clear reference to the Italian and German examples: “In fact,
leaders should imitate the youth movements of Germany and the Balilla
and Fascist organisations of Italy. I think they are eminently suited
for introduction in India, adapting them to suit the special conditions.
I have been very much impressed by these movements and I have seen
their activities with my own eyes in all details”.

Soon fascism
became a subject of public debate and Hedgewar himself was among the
promoters of a campaign in favour of the militarism of society,
according to fascist patterns. On January 31, 1934, Hedgewar presided
over a conference about fascism and Mussolini, organised by Kavde
Shastri. Moonje made the concluding speech. 

A few months
later, on March 31, 1934 Moonje, Hedgewar and Laloo Gokhale had a
meeting, the subject of which was again the military organisation of the
Hindus, along Italian and German lines:

“Laloo —
Well you are the president of the Hindu Sabha and you are preaching
Sanghathan of Hindus. It is ever possible for Hindus to be organised?

“I said —
You have asked me a question of which exactly I was thinking of late. I
have thought out a scheme based on Hindu Dharm Shashtra which provides
for standardisation of Hinduism throughout India… But the point is that
this ideal cannot be brought to effect unless we have our own swaraj
with a Hindu as a dictator like Shivaji of old or Mussolini or Hitler of
the present day in Italy or Germany… But this does not mean that we
have to sit with folded hands until (sic) some such dictator arises in
India. We should formulate a scientific scheme and carry on propaganda
for it.

The intimate
connection between Moonje and the RSS and the fascist character of the
latter is confirmed by British sources. An intelligence report published
in 1933 and entitled, ‘Note on the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh’,
ascribed to Moonje the responsibility of the reorganisation of the Sangh
in the Marathi speaking districts and in the Central Provinces in 1927.
The report, describing the activity and the character of the RSS,
warned that, “It is perhaps no exaggeration to assert that the Sangh
hopes to be in future India what the 

‘Fascists’ are to Italy and the ‘Nazis’ to Germany”. 

Summing up,
it is clear that the Hindu nationalists were very much attracted by the
figure of a strong leader. Moreover, they were keen to give their
organisation a strongly centralised structure.

Moonje’s
trip to Italy, contrary to what happened in the case of Subhash Chandra
Bose and other nationalists, did not give place to any further
co–operation between Hindu nationalism and the fascist regime. However,
these contacts were important at the ideological and organisational
levels. In fact, Moonje kept his promise to improve military education
in India and, as soon as he came back from his European trip, he started
to contact all those who could support his idea of militarising Hindu
society. 

In 1934,
Moonje started to work for the foundation of his own institution, the
Bhonsla Military School. For this purpose, in the same year he began to
work at the foundation of the Central Hindu Military Education Society,
whose aim was to educate them in ‘Sanatan Dharma’, and to train them “in
the science and art of personal and national defence”. Moonje’s
programme was therefore entirely devoted to Hindu society, and not to
Indian society as a whole.

It is
possible that the other function of the society was that of facilitating
the diffusion of military education and supporting the foundation of
new schools. During the preliminary work for the foundation of both
school and society, Moonje publicly admitted that his idea of militarily
reorganising Hindu society was inspired by the “military training
schools of England, France, Germany and Italy”. 

Moonje’s
‘Preface to the Scheme of the Central Hindu Military Society and its
Military School’ says at the outset: “This training is meant for
qualifying and fitting our boys for the game of killing masses of men
with the ambition of winning victory with the best possible causalities
(sic) of dead and wounded while causing the utmost possible to the
adversary”.

Moonje does not give any clear–cut
indication regarding this ‘adversary’, whether is was the external
enemy, the British, or the ‘historical’ internal enemy, the Muslims. The
document continues with a long dissertation on the relation between
violence and non–violence. In it are drawn many examples from Indian
history and Hindu holy books, all in favour of organised violence, in
the form of Militarism. On the contrary, non–violence is considered a
form of renunciation and cowardice.

Moonje’s
views corresponded almost perfectly with Mussolini’s opinions: “…The
same thought is repeated though in a more forceful and direct language
by Signor Mussolini, the maker of modern Italy, when he says: ‘Our
desire for peace and collaboration with Europe is based on millions of
steel bayonets’.”

And again
from Mussolini’s Doctrine of Fascism: “I absolutely disbelieve in
perpetual peace which is detrimental and negative to the fundamental
virtues of man, which only by struggle reveal themselves in the light of
the sun”.

“War alone
brings up to its highest tension all human energy and puts the stamp of
nobility upon the peoples who have the courage to meet it”.

“Fascism
believes neither in the possibility nor the utility of perpetual peace.
It thus repudiates the doctrine of pacifism, which is born of
renunciation of the struggle and an act of cowardice in the face of
sacrifice”.

As far as
Germany was concerned, Moonje quoted a booklet entitled
Wehrwisssenschaft (Military Science), written by Ewald Banse, a
professor at the Brunswick Technical High School: “The starting point of
the book is that war is inevitable and certain and that it is
imperative to know as much about it and to be as efficient as
possible…the mind of the nation, from childhood on, must be impregnated
and familiarised with the idea of war”, because, the Professor says:
‘The dying warrior dies more easily when he knows that his blood is
ebbing for his national god’.”

The spirit of the last sentence is surprisingly coincident with the essence of the Hindu nationalism.

When Moonje
had to indicate practical ways of militarising Hindu society, he
returned again to the example of Italy and its military and paramilitary
organisations, and reported what he had seen. He described in detail
the structure of the ‘She Wolf’s Children’, the Balilla and the
Avanguardisti. He asserted that these organisations could provide
paramilitary training to the male population from the age of 8 upto18,
when the youth became young fascists. Italy was therefore in a position
of having “command of 6,000,000 trained and disciplined men ready to
face any emergency”.

The result
was that, “The Balillas are taught to build up moral character and take
the first steps towards becoming soldiers”. As a consequence, “There
will thus be no longer any distinction between the citizen and the
soldier, between the civilian and the man in uniform”.

Of course, nowadays we know that, inspite
of this remarkable number of militarily trained citizens, Italy lost the
war. Moonje did not know that the level of the training was low, and
the fascist faith of the people skin–deep.

Fascist
ideas were widespread among Hindu nationalists, at least in Maharashtra.
The above mentioned script had been printed in the form of a pamphlet
and distributed not only among the people Moonje tried to involve in his
project, but most probably, to an even wider public, which
unfortunately, is at present difficult to measure.

Eve of Second World War:

After Moonje’s trip to Italy there was no
further direct contact between exponents of the main Hindu organisations
and the Italian government. However, by the end of the 1930s Italian
representatives in India established some connections with the extremist
fringes of Hindu nationalism. The Italian consulate in Bombay was very
active in seeking contacts with the local political milieu. The Italian
diplomatic mission in Bombay was part of a network linking consulates in
Bombay and Calcutta with the radical movements of Maha-rashtra and
Bengal. 

The
influence of fascist ideology and practice must have gone far beyond the
limits of the main organisations of Hindu militant nationalism and must
have tended to the wide and intricate net of secondary militant groups
and centres of physical education or paramilitary training. This is
shown by the example of the Swastik League, founded on March 10, 1929 by
M R Jayakar — who became president — and by other local personalities.
In organising the Swastik League, Jayakar, who had a prominent position
within the Hindu Mahasabha, drew some inspiration from the fascist
paramilitary organisations. 

Savarkar and Nazism:

At this point we have to dwell on the
crucial problem of Savarkar’s position vis–à–vis the European radical
right. With Savarkar’s coming on the political scene, from the late
1930s to the Second World War, there was an intensification of cries in
favour or in defence of Italian and German policy, even if the
preference for Germany increased progressively.

Savarkar was declared president of the
Hindu Mahasabha as soon as he was released in 1937, and he held that
office until 1942. His presidentship covered the most sensitive period
of both Indian and international history in this century. According to
the commonly accepted opinion — supported by the organisations of
militant Hinduism — the RSS and the Hindu Mahasabha have never been
particularly close, and during Savarkar’s presidentship, they severed
their links. Reality, however, seems to be different. In fact, the
available documentation shows not only that such a split never happened,
but that the two organisations always had close connections.


We should not forget that Hedgewar had been
secretary to the Hindu Mahasabha from 1926 to 1931. The RSS seems to
have provided support to the Hindu Mahasabha, as shown by the fact that
groups of RSS militants used to gather at the public meetings organised
to celebrate Savarkar’s release.


Two of the main topics of the speeches
Savarkar gave at the gatherings organised in his honour and at any other
public function of his party were the international situation and
Hindu–Muslim relations.


Regarding the first aspect, Savarkar had a
rather cynical view of the relations India should entertain at the
international level. He returned to freedom and entered into politics at
the time of the formation of the Rome–Berlin Axis and Japan’s adhesion
to the pact. Such an outcome was favourably assessed by Hindu radical
nationalism, including the Hindu Mahasabha.


‘India’s foreign policy’ was the subject of
a speech Savarkar gave to about 20,000 people in Pune on August 1,
1938. The following are the most meaningful parts of the speech,
according to a press note issued by the Bombay office of the Hindu
Mahasabha.

“He observed India’s foreign policy must
not depend on “isms”. Germany has every right to resort to Nazism and
Italy to Fascism and events have justified that those isms and forms of
governments were imperative and beneficial to them under the conditions
that obtained there. Bolshevism might have suited Russia and Democracy
as it is obtained in Briton (sic) to the British people”.


Political systems correspond then to the
nature of the respective population. This theory was clearly inspired by
a deterministic conception of race, similar to the conception of race
then dominant in Europe.


Starting a controversy with Nehru, Savarkar
openly defended the authoritarian powers of the day, particularly Italy
and, even more so, Germany: “Who are we to dictate to Germany, Japan or
Russia or Italy to choose a particular form of policy of government
simply because we woo it out of academical attraction? Surely Hitler
knows better than Pandit Nehru does what suits Germany best. The very
fact that Germany or Italy has so wonderfully recovered and grown so
powerful as never before at the touch of Nazi or Fascist magical wand is
enough to prove that those political “isms” were the most congenial
tonics their health demanded”.


Savarkar asserted in a speech in the
presence of some 4,000 people at Pune on October 11, 1938, (that) if a
plebiscite had taken place in India, Muslims would have chosen to unite
with Muslims and Hindus with Hindus. This was a consequence of the
principle according to which it was not enough living together for a few
countries to form a nation, as “the common desire to form a nation was
essential for the formation of a nation”.


During Savarkar’s presidentship the
anti–Muslim rhetoric became more and more radical, and distinctly
unpleasant. It was a rhetoric that made continuous reference to the way
Germany was managing the Jewish question. Indeed, in speech after
speech, Savarkar supported Hitler’s anti–Jewish policy, and on October
14, 1938, he suggested the following solution for the Muslim problem in
India: “A Nation is formed by a majority living therein. What did the
Jews do in Germany? They being in minority were driven out from
Germany”.


Then, towards the end of the year in Thane,
in front of RSS militants and local sympathisers, right at the time
when Congress expressed its resolution against Germany, Savarkar stated
that, “in Germany the movement of the Germans is the national movement
but that of the Jews is a communal one”. And again the next year, on
July 29, in Pune, he said: “Nationality did not depend so much on a
common geographical area as on unity of thought, religion, language and
culture. For this reason the Germans and the Jews could no be regarded
as a nation”.


Without this unity, not even Muslims and
Hindus could be regarded as belonging to the same nation. Indian Muslims
should rather resign themselves to be considered as a minority, the
recognition of whose rights should depend on the magnanimity of the
majority.


Finally, at the end of 1939, on the
occasion of the 21st session of the Hind Mahasabha, Savarkar made one of
the most explicit comparisons between the Muslim question in India and
the Jewish problem in Germany: “…the Indian Muslims are on the whole
more inclined to identify themselves and their interests with Muslims
outside India than Hindus who live next door, like Jews in Germany”.


One can find a certain continuity between
the ideas of nations and nationhood expressed in Savarkar’s Hindutva and
the content of these declarations. Indeed in his book, Savarkar,
referring to the Muslims, asserted that “their holyland is far off in
Arabia or Palestine. Their mythology and godmen, ideas and heroes are
not children of this soil. Consequently their names and their outlook
smack of foreign origin (Hindutva: Who is Hindu?).


A feeling of admiration for the Jewish
policy of Germany seems to have been shared by the entire circle of
Hindu nationalism at the end of the 1930s. In We, or Our Nationhood
Defined, Golwalkar, who would  become general secretary of the RSS a
year later declared that:

“German national pride has now become the
topic of the day. To keep up the purity of the nation and its culture,
Germany shocked the world by her purging the country of the Semitic
races — the Jews. National pride at its highest has been manifested
here. Germany has also shown how well–nigh impossible it is for races
and cultures, having differences going to the mot (?), to be assimilated
into one united whole, a good lesson for us in Hindustan to learn and
profit by”.


This had its root in the idea that being a
Hindu was a matter of race and blood, not only a matter of culture. In
turn that was an idea which was strikingly similar to the racial myths
celebrated in Germany, more than in Italy.


Golwarkar’s position regarding Muslims was
even more extreme than Savarkar’s: “in one word, they (Muslims) must
cease to be foreigners or may stay in the country wholly subordinated to
the Hindu nation claiming nothing, deserving no privileges, far less
any preferential treatment, not even citizen’s rights”. 


Waiting for the Right Enemy 

The literature promoted by militant
Hinduism is trying nowadays to compare the attitude adopted by the Hindu
Mahasabha towards the totalitarian regimes with Subhash Chandra Bose’s
position towards the axis powers. According to this literature, the
evidence in favour of such interpretation is a meeting which took place
between Bose and Savarkar in Bombay in June 1940.


My impression of the episode is that it is a
sort of historiagraphic invention, directed to legitimise the otherwise
ambiguous position of the Hindu Mahasabha during the war. Asserting
that Netaji’s project had Savarkar’s sanction means not only that
Savarkar had a sort of patronage on Bose’s activities in Europe, but
more important, that Savarkar played an important role in the freedom
fight.


Certainly the meeting did take place, and
very possibly the two leaders discussed Bose’s intention to go to Europe
and seek support of the axis powers. However, all this is far from
meaning that Savarkar inspired Bose, who, right from 1933, had his own
connections with the dictators’ governments. The president of the Hindu
Mahasabha put forward his claim on the content of his meeting with
Netaji four years after Gandhi’s assassination, when the image of the
Hindu Mahasabha and its affiliation were badly damaged by the suspicion
of their involvement in the murder. Accordingly it makes sense to think
that the organisations of militant Hinduism must have perceived the
necessity to rehabilitate their political past and re–invent a more
clear–cut anti–British stand. What stronger argument, therefore, could
be available than the assertion that the Hindu Mahasabha was secretly
ready to support Bose’s plan?

The involvement in Gandhi’s assassination
was not the only reason of crisis; the image of Hindu nationalism was
indeed already damaged by the ambiguous attitude adopted in the war
period. The policy actually followed by Hindu nationalism during the
war, namely, responsive co–operation, was far from being unambiguous on
both transfer of powers and relations with the British.


The committee wished for the realisation of
the militarisation of Indian society and the Indianisation of the army.
It requested a reform of the Arms Act, along the lines prevailing in
the UK. It demanded also that territorial forces and paramilitary groups
be strengthened, that new military organisations be created in those
provinces where they did not exist before, and finally that more Indian
students be accepted in the military academies. The Hindu Mahasabha
requested the government to increase the local production of modern
armaments so that India could equip its army, without depending on
imports from other nations.


Soon after this resolution, the Hindu
Mahasabha started to work for the creation of a national militia.
Naturally enough, Moonje became the person in charge. Inviting party
members to attend a preliminary meeting for the foundation of the
militia, in Pune on October 8, Moonje described the future organisation
in the following terms:

“I have the pleasure in bringing to your
notice a resolution of the Hindu Mahasabha for the organisation of the
Hindu Militia in the country for the purpose of taking part in the
defence of India both from external and internal aggression whenever an
occasion of emergency may arise during the course of the Anglo-German
War.


“…I believe that it will be quite in the
fitness of things, in view of the historic All–India Military leadership
of the Maharashtra, that a beginning should be made in the Maharashtra;
so that the lead may be taken up by the whole of India afterwards”. 

Who could be the internal aggressors if not the Muslims?


The answer seems to be contained in a
letter from Moonje to Khaparde of October 18: “… the Moslems are making
themselves a nuisance. The Congress government will not stand up but
will yield to them. We cannot expect any consideration at the hands of
the Congress government. We shall have to fight both the government and
the Moslems just as the Khaskars are doing in UP. The Hindu Mahasabha
will give its support to such fights as the Muslim League is supporting
the Khaskars: you must prepare the volunteers in your towns. The
Rashtriya Swaymasevak Sangh may be useful and handy.


The theme of the ‘internal enemy’ is a
further element of affinity between the ideology of fascism and of Hind
nationalism, expressed by a similar rhetoric. It seems nevertheless that
the Sanghatanists were inclined to fight the Muslims and the Congress,
rather than the British.


According to Moonje’s plans, the RSS should
be involved in the creation of the national militia. Indeed, in a
letter of October 18 to General Nanasahib Shinde of Baroda, Moonje
affirmed: “I am glad to note that you have approved of my idea of a
Hindu National Militia for Maharashtra as is being organised by the
Hindu Mahasabha.


“I have been myself thinking of the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and I am corresponding with their leader.
They may have their peculiar (sic) difficulties and the point is that
the militia should be organised under these circumstances whether the
Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh can undertake the task or not.


During this preliminary phase, Moonje
consulted Hedgewar, with whom he exchanged several letters and whom
Moonje hoped to meet, in order to discuss the participation of the RSS
in the militia.


On October 27 a militant from Lahore
informed Moonje that: “We have at present in Punjab several Dals and
Sanghs, the total number of members of which is approximately about
50,000, but they are not working under a single organisation. There are
Rashtriya Sevak Sangh, Atma Sangh, Mahabir Dal, Seva Sangh and Akali Dal
working under different leaders. They have a sort of military
organisation. The Akali Dal is armed with swords, but the others have
other weapons. The Rashtriya Sevak Sangh has only lathis. The first
thing to do is to bring all these sanghs on a uniform basis working
under a single leadership though not of one man but of a council.


In spite of such mobilisation, the Hindu
militia had not been formed. The government did not withdraw the
existing restrictions imposed on military and paramilitary organisations
and schools.


It is difficult to establish if the
organisations of militant Hinduism were arming themselves against
possible foreign invaders, the internal enemy, or the British. Most
probably they were carefully hedging their bet, ready to take advantage
of any future development. However, it is a fact that at a meeting with
Linlithgow in Bombay on October 8, 1939, Savarkar adopted a decidedly
conciliatory position vis–à–vis the British.


When, in the 1940s, the totalitarian
regimes had already revealed their true colours, the attitude of the
organisations of militant Hinduism towards fascism and Nazism was still
benevolent. In spite of the already, even if only partially, known
atrocities committed by Hitler and Mussolini, the main organisations of
Hindu nationalism still praised the dictators and their regimes. This
position could be justified, had it been part of a coherent and strong
anti–British policy. However, as I have tried to demonstrate, the forces
of Hindu nationalism seem to have concentrated their efforts more
against the so–called internal enemies — Muslims and Congress — rather
than the foreign invaders. While Bose’s alliance with the axis powers
had mainly an anti–British function, the Hindu Mahasabha used its
support to the dictators as an instrument in blackmail the British.


Conclusions:

The preceding discussion has shown that:
(a) the main historical organisations and leaders of Hindu nationalism
had a distinctive and sustained interest in fascism and nazism; (b)
fascist ideological influences on Hindu nationalism were present and
relevant; and (c) to a certain extent, these influences were channelled
through direct contacts between Hindu nationalists and members of the
Italian fascist state. No doubt, beginning with the early 1920s and up
to the second world war, Hindu nationalists looked at the political
reality of fascist Italy, and subsequently of nazi Germany, as a source
of inspiration.


One of the results of the contacts between
the fascism and Hindu nationalism was the attempt to militarise Hindu
society and to create a militant mentality among the Hindus. If it is
true that the Hindu society elaborated its own patterns of
militarisation —  refer to the shakhas as a typically Indian phenomenon —
it is equally true that a most relevant result of fascist influence was
the transmission of a more functional organisation and a stronger
political character to the already existing organisation of political
Hinduism.


At the ideological level, the most
meaningful effect of the fascist influence is represented by the way in
which Hindu nationalism developed its own concept of diversity,
transforming ‘diverse’ people into enemies. Of course, the concept of
internal enemy is already implicitly contained in Savarkar’s Hindutva.
Nevertheless, the continuous reference to German racial policy and the
comparison of the Jewish problem in Germany with the Muslim question in
India reveals the evolution of the concept of ‘internal enemy’ along
explicitly fascist lines.

In my opinion, if one is to understand the
evolution of Hindu radicalism in the post–independence period, one has
to take into account both the domestic roots of this phenomenon and the
external influence on its development.


In the 1920s and 1930s fascism was an
international phenomenon. As such it was bound to influence the ideology
and practice of similar movements all over the world. Since many of Bal
Thackeray’s most outrageously anti–Muslim and racist statements are
literal quotations of Savarkar’s speeches and theories, it is legitimate
to conclude that such influence is still alive in today’s militant
Hinduism.


(The above article has been excerpted from a
much larger piece, with detailed references under the title,
‘Hindutva’s Foregin Tie-up in the in the 1930s — Archival Evidence’,
published in the January 22, 2000 issue of the Economic and Political
Weekly. Marzia Casolari is an Italian researcher). 

Source: http://www.sacw.net/DC/CommunalismCollection/ArticlesArchive/casolari.pdf

http://www.ibtimes.com/hindu-nationalists-historical-links-nazism-fascism-214222

http://www.sabrang.com/cc/comold/mar00/document.htm


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Anti National Organization RSS

Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh abbreviated as RSS (Rāṣṭrīya Svayamsēvaka Saṅgha; IPA: [rɑːʂˈʈriːj(ə) swəjəmˈseːvək ˈsəŋɡʱ], lit. “National Volunteer Organisation”[12] or “National Patriotic Organisation”[13]) is a right-wing volunteer, Hindu nationalist,[5] non-governmental organisation.[4][1] It is claimed that it is the world’s largest voluntary non-governmental organisation.[14] RSS states that its ideology is based on the principle of selfless service to India and the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra.[15]

RSS itself claims it does not agree to
constitution of India and need Hindu Rashtra which is called treason or
sedition by their members but still Indian government is not taking any
actions against this organization which indicates Government itself
surrendered to this Organization and controlled by it. Is RSS above the
Indian Government and Indian Constitution? Which directly proofs RSS is
an anti Nationalist organization and involved in the acts of treason and
sedition.  It also implicates that it has grown its members within the
Government machinery and other society controlling elements to that
level so that they will do whatever they want to do according to their
agenda. It implicates Brahmins hegemony restored again in the age of
democracy; its because RSS is a Bahamians controlled Organization. They
wants to implement Manusmritic theocracy to democratic India as like
dishonest Brahmin army chief  Pushyamitra shunga did to Ashoka’s kingdom
which is now known as India. They coin an Identity Bharat Mata. Who is
Bharat Mata? Before 1947 there was no official word existed named
Bharat. Its OK you see India as a Mother so its some extent to justified
Bharat is our Mata. Even every mothers of India is respected so “Bharat
mataon ki jay” is justified in that respect. Even its justified “Bharat
Pitaon ki jay”, “Bharat Bhaionki Jay”, “Bharat Kishano ki Jay” ……. so
and so on…. Even in that notion since India is a country of many
linguistic race “Al Hind Ammi Zaan zindabad or Al Hind Ammi zaan ki jay”
is also justified and  so and so on slogans equivalent to this type are
also justified from other linguistic origin….. Why RSS does not respect
these slogans? They say those don’t utter “Bharat Mataki jay” all are
anti national. It means they want to impose their ideology in their ways
of patriotism or in the cover of Hindu nationalism i.e. in the
concealment of “Bharat Mata ki jay” they wants to make India as a Hindu
Nation. I ask why they won’t utter “Al-Hind Ammi zaan zindabad or
Al-Hind Ammi zaan ki Jay?” If they won’t they are no-doubt anti
nationalist. If you expect patriotism imposing your personal feelings to
others then you should also respect others feelings of citizens of
India. First of all who gave them patriotic right to promote their
personal feelings “Bharat Mata ki Jay” as national slogan?

India officially the Republic of India is a country in South Asia. It is the seventh-largest country by area (3,287,590 km2),
the second-most populous country with over 1.2 billion people, and the
most populous democracy in the world. Religion in India is characterized
by a diversity of religious beliefs and practices. India is the
birthplace of world’s four major religions; namely Hinduism (15% of
world population), Buddhism (7.1% of world population), Jainism and
Sikhism. Religion has been an important part of the country’s culture
throughout India’s history. Its estimated approximately Hinduism holds
78.35%, Islam 14.88%, Christianity 2.5%, Sikhism 1.9%, Buddhism 0.9%,
Jainism 0.4% and other holds 0.9% of Indian population.

Demography of British India i.e. present
Pakistan + India + Bangladesh was a place of many kingdoms or princely
states in the “age of Kingdoms,” and “age of exploration,” without any
National name as like today’s India (Name given by British which is
derived from the word Indus/Sindhu, a river that flows through Pakistan,
the Indian states of Jammu and Kashmir and Gujarat, and western Tibet),
Hindustan (Given by the Islamic emperors, which indirectly says slave
to Islam i.e. land (Stan) of Hindus or dweller of Shindhus, and the word
Hindu is derived from Sindhu, a river that flows through Pakistan, the
Indian states of Jammu and Kashmir and Gujarat, and western Tibet,
without any religion brand, like presently dedicated or hijacked to
Vedism or Santana Dharma) and Bharat (1. Given by Vedic promoters
claiming younger brother of Rama i.e. Bharat was the emperor of British
Indian demography once upon a time, but according epics he was a king of
only Ajodhya/Ayodhya which is a city i.e. a tiny part of present India
at the south end in the Indian state of Uttar Pradesh. Ayodhya used to
be the capital of the ancient Kosala Kingdom., 2. Other theory is; it is
named as Bharat because Jain’s first Tirthankar Lord Rishabhadev’s
eldest son Bharat Chakravorty had ruled to the land long and long days
back where exact time and area of demography is unknown; according to
Jains, Jain Dharma is an ancient religion & even older than
Vedic-Hinduism., 3. Another claim is, long days back in history, the
land had ruled by a brave like lion emperor Bharat, where exact time and
area of demography is unknown. He was the founder of the Bhārata
dynasty and thus an ancestor of the Pandavas and the Kauravas in the
Sanskrit epic, Mahabharata. Vedic supporters claim, the Bhāratas are
prominent tribe in the Rigveda, the story of Bharata is first told in
the Adi Parva of Mahabharata, wherein he is the son of Dushyanta and
Shakuntala).

Majorly Sindhu/Indus River has been used
as an emblem or symbol to recognize the dwellers of this river’s side
gigantic plane without affiliation to any religion. Sindhu is a river
without relating to any faith or religion, which is badly used to
represent a faith for communal benefits in Hinduism. These names had
been given by their respective governments in their regime when they
were in the power to this big demographic area according to their favor.
India is practically unification of many kingdoms, tribes and nomadic
groups. These kingdoms, tribes and nomadic groups had their own
language, literature, social administration, heritage, with or without
any faith system, art and culture etc. in their individual regime. Now
we recognize major kingdoms, tribes and nomadic groups as a State or
province according to their respective languages like Hindi, Sindhi,
Punjabi, Guajarati, Telugu, Tamil, Marathi, Bihari, Odia, Sanskrit etc.
etc. These kingdoms, tribes and nomadic groups had always involved with
the warfare to enlarge their demography for acquiring resources. Kings,
tribal chiefs and nomadic cheifs were the head of their social
commune. The largest kingdom had ever ruled in this demography was by
King Ashoka (269 BCE to 232 BCE).  Ashoka reigned over a realm that
stretched from the Hindu Kush mountains in the west to Bengal in the
East and covered the entire Indian subcontinent except parts of present
day Tamil Nadu and Kerala. Emerging with the demographics, amalgamations
of their art of living was also taking an evolution. According to
historic literature evidence we come across the race those were using
Sanskrit as their communicative language had written Vedas those were a
smallest part of this largest demography. Now even Sanskrit is spoken by
some people which is approximately or even less than 1000 in
Uttarakhand. Vedas are the proofs of these Sanskrit using clan was
believing in Rig Vedic fourfold class system. These Vedic supporters had
always trying to implement their fourfold caste system to administrate
the reined kingdoms society and always were considering the
non-implemented society as out castes or Atishudras. Vedic philosophy is
based on the faith of God that implements theocracy according to their
distribution of occupation maintained by Purusha Sukta as Brahmin,
Ksatriya, Vaisyas and Sudra. They were implementing this theory to the
society to administrate the kingdom after they rein it. According to
their creation story of Veda, it describes the division of the
primordial being Purusha into the four castes “for the protection of
this whole creation”. Brahmins were born from the mouth, Ksatriyas from
the arms, Vaisyas from the thighs and Sudras from the feet. Each one of
these castes from the beginning was assigned a particular purpose and
station in life. Brahmins (priests) were to recite and teach the Veda,
offer and officiate at sacrifices, and receive gifts, while Ksatriyas
(warriors) were charged mainly with protecting others, and Vaisyas
(merchants) were to engage in “trade, money lending or any kind of
actions of buying and selling goods and services.” These first three
castes constituted the ‘twice-born’ who had, if they led pure lives,
fairly decent chances of going to heaven but Sudras as lower castes
those were treated as menial which will serve to these three upper
castes without touching to them and have no chance for any change for
their present life. Brahmin, Ksatirya and Vaisyas are known as upper
castes those enjoy services of lower castes and lower caste had to serve
them without dignity, equality, education, liberty and property. Change
of occupation and social status strictly prohibited in Vedic believes.
It means Brahmins can’t be degraded to Sudra and Sudra can’t get the
position of Brahmin and vice versa for the other two castes Ksatriyas
and Vaisyas. Those were not belongs to a part of their society i.e. not a
Brahmin or Ksatriya or Vaisya or Sudra were considered as out castes or
Atisudras those were even treated as worse than animals and even more
degraded and cruel ways as they like. In their age of Vedism, Kingdoms
without having Vedic management system were considered as kingdoms of
Atisudras. In the age of kingdom the largest kingdom had acquired by the
king Ashoka who was a king of Mauryan Dynasty,
was a kingdom of Atishudra as per the Vedic philosophy; it’s because
Mauryans had declined the Vedic beliefs. Vedism is a faith of
“discrimination and violence” as its base, whose masterminds were only
Vedic promoter Brahmins. Vedic implementer Brahmins and Vedic adopted
Brahmins of different princely states have no biological relationship to
each others, so adopted Brahmins are also victims of Vedic
classifications; and enjoyed so called high status reserved by Vedic
class system by maintaining and promoting  the cruel rules of
discrimination for personal and communal benefits. Many Hindu followers
even don’t know cow slaughtering was an occupation of Brahmins in the
age of Vedism. Brahmins were officiating Bali (sacrifice) for fulfilling
the desires of followers by offering to their loving deities. Balis
(sacrifices) were eaten by Brahmins in that days. Sacrifice is a normal
word in Vedism. You can find also terms like gomedha (cow sacrifice),
ashwamedha (horse sacrifice), purushamedha (man sacrifice) in Veda and
many Vedic imposed Hindu scriptures. Another example is the Sanskrit
scripture
Bhagavad Gita which  was inserted into an epic called the Mahabharata
which had written by ved Vyasa that teaches justice by violence. The
story of Mahabharata is fight between cousin brothers for justice. 
Every human will agree, taking alcohol as bad habits and gambling is a
crime and sin but story starts with the gambling and ends with the
justice for Pandavas  those had defeated in gambling;  lord Krishna
helped Pandavas to make them win against thousands of  lives in the war
for a simple crime i.e. insulting or outraging modesty of a woman is
ridicules and foolishness justice ever made in ancient history. Against
the one woman’s modesty i.e. Drupadi, thousands and thousands of
innocent women and children lost their innocent husbands and fathers,
mothers lost their sons, sisters lost their brothers, is which kind of
justice by Lord Krishna only he knows or if its said by itself writer in
the name of Krishna then he knows, which reflects the level of
understanding of these identities. How a divine identity with the
position of God supported gamblers to kill millions of innocents  in the
war is a good example how violence is taught in the name of morals in
Hinduism.

Before 610AD there was no Islam so
non-united kingdoms of India has its own names according to their
kingdom regimes and they were having popular religions like
paganism(worshiping pagan deities like Shiva, Krishna, Vishnu….etc.),
Shamanism, Ajivika, Charvaka, Buddhism, Jainasm and Sanatan
Dharm(Bramhanism/Vedism). There was faith war among them but in the age
of Ashoka major faith was Buddhism so India’s first national religion is
Buddhism. When dishonest Brahmin army chief of Ashoka kingdom behead
last ruler of Maurayan emperor Brihadratha  mercilessly and captured
Ashoka kingdom he only implemented Sanatan Dharm to Buddhist kingdom of
Ashoka by shine of sword terrorizing threat of life. He implemented
fourfold castes system defined by them in purusha sukta 10:90 in Rig
veda and included pagan deities of  different linguistic race as their
God with honey coated mind-born stories to control their faith Sanatan
Dharm. These pagan deities like Krishna, Rama etc. can’t be found in any
Veda but they can be found in their created Puaranas and epics which is
fabricated version of mind born stories in favor of Brahmins. They even
created mind born identities to suppress real heroes. They created fake
identities like Narsimha, Durga, Hanuman, Bramha, Ganesh etc. those are
impossible biologically and scientifically which indicates all are mind
born and used to fool its followers. After 610AD when Muhammad reveled
Islam and his adopted faith emperors invaded India they used to
represent dwellers according to name of Shindh or Shindhu which is
wrongly pronounced as Hind. They were designated the demography as Al
Hind and with the time, dwellers are represented as Hindu without any
affiliation of any religion. Later they used Hindu to designate those
are not Muslims so Muslims emperors used the word Hindu to their slaves.
Later Sanatan Dharm used the word to represent their faith as Hindu to
hide Bramhanism or Vedism to make the crowd bigger excluding non Muslims
and non Christians making it as an umbrella. Name Bharat is Brahmins
imposed name to India which had no trustful origin and even communal.
Bharat word itself coined by Manuvadi peoples of India now organized as
RSS. Bharat Mata is totally a mind born identity to enforce Manuvadi to
democratic India. They use slogan “Bharat Mata ki jay” means
psychologically enforcing their created identity as your National Mother
as a God otherwise you are non-patriotic. If you want to certify
yourself a patriotic then you have to say their mind born identity ki
jay means Manuvad ki jay. What it is? Is not it treason? Its ok if you
portray the whole Nation as mother but politicization shows evil motives
and treason behind it. How could you change the national flag as your
wish? They use the saffron flag for Democratic India is not it anti
National? Why and how Bharat Mata use that saffron flag to represent
democratic India? Is not it treason? Is Bharat Mata an anti National
identity why it represent Indian demography with another flag which does
not seems to be Indian flag? If Bharat Mata represents India with
non-Indian flag then what should it be called? RSS use this Bharat mata
with saffron flag to represent India in their official website is not it
treason? Is not it non-verbal sedition?

RSSThe
word “Bharat” is not secular like the word “India.” So “Jay India” is
more secular than “Bharat Mata ki jay” where RSS and its sister
organizations are terrorists. Is Bharat Mata a part of our constitution?
Where it is written Bharat Mata is the representative to India as God
or whatever like this? These so called communal non government
organizations comes with their individual thoughts of patriotism and
enforce their idiotic thoughts in the name patriotism and link communal
feelings and sentiments to their created identities for their self and
organized benefits to make their crowed bigger playing sentiments of
their followers; if you don’t support them they portray you are an anti
nationalist. Who are these idiotic organizations to determine one’s
patriotism according to their heinous thoughts? Tomorrow some
organization may claim we see India as our father  or “Al Hind Abbu
Jaan” or “Bharat Pita” or “Al Hind Ami Jaan” so if you don’t utter 
“Bharat Pita ki jay” or “Al Hind Abbu Jaan zinda baad” or “Al Hind Ammi
Jaan zinda baad” you all are anti Nationalist. Is our patriotism will be
determined according to their communal thoughts? Is not it anti
nationalism? Why Government is not taking actions of sedition or treason
against them?

Bhart Maata

Bhart Pita

Al-Hind Abbu Jaan

Al-Hind Ammi


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Chitpavan brahminism persecution in Democratic India.

DALITS/ SCHEDULED CASTES – 2011

January to December 2011

Compiled By∗
Human Rights Documentation

Indian Social Institute, Lodi Road, New Delhi – 110 003, (India)

Caste war over burial ground in AP village

Caste war among villagers at Basampalli
in the Anantpur district of Andhra Pradesh has led to denial of final
rites for a Dalit farmer, whose body has begun to decompose awaiting
cremation for the last two days. Potla Ganganna (65) belonged to the
Namdhari sect, considered lower rung even among the Dalits. After his
death on December 30, his relatives took the body for cremation to the
graveyard on the outskirts of Basampalli, but had to return without
performing the final rites as the land was occupied by upper caste
villagers. The relatives then tried cremating Ganganna’s body at another
graveyard, where people of another Dalit sect—Modikallu—took offence
saying the cremation ground was closer to their home and a Namdhari
funeral rites, noisy by tradition with sounding of drums and bells
ringing, was a bad omen. Tension broke out between the Namdharis the
Modikallus, which led to the police being brought in to control the
violence. According to the village heads, the issue cropped up because
the prime Panchayat land, allotted for the graveyard, has been
encroached upon by upper caste political leaders. But according to the
Dalit elders, there was always friction between the Dalits and the upper
caste in the village, especially during festivals and over water woes
in the parched summer season. As the warring goes on, the body of
Ganganna, lying in his shanty for the last two days, has begun to
decompose, posing severe health risks to both upper and lower castes
alike. (Deccan herald, 03/01/2011)

Dalits pay the price for supporting BJP

HUBLI: Hundreds of innocent dalit
families residing in Harijankere of Antur-Bentur village of Gadag
district were ostracized from the village. All for supporting a BJP
candidate in the just concluded ZP/TP election. Dalit families who spent
a chilly night in a temple on the outskirts of the village on Saturday
night after being ostracized alleged that their only fault was that they
stood by the BJP candidate as he helped develop the temple in
Harijankere. Gadag district minister C C Patil has said that he will
hold talks with the upper caste people to establish a favourable
atmosphere in Antur-Bentur village. Speaking to The Times of India,
Patil said that he also visited the village on Sunday evening to assess
the situation. However, the villagers were being treated as untouchables
in the village even before the polls. Now the ostracism has been given a
political twist. “We have been denied water, entry into temples and
hotels after the election. Finally, we were ostracized from village.
Besides, we were allegedly attacked on Friday night, forcing us to leave
the village,” a member of the family rued. “I will hold a meeting with
the upper caste people in this village tomorrow to bring the situation
to normalcy and to establish conducive atmosphere in the village,” the
minister assured. Of the 11 GP members, 8 GP members including dalits
joined BJP which might have annoyed anti-social elements, minister Patil
said. Without mentioning Congress, he said that some youths who are
miffed with dalit families for supporting BJP have allegedly attacked
them. As dalit families sought protection, we deployed adequate police
in the village, Patil added. He also promised to make alternate
arrangements to supply ration to the dalit families in the village since
shops were closed due to the tension in the village. Left with no other
options, more than 100 dalit families including children, women and
aged spent their night on the premises of temple on Saturday night. They
have lodged a complaint with the Gadag rural police seeking action but
in vain. When the families were not allowed to enter the village on
Sunday morning too, they held a dharna near the temple demanding action
against those who ostracized them from the village. Police then rushed
to the village and convinced the dalits to go back to their houses.
Speaking to the Times of India, Chandru Hadimani, Kanakamma Sandimani,
Basavaraj Machhigudda and others said that some upper caste people
belonging to a particular party were waiting to take revenge against
them for their close association with the BJP candidate. “We appreciated
his help in helping us repair the temple,” they echoed. Untouchablity
still prevails here from many years, they claimed. Ravikumar Nayak,
Gadag SP, said that dalit families have already lodged a complaint.
“After we promised them to look into the matter and to take necessary
action, they got back to their houses. We are maintaing a vigil on
unruly elements who try to disturb peace,” he added. (TOI, 03/01/2010)

This is a collection of previously
published news and views from the print as well as the electronic media,
whose reference marked at the end of each news items. Department of
Documentation and Library (DDL) of the Indian Social Institute, New
Delhi neither claims to the veracity of the facts in the news nor
subscribes to the views expressed.

Punia: SC-ST panel can probe backward girl rape case

LUCKNOW: Reacting to cabinet secretary,
Shashank Shekhar Singh’s statement at that the National Commission for
Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes had no right to investigate the
Neelu rape case as the girl was an OBC and not the SC or ST, Punia said
that the commission was well within its rights to probe the case. Once
the principal secretary to Mayawati, Punia said that the commission was
empowered under article 338(10) of the Constitution to investigate cases
of atrocities against the backward castes including the OBC. Taking a
pot shot at the cabinet secretary, Punia said that Singh was acting like
a BSP spokesperson. “He is a government functionary. If at all he
wishes to act like a BSP spokesperson, then he should first resign,”
Punia said. The Congress MP from Barabanki, termed Shekhar’s allegations
as highly offensive and misleading. Addressing a press conference
earlier in the day, Shashank Shekhar had said that Punia was indulging
in petty politics regarding the case. He said that Punia’s demand of a
report from the state government was not under the purview of the
commission, since the victim was an OBC. TOI, 03/01/2011)

UP among states with high rate of Dalit atrocities: Punia

Uttar Pradesh is among those states where
the percentage of atrocities on Dalits is ”higher”, NCSC Chairman P L
Punia said here today. Punia said that UP did not cooperate with the
Commission when it sought a report over the recent incidence of rape of a
minor Dalit girl and even questioned the authority of the Commission to
do so. While he did not give any figures, Punia said the percentage of
Dalit atrocities in Uttar Pradesh was higher. “They do not consider
addressing the grievances of Dalits as priority,” he said. Punia said
the UP government had taken objection to his intervention in the rape
case stating that the Commission was not entitled to seek a report in
the case as the victim belonged to a socially backward community. “I
told the state administration that it should look into the
constitutional provisions before raising such objections,” National
Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Chairman said. “The
local Superintendent of Police later submitted a report to the
Commission stating that rape charges were not proved in the medical
reports,” Punia said. He also questioned the delay in taking action
against the BSP MLA who allegedly raped the girl, when BSP has already
suspended the MLA from the party. Punia said a false case of robbery was
registered against the minor girl and she was still in jail. He alleged
that large funds meant for the welfare of Dalits were diverted in UP.
“Rs 1500 crore from the special component plan for welfare of Dalits was
diverted to construct five medical colleges. We have nothing against
medical colleges. They are needed, but funds from general budget should
have been utilised for that purpose,” he added. Referring to
Maharashtra, Punia said the state has specific welfare schemes meant for
Dalits, scheduled castes and tribes, but said that there were
administrative delays in implementation. (Deccan herald, 05/01/2011)

Sending New Year card proves fatal for Dalit youth

In a land where falling in love is a
crime in the eyes of the society and youngsters are frequently killed
for being in love, sending a New Year card to his lover proved fatal for
a Dalit youth. The incident occurred in Uttar Pradesh’s Jat-dominated
Muzaffarnagar district, infamous for incidents of honour killings, about
500 km from here. Twenty-five-year-old Bobby was shot dead by a girl’s
family members on Wednesday after they came to know that he had sent a
New Year greeting card to her, according to police sources here. Affair
Sources said that Bobby, who lived in the neighbourhood of the girl in
Shazadi village in the district, had an affair with her for the past few
years. The members of their family, however, had no inkling about it.
Bobby, in an apparent bid to express his true love for the girl, sent
her a New Year greeting card. The card had the photographs of Bobby and
the girl, the sources added. Unfortunately, the greeting card fell in
the hands of the girl’s two brothers Salim and Yusuf. Enraged over the
incident, the duo confronted Bobby and his family members in the village
on Wednesday morning and had heated exchanges. In a fit of rage, Salim,
who carried a countrymade pistol, shot at Bobby killing him on the
spot, sources said. Bobby’s brother Bhishma and mother Amoli also
suffered bullet injuries and were being treated at hospital. The
culprits managed to flee from the spot, police said. A hunt had been
launched to nab them. Many lovers have been killed in the past in the
state, especially in the Jat-dominated western region. The caste
panchayats have already declared that they will, under no circumstances,
allow love marriages. (Deccan herald, 06/01/2011)

Rape accused UP MLA may face heat from scheduled castes body

The National Commission for Scheduled
Castes may soon send a team to UP’s Banda district to get a detailed
report on the rape of a minor Dalit girl allegedly by BSP MLA Purshottam
Dwivedi. The move comes after Lucknow Superintendent of Police Anil Das
sent a preliminary report about the incident to the NCSC office a few
days ago. “We may soon send a team to Banda for a detailed report about
the alleged incident. Depending on the contents, we may also recommend
his arrest under the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocity Act),” NCSC chairman P L Punia told PTI. He said that in the
absence of a national commission for OBC, the NCSC was empowered to
probe atrocities on people of backward communities as well. His comment
come after the Mayawati government raised objections to the NCSC taking
cognizance of the alleged rape case and blaming Punia, a former close
aide of the UP chief minister, for it. The Commission was of the view
that unless such matters are taken seriously, offenders think they can
get away with the crime. Meanwhile, the Congress in UP has alleged that
despite the local court directing that an FIR be lodged in this
connection, nothing has been done so far. The Opposition party on
Thursday demanded the suspension of the Banda SP, alleging that an
impartial inquiry by the CB-CID cannot be conducted till he was holding
the post. The 17-year-old victim was allegedly raped by the BSP MLA of
Nareni in Banda in December last year. After the girl threatened to file
a complaint against him, he levelled charges of theft against her. (IE,
10/01/2011)

Deprivation among Dalits remains high

A series of papers presented at the
national seminar on ‘Dalit households in village economies’ painted a
grim picture of deprivation among Dalits in rural India. These papers,
based on a series of village studies since 2004, pointed to Dalits’
relatively poor access to official sources of credit, their lack of
command over assets and amenities, and lower levels of employment and
income. Commenting on the papers, Abhijit Sen, member, Planning
Commission, pointed out that the value of these village studies —
conducted by the Foundation of Agrarian Studies (FAS) and other
researchers — was enhanced by the fact that they were not aimed at
finding out how Dalits were faring exclusively in socio-economic terms.
Instead, the extent and nature of deprivation among Dalits was being
demonstrated as a part of a study of agrarian relations in the country,
in which caste played an important role. Drawing on data from all the
village surveys conducted by the FAS, Vikas Rawal, Associate Professor,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, pointed out that ownership of
land accounted for an overwhelming proportion of the value of assets
among Dalits as well as non-Dalits. There is “a huge disparity” in the
levels of landholdings between the two social groups, he observed.
Madhura Swaminathan, Professor-in-charge, Social Sciences Division,
Indian Statistical Institute (ISI), Kolkata, and Shamsher Singh, a
research scholar at the ISI, demonstrated the inequality, in terms of
access to basic amenities such as housing, water, sanitation and
electricity, faced by Dalits. Based on “pooled data” from surveys of 12
villages in five States, they pointed out that about one-fourth of Dalit
households lived in kutcha houses and 30 per cent lived in “single-room
structures”. “There appears to be a strong statistical association
between caste and access to the basic amenities,” Prof. Swaminathan
observed. Pointing out that public intervention “[did] make an impact,”
she said the provision of homestead plots for Dalits was “central” to
any programme aimed at improving their quality of life. Venkatesh
Athreya, advisor, M.S. Swaminathan Research Foundation, pointed out that
the village surveys filled a serious gap in the data required for
studying agrarian relations in India. V.K. Ramachandran, Professor at
the Sociological Research Unit, ISI, Kolkata, said, “Caste not only
matters, but is right up there as a major explanation for inequality.”
Another paper, drawing on official data sources, provided an account of
how Dalits’ access to official credit sources has declined since
liberalisation. The seminar, which concluded on Saturday, was organised
by the Sociological Research Unit at the ISI. It was supported by the
ISI, the Indian Council of Social Science

Research and the Foundation of Agrarian Studies. (Hindu, 09/01/2010)

UP among states with high rate of Dalit atrocities: Punia

Uttar Pradesh is among those states where
the percentage of atrocities on Dalits is “higher”, National Commission
for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) Chairman P L Punia said. After taking over
as NCSC Chairman in October 2010, he visited states like UP, Jharkhand,
Chhattisgarh, Haryana, Maharashtra among others. But complaints of
atrocities on Dalits is maximum in UP and most of these cases go
unreported, Punia told reporters here. The NCSC Chairman was in the city
to participate in programme organised for Scs He alleged that the funds
under Special Component plan for dalits in UP have been diverted by the
ruling BSP government in the state to open five medical colleges. After
UP, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh figure among those states where
atrocities on Dalits is high. He said that NCSC has its offices in 12
states and the rights body has asked the Central government for funds to
set-up offices in eight more states. (IE, 11/01/2011)

UP govt denying 23% quota to SC: Punia

VARANASI: Alleging that the UP government
had failed to provide the prescribed 23% quota to scheduled castes in
government services, chairman of the National Commission for Scheduled
Castes (NCSC) PL Punia claimed it was also misutilising the funds meant
for the dalit. Talking to media on Monday evening, Punia said as per the
ratio of the scheduled castes in the total population of the state, a
provision had been made to reserve 23% seats in government services.
However, in class-I only 12% seats had been filled with SC candidates
while in class-II and class-III the situation was no better as 15% and
17% seats respectively had been given to the SC candidates. In class-IV,
the state government had claimed that 34% seats had been given to SC
candidates, said Punia. But, he said there were orders not to include
the figures of safai workers in the reserved seats of this class and the
state government had included them in the same 34%. “If the figures of
safai employees are separated from this 34%, it can be found that the
state government has not ensured the implementation of the orders in
this class as well,” Punia claimed. Misutilisation of funds reserved for
dalit population in the Special Component Plan (SCP) was also a cause
of serious concern for the NCSC chairman. He said the Delhi government
had spent Rs 748 crore of SCP in the preparations of the Commonwealth
Games despite the fact that the fund should have been utilised for
dalits only. The fund was spent in works like flyover construction,
stadium and road construction as well as gardening, he said. After the
commission took a serious note of it, he said, the Delhi government
returned the fund. “The UP government is also misutilising this fund,”
said Punia and added SCP fund was being spent in creating five medical
colleges in the state at Jalaun, Kannoj, Saharanpur, Ambedkar Nagar and
Banda. The SCP fund was also being used in homoeopathy hospitals and in
increasing facilities at animal husbandry department. He said how was
the dalit population going to be benefited by that? “It should be made
clear whether only dalit students would be admitted to those medical
colleges or only dalits would be treated there,” he pointed out. Punia
said report of the UP government had revealed that there had been an
increase of 24% in cases of atrocities against dalit in 2010. He said
provisions had also been made to provide compensation to dalits in cases
of crime committed against them but the Mayawati government was not
showing any interest in giving compensation to the victims. He said his
UP visits had irked the chief minister as he created awareness among
dalits about their rights. Punia also delivered a special lecture on
social cohesion and national development organised by the social science
faculty of Banaras Hindu University on Tuesday. He said the commission
had taken a serious note of the suicide committed by Laxman Prasad of
Jhansi after humiliation by Rakhi Sawant in a reality show of a
television channel. He said that she had been summoned by the commission
and a notice had been served upon her. Punia also attended a camp
organised by the Peoples Vigilance Committee on Human Rights in Badalpur
to create awareness among the scheduled tribes on Tuesday afternoon.
(TOI, 12/01/2011)

Dalit woman resists rape, set ablaze in Punjab

MANSA (Punjab): A dalit woman was set on
fire in Punjab’s Mansa district after she resisted the attempts of an
upper caste farmer to rape her. The woman died on Sunday morning. The
accused, Sandeep Singh, was booked for murder but he is absconding, said
police. Singh and the woman lived in the same village. Her husband is a
tailor while she worked as a farm labourer. On Friday evening, when she
was alone at home, Singh barged in and attempted to rape her. The woman
fought hard to resist him. Singh then poured kerosene on her, set her
ablaze and ran away. On hearing the women’s cries, neighbours rushed to
her help. Her family members took her to a Bathinda hospital. ”Her
condition was grave and she was shifted to Baba Farid Medical College at
Faridkot,” her husband said. She died of burn injuries on Sunday
morning, said Behniwal police post head Rajinder Singh. Police are
looking for Singh. (TOI, 17/01/2011)

SC/STs missing in pvt sector jobs: India Inc’s first caste census

The first-ever caste census of India Inc’s human resources has revealed that the proportion of Scheduled

Caste and Scheduled Tribe employees in the private sector in some of the most industrialised states of

the country hardly reflects their
strength in the general population of those states. The only exception
is Tamil Nadu, which ranks number one in industrialisation and
employment (by number of factories and persons, according to the Annual
Survey of Industries 2008-09). SCs/STs account for almost 18 per cent of
the industrial workforce and 20 per cent of the state’s population. In
sharp contrast are some of the other most industrialised states such as
Maharashtra, Gujarat, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and West
Bengal, which show a sharp mismatch between SCs/STs as a percentage of
the total workforce in the private sector and as a percentage of the
states’ total population. Living under the constant threat that the
government may reserve jobs in the private sector as part of its
inclusive growth agenda, the Confederation of Indian Industry, the
country’s largest industry chamber, undertook a caste census of its
members spread across 22 states and Union territories. Covering 8,250
members of the CII, together employing 35 lakh people, it gives a
flavour of the manpower mix in India Inc. SCs/STs, for instance, make up
19.1 per cent of Maharashtra’s population but their share in the
private sector human resources is only 5 per cent. In Gujarat and
Karnataka, SCs/STs are just about 9 per cent of the staff strength, but
account for 22 per cent and 23 per cent respectively of the state
population. The survey, in a nutshell, reveals that companies in the
least industrialised eastern region, where jobs are far and few, have
the highest percentage of SC/ST employees. So, in Bihar — which ranks a
distant 17 as per the Annual Survey of Industries 2008-09 — they
together constitute a fourth of the total workforce, whereas they form
just 16.6 per cent of the state’s total population. Chhattisgarh is a
shade better, with more number of factories, but here too, half of the
total workforce comprises SCs/STs, compared to them making up 43.4 per
cent of the population. The private sector in the western region comes
as a surprise. Maharashtra, the hub of India Inc, is second only to
Tamil Nadu in terms of industrialisation and employment. CII members in
the state employ 20.72 lakh people in the state, almost 57 per cent of
the total employee base considered in the survey by the chamber. But
SC/ST proportion in the workforce is one-fourth of their percentage in
the total population. In Madhya Pradesh that ranks 11 in
industrialisation and workforce, SCs/STs account for 11 per cent of the
private sector’s total staff strength, less than a third of their
strength in the state’s population. States in south are an exception.
The private sector in Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh and Kerala has on its
rolls a remarkably high percentage of SCs/STs. Tamil Nadu — where the
politically driven Dravidian movement significantly empowered the
backward castes — is distinct because it also ranks number one in terms
of the number of employees and factories. SCs/STs here account for 18
per cent of the workforce in CII’s member companies, and 20 per cent of
the state’s population. In Kerala, for entirely different reasons such
as 100 per cent literacy, the percentage of SCs/STs in the private
sector is higher than their share in the population. In the north, Delhi
and Haryana buck the general trend, where the gap between SCs/STs at
work and their representation in the population is significantly higher.
The CII survey of the private sector’s manpower mix in Chandigarh,
Punjab and Rajasthan shows that SC/ST proportion there is 25-50 per cent
lower than their strength in the total population. (IE, 19/01/2011)

Mahapanchayat rejects govt assurance on CBI probe

JIND: There seems to be no early end in
sight to the ongoing impasse between Jat protesters and the Haryana
government as its two-day long efforts to pacify the agitators have not
borne any fruit. The maha panchayat which is spearheading the agitation
turned down the government’s assurance of recommending for a CBI probe
to the Centre in the Mirchpur caste violence case on Tuesday. According
to information, the talks resumed between the action committee of the
Maha Panchayat and the government side on Tuesday morning after which
Jind deputy commissioner Abhay Singh Yadav handed over a fax message
from the state government indicating the government’s intention of
recommending a CBI probe into the matter. Following this, a delegation
led by president of the Sarv Khap Maha Panchayat, Rajbir Dhanda,
returned to the people sitting on dharna on the railway tracks for
consultations on the government’s assurance. Dhanda later told TOI that
the 12-member action committee after consultations with the protesters
refused to call off their agitation on a mere assurance. We can’t trust
the promises and want the government to act to fulfill our demands. We
have made our intentions clear on day one and we will not budge from
here until the government actively addresses our demands,said Dhanda.
Meanwhile, Suresh Koth, convener of the maha panchayat declared that
they had decided to intensify their agitation from Wednesday onwards
when they would block a national highway in the state. I can’t disclose
right now as to which highway would be blocked but we have decided to
step up our agitation as the government does not seem to be in a mood to
lend an ear to our demands,said Koth. DC Yadav told mediapersons that a
meeting between the district officials and the protesters was held in a
conductive atmosphere and that he had conveyed to them the government’s
willingness for recommending a CBI inquiry into the Mirchpur violence
case. According to sources, PWD and Parliamentary Affairs Minister
Randeep Singh Surjewala who had held talks with a delegation of the Maha
Panchayat on Monday too was likely to hold another round of discussions
with them in a bid to resolve the stand-off. Thousands of protesters
have been sitting on dharna on the railway tracks on the JindFerozpur
railway section near Jind railway station for the last three days in
support of their demands comprising a fresh probe into the Mirchpur
violence case in which two Dalits were burnt alive. They are also
demanding the return of the 98 accused in the Mirchpur case to a Hisar
jail from the Tihar Jail in Delhi and shifting of the trial of the case
from a Delhi court to the Hisar court. (TOI, 19/01/2011)

Scheduled caste panel to serve notice to UP govt

LUCKNOW: The National Commission for
Scheduled Caste has decided to serve notice to UP government for alleged
irregularities in the probe into the Dr Vinod Arya murder case. Dr Arya
posted as chief medical officer with Family Welfare Department was shot
dead a few metres away from his house in Sector 14, Vikas Nagar just in
front of Rani Laxmi Bai School on October 27 last year, while he was on
a morning walk with his pet dog. “We have taken a note of the complaint
alleging irregularities and politicisation of the probe of dalit health
officer Dr Vinod Arya’s murder in which people have been falsely
implicated and real culprits are at large,” NCSC Chairman PL Punia told
TOI over phone. He said that a number of irregularities have been
committed in the probe due to which commission would also get the matter
probed by its own team. It has come to the notice of the commission
that those named in the case were not involved in the murder of the
health officer and contrary to rules the probe of dalit officers murder
is being probed by junior officers instead of deputy superintendent of
police rank officers. On December 12, police arrested two persons Vijay
Dubey and Ajay Mishra, allegedly involved in Arya’s murder. The two were
identified as sharpshooters who accompanied Sudhakar Pandey, claimed by
the police to be the main executor of the crime. “The conspiracy to
kill Arya was hatched by mafia Abhay Singh,” additional director general
Brij Lal had then said. The Samajwadi Party, with which Abhay is said
to be associated, later submitted a memorandum to Governor BL Joshi
alleging that he was being framed in the case. Besides, a joint
delegation of Faizabad unit of Congress, RLD and SP submitted a joint
memorandum to the Governor on the same issue. The NCSC will wait for the
reply from the UP government in this regard, Punia said. (TOI,
20/01/2011)

CM mute spectator to SC, ST atrocities: MLA

In a bid to strengthen the SC and ST
rights, the National Dalit Movement for Justice (NDJM) in association
with the Odisha Manabika Adhikar Surakshya Abhiyan (OMASA) organised a
State-level consultation with the MLAs and civil society organisations
on National Coalition for Strengthening the SC, ST (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act 1989 and Rule 1995 here on Thursday. Presiding over the
meeting, Chairman Bhajaman Behera said the Act is a step forward in
enabling the SCs and STs to gain justice for the atrocities meted out to
them by the non-Dalits and allegedly the negligent State Government. He
demanded that the Government should enhance the punishment to the
culprits by amending the law and added that the atrocities on the Dalits
should be discussed on floor of the Assembly so that the Act could be
more effective. National campaign on Dalit Human Rights secretary
general Prasad alleged that enforcement of the law remains very dismal
with the conviction rate of less than five per cent while it needs to
create a National Coalition for amendments in the law and making it more
effective. Talsara MLA Prafulla Majhi alleged that the Dalits in 25
districts of the State are living in a state of humiliation through
atrocities while Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik remains a mute spectator.
The inadequate investigating officers are further adding to the woes as
the number of cases are piling up while due disposal of the cases and
punishment to the perpetrators linger, he added. The CM does not want to
stop atrocities as the vote bank politics would get hampered by
eliminating the caste system, Majhi also alleged. Former Minister
Ranendra Pratap Swain said political parties have become redundant to
work for the interests of the Dalits and sought that the MLAs should
raise the question in the Assembly. He also alleged that the
State-initiated Operation Green Hunt has unleashed fear, stress and pain
on the Dalits and added that irrespective of political parties, the
MLAs should protest the Government’s inefficiency on guaranteeing the
Dalits with their Constitutional Rights. Among others, OMASA advisor
Ajay Singh, MLAs Adikanda Sethy, Subarna Nayak, Ramachandra Hansda,
Surendra Parmanik, Devi Prasanna Chand,

Ramamurti Motika and former police DG John Nayak were present. (Pioneer, 21/01/2011)

NCSC asks state govt. to arrest Banda DM, SSP

Turning the heat on the Bahujan Samaj
Party government the National Commission for Scheduled Castes (NCSC) has
issued directives to the state government to take action against the
district magistrate and senior superintendent of police of Banda.
Chairman NCSC PL Punia said that the commission has written a letter to
the state government on Wednesday to take action against the DM and SSP
because they failed to protect a 17-year old Dalit girl. “We propose
that FIRs should be lodged against these officials and both of them
should be arrested,” Punia told ‘The Pioneer’ on Thursday. It is for the
second time that the commission has written a letter to the state
government regarding the Banda rape case in which a BSP legislator from
Naraini (Banda) Purshottam Dwivedi is involved. The government is yet to
react to the first letter that was written almost a week back. “The
government is bound to reply to NCSC’d queries. They are bound to do so.
If they do not heed to our advise, the country’s Constitution has given
us enough powers to deal with the issue,” Punia said. Led by Punia,
other members of the NCSC met the victim Sheelu in her village to learn
her side of the story. He stayed there for three hours and met the
family members of the rape victim too. “The girl is traumatised. She
needs rest. The issue is being politicised by the Samajwadi Party but
this will do no good to the girl,” Punia added. (Pioneer, 21/01/2011)

Dalit officers feeling alienated in Maya raj?

Dalit officers in Uttar Pradesh are
feeling increasingly alienated in the Mayawati government and some of
them are even angry with their “own” government. The anger of dalit
officers has welled up to such an extent that about a dozen of them,
some retired, met at a private dinner two days ago and discussed the
issue threadbare. “This was supposed to be “our” government but this
time, it is the brahmin officers who have completely influenced the
chief minister and barring a few, all dalit officers have been
sidelined,” said one dalit officer who has remained sidelined since the
past two years. Another officer who faces a similar fate said, “With
dalit officers kept out of the chief minister’s favour, there is no one
to protect the interests of the dalit community in the government. Even
though the chief minister has formulated schemes for dalits, the
benefits are not reaching the target groups because the upper caste
officers are showing laxity in implementation.’ The recent removal of
additional Cabinet secretary, Netram from his post and Chandra Prakash
from the post of IG Lucknow, has clearly sent out wrong signals among
dalit bureaucrats. “Both these officers were removed on recommendations
of brahmin bureaucrats and their mentors. This kind of action has a
demoralising impact on dalit officers who, in any case, get shunted to
inconsequential postings in non-BSP governments,” said the officer.
According to sources, the biggest reason for the growth of BSP and the
popularity of the chief minister during her first three regimes was the
sincerity of dalit officers towards the government. If the officers are
to be believed, the success mantra of the BSP lay in the hands of dalit
bureaucrats. Talking to this correspondent on condition of anonymity, a
retired dalit officer who attended the dinner meeting said, “We went out
of their way to ensure good governance and protection of dalits in
Mayawati regimes. It is because of this that dalits felt safe in the BSP
rule and the state machinery was extremely responsive towards the
deprived sections of the society. This time, the chief minister has been
locked up in an ivory tower and her inaccessibility is the biggest
advantage that some upper caste officers are enjoying.” It is noteworthy
that senior dalit officers — all of them now retired — fell out of
Mayawati’s favour one by one. (AA, 21/01/2011)

Punia assures victim mother-daughter duo of help

KANPUR: Chairman of the National
Commission for Schedule Caste and Schedule Tribe PL Punia on Thursday
met the mother and daughter duo who were allegedly fabricated in a theft
case by the Fazalganj police when their employer Shalini Gujral, the
owner of a beauty-parlour, failed to force them into flesh trade. Punia
claimed UP had been witnessing atrocities against the SC/ST and weaker
section, and said the Mayawati government had not been able to take
appropriate action. Referring to Banda’s Sheelu and Kanpur’s Divya
cases, he said cases of atrocities against dalits and weaker section had
escalated in the state. “Atrocities against dalits and weaker section
under the chief ministership of Mayawati, (who is) a dalit herself, has
increased,” Punia said while talking to media on Thursday. Merely
suspending a police official was not good enough, he said. The
government should lodge an FIR and terminate the service of the police
official who had “implicated” them in the false case, he claimed. He
said the Commission had taken a serious note of the incident and would
deal with it strictly. Punia visited Dwarikapuri house of the victims
and met their family. He assured them of all possible support from the
Commission in their resolve for justice. (TOI, 21/01/2011)

Hall of shame: Dalit woes take centre stage

JAIPUR: In ‘Hall of Shame’, a Jaipur
Literature Festival session, writers Chandra Bhan Prasad, Meena
Kandasamy and Patrick French discussed ways by which Dalits were
identified and excluded. “There is no caste’ gene,” said French.
“Despite bans on inter-marriages, no exclusive caste-based genes
developed among Indians. So, there’s no scientific basis for castes.”
Kandaswamy responded. “The concept of ‘upbringing’ is used instead. If I
poured water clumsily into a jug, my awkwardness would be explained by
my ‘Dalit upbringing’.” Prasad commented that methods to ‘identify’
Dalits were used by nonIndians too. “When I visited Durban with a
delegation, foreigners came to have pictures taken with ‘the Dalits’.”
Kandaswamy said she initially didn’t use a Dalit writer’ tag. “When I
translated a Tamil Dalit writer, people got suspicious. They enquired,
Are you a Dalit?’ was asked constantly, I started saying, yes.” She
remembered how insulted she felt visiting the editor of a prominent
newspaper down south. “He only spoke to the politician accompanying me
with this translated book. He asked him, “Is she a Dalit? She speaks
good English.” To the packed hall, Kandaswamy continued, “Indians are
always in denial about the caste distinctions they make.” Prasad felt
economic liberalisation was changing mindsets considerably. “Earlier,
people lived by social markers like sacred threads,” he said. “Now, they
are switching to economic markers. Mobile phones, money, cars are
becoming more important than caste or colour.” Kandaswamy disagreed,
pointing out Dalit villages in the south made prosperous by Gulf
earnings. “Despite their wealth, no-one is willing to marry them or make
them friends. Instead, they get attacked by the police acting with
Brahmins. Caste emancipation is much more political than economic.”
Remarking how he had never heard of inter-dining’ before he read Gandhi
who disapproved, French said, “Ambedkar didn’t fit the Congress Party’s
version of history written after 1947. He was never mentioned. Today, he
exists widely but as a statue. He is used as a political symbol but not
explored as a writer, a thinker, which he was like Orwell, deeply
passionate and very direct.” Prasad enquired, “How many people here have
invited a Dalit home to dinner? That is a marker of how we view caste
today. After a few drinks, people confide they think Dalit guests would
mix soda in wine, demand meat, laugh loudly.” The audience responded by
laughing loudly, moved by indignation over injustices old and new. (TOI,
23/01/2011)

Dalits driven out of violence-hit Alwar village

Dalits driven out of Husaipur village
near Bhiwadi in Alwar district of Rajasthan after a violent attack by
the dominant Meo Muslims of the region this past week are unable to
return to their homes because of a “reign of terror” reportedly
prevailing in the area and a Minister allegedly extending support to the
aggressors and trying to protect the accused. The houses of Dalits were
set on fire and their belongings looted and destroyed in a daylight
attack allegedly by Meos on January 19 following an exchange of fire
between the two communities, in which a Meo boy, Zahid, was killed. The
dispute started when a hen was crushed under the wheels of Zahid’s
tractor. A fact-finding team of the Centre for Dalit Rights (CDR), which
visited Husaipur on Monday, found that almost all houses of Dalits in
the small village were destroyed and ransacked, their belongings
including cash and jewellery looted and their cattle taken away by the
assailants. CDR director Satish Kumar said here that only a few Dalit
women were staying in the ransacked houses, while all the male members
of the households had fled to avoid reprisal by the dominant Meo
community and victimisation by police. Police have arrested five Dalit
youths on charges of Zahid’s murder, but have not acted on the FIR
lodged by Dalits. Dalits in the village, belonging to the poor Meghwal
community, have small land holdings which are not enough for their
sustenance. Even as there is a heavy police deployment in the area six
days after the clash, the dominant Meos are allegedly threatening Dalits
and not allowing them to come back to the village or repair their
damaged houses. While estimating the losses at about Rs.50 lakh, the CDR
noted that the district administration had so far not undertaken any
survey to assess the damage or provide relief to the victims, which was
mandatory in such instances under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled
Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989. “The mob torched the houses
in the presence of police,” said Mr. Kumar. The team members were
shocked to find that State Medical and Health Minister Aimaduddin Ahmed
Khan – elected to the Assembly from Tijara constituency in which
Husaipur falls – attended the burial of Zahid, but did not deem it fit
to visit the nearby Dalit locality to observe the damage or offer any
kind of assistance to the victims of violence. “This act of Mr. Khan
gives credence to the suspicion among Dalits that he is supporting the
aggressors and trying to shield those named in the FIR,” said Mr. Kumar,
while affirming that Dalits were terrified by the reported political
connections of the accused. However, senior District Congress leader and
Municipal Councillor in Bhiwadi, Omar Mohammed, told The Hindu that Mr.
Khan had met some Dalit victims and assured them of the State
Government’s assistance during his visit to Husaipur. (Hindu,
26/01/2011)

Thanks to NAC, scavenging abolition gets priority anew

Action plan should be finalised to end
scourge before March 2012 A plan of action should be finalised within a
month or so with the target of ending the pernicious practice of manual
scavenging within the 11th Plan period that ends in March 2012, sources
in the Social Justice Ministry said. This was the key outcome of a
two-day consultation meeting which concluded here on Tuesday. Jointly
organised by the Ministries of Social Justice, Housing & Urban
Poverty Alleviation, and Urban Development, and attended by officials of
11 State governments, experts and a host of civil society groups, the
consultation was triggered by the Sonia Gandhi-led National Advisory
Council (NAC) directing the government to tackle the issue on a
war-footing. Four groups were set up during the consultations — the
first discussed the scope and methodology of a fresh survey of manual
scavengers; the second, amendments to the Employment of Manual
Scavengers and Construction of Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act of 1993;
the third discussed revisiting the self-employment scheme for
rehabilitation of manual scavengers, and designing an education and
skill development programme for their children; and the fourth discussed
drawing up a Plan of Action for the States to provide total sanitation,
including conversion of all unhygienic latrines and mechanisation of
cleaning of drainage and sewerage systems. Follow-up by Ministries The
sources in the Social Justice Ministry said: “The ideas that have
emerged during the group discussions will now be pursued by the
Ministries concerned with the object of producing a plan of action very
soon. The ideas thrown up by groups one and three will be followed up by
the Social Justice Ministry, the second by the Housing & Urban
Poverty Alleviation Ministry, and the fourth by the Urban Development
Ministry.” In the past too, the government has set and missed deadlines
to eradicate the curse but this time, Minister for Social Justice and
Empowerment Mukul Wasnik told TheHindu, “Rehabilitating manual
scavengers is our Ministry’s topmost priority. We have requested the
State governments to make public announcements so that anyone still
engaged in manual scavenging can come forward and report [his or her
situation] at the district headquarters, so that no one is left out.”
Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Uttarakhand have requested Central funding for
conversion of 2.4 lakh dry latrines. This, Mr. Wasnik said, made it
clear that the scourge has yet to be wiped out. Citing figures provided
by the Safai Karamchari Andolan, which says there are still 4,833 manual
scavengers in 14 States, Mr. Wasnik said the governments concerned had
been told to immediately find them alternative occupations. Though
discussions have been on for a while, the push came after the NAC shot
off a letter on November 9 last, urging the Centre to coordinate with
all State and local governments and Central government departments,
including the Railways, to abolish manual scavenging by the end of the
11th Plan period. The NAC suggested a new survey in every State and
Union Territory of dry latrines and manual scavengers; the demolition of
all dry latrines; the rehabilitation in modern marketable skills of all
manual scavengers; and a special programme for education of their
children. The NAC also said it would monitor the progress of abolition
of manual scavenging on a quarterly basis. On Monday, Mr. Wasnik told
the meeting that the government — through the National Scheme of
Liberation and Rehabilitation of Scavengers and their Dependents during
19922005 — succeeded in rehabilitating 4.28 lakh of the 7.70 lakh manual
scavengers and their dependents who had been identified in 1992. In
2007, a new ‘Self Employment Scheme for Rehabilitation of Manual
Scavengers’ was launched to rehabilitate the rest of them. But that task
remains unfinished. (Hindu, 26/01/2011)

Columnist found guilty under SC/ST Act, gets bail

A sessions court here on Thursday held
newspaper columnist Anish Trivedi guilty under the Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe (Prevention of Atrocities) Act and sentenced him to six
months’ imprisonment. Mr. Trivedi, however, got bail when he went in
appeal. “[Mr. Trivedi] was given six months [imprisonment] and fined Rs.
25,000 under Section 3 (1) (x) of the Act for insulting members of the
Scheduled Caste,” public prosecutor S.B. Dukhande told The Hindu. In his
April 30, 2006 article, ‘Children of a lesser god’, a copy of which is
with The Hindu, Mr. Trivedi wrote that government-owned companies were
languishing in comparison to their counterparts on the other side of the
coin because they were manned by the “children of reservation.” He also
cast a slur on the Scheduled Castes. (Hindu, 28/01/2011)

Post office is out of bounds to us, say Dalits

Seventy five-year-old Bailu has never set
foot in the post office in her village in Betlhangady taluk for fear of
being thrown out. Dalits of Melanthabettu village, located about 6 km
from Belthangady, say they are denied entry into the post office and are
forced to carry out transactions from outside. Elderly Dalits of the
village are forced to wait outside the office for their pension, often
in the hot sun. “They will come outside and give us the money, or give
it to someone else who hands it over to us,” said Sunanda (name
changed). The post office is located in the Gumpoli area of
Melanthabettu in a separate building on the residential premises of the
postmaster. When The Hindu visited the post office, Mutti, 75, was there
to collect her pension. She had to squat outside for several minutes in
the sun before she was told to collect the money. Similarly, Sunanda
and her friend Priya, who had to buy inland letters, waited outside. “I
don’t know about the older generation, but we are a little educated. We
feel bad when we are made to wait outside while others are let in. We
(Dalits) and people from the other castes believe in the same bhootas
and gods,” Sunanda said. “We don’t want this practice to continue,”
Priya added. Dalits form nearly half the population in the village, said
Somappa, an autorickshaw driver and member of the Dalit Sangharsh
Samiti (Ambedkarvada). “If we try to enter the post office, they block
the door,” he said. Postmaster G. Ravindra denied the allegation that
such treatment was meted out to Dalits in the area. “It [the post
office] is a part of our house. There is no separate room. In villages,
it [post office] is in the house itself. We let them inside up to a
point, but the rest of it is our house. We can’t let everyone inside our
house,” he said. However, the Dalits said that for the past three years
the post office had been functioning in a separate building a few
metres away from the house. Convener of the taluk unit of the DSS (A)
Sanjeeva said when such discrimination prevailed in an office of the
Union Government, one could imagine the plight of Dalits in the rest of
the country. He said the DSS condemned the practice. (Hindu, 28/01/2011)

‘UP tops in crime against Dalits’

Accusing the Mayawati Government of
“cheating” Dalits, National Commission for Scheduled Castes Chairman P.
L. Punia on Thursday alleged that the community was facing “maximum”
exploitation and harassment under her regime. “In spite of the fact that
the UP Government is headed by a Dalit, 90 per cent of the complaints
(of atrocities against the Dalits) are from the State,” Mr. Punia told
reporters here. A former IAS officer and a Congress MP from Barabanki in
UP, Mr. Punia had worked as Principal Secretary in Mayawati Government.
He alleged that instead of providing security to Dalits, the BSP
Government was shielding the culprits involved in crimes against them.
“The Commission will not keep mum to the crimes against Dalits and will
ensure justice by taking suo motu cognisance of offences against them,”
he said. Criticising the State over the issue of corruption, he said:
“Every government post is for sale here and every appointment,
government or party related, is done only after the demanded amount is
paid.” (Hindu, 28/01/2011)

Honour killing: Teenager murdered in Haryana

BHIWANI (HARYANA): In a suspected case of
honour killing, a 17-year-old youth, a student of 10+2, was found
murdered in the fields of Jui village of Bhiwani district on Wednesday
night. From the condition of the body it was clear that the youth had
been brutally tortured by giving him electric shocks, while some parts
of his body were found to have been severed. Anup Kumar, son of Pawan
Kumar, a resident of Haluvas village in Bhiwani district had reportedly
been abducted from outside his house about a fortnight ago. The police
who have registered a case of murder against unknown persons, suspect
that his friendship with a girl of the same village, who is also from
the same cast could have been the reason behind his brutal murder. The
police sources said that they had gathered crucial evidence about the
involvement of the girl’s family and had been questioning two suspects
in the case. According to information, Anup, had gone missing from his
house on January 9. His family suspected that he was abducted by some
youths of the girl’s family. The police have registered a case under
section 365 (kidnapping) of the IPC against unknown persons in the case
and started investigation. When the police retrieved the call details of
his mobile phone, it was revealed that he had got a call from a family
member of the girl on the day he disappeared from his house. Anup’s body
was found in the fields of Jui village, about 20 km from Haluvas
village. Bhiwani SSP Ashvin Sainvi said it seemed to be a case of murder
as severe injuries were found on the body. “The body has been sent to
the post- graduate institute of medical sciences at Rohtak for
post-mortem. A case of murder has been registered,” the senior
superintendent of police said. (TOI, 28/01/2011)

Mirchpur violence: Dalits leave village fearing Jat threat

MIRCHPUR (Haryana): Nearly a dozen Dalit
families have left this village in the last 15 days as last year’s
violence in Mirchpur has come back to haunt them. It was here that a
70-year-old and his physically- challenged daughter were killed in an
attack by the dominant Jat community. The fear of violence from Jats,
who have over the past 12 days staged protests demanding the release of
those arrested for the incident in April 2010, looms over Dalit families
here despite repeated assurances from the state government and police.
“The state government has failed to punish the culprits accused of an
arson attack on Dalit families in April last year. The government is
playing votebank politics and does not want to offend the Jat community
as they are in a majority in Haryana,” Gulab Singh, a Dalit resident of
Mirchpur village, said. Around 300 Dalit families, among the most
socio-economically marginalized people, live in Mirchpur. “We have lost
all faith in the police and the government. Leave aside the question of
staying in Mirchpur, we do not want to live anywhere in Haryana. We make
an appeal before the government to rehabilitate us somewhere outside
this state,” stated Singh. Mirchpur village in Hisar district hit the
headlines last year when some people from the dominant upper caste Jat
community set fire to a row of houses belonging to Dalit families. A
70-year-old man and his 18-year-old physicallychallenged daughter were
killed in the April 21 arson attack and at least 18 houses were
destroyed. Around 150 Dalit families were driven out of the village,
about 300 km from Chandigarh, and their homes were torched. “We are
still getting threats from Jats. They are pressurising us to take back
our complaints,” Sheela, another Dalit, who is camping outside Mirchpur
village with her family, said. “The government is not doing enough for
our security and we have decided to leave Hisar district. Our children
are also afraid of working in places where they have Jat colleagues.”
“We are afraid caste violence will raise its head in our village again,”
said Sheela. In the Mirchpur violence case, 98 Jat youths were arrested
and are in jail in New Delhi. The trial of the case was shifted to New
Delhi in December following the directions of the Supreme Court. Jat
community members have staged widespread protests in various parts of
Haryana, demanding the release of the arrested youths and shifting of
the case back to Hisar. “If the Jats claim they are innocent, then why
are they demanding the shifting of the case from New Delhi to Hisar. We
want our government to take a stern stand,” asked Sheela. Ved Pal
Tanwar, a representative of the Non-Jat Association, Haryana, said, “So
far the state government has failed to ensure the safety of the Dalit
families of Mirchpur. They have given only verbal assurances of safety
and jobs, but actually nothing has happened. They are left with no
option than to leave Mirchpur.” “We have made staying arrangements for
nearly a score of Dalit families outside Hisar district as they are
afraid of the Jats. We are planning to launch a widespread campaign to
save the rights and dignity of Haryana’s Dalits,” said Tanwar. Police in
Hisar, however, deny any Dalit migration from Mirchpur due to a threat
from Jats. “We have deployed a heavy police force in the village to
provide security to Dalits. There is no threat from any community and
Dalits must be migrating because of some other reason,” said a senior
police official. (TOI, 28/01/2011)

Caste-based ragging in Bihar

”What is your ‘phylum’?” This is possibly
one question you will have to answer if you get admission in any of the
medical colleges in Bihar. ‘Phylum’ in loose medical parlance denotes
caste. The ‘degree of ragging’ will depend on your caste,
notwithstanding the official claim that no ragging takes place in Bihar
colleges. Barely 17, Sunny Kumar Roshan, a first year MBBS student in
Patna Medical College (PMC), learnt it the hard way. Only when the
ordeal became unbearable, he committed suicide in the state capital when
the nation was celebrating Republic Day. Though the college authorities
and his seniors deny the ragging theory, his father Kameshwar Rai
insists that Sunny was upset because of his seniors. “He had told me
about ragging incidents, and also that some senior medicos had asked him
to cough up Rs 1,200 as chanda (donation) for Saraswati Puja,” said the
distraught father. “Though the apex court has put a blanket ban on
ragging, it’s still prevalent in the state,” admitted a senior medico,
refusing to be identified. “If you belong to the upper strata of the
society, you may be let off. But in case you are an OBC or extremely
backward class, then you may have to bear the brunt of ragging,” he
said, but clarified further, “No one gets physical. That is for sure.”
Sunny, from a backward community, could possibly have been a victim of
this system. This is precisely why Chief Minister Nitish Kumar has taken
up the issue seriously and asked the PMC principal Dr N P Yadav to get
to the bottom of the matter. Dr Yadav, however, denies that Sunny was
ragged and hence committed suicide. “Sunny had joined the college seven
months back. If at all he was ragged, how could it continue for so
long,” said the principal. But since Nitish is personally monitoring the
case, the principal has set up a seven-member inquiry committee. The
probe panel will find out whether the boy was ragged. If yes, who were
the culprits? Thirdly, it will also identify which senior medicos had
asked for Rs 1,200 as donation for puja. The inquiry committee has been
asked to submit its findings within ten days. (Deccan herald,
31/01/2011)

Dalits on indefinite strike

HISAR (HARYANA): Days after the end of
the protest by Jats over the shifting of the trial as well as the
accused in the Mirchpur violence case from Haryana to Delhi, now 80
Dalit families who fled Mirchpur when the Jat agitation started are
holding an indefinite dharna outside the mini secretariat here. The
families are living in the camping site provided by Gair Jat Sangathan
at a farm house near Hisar. “Who would take care of them? Who would hear
their voice as their number is quite less as compared to the Jats,”
said Sangathan president Ved Pal Tanwar. Suresh Balmiki, one of the
persons sitting on dharna while talking about the plight as well as the
demands, said, “They (Jats) have used pressure to make the government
accept their demands. But who would guarantee our safety and security?
We want that the accused in the Mirchpur violence case are punished.”
Satyavan Balmiki who left Mirchpur along with wife Reena and two sons,
Pankaj and Devendar said, “We feared that we would be attacked by the
Jats. Give us work and social security.” DC Yudhbir Singh Khyaliya said,
“We are gathering information about their demands and would then take a
decision.” (TOI, 30/01/2011)

Dalit girl raped by three, sold for Rs 50,000

AHMEDABAD: A 24-year-old girl was
abducted and raped by a group of three persons in Amraiwadi. She was
then sold for Rs 50,000 to a prospective groom in a village of Amreli.
The girl was abandoned by her husband and in-laws last week when they
realised that she was not from the same caste. The victim was sent for
medical examination after she filed a complaint with the Amraiwadi
police on Monday. The Dalit girl, a resident of Baliyanagar in
Amraiwadi, used to work as a skilled labourer at Bharti Estate near
Rabari Colony. As per her complaint, she was abducted by a co-worker
Manu Vankar who took her to an isolated spot in Bhuriyo Rabari’s
autorickshaw. There she was raped by Vankar. Later, one Lagha Bharwad
also violated her modesty. According to police, the gang held her
captive for more than six months at different places in Ahmedabad
district and elsewhere where she was repeatedly raped by Vankar. Then
they took her to several villages to pass her off as a prospective
bride. They finally struck a deal at Jambuda village in Amreli district
where they got Rs 50,000 and forced her to marry Gabhru Rabari. “Vankar
had told Gabhru that the girl was an orphan and has been in their care
since many years,” said M S Sindha, inspector of Amraiwadi police
station. Soon after the marriage in November, 2010, Gabhru noticed his
wife’s behaviour suspicious and when he confronted her, the girl told
him her tale of woes. Furious, Gabhru tried to hunt down the trio who
had duped him but in vain. He then left her near her residence in
Amraiwadi last week. The girl later lodged a complaint with Amraiwadi
police. “We have sent the victim to Civil Hospital for clinical
examination. The case will subsequently be transferred to the city’s
SC/ST cell for further investigation,” said Sindha. (TOI, 01/02/2011)

Maya reinforces dalit agenda to counter Cong

LUCKNOW: An aggressive Congress trying to
make inroads among dalits and backwards has made chief minister and BSP
supremo Mayawati reinforce her dalit agenda. Last week, the BSP
government decided to reserve 70% seats for candidates belonging to
scheduled castes (SC) and 15% seats for other backward classes (OBCs) in
50 government industrial training institutes (ITIs) and four government
medical colleges to be set up at Jalaun, Kannauj, Saharanpur and
Ambedkarnagar. Now, Mayawati has directed officials concerned to
expedite the implementation of dalit welfare schemes and conduct on the
spot verification of whether the benefit has reached the target group or
not. The emphasis is laid on schemes like free housing for poor dalits
under the housing scheme launched in the name of her mentor Kanshiram,
Rs 400 per month to the poor who do not have below poverty line card or
any other certificate which makes them entitled to welfare schemes meant
for poor and downtrodden and implementation of the Forest Rights Act
which provides ownership rights to tribals on forest land. The CM has
instructed officials that the people at grassroot level should get the
feeling that government is working for them. The move to reserve 70%
seats for SC in ITIs and medical colleges is aimed to blunt the
allegations by National SC and ST Commission chairperson PL Punia that
the money given to the state under special component programme is being
misused by the BSP government. Punia as a bureaucrat was close to Maya
at one point of time but after retirement joined Congress and won Lok
Saba elections from Barabanki by getting substantial dalit votes.
Congress has now appointed Punia as chairman of the commission with
cabinet minister status to woo dalits. Punia has been troubling the BSP
government in state by raking up issues like rise in atrocities on
dalits. He has been personally visiting the places from where crime
against dalits are reported. As a counter, Mayawati has also issued
instructions to deal strictly with any incident of atrocity on dalits.
Senior officials such as commissioners, district magistrates and
district police chiefs have been warned that they would be held
responsible for any laxity in the implementation of the government
policies and schemes for dalits. Maya also made it clear that only a
dalit would succeed her as chief minister of UP, in case she goes to
Centre or post fells vacant due to some other reason. The BSP government
had already announced reservation (21% for SC and 2% for ST) in
allotment of construction contracts upto Rs five lakh in all government
departments. She wants that all work related to dalit welfare schemes
and projects should be implemented by July this year so that she can
publicise it thoroughly before next assembly elections in April-May
2012. Though dalit form BSP’s core vote bank, it had played brahmin card
to win 2007 assembly elections. It came to power with absolute majority
through its dalit-brahmin-muslim combination. BSP also got ample
support of most backward classes (MBCs). However, poor performance in
2009 Lok Sabha polls has made Maya revert to her dalit agenda for 2012
state assembly elections. Taking a head start in comparison to other
parties, she has shortlisted around 200 candidates and remaining will be
selected soon. Total assembly seats are 403. (TOI, 01/02/2011)

Dalits, upper castes face-off on temple entry

Uthapuram, a nondescript village near
Madurai that became infamous over an ‘untouchability wall’, is in news
again — this time following tension between Dalits and upper caste
Hindus over a temple where the backward community is denied entry. The
Muthalamman temple, built and maintained by upper caste Hindus, has
always been out of bounds for the Dalits, and has been the cause of
skirmishes between the two communities. A portion of the wall was
demolished following protests by the Dalits led by the Tamil Nadu
Untouchability Eradication Front (TNUEF), a CPM-backed outfit, sometime
back. The Dalits had then demanded that the temple be thrown open to
everybody. But the community that owned the temple had opposed the
suggestion. Taking up the cause of the Dalits again, the TNUEF and the
CPM have demanded that the temple doors should be thrown open to the
backward castes and also announced a temple-entry agitation on Monday.
After the Marxists took up the issue, the upper castes formed another
group to ‘protect’ the temple, leading to tension in the area. The
district collector issued prohibitory orders in Uthapuram village and
the surrounding areas. A large contingent of police was deployed to
prevent any untoward incident. Despite warnings and requests from the
district administration, the party cadres, local Dalits and activists on
Monday tried to forcefully enter the temple. Hundreds of people led by
party MLA K Mahendran tried to enter the temple premises but were
prevented by the police, resulting in a scuffle. Over a hundred people
were arrested. (IE, 01/02/2011)

Dalit woman attacked over burial ground dispute dies

A 55-year-old-Dalit woman who was injured
in an alleged petrol bomb attack by a group of caste Hindus in
Koozhaiyanur village in Theni district died at the Government Rajaji
Hospital here on Tuesday evening. Chinnayi, who was attacked following a
dispute over access to burial ground on Thursday, had suffered 60 per
cent burns. The dispute over access to burial ground was on for quite
sometime in the village and on December 22, 2010, the caste Hindus of
the village had organised a meeting which was presided over by the
panchayat president, in which, Revenue Inspector Kodangipatty, Inspector
of Police Palani Chetti Patty and Sub-Inspector of Police Veerapandi
participated. In the meeting, it was decided that the Dalits should not
use the common burial ground and even if there was a dispute they should
refer it only to the revenue authorities and police and decide on the
place of burial. Meanwhile, on January 2, when an elderly Dalit person
died, the Dalits of the village decided to bury him in the common burial
ground meant for Hindus, but the dominant castes objected to this and
attacked them. The Dalits staged a protest, following which the
government authorities organised a peace meeting. However, the dominant
caste members did not allow the Dalits to bury the deceased in the
common burial ground. The body had to be buried in Dalits’own land.
Tension between the Dalits and caste Hindus had been brewing for
sometime and on January 27 a group of caste Hindus attacked Chinnayi by
hurling petrol bombs, in which she suffered injuries. Raja (35), son of
Chinnayi, lodged a complaint with the Veerapandi police who registered
cases against Rasu Thevar, Damodaran, Markandan Singam and Dhanasekaran
under Sections 147, 148, 436, 307 of IPC and Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act 3(1)(10), 3(2)(5) and
were arrested. Madurai-based non-governmental organisation, Evidence,
visited the village and found that discrimination on the basis of caste
was rampant. A. Kathir, executive director, said that the State
Government should provide Rs.10 lakh as compensation for the family of
the deceased and demanded that a team of National Human Rights
Commission should visit the village and assess the ground reality and
give recommendations to the government for follow-up action. (Hindu,
02/02/2011)

Dalits demand judicial inquiry into attack by Meos

About a fortnight after the houses of
Dalits were ransacked, looted and set on fire in Husaipur village near
Bhiwadi in Alwar district, the police are yet to arrest those
responsible for the mayhem and ensure the return of Dalits driven out of
the village allegedly by the dominant Meo Muslims. A sick Dalit woman
staying in a damaged house has since lost her life reportedly under the
impact of the cold. The Dalits have charged State Medical and Health
Minister Aimaduddin Ahmed Khan – elected to the Assembly from the Tijara
constituency in which Husaipur falls – with shielding the accused. The
lack of action by the district administration against the “politically
well-connected” accused has baffled not just the Dalits, but other civil
rights activists here as well. Meos allegedly launched a daylight
attack on the Dalits belonging to the poor Meghwal community on January
19 following an exchange of fire between the two sides, in which a Meo
youth, Zahid, was killed. The dispute started when a hen reared by a
Dalit family was crushed under the wheels of Zahid’s tractor. While the
police have arrested five Dalit youths on the charge of Zahid’s murder,
the assailants who torched Dalits’ houses and looted their belongings
including cash and jewellery are still at large. Tension prevails in
Husaipur with the dominant Meos allegedly threatening the few Dalit
women and children, who are putting up in the village under the police
protection. Hundreds of Dalits staged a demonstration at Tijara on
Monday demanding a judicial inquiry into the ransacking of their houses
amid what they described as the ruling Congress leaders’ support and
protection to the aggressors. In a memorandum handed over to the
authorities, they demanded stern action against the police and district
officers for their “inaction”. Jaipur-based Centre for Dalit Rights
(CDR) patron P. L. Mimroth, who visited Husaipur on Sunday to attend a
meeting between the two sides arranged by the administration, told The
Hindu here that the Dalit men belonging to the 13 Meghwal families in
the village were scared of returning because all of them had been named
as accused in the case of Zahid’s murder. Sunday’s meeting ended
abruptly without any result as a crowd of five-dozen Meos allegedly
threatened the Dalit representatives and swore to take revenge for the
murder of Zahid. Mr. Mimroth, who met Alwar Collector Ashutosh Pednekar,
said extremist elements seemed to be dominating on both the sides and
the Sangh Parivar elements were provoking Dalits in the region. With the
administration having failed to take any step for Dalits’
rehabilitation, Meos are reportedly organising caste panchayats in the
nearby villages such as Khedi, Karenda, Kharkadi, Sarey Kalan, Chaupakni
and Chauksi and issuing “open and unrestrained threats” to Dalits. Mr.
Mimorth said while the Dalit youths – Rajvir, Bishan, Vikram, Sanjay and
Babulal – arrested in the murder case, who too had sustained bullet
injuries, were yet to be medically examined and provided with treatment,
the case against Meos registered on Dalits’ complaint had been
“deliberately made very weak” by inserting mild and irrelevant charges.
It was only on Monday that some relief in the shape of food and clothes
was provided to the Dalit families, 12 days after the violence. .
(Hindu, 02/02/2011)

CPI(M) holds Dalit Christians’ meet

Communist Party of India (Marxist) State
secretary Pinarayi Vijayan has called for initiating measures for
solving the problems faced by the Dalit Christian community who in spite
of being at the receiving end of social and economic backwardness on
account of being Dalits have found themselves without any social or
economic support for being Christians. Inaugurating a Dalit Christian
convention organised by the party here on Wednesday, the first of its
kind by the CPI(M) so far, Mr. Vijayan pointed out that a section of the
Dalit community had converted to Christianity on the basis of the
ideals propounded by missionaries as they were fed up with the
untouchability practised in the Hindu society at an earlier period.
(Hindu, 03/02/2011)

Govt turning blind eye to exodus of Dalits from Mirchpur: Dalit body

Haryana Valmiki Yuva Mahasabha, an
organisation representing Dalits, today alleged Haryana government was
turning a blind eye to the exodus of fear-stricken Dalits from Hisar
district’s Mirchpur village “During the past nine days, most of the
Dalit families have shifted from there but the government has turned a
blind eye and they have not stepped in to stop this. The Dalits have
been forced to shift to other places in Hisar and elsewhere because of
sense of insecurity and persistent social boycott and ostracisation,”
Mahasabha’s President Sanjeev Gharoo said here. He led a delegation of
Dalits and submitted a memorandum to Haryana Governor Jagannath Pahadia
here to bring to his notice the problems being faced by Dalits at
Mirchpur where a Dalit man and his daughter were burnt to death last
year allegedly by upper caste members. Gharoo said they had brought to
the Governor’s notice the alleged discrimination being meted out to
Dalits in Mirchpur. “Meeting their daily needs has become difficult for
the Dalits who are still left in Mirchpur because of the social boycott
at the hands of the dominant community. We cannot tolerate this grave
injustice being meted out to us, with the government remaining a mute
spectator,” he alleged. (IE, 03/02/2011)

Dalit oppression result of myriad years of caste system

Violence against Dalits is the outcome of
thousands of years of subjugation due to the existence of the caste
system. But the situation of Dalit women becomes more vulnerable due to
the intersectionality of caste with gender. The oppression against Dalit
women becomes multiple and is manifested through extreme forms of
atrocities committed against them by non-Dalits and violence by the
Dalits. After the framing of the Indian constitution, very few laws have
been enacted to protect the rights of Dalits. One of the laws whereby
some relief is given to the rights of the Dalit women is sec 3 (1) (X1)
and 3 (1) (X11) under prevention of atrocities against SC and ST Act,
1989. There are certain sections under Indian Penal Code (IPC) for the
protection of women in general, where Dalit women are also covered. Some
of the important sections relating to gender violence under the IPC are
sec. 304B (dowry death), sec. 306 (abetment to suicide) sec. 354
(assault or use of criminal force on a woman with intent to outrage her
modesty), sec. 376 (rape), sec. 498 A (punishment for subjecting a
married woman to cruelty). Apart from the IPC sections there are no
stringent laws for the protection of the rights of women. A law to
protect women against domestic violence has been enacted in 2005, but it
does not impose any punishment to the accused. Gujarat as an
independent state is celebrating 50 years of its existence and the
prevention of atrocities Act enacted on January 30, 1990, has completed
20 years. The population of Dalits in Gujarat as per the National Census
of 2001 is 7.01 % of the total population. While boasting about its
development and progressiveness, the government of Gujarat also needs to
be questioned on the grounds of implementation of laws and sections for
the protection of Dalits and Dalit women’s rights. As per the fifth
report of the National Commission on SC and SC of1998-1999, Gujarat
stands second i.e. 62 cases per one lakh population, in terms of volume
of crime against Schedueld Castes, just after Rajasthan. Navsarjan, an
organisation dedicated to the upliftment of Dalits, has been addressing
the issues of social justice and rights of Dalits and Dalit women in
particular for more than 20 years in Gujarat. Through the legal aid
programme, we provide legal aid, moral and social support to the
survivors and victims of caste and gender based violence in Gujarat.
Navsarjan has dealt with and is working on several cases of extreme
forms of violence against Dalits and Dalit women. One of these cases was
the multiple rape of a female Dalit student in the Patan PTC College.
Although the six accused were sentenced to life imprisonment, in the
judgment, the court removed the sections under the Atrocity Act, its
stand being that the rape survivor was raped by a non-Dalit and Dalit
accused so it won’t fit in as an atrocity case. There are several cases
of rape of Dalit girls and women being handled by Navsarjan in the past
few years and are being highlighted in the media, but in how many cases
is the criminal justice system ensuring that the accused are punished
under the law? A case of sexual trafficking of a Dalit girl who was
kidnapped from the primary school in Bavla and sold off at many places
is going on in the Ahmedabad Sessions court for more than one year, but
due to weak criminal justice system, the survivor is still awaiting
justice. Another case of gang rape of a Dalit girl who was studying in
the 12th grade in a high school in Limbdi town is pending in the Limbdi
Sessions court. The rape survivor has sent an application to the state
legal department for appointment of Nainaben Bhatt as special public
prosecutor, but the state is denying appointing her without giving any
valid reasons. The recent cases of gang rape and trafficking of young
Dalit girls and women set off alarm bells to the vulnerable position of
Dalit women in the state. Ultimately the question to the state is, “Is
there an effective criminal justice system in place to ensure safety and
dignity of the Dalit community and Dalit women especially”? The time
has come when Dalit women should be recognised as a distinct social
group rather than classifying them under the general women or Dalit
category. Accordingly the state should evolve and implement a specific
focus andprogrammes on Dalit women’s rights within the broader framework
of the Dalit and women’s empowerment agenda. (DNA, 02/02/2011)

Dalit teen slashed with axes in rape bid

Three persons attacked a 17-year-old
Dalit girl with axes on Saturday evening, inflicting multiple injuries
during a rape bid in Fatehpur district. According to reports, the victim
Savita (name changed) resides at Udrauli village under Bindki Police
Station. She, along with her friend Chaya, had gone to attend nature’s
call outside the village. One Shiv Om, of the same village, had caught
hold of her and she raised an alarm when he began to drag her away.
Hearing the commotion, Shiv Om’s two accomplices — Hari Shanker Pasi and
Ram Ratan — reached the scene. The trio caught Savita while Chaya
managed to flee. They allegedly raped Savita and later attacked her with
axes, inflicting deep cut on her head, arms and chest. When Chaya told
Savita’s family about the incident they rushed to the scene. Seeing
Savita’s father Badlu and horde of villagers, the three accused fled.
Savita was rushed to district hospital Fatehpur and was given primary
aid. Seeing her condition as serious, the doctors referred her to Halot
Hospital in Kanpur. Special DG (Law, Order & Crime) Brij Lal on
Sunday said a police team led by the Fatehpur SP had visited the crime
scene. He said Pasi was arrested while efforts were on to track down the
others. Lal further said Savita said another man, identified as
Nambari, was also with the miscreants. Lal said an intensive probe was
being conducted and the accused would be dealt with an iron hand. He
added that the ADM and Circle Officer had been asked to gather further
details from Savita. (Pioneer, 07/02/2011)

Dalits attacked, houses ransacked in Virudhunagar

Some people belonging to the upper caste
have allegedly attacked Dalits and ransacked their houses at
Tamaraikulam area in the district, according to police on Sunday. Cases
have been registered against 46 people in connection with the case,
police said, adding 10 Salits were injured during the incident which
happened on Saturday. The incident took place in Tiruchuzhi Block
following a dispute over the erection of flag posts of Dalit-outfit
Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), they said. Some people belonging
to upper caste attacked Dalits, including women and children, ransacked
their houses and took away valuables including some jewellery, they
said, adding the houses damaged in the incident included that of the
Tamaraikulam Municipal vice-president. Police said VCK partymen had
pasted posters against the “caste Hindus” of Tamaraikulam and nearby
Thachanendal that had opposed the erection of the flag posts. “People’s
Watch”, an NGO, alleged the two-tumbler system still existed in the
village, wherein Dalits and upper caste people are made to use different
tumblers in tea shops and eating joints. They also demanded
compensation for the Dalits affected by the attack. (Hindu, 06/02/2011)

File a complaint, Dalit activists urged

He was responding to DSS leader S.P.
Anand when the latter brought up the issue during the monthly grievance
reddress meeting of the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes people
conducted by the district police. Mr. Rao said the Deputy Commissioner
had initiated action. He added that the police would take action under
the SC/ST Act if the activists filed complaints. An officer of the
police station concerned said he had visited the spot and the postmaster
said that the post office was a part of his house. The members of the
DSS, including several Dalits from Melanthabettu, objected to this. Mr.
Rao said he was yet to obtain clarification from postal department about
what qualified as a post office. Mr. Anand brought up the issue of a
murder of Rajappa in Bantwal taluk in 2008. Mr. Anand said even after
three years, the case had not been solved. Mr. Rao said the case was
still open and sought the help of activists who might have more
information. A unique feature of the meeting on Sunday was the special
number set up for persons from the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
to phone-in and speak to the officials. Several callers used the
helpline, which had been started after a gap of a few years. Other
issues that were brought up during the meeting included the issue of
showcasing “bhootaradhane” as entertainment.


(Hindu, 07/02/2011)

Free multimedia course for SC/ST youth

The National Film Development Corporation
(NFDC) will conduct free training courses for Scheduled Caste and
Scheduled Tribe (SC/ST) youth in Tamil Nadu from February 21. The
month-long training programme will include digital non-linear editing
(AVID or FCP) and multimedia. The income limit for youth joining the
course has been set at Rs. 2 lakh per annum. The age limit is 18 to 35
years. SC candidates who have converted to Christianity are not eligible
to join the course. The interview will be conducted at the offices of
the NFDC functioning from the Co-optex warehouse buildings, No. 350,
Pantheon Road, Egmore, Chennai, on February 14 and 15. Candidates should
have cleared Plus Two and be unemployed. They should bring original
mark sheets, community certificates, transfer certificates, ration cards
and income certificates. Attested photo copies of the certificates and
three passport size photos should also be produced at the time of
interview. The course, which is thoroughly job-oriented, is intended to
meet the growing demands of satellite TV channels, video and film
studios, said D. Ramakrishna, deputy general manager, NFDC. The course
is sponsored by Tamil Nadu Adi Dravidar Housing and Development
Corporation Limited. (Hindu, 07/02/2011)

Gujarat HC allows rape victim to abort fetus

AHMEDABAD: The Gujarat high court allowed
an 18-year-old dalit rape victim to terminate her 15-week pregnancy so
that the poor family does not face “innumerable mental, physical, social
and economic problems in future.” Last year, the same judge, Justice A S
Dave, allowed a dalit family to terminate a minor girl’s pregnancy in a
similar case. The victim belongs to Deodar taluka in Banaskantha
district. She was allegedly abducted on September 28, 2010 and was
illegally confined till December 5 by accused Amratji Thakor. He
repeatedly raped her in captivity. The girl’s father had lodged a police
complaint, but the accused is still at large. Her medical examination
on December 17 revealed that she was six weeks pregnant. When local
doctors refused to abort the foetus after hearing that she was a rape
victim, the family approached the HC mid-January seeking abortion under
the Medial Termination of Pregnancy (MTP) Act. The court sought opinions
of medical experts before allowing the abortion on Tuesday. The court
wants the foetus preserved for future DNA testing to nail the accused.
“There is no bar for termination of pregnancy in case of a rape victim.
Keeping in mind the best interest of the girl and her parents and likely
consequences and innumerable mental, physical, social and economic
problems if pregnancy is not allowed to be terminated, this court has
come to the conclusion that the present case falls within the parameters
of Sections 3 and 4 of the MTP Act,” the court said. The HC directed
the civil surgeon of Ahmedabad’s Civil Hospital to ensure that a
gynaecologist and obstetrician were involved in the process. And if they
thought the abortion would harm the girl, they could reconsider, the
court said.

(TOI, 10/02/2011)

Names of officials neglecting crimes against Dalits to be made public

The National Commission for Scheduled
Castes, headed by Congress MP P.L. Punia, will soon be making public a
list, of officials from Uttar Pradesh who had neglected, slackened on,
or not taken cognisance of crimes committed against Dalits in the State.
The Commission’s first step was to write to President Pratibha Patil
and Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, drawing their attention to the
rapidly rising graph of atrocities against dalits. The Commission’s
Vice-President, Rajkumar Verka, said on Thursday that the object of
publicising the names of civil servants and policemen who were not being
pro-active in taking action on complaints coming in from dalits was to
tell them: “Don’t be pressured into not taking action because the crimes
have been committed by legislators belonging to the ruling Bahujan
Samaj Party.” He was referring to the case of the dalit girl who was
raped by a BSP MLA and then imprisoned by having a false case registered
against her. Evidently, Dr. Punia, who once served as Principal
Secretary to Mayawati when she was Chief Minister, had decided to take
the battle into the heart of Uttar Pradesh, which goes to the polls next
year. The Commission’s actions come even as Congress general-secretary
Rahul Gandhi, visiting dalit rape victims in U.P., continues to
criticise Ms. Mayawati for the deteriorating law and order situation in
U.P.. U.P. will not be the only State to face the Commission’s scrutiny —
the next will be the Congress-ruled Haryana, another State in which the
plight of Dalits is dire, as the incident in Mirchpur last year
demonstrated. Dr. Verka said efforts would be made to bring succour to
dalits across the country. In the last four months, 568 crimes against
Dalits in U.P., and 348 from Haryana, had come to the Commission’s
attention. Most of the cases related to murder, rape, land grabbing and
atrocities by the police, he said. Asked whether the Commission was
targeting U.P. alone, he denied it, pointing out that the Commission had
taken the Congress-ruled Delhi government to task for shifting Rs.
4,000 crore, earmarked for dalit welfare, for the Commonwealth Games,
and the Congress-ruled Haryana government for shifting Rs. 3,400 crore
to other expenditure heads. He added that Rs. 6,000 crore in U.P. and
Rs. 2,600 crore in Punjab had similarly gone astray. (Hindu, 11/02/2011)

Communal violence in Rajasthan village forces dalit exodus

HUSHEYPUR (RAJASTHAN): A mournful silence
welcomes visitors to Husheypur village in Alwar district, 265 km from
Jaipur. For more than 20 days, men of the 40 Dalit households are
missing and their women live in fear of attacks by the village’s Muslim
community. On January 19, a minor scuffle between the two communities
turned violent. Zahid Khan was shot dead by a group of Dalits after he
ran over a chicken with his tractor. A spat led to a bloodbath between
the communities that have lived together for over a century. Men from
the Muslim community ransacked and set on fire Dalits homes. The
families fled and only elderly women with their children, who had also
fled, returned last week. SP Mahesh Goyal said a committee had been
formed from representatives of all communities to resolve the tension.
”We are in touch with the Dalits who have fled the village and members
of the other community. We have provided enough security at the village
and the Dalits should be back in a day or two,” he said, adding that
those who fled are the accused in the firing incident. Haaji Kallu, the
victim’s father, says, ”From administration to social activitists,
whoever comes here, asks us to maintain peace. We want peace but how
will I raise five grandchildren… Administration gave ex-gratia to those
whose houses were ransacked but no one asked me if I need anything,” he
says. Kamla Devi, whose house was also attacked, said, ”We were never a
part of the violence, yet we were targeted. They looted the cash and
jewellery I had saved for my daughter Suman’s wedding in May. I feel
helpless, it would be easy just to strangulate my daughter and commit
suicide.” (TOI, 11/02/2011)

Dalits told to unite to achieve political power

The Andhra Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha on
Sunday gave a clarion call to SCs, STs, BCs and minorities to unite to
achieve political power for themselves in the State. The post-Mandal
commission political situation in many States saw ‘Bahujans’ attaining
political power in many States. But the political hegemony of ‘two
politically dominant communities’ continued unhindered in Andhra Pradesh
for decades, Dalit intellectuals analysed at its State conference here.
Presiding over the conference, its founder Kathi Padma Rao, a prolific
writer of Dalit literature, underscored the need for a ‘grand alliance’
among SCs, STs, BCs and minorities to achieve political power and get
their due in allocation of State’s resources. He exhorted the
participants to take a vow not to succumb to electoral malpractices
including ‘money and liquor. Electrifying atmosphere prevailed at the
conference when the participants in unison asserted: “Let us elect our
own leaders. Let us decide our own destiny. Let us work for realising
the goals set by Father of the Constitution Babasaheb Ambedkar.”
Articulating the demand for division of the State, Prof. Ganta
Chakrapani impressed upon the ‘Bahujans’ that, “it will be relatively
easy to achieve political power in a smaller State.” Dalits were in the
forefront of movement for Telangana State, he said adding division of
the State would bring more opportunities for Dalits and pave the way for
‘Jai Bahujana Andhra’. Protracted struggle Recalling the unity among
Malas and Madigas at the time of Tsundur and Karamchedu massacres, Dalit
research scholar Visharadhan said when politically dominant communities
were alert to achieve political power, Dalits were in a relaxed state.
“We need to unite and wage a protracted struggle to achieve political
power,” he said. The conference was attended by among others by Andhra
Pradesh Dalit Mahasabha president Chintapalli Guruprasada Rao, Kula
Nirmoolana Sangam president K. Ramdoss, All-India Dalit Rights
Federation national convener K. Ananda Rao and families of victims of
Tsundur and Karamchedu massacres. (Hindu, 21/02/2011)

‘Welfare should reach Dalits directly’

Development of the downtrodden will be sustainable only if welfare reached them directly, said former

Secretary to the Prime Minister K.R.
Venugopal. Only if the allocations made for the benefit of the Scheduled
Castes and Tribes were spent totally, without leaving any unspent
balance, would they help, he told a round-table here on Sunday. He said
if allocations were to lead to their logical results, care must be taken
to see that the SC-ST Special Component Plans were implemented in toto.
This could be done only when pressure was built on the political
leadership, he said, adding that strong political will was essential in
enabling mechanisms to ensure that the allocation would be spent on what
it was intended for. B. Venkat, general secretary, Andhra Pradesh
Agricultural Labour Union regretted the ‘development untouchability’
that was present all over the State and country. He said the union was
close to completing a survey about the physical conditions of people in
‘Dalitwadas’. It revealed that in over 50 per cent of habitations, the
Dalits were deprived of approach roads, water supply and streetlights,
while in 80 per cent of them, there was a felt need for cemeteries to
bury the dead. P. Venkateshwarlu, convener, Development Sub-Committee in
the Jana Vignana Vedika (JVV) that organised the round-table, said only
a united struggle could achieve the desired results. Conspiracy Korivi
Vinay Kumar of the Dalit Bahujan Front said it was just not
discrimination that was the result of the lack of progress for the SCs
and STs but a clear conspiracy to deprive them from their due. Among
others who participated were Sriram Naik, State Secretary, AP Girijan
Sangham and D. Prabhakar of the Struggle Committee Against Caste
Discrimination. (Hindu, 21/02/2011)

AG briefs CCPA on quota for Dalit Christians, Dalit Muslims

Attorney-General G.E. Vahanvati on Monday
briefed the Cabinet Committee on Political Affairs on the long-standing
demand by Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims that they be given
reservation, the way Dalit Buddhists are, as per the 1950 Presidential
Order. The briefing was given in the context of a Public Interest
Litigation petition pending in the Supreme Court: at the last hearing,
it asked the government whether the fact that Dalit Christians and Dalit
Muslims are deprived of the benefits of reservation did not amount to
hostile discrimination under Article 14. The government will have to
either justify upholding the 1950 Presidential Order or accept the
Ranganath Misra Commission recommendation of reservation for Dalit
Christians and Dalit Muslims. Government sources said the special
briefing was given as “many complicated legal issues are involved” but
currently “no decision was called for.” However, the government will
have to deal with the matter sooner rather than later, the sources said,
as a decision will impact on the promised caste census: at present,
there are no authentic figures for the various castes. Taking a decision
on a quota for Dalit Christians and Dalit Muslims is complicated by the
fact that the National Commission for Scheduled Castes has said if
reservation is given to these two groups, it should not be from the 15
per cent meant for Dalits — it should be a separate quota. The existing
position on reservation at the national level is: 27 per cent for the
Other Backward Classes (OBCs), 15 per cent for the SC (or Dalits) and
7.5 per cent for the Scheduled Tribes. The three categories together
account for 49.5 per cent, and till now, the Supreme Court has ruled
that reservation should not exceed 50 per cent. Clearly, therefore, a
decision one way or the other will open a can of worms. The members of
the CCPA, which is headed by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, include
Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee, Home Minister P. Chidambaram and
Defence Minister A.K. Antony. A special invitee at the meeting was
Minorities Affairs Minister Salman Khursheed. (Hindu, 22/02/2011)

Girl’s father kills lover, throws body in river

KAPURTHALA: In a case of honour killing,
the father of a girl allegedly killed her lover, who was from a
so-called lower caste, and threw his body in river Beas, early this
month. The accused, who has been arrested, reportedly told the police
that he killed the boy to “save the honour of his family”. The girl
belonged to Jat community while the boy was from Valmiki community,
which made the affair unacceptable to the girl’s father. According to
police sources, the victim, Sandeep Singh, 20, of Choladha village, who
was a cop in Punjab police and a promising Kabaddi player, had gone
missing on February 6. He was to fly to Malaysia for a kabaddi
tournament on February 14. Later his family learnt that he was kidnapped
by the girl’s father Balwinder Singh of neighbouring Lakh Waryan
village. The girl, Karamdeep Kaur, is a student of BA part-II, while the
youth had given up his studies after plus two. “Sandeep was preparing
for his tournament when he went missing. We kept searching him, but
failed,” said Balkar Singh, uncle of the youth. He said that Sandeep and
Karamdeep, who were class-fellows, had been having an affair since
their school days. “When Balwinder was rounded up and questioned on
Monday he confessed to his crime,” said SHO, Kabirpur, Narinder Pal
Singh Aujla. He said that efforts were on to search for the body. Call
details of Sandeep’s mobile phone revealed that the last call made from
his phone was to the girl’s cell phone. (TOI, 22/02/2011)

Dalit atrocity cases reviewed

In deference to wishes of dalits,
district Collector Kantilal Dande on Wednesday promised to ensure a
day’s wages and transport charges whenever dalits were called for
investigation in connection with cases registered under SC/ST Atrocities
Prevention Act. The Collector, who chaired the SC/ST Vigilance and
Monitoring Committee meeting, also promised to reimburse medical
expenses incurred by “victims” at private hospitals when they could not
access government hospitals. The Collector, who reviewed the status of
various cases sub-division wise along with SP C.S.R.K.L.N. Raju and
others , directed them to ensure that investigation was completed within
the stipulated time. He directed them to take up with forest officials
the alleged harassment of tribals eking out a living from bamboo
products in Diguvamitta near Yerragondapalem. The SP disapproved conduct
of marriages in police stations. Officials revealed that of the 437
atrocity cases registered in the district, chargesheets were filed in
122 cases, while 226 cases were closed after it was found during probe
by police that they were frivolous. Punishment was awarded by courts in
18 cases. (Hindu, 24/02/2011)

Scholarship to SC, ST students increased

Measures to provide amenities in
Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe colonies and increase in scholarship
and food allowance provided to SC and ST students are among the
highlights of the 2011-12 budget under Social Welfare head. The budget
promises Rs. 300 crore for providing amenities at SC and ST colonies
across the State at the rate of Rs. 1 crore per colony. The annual
scholarship for students up to Class 7, who are not residing in hostels,
will be increased from Rs. 75 to Rs. 250 and for those who are studying
in Class 8 to Class 10 from Rs. 100 to Rs. 500. This will benefit 25
lakh students. Food allowance for students in SC and ST hostels has been
hiked from Rs. 650 to Rs. 750 for pre-matric students and from Rs. 750
to Rs. 850 for post-matric students. Allocation for development of
backward classes has been hiked from Rs. 606 crore last year to Rs. 760
crore. (Hindu, 25/02/2011)

Discrimination against Dalits prevalent: study

Caste discrimination practised against
Dalits does not spare even Panchayat presidents, reveals a study done in
select districts of Tamil Nadu. The study conducted by Evidence, a
Madurai-based organisation, in 213 Panchayats across 12 districts in the
State has come up with its findings on myriad forms of discrimination
experienced by Dalits under various categories. The survey was carried
out in Madurai, Dindigul, Virudhunagar, Sivagangai, Thanjavur,
Nagapattinam, Salem, Namakkal, Cuddalore, Villupuram, Coimbatore and
Tirupur. Forty-five Panchayat presidents from nine districts have given
testimonies of discrimination, the survey reports. The discrimination
takes the form of demand for appointment of Caste Hindu writer, refusal
to cooperate with the Panchayat president, obstructionist tactics by the
Caste Hindu Ward members and Panchayat vice-president to stall conduct
of affairs and harassment of women Panchayat presidents. The 198-page
report reveals an exhaustive account of various forms of discrimination
and how they assume universality under certain categories. These include
discrimination in temples, atrocities against Dalit women and
discrimination in processions, burial of the dead and in offering
services such as hair dressing and laundry to the Dalits. With a few
exceptions, almost all villages witness such discrimination.
Discrimination in temples varies from restrictions on entry to bar on
touching the temple car rope and participation in festivities or
allowing processions to go through Dalit colonies. According to the
report, 104 villages out of the total villages surveyed recorded the
practice of two-tumbler system, revealing 49 per cent prevalence. Among
them, 14 out of 22 villages in Coimbatore, 14 out of 24 villages in
Dindigul, 13 out of 21 in Salem, 13 out of 17 villages in Virudhunagar,
11 out of 17 villages in Thanjavur and seven out of 13 villages in
Madurai, recorded the practice. In Nagapattinam, the study carried out
in 16 villages in Vedaranyam reveals the prevalence of two tumbler
system in Kodiakkarai, Vedananagar, Ayyakaranpulamirandamsethi, and
Siriyankadu. Of the categories, discrimination was negligible only in
Government Hospitals and PHCs. (Hindu, 07/03/2011)

Dalit activist thrashed in Rajasthan for seeking information under RTI Act

Hot on the heels of the gruesome murder
of NREGA activist Niyamat Ansari in Jharkhand, a Dalit activist was
severely beaten at the panchayat’s social audit meeting at Bamanor
village in Barmer district of Rajasthan over the week-end for seeking
information about employment guarantee works under the Right to
Information Act. Sarpanch Ghulam Shah and his accomplices allegedly
attacked activist Mangala Ram with an axe and thrashed him, breaking
both his legs, at the Gram Sabha at panchayat building, where the
government-sponsored social audit of works was in progress, on Thursday.
A profusely bleeding Mangala Ram was rushed to the local Community
Health Centre. Mangala Ram, 33, had sought information a few months ago
on the details of all public works sanctioned and carried out between
2001 and 2008 and the works sanctioned under the Mahatma Gandhi National
Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme since 2006 in Bamanor village. On
being supplied with incomplete information, he questioned the panchayat
functionaries. According to the State unit of People’s Union for Civil
Liberties, Ghulam Shah has been occupying the post of Sarpanch for a
long time and his family has controlled the panchayat office for about
20 years. He was reportedly annoyed by the repeated questioning of the
Dalit activist. Mangala Ram sent two applications to the Barmer
Superintendent of Police during the past six months alleging that the
Sarpanch and his associates were threatening him ever since he has asked
for information. On February 28 last, he sought police security fearing
that he might be attacked. The Dalit activist went to attend the social
audit meeting, presided over by headmaster Ghevar Singh Chaudhary – who
is also in-charge of the Gram Sabha – and attended by Ghulam Shah,
cluster in-charge Arjun Singh and other panchayat members on Thursday to
seek clarifications about his queries. While the audit was in progress,
the Sarpanch allegedly abused Mangala Ram and attacked him with an axe.
Three persons who tried to save him were also injured. He was first
taken to the CHC, from where he was referred to the government hospital
at tehsil headquarter Dhorimanna situated 20 km away and later to a
hospital in Jodhpur. PUCL State general secretary Kavita Srivastava said
since Mangala Ram’s condition did not improve, his family preferred to
admit him into a private hospital at Deesa in Gujarat. Even though a
case has been registered in connection with the attack on Mangala Ram,
police have so far not arrested Ghulam Shah. The PUCL, in a memorandum
submitted to Chief Secretary S. Ahmed, has demanded that Section 307
(attempt to murder) of I.P.C. and relevant provisions of the SC/ST
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989, be applied immediately to the FIR.
Civil rights activists staged a demonstration near Albert Hall in
Ramniwas Garden here on Sunday demanding that Ghulam Shah and other
accused named in the FIR be arrested without delay and the State
Government bear the expenses of medical treatment of the victim, besides
giving him financial assistance of Rs.1 lakh as well as the government
job. Activists also pointed out that this act of the Sarpanch should be
construed as misconduct in the discharge of his duties. “The incident
took place while the statutory Gram Sabha was taking place. It was
clearly done to silence any questioning related to diversion of funds
which a social audit exposes,” pointed out Satish Kumar of the Centre
for Dalit Rights. The demonstrators said the brutal attack by Ghulam
Shah on the activist amounted to misconduct under Section 38 (1) of the
Rajasthan Panchayati Raj Act, 1994, for which an inquiry should be
ordered under the Act and the accused should be suspended forthwith. Ms.
Srivastava said the two cases of Niyamat Ansari’s murder and attack on
Mangala Ram depicted a pattern where individuals fighting for better
implementation of MGNREGA and RTI Act have been brutally targeted by
vested interests. “While this is proof that both the legislations are
instrumental in challenging the existing power structures, there is [an
urgent] need to support and protect citizens in their anticorruption
efforts.” (Hindu, 07/03/2011)

Casteist remark against Dalit can’t be compromised: SC

Calling a Dalit by his caste is a serious
offence that cannot be condoned even if both the accused and the
complainant arrive at a compromise, the Supreme Court said today. A
bench of justices Markandeya Katju and Gyan Sudha Mishra said the only
way of ending the feudal mentality of those insulting the Dalits would
be by sending them to the jail so as to act as a deterrent for others.
“The only way is to send you to the jail. This is modern age. The days
of feudalism are over,” the bench said while refusing to compound (close
the case by way of fine) the dispute as sought by counsel S D
Dwaraknath In the instant case, Arumugan Servai, Ajit Kumar and nine
others of Samayanallur village in Tamil Nadu’s Madurai district were
sentenced to six months imprisonment for calling a neighbour Paneeselvan
“parayan”(a slang for Dalit). The Madras High Court had upheld the
sentence, after which they appealed in the apex court seeking quashing
of the sentence on the ground that both the parties to the dispute have
reached a compromise to ensure caste harmony in the village. The apex
court however, turned down the plea for quashing of the case registered
under relevant sections of the Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribe
(Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 on the ground that it was not a
compoundable offence. “How can you call a man a chamar or other names
just because he is poor? It is an offence which is not compoundable.
Even if you have reached a compromise, we cannot reduce the sentence
because there is no provision under the law for compounding the
offence,” the bench said. The bench rejected the plea of the counsel
that the court, using its extraordinary powers under Article 142, can
pass an order for quashing the sentence even if the law does not provide
for it. “We can’t reduce the sentence. It (special powers) does mean we
can break the law,” the bench remarked. Article 142 grants
extraordinary powers to the apex court to pass any order in the interest
of justice. The apex court said the accused cannot insult people and
get away with it. “People of India must change their way. If there is a
minimum punishment, you have to undergo it. You can’t insult people,”
the bench said. The bench then posted the matter for final disposal
after six weeks and said it would hear the case only on the merits of
the allegations. (Deccan herald, 08/03/2011)

`Raghuvansh calls for reviving ‘Chamar Regiment’

Former Union minister and RJD
vice-president Raghuvansh Prasad Singh on Monday demanded reviving
“Chamar Regiment” to boost the morale of Scheduled Castes in the
country. Speaking during the zero hour in the Lok Sabha, he said, “The
(Chamar) regiment was formed by the British during the Second World War,
but they abolished it after the completion of war. The regiment was in
place during 1942-46. It is not that this is going to be something new.
When there are nine regiments named after different communities why not
the 10the regiment after this community. There are crores of people of
the said Scheduled Caste in the country, it (the regiment) will boost
the morale of this community that they also have a role in the security
of the country.” Raghuvansh persisted with his demand using the word
“Chamar” despite repeated caution against doing so from the chair.
Speaking later, he said, “My notice for raising this matter was
approved. My notice did use the word Chamar, so how can I be barred from
using that word while raising this matter in the Lok Sabha.” “I will
appeal against expunging parts of my intervention during the zero hour,”
Raghivansh added. (IE, 08/03/2011)

Mirchpur Dalit killings: Name those who led stir after accused booked, SC tells Haryana govt

NEW DELHI: The Supreme Court on Monday
asked the Haryana government to identify the persons and organisation
responsible for holding demonstration in December last against booking
of some upper caste people in connection with the Mirchpur Dalit
killings case. A bench of justices GS Singhvi and AK Ganguly also
directed the government and the Railway Board to spell out steps taken
by them to recover financial loss caused following the 11-day stir
organised by 12 khap panchayats. “Who are the persons behind it? You
must tell us the names of the persons and the party who were behind all
these agitations. There must have been some kind of political backing
behind it,” the bench said while granting two weeks’ time to reply. Not
impressed by the response of the state government that cases have been
filed, the court said, “Forget about cases. We know what happens after
case is registered. State must tell us who is responsible for this
(agitation).” Villagers had been protesting the booking of 98 members of
their community in the case relating to the killing of 70-year-old
Tarachand and his physically challenged teenaged daughter Suman at
Mirchpur village in Hisar on April 21 last year. Demanding a fresh probe
into the Dalit killings, upper caste people of Mirchpur and adjoining
villages had brought the rail and road traffic to Delhi via Jind to a
grinding halt earlier this month. On the last hearing the state
government had informed the court that loss of Rs 45.92 lakh was caused
to the transport department due to agitation and Rs 90,000 were spent by
forest department in removing 3130 trees which were uprooted by
protesters.

(TOI, 08/03/2011)

Dalit activist leaves hospital alleging negligence by doctors

Dalit activist Mangala Ram from Bamanor
village in Barmer district — who was brutally attacked recently for
seeking information under the Right to Information Act — left Sawai Man
Singh Hospital here on Tuesday, a day after being brought from Deesa in
Gujarat and admitted to the poly-trauma ward for treatment at the State
Government’s expenses. Mangala Ram, 33, was severely beaten up at the
village panchayat’s social audit meeting on March 3 allegedly by
Sarpanch Ghulam Shah and his accomplices, who took exception to his
applications under the RTI Act seeking details of all public works
sanctioned and carried out between 2001 and 2008. He sustained injuries
in head and arms, and his legs were broken in the attack. Following
protests by civil rights groups, the police have registered a first
information report against Mr. Shah, while Barmer Collector Gaurav Goyal
has provided financial assistance worth Rs. 25,000 to Mr. Ram. On the
instructions of Chief Minister Ashok Gehlot, the victim was brought from
a private hospital in Deesa and admitted to SMS Hospital here on
Monday. Mr. Shah and other accused named in the FIR are yet to be
arrested. Dalit groups here point out that the Sarpanch enjoys
considerable clout in the region and has been occupying the office for
22 years. He had allegedly threatened Mr. Ram several times when he
raised the issue of incomplete information and demanded follow-up on his
applications. Mr. Ram left the hospital on his own on Tuesday while
alleging that doctors in the poly-trauma ward were not attending to him
properly. His fractured legs were bandaged with a heavy dressing and the
hospital’s orthopaedic surgeons were yet to take a final decision on
his surgery. “Doctors told me yesterday that surgery would be needed for
[treatment of] serious fractures. But they started saying this morning
that a plaster would set my legs right,” Mr. Ram told The Hindu lying in
an ambulance after leaving the hospital. He left for Palanpur in
Gujarat, where he said the surgery of his legs would be performed
shortly. The Dalit activist, who rested briefly at the house of an
acquaintance in the city, said he suspected that the doctors were
neglecting him “on the instructions of the political set-up” because he
had contested the panchayat election last year as a rival candidate
against Mr. Shah. “Everyone in our village knows that the Sarpanch has
[high] political connections. He can easily influence the hospital
machinery here.” SMS Hospital Medical Superintendent L.C. Sharma, when
contacted, said since there was a difference of opinion in the
orthopaedics department about the course of treatment for Mr. Ram, the
hospital administration offered to appoint a medical board. “The board
would have decided if the plaster would suffice or the surgery on legs
was immediately required.” Dr. Sharma said Mr. Ram and his relatives
were insisting that the Deesa hospital’s opinion in favour of surgery be
accepted here. “Even though we sought some time and facilitated his
telephonic talk with [social activist] Ms. Aruna Roy, Mr. Ram was
adamant on leaving. He gave us in writing that he is not willing to
undergo our treatment.”

The Centre for Dalit Rights, which has
taken up Ram’s case, was dismayed that he had left Jaipur within a day.
Gopal Ram Verma of CDR said the activist’s presence in Jaipur would have
helped in putting pressure on the State Government for dealing with the
threats issued by dominant sections to “ordinary people who dare to
question them” through the RTI queries. “The brutal attack on Mangala
Ram depicts a pattern emerging in the rural areas of Rajasthan.
Individuals fighting against corruption in public life are routinely
threatened and implicated in false cases by those having [vested]
interests,” pointed out Bhanwar Meghwanshi of Mazdoor Kisan Shakti
Sangathan. In view of the sensitivity of the matter, two teams of the
State Human Rights Commission and the Directorate of Social Audits have
visited Bamanor village to verify the facts. The State’s Dalit activists
leaving for Shillong to attend the Third National Convention on RTI
beginning on Thursday also plan to raise the matter vigorously at the
national level.

(Hindu, 09/03/2011)

Mirchpur dalit murders: HC notice to Selja for ‘threatening’ accused

Union Tourism Minister Kumari Selja has
been issued notices by the Punjab and Haryana High Court on a petition
that has accused her of “forgery, criminal intimidation, fabrication and
hatching a criminal conspiracy”. The petitioner, advocate B S Chahar,
has alleged that Selja, who was “instrumental in instigating leaders and
members of Balmiki community against Jat leaders in Mirchpur case”,
tried to save herself from a litigation by pressuring the undertrials
and forcing them to sign “blank non-judicial papers”. Chahar had
approached the HC on behalf of two accused in the case seeking bail. A
few days later, complaints signed by the duo, Dalbir Singh and Ajit
Singh, were sent to the HC, alleging that they had not engaged Chahar.
Following this, the HC directed the Jail Superintendent to record their
statements and find out the authenticity of the complaints. In their
statements, they submitted that they had not sent any such complaint and
wanted Chahar to be their lawyer. Meanwhile, Selja moved the court,
seeking removal of her name from the petition filed by the duo. It was
allowed by the court. After the report of the Jail Superintendent,
Chahar on Thursday filed a petition against Selja, oath commissioners
from whom unsigned judicial papers were allegedly obtained and the then
Jail Superintendent who allegedly acted at Selja’s behest to obtain the
signatures of the two undertrials. Chahar has requested the HC to direct
the Haryana government to register an FIR against Selja, oath
commissioner, Jail Superintendent for forcing the undertrials to sign
blank non judicial papers and level false allegations against him
(Chahar). (IE, 11/03/2011)

3 Barmer cops suspended for keeping Dalit in illegal custody

JAIPUR: Three policemen, including the
in-charge of Sindhari police station in Barmer district, were on
Thursday suspended for keeping a dalit man in illegal custody and
severely beating him up. The victim, identified as Jabarnath, alleged
that the cops threatened to implicate him and demanded a bribe of Rs
15,000. Jabarnath sustained injuries and is currently undergoing
treatment. Barmer SP Santosh Chalke said the victim was a suspected of
theft and was summoned to the Sindhari police station.He added that
Sindhari police station in-charge and two other constables have been
suspended till completion of a probe into the incident. However,
Jabarnath said that he was called to the police station on March 2 and
kept there for six days. “No case was registered against me. Two
constables of the police station demanded Rs 15000 to release me. When I
could pay them the money, they let me go after six days but only after
severely thrashing me,” the victim said. Jabarnath said that he was
taken to a hospital after he went home with injuries on his body.
Earlier, Dalit rights activists in the state had created an uproar after
a Dalit RTI activist was beaten up in a village of same district. Dalit
families of Husheypura village in Alwar district and Chandpur in
Bharatpur district had fled from their houses after they were attacked
by members of another community over petty disputes. (TOI, 11/03/2011)

Dalit activist commits suicide

Owing to alleged pressure from the police
and some politicians following his son’s elopement with an ‘upper’
caste girl, Dalit leader B.T. Sampangi (53) allegedly committed suicide
late on Friday. His body was found hanging from the ceiling of the Dr.
Ambedkar Community Hall in Bommanahalli. Ironically, this was the same
hall where he had delivered several speeches to mobilise members of his
community against caste-based oppression. In a suicide note, Mr.
Sampangi said he took the extreme step because of constant harassment by
the Madivala police, a local BBMP councillor and his supporters who
were hounding him for whereabouts of his younger son, Anand, who had
eloped with a girl from the Reddy community. Mr. Sampangi belonged to
the Scheduled Caste Holeya community and the councillor is said to be
related to the girl’s family. According to R. Mohan Raj, State convener
of the Karnataka Dalit Sangharsh Samiti. Sampangi’s family was facing
social boycott in the area and were feeling threatened by the behaviour
of the ‘upper’ caste people in the neighbourhood as well as some
political goons.

(Hindu, 21/03/2011)

Honour claims two lives in Sirsa?

SIRSA: In a shocking incident raising
suspicion of honour killing, 21-year-old boy and his 18-year-old
girlfriend died mysteriously in Bajekan village here on Sunday. Adding
more to the mystery, families cremated the bodies without any inquest
proceedings. And, more surprisingly, notwithstanding the fact that the
families as well as policemen, including Sirsa SP Satinder Kumar Gupta,
have confirmed these to be unnatural deaths, police are yet to act for
the want of any complaint. Deceased have been identified as Sonu son of
Banwari Lal and Mamta Rani, a resident of village Bajekan. According to
information Sonu was a student of polytechnic college in Moriwala and
the girl was a student BA-I in Bajekan village. Sources said both Sonu
and Mamta had been in love for past the two. As their parents had
accepted their relationship, Mamta was sent to her maternal uncle’s
house. As the circumstances in which the two were found dead could not
be ascertained their families claimed that they had consumed poison. “It
is case of suicide and even we have not received any complaint yet. If
anybody makes complaint in this direction, the police will take strict
action against the accused,” said Satinder Kumar Gupta, SP Sirsa. He,
however, chose to keep mum as to what stopped police in taking action
against those cremating the bodies without getting post-mortem
conducted. (TOI, 22/03/2011)

Revelry turns sour as Jat, Gurjars attack Dalits

ROHTAK: Holi revelery turned sour on
Sunday when a group of upper caste revelers attacked a group of Balmiki
youths in Balham village of Rohtak district. A group of youths from the
Jat and Gurjar communities were passing through the area where the
Balmiki community lives on Sunday when some youths who were in an
inebriated condition reportedly passed comments which did not go down
well with the Balmikis, who objected to it. The sources said that this
led to a verbal duel which soon took a violent turn as the two groups
clashed while raining blows and attacking each other with lathis. The
police informed that five Balmiki youths who were injured in the clash
were rushed to the PGIMS Rohtak. The injured have been identified as
Mukesh, Jai Bhagwan, Anil, Naresh and Manjit who are undergoing
treatment at Rohtak. The SHO of Kalanaur police station Hari Singh
informed TOI that a case under sections 148 (rioting), 149 (unlawful
assembly), 323 (causing hurt) and some other sections of the IPC has
been registered against nine persons from the Jat and Gurjar communities
on the complaint of Amit Kumar, a Dalit. “The police have started
investigation into the incident and a police team has left for the PGIMS
Rohtak for getting statements of the victims,” the SHO said. “The
incident appears to have taken place as some of the youths were in an
inebriated condition. The accused have not been arrested so far”, the
SHO stated. (TOI, 22/03/2011)

Nine bonded labourers rescued

Nine bonded labourers, all from a Dalit
family, were rescued from a brick kiln in Hosahoodya village on the
outskirts of Chickballapur on Wednesday. Kadirappa (60) of Bogenahalli
in Gudibande taluk, his wife Gangamma and their sons, daughters and
sons-in-law were allegedly working as bonded labourers from the past one
year at the brick kiln belonging to one Narayanaswamy. Mr. Kadirappa’s
daughter Ramalakshmi (13) and son Gangaraju (14) were among the rescued.
After the intervention of Jeeta Vimukti Karnataka, a NGO working for
the cause of bonded labourers, officials rescued the labourers and
issued them release certificates on Wednesday. Chickballapur Assistant
Commissioner Vasanth Kumar told presspersons that the zilla panchayat
would immediately release Rs. 1,000 for each labourer and subsequently
chalk out measures for their rehabilitation. Mr. Kadirappa said they
were manhandled and their women folk ill-treated at the workplace. Loan
“After the working hours, the owner used to lock us inside a room,” he
claimed. Mr. Kadirappa had reportedly taken a loan of Rs. 20,000 from
Mr. Narayanaswamy and he was unable to repay it. When the labourers
expressed their desire to go home, Narayanaswamy allegedly threatened
them that they would meet the same fate as that of the “Orissa
labourer,” Mr. Kadirappa claimed. A few months ago, a bonded labourer
from Orissa was allegedly murdered at a brick kiln in Chickballapur
taluk. Official sources said that two of Mr. Kadirappa’s relatives, who
were working at the kiln, had managed to escape to Andhra Pradesh two
days ago. Efforts were on to trace and bring them back to Chickballapur.
A case has been registered with the local police station. (Hindu,
24/03/2011)

There shouldn’t be difference on basis of caste: Wasnik

Union Minister for Social Justice and
Empowerment, Mukul Wasnik, while addressing the 15th meeting of
committee for review of implementation of the Protection of Civil Rights
Act, 1955, and the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989, said effective steps will have to be taken with
collective efforts to curb the offences of untouchability and atrocities
against the Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes communities. Mr.
Wasnik, who was here during the weekend, said there should not be any
difference on the basis of castes and other considerations, and added
that the implementation of Act envisaged for social justice and
empowerment of the Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes needed to be
implemented strictly. He said the benefits of various schemes to the

Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes
should be ensured in the right perspective. He further said that
Schedule Castes and Schedule Tribes students should get scholarships
under various schemes in time to enable them continue their studies.
Speaking on the occasion, Union Minister of State for Social Justice and
Empowerment D. Napoleon said massive campaign should be launched to
eradicate the social bias against the Schedule Castes and Schedule
Tribes. He appreciated the role of State in doling out various schemes
for the empowerment of these communities. Himachal Minister for Social
Justice and Empowerment, Sarveen Chaudhary urged the Union Minister to
implement the Pradhan Mantri Adarsh

Gram Yojna in the entire State. The
scheme is presently being implemented in just two districts in the
State. Ms. Chaudhary said that according to the 2001 Census, the
Scheduled Caste population in the

State was 24.72 per cent of the total
population. So far in the State, 56 castes have been included in the
Scheduled Caste list. She said all Acts pertaining to their welfare were
being implemented effectively in the State, and added that the cases
filed under these in the State were negligible. The Minister also
claimed that the State Government had increased the allocation under
Scheduled Caste Component Plan, from 11 per cent to 24.72 per cent, to
ensure the speedy the development of the Schedule Castes concentrated
villages since 2008-09. She said that the Government had made provision
of Rs. 816 crore under the sub-plan for the year 2011-12 and added that
3,901 villages, comprising 40 per cent of Scheduled Caste population,
would be provided basic infrastructure facilities. The representatives
of Centre for Mountain Dalit Rights, a NGO from Palampur, fighting for
minority and Scheduled Caste rights, also met the Union Minister.
(02/05/2011)

Stress on holistic approach to Dalit liberation

South India has the largest number of
oppressed people in the world, according to A.M. Chinnappa, Archbishop
of Chennai and president of the Tamil Nadu Catholic Bishops’ Council
(TNBC). Releasing the Dalit Bible Commentaries (DBC) at a function
organised in connection with the 10th anniversary celebrations of the
Centre for Dalit/Subaltern Studies (CDS) at the Bishop’s House here on
Saturday, Rev. Chinnappa said that in no other part of the world there
are so many oppressed persons as in South India. Tamil Nadu is the State
where casteism is most prevalent in India, followed by Andhra Pradesh.
The attempt of the Dalit Bible Commentaries, namely Deuteronomy and 1
& 2 Samuel Commentaries, is to lead the people from darkness that
casteism symbolises, into light. The Archbishop said that the Dalits
constitute the root of theology, and therefore, the task of liberation
of Dalits should be taken up after integrating the different theologies.
Any attempt at Dalit liberation should not only involve the oppressed
people but also the oppressors, to have a holistic approach towards the
goal of Dalit liberation, he said. Rev. Chinnappa honoured James Massey,
Director, CDS and author of 1 & 2 Samuel Commentaries, and Monodeep
Daniel, author of Deuteronomy. I. John Mohan Razu introduced the
commentaries. The guests received copies of the commentaries from the
Archbishop. Rev. Y. William, Church of South India Bishop of Vellore,
released the Leviticus and Numbers Commentaries. Rev. P. Soundararaju,
Catholic Bishop of Vellore and Chairman of TNBC Commission for Youth,
welcomed the gathering. (Hindu, 02/05/2011)

Himachal BJP tries to win over dalits

Himachal Pradesh chief minister Prem
Kumar Dhumal told reporters here on Sunday that his government was
setting up community centres named after Dr B.R. Ambedkar in every
Assembly segment. “All these community centres will have a seating
capacity of 1,000-2,000 persons and will be built on a similar design.
Besides, villages having a dominant dalit population will be provided
drinking water facilities and solar light systems,” he said. Mr Dhumal,
who was here to attend a party programme, said that since tourism was an
important sector of his state’s economy, he had initiated the home-stay
programme in the rural interiors. “We will be providing housekeeping
training to the local people who have an additional room and toilet and
no commercial charges for electricity etc. will be taken from them. The
programme is designed to take tourists on routes other than known places
like Shimla and Manali,” he said. The Himachal government had also
decided to provide a free night stay to couples having a girl child. “If
anyone stays at our hotels for two days with their daughter, the third
night will be a free gift from the girl child to the parents,” the HP
chief minister said. Mr Dhumal said that his government was working
towards releasing a book containing tales of love, honour, courage and
even haunting spirits related to various villages. (AA, 02/05/2011)

Dalit body’s demo flays atrocities in State

The National Confederation of Dalit
Organisation (NACDOR) staged a demonstration before the Secretariat,
headed by it president Ashok Mallik here on Monday, against the
allegedly deteriorating law and order situation in the State and several
attacks on the Dalits across the State. NACDOR also demanded before the
Chief Minister for the correction of Sahar, Kabari, Saar and Soura to
Sabar and similarly, Mehetar instead of Mehentar so that those people
could reap the benefits of reservation provided to the STs and SCs
respectively as per the Constitutional provisions and also help
preventing land mafias from rampant land-grabbing. The demonstrators
also demanded allocation of homestead land to the landless Dalits and
tribals and also allotment of the agricultural land they have been
cultivating for decades in a time-bound period. Their demands also
included withdrawal of false cases lodged against peaceful Dalit and
tribal demonstrators on March 21 and punishment to the concerned police
officials under the Atrocity Prevention Act, inquiry and punishment to
the culprits, who killed an innocent Dalit boy Raja Patra (12) in the
BRPL company premises at Joda in Keonjhar district, justice to destitute
girl Dipika Barik, a victim of conspiracy and murder bid by a so-called
social worker with dubious background allegedly shielded by the
Commissionerate Police. The demonstrators further alleged that neither
any enquiry nor any action has been taken by the police on Dipika’s FIR,
vide Mahila PS case no 157 (3) and Sahid Nagar PS case no 87/2011.
Among others, Kailash Mishra, Latipur Raheman and Debaraj Naik were also
present. (Pioneer, 03/05/2011)

Jan Lokpal Bill Is anti dalit says Mayawati

Calling the Draft Committee for Jan
Lokpal Bill as anti dalit, the state unit of Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP)
said rejecting Chief Minister Mayawati’s demand to include a dalit in
the committee shows anti-dalit mentality of its leaders. Spokesman of
the party said that the way Swami Agnivesh, member of the Draft
Committee, rejected CM’s demand shows that the members were not willing
for uplift of the downtrodden. “The BSP supports Anna Hazare’s
anti-corruption campaign because it believes in corruption free society.
In the same time the party also believe in social equanimity and
therefore Chief Minister Mayawati had demanded inclusion of a dalit in
the committee. And this is a justified demand,” the spokesman said. He
said that the BSP government was committed to wipe out corruption from
government working. “The Lokayukt is doing a good job and the government
has acted as per his advise. Besides, the Government keeps record of
every penny spent. Therefore, allegation of corruption levelled by
members of the draft committee were false,” he said. (Pioneer,
03/05/2011)

A village where dalits can’t wear footwear or ride bikes

MADURAI: Villur, set in a typical
agrarian backdrop with about 1,200 households was once a peaceful
village that was until the dalits challenged the diktats of the upper
caste’ Thevars. For dalits of Villur, about 50km from Madurai and the
scene of violence on Saturday night, buying a motorcycle was a sign of
extreme luxury just few years back. But only after they managed to buy
one they realized that the bigger challenge was riding it down the
neatly laid Kaliamman street in the village that leads to their colony.
When G Thangapandian (27), a dalit youth, decided to challenge the caste
diktat that dalits should not ride motorcycles on Kaliamman street, it
ended in a brutal attack on his house by a mob of over 500 persons,
including women armed with broomsticks. “If I am alive now it is because
of this grill gate,” pointed out G Murugan, Thangapandian’s brother.
The gate was damaged in several places. “The mob tried to break open the
gate with boulders, but left later on Saturday night,” said Murugan,
fear still evident on his face. The dalits, overwhelmed by the sheer
numbers and economic status of the more influential Thevars, obeyed the
diktats they did not wear footwear and they did not ride bicycles or
motorcycles on

Kaliamman street. “We are served tea in different tumblers and we are not entertained in the barber

shops in the village,” said Murugan’s
father Guru. The village has been a witness to the worst forms of caste
discrimination, as even schools have become a platform for such
practices. “My non-dalit classmates would demand that I address them as
Ayya.’ If I call them by their names they would abuse me with filthy
words and threaten me,” said M Palani, who just completed his Plus-Two
in the higher secondary school in the village. It all started about ten
years back when the family of Thangapandian, who owns a seven-acre land
beside a poclain vehicle, questioned the restrictions imposed on dalits.
“His family was immediately ostracized,” said Tamil Nadu Untouchability
Eradication Front secretary K Samuel Raj. In fact, the ferocity of the
attack by the non-dalits, when they surrounded the Villur police station
when the Madurai rural superintendent of police Asra Garg was inside on
Saturday night, shocked even police personnel. “I have not seen such
violent mob behaviour. We managed to escape their attack only because we
had fire arms,” said a police official. Despite Garg opening fire in
the air to disperse the mob, 12 of the total 14 people injured during
the violence were police personnel. The SP’s vehicle was also damaged.
“We have arrested 50 persons so far and are in the lookout for 150
more,” said Asra Garg. Police officials say that the caste
discrimination has social, economical and political facets and needs to
be dealt sensitively. “To start with we will begin with strict law
enforcement,” said a senior police official. “Police see caste
discrimination as a law and order problem. But it goes beyond that. A
detailed study should be done on caste discrimination and untouchability
in Tamil Nadu. The government should launch a campaign to spread the
message that untouchability is not only an offence, but also a sin,”
said A Kathir, executive director of Evidence, a NGO. (TOI, 03/05/2011)

Dalits agitate for restoration of burial ground

Over 100 dalits laid a siege to the
Prakasam Bhavan here on Tuesday, seeking restoration of their burial
ground in Edugulapadu village near Thuravagunta on the town outskirts.
The agitators, including a large number of women, refused to leave the
place and waited till late in the evening for return of District
Collector Kantilal Dande who was away from the town, seeking his
intervention to settle the matter. They also submitted a memorandum to
Superintendent of Police C.S.R.K.L.N.Raju seeking justice for them. The
community elder B. Abraham said “we have been using the land as burial
ground since the days of our ancestors. We were prevented from entering
the burial ground by some people who claimed to have purchased the land
on Monday. We want the Collector to restore our burial ground to us”.
Taluka Circle Inspector M. Lakshman said the trouble started when a
group of dalits who were prevented from performing funeral on Monday by
those who had claimed to have purchased the land close to the
Chennai-Kolkata highway. “We intervened and paved the way for conduct of
funeral”, he added. Meanwhile, on a complaint from the one Madanmohan
who had said to have purchased the land, the Madipadu police had
registered a case against the group under IPC section 324(causing hurt
with lethal weapons) read with IPC section 34(acts done by several
persons in furtherance of common intention).

(Hindu, 04/05/2011)

Three in custody for bid to disrupt Dalit wedding

JAIPUR: Tension prevailed at a Bhilwara
village after members of another community tried to disrupt marriage
rituals of a Dalit bride. The police took three men into custody and
lodged a case of atrocities on Dalits against 100 others after they
tried to stop a horse being part of a procession. The procession
continued under police protection. Police said the incident occured at
Alagwas village in Kareda police station area. “Parasi, a scheduled
caste (SC) girl, was to marry on Thursday. Her family were performing a
ritual called “Bindori” on Wednesday night in which a horse was to take
part,” said a police officer. When her family members reached a temple
in the village, Gujjars started a protest. The father immediately
informed the police following which a team went there. “The presence of
police initially did not make an impact. We tried to sort out things
peacefully, but they kept protesting against the ritual, we took three
men into custody for disturbing peace,” the officer added. “We provided
security to the family members until the rituals were performed,” the
officer said. Parsi’s father Asuram feared that Gujjars could create a
problem during marriage. “Additional force has been deployed to maintain
law and order,” the officer said. It is the second such incident in the
village in the past three years. In 2009 also, Gujjars had forced a
groom to get down from his horse. (TOI, 06/05/2011)

Fergusson College student among 6 young Dalits held for Naxal ‘links’

The Bhosale family may still find it hard
to believe that their brightest and most educated member, attending one
of the country’s topmost colleges, Pune’s Fergusson College, is accused
of being a Naxalite. Siddhartha Bhosale, a Master’s student in
Economics, who also took the entrance exams for becoming a Class I
government officer, was one of the six alleged Naxalites arrested by the
the Anti Terrorist Squad (ATS) near Chandwad in Nashik on April 29. All
the six are Dalits and the five arrested with Bhosale are young Dalit
women, three of whom are graduate students. The seniormost is Angelo
Sontakke, wife of Naxal leader Milind Teltumbde, who was allegedly
behind the February 2009 attack in Gadhchiroli that killed about 15
policemen. The other four: Sushma Ramteke alias Shraddha Gurav, arrested
from Pirangut in Pune; Mayuri Bhagat (23) alias Jenny; Jyothi Chorghe
(19) and Anuradha Sonule (23), all arrested from the Shivajinagar area
of Pune. Naxal literature, cash, a laptop, cellphones and other items
were seized from the suspects. Bhagat, a native of Chandrapur, is a
graduate in Arts who shifted to Mundwa in Pune to work with Sontakke.
Chorghe and Sonule, also Arts graduates, stayed in a small room in
Bhosari and allegedly worked as couriers for the group’s activity.
Bhosale, from Ahmednagar, lives in a small, rented house in Bhagyoday
Nagar, Kondhwa, in Pune. Police said he was trained in Gadhchiroli by
top Naxal operatives and was assigned the task of recruiting youngsters
from Pune and Nashik into the Maoist fold. Bhosale’s arrest and his
brief, police said, has underlined their suspicion that the Maoists are
targeting colleges and institutions in urban areas to recruit young
cadres from Dalit or backward classes. “It was a huge shock for us to
when we got to know about his arrest. He was a very sincere student, he
used to read lot of books. He also took the competitive examination of
MPSC (Maharashtra Public Service Commission),” said his elder brother
Chandrakant, who works as a peon in a village school. “He was a very
active young man and never tolerated injustice,” his brother told The
Indian Express. “We could make out from the way he talked that he was
strongly against corruption. But he never just thought of Dalits or
backward classes. He was concerned about the welfare of all. It was
unbelievable when police told us that he was linked to Maoists.” Said
Chandrakant: “We are four brothers staying together in our rented house.
He used to stay out for a few days but not for long. He used to contact
us on phone when he would be away from home. We found he used to stay
with friends or relatives. We never questioned him as he is the most
educated among us and we believe he would never do anything wrong.” His
younger brother Sagar said that they belong to the Mahar caste, a
backward community. Investigators believe that Bhosale was
“indoctrinated” to join the Naxals and trained in Gadhchiroli a few
months ago. He is also believed to have been paid to recruit youngsters.
Not without reason. Ravindra Kadam, DIG (Anti Naxal operations), said
that the Naxals’ “Golden Corridor Committee” was set up to target
students and labourers in industrial centres of Gujarat and Maharashtra,
especially in cities like Pune, Mumbai, Thane and Nashik. Police said
they are exploring how these young men and women are linked to the
Golden Corridor Group and how far this network spreads. (IE, 07/05/2011)

SC/ST teachers allege discrimination

As many as 163 teachers, who are part of the Karnataka State Government Honorary Primary School

SC/ST Teachers’ Association, gathered at
Bannappa Park here on Monday to protest against the “discrimination” by
the Department of Primary and Secondary Education. The teachers
complained that their services had not been confirmed despite 24 years
of service and alleged that the honorarium they received was lower than
the regular teachers. The SC/ST honorary teachers were also denied other
benefits, they claimed. (Hindu, 10/05/2011)

TN village asks dalits to pay up more for tea

CHENNAI: A couple of weeks ago, when a
group of dalits from R Palakuruchi village lodged a complaint with the
police, alleging practise of the ‘double-tumbler system’ in the village,
the non-dalits reacted in a strange way. They hiked the rate of tea
served to dalits in village stalls. The tea stalls started charging
dalits Rs 7 for a glass of tea, costing just Rs 4 for a non-dalit. Since
most of the tea-stalls are run by nondalits, the dual price system has
dealt yet another blow to the dalits who have been facing oppression in
the remote areas of Tamil Nadu for long. However, K Gowri, sub-inspector
at the Ulagampatti police station, where the complaint was lodged,
claimed he was not aware of any hike in the price of tea for dalits. “We
have to investigate and see whether any shop is selling tea at a higher
rate to dalits,” he said. However, activists say the reason behind
hiking the rate of tea is simple. If you hike the rate, no dalit will
come and have tea. “The poor dalits can’t afford to have tea by paying
seven rupees. So instead of saying ‘no’ to serving tea to them, the
shopowners have hiked the charge,” says T L Ramu, activist and municipal
councilor of S Puthur. While every shop in R Palakuruchi keeps five
‘steel’ tumblers each for serving tea to dalits, the non-dalits are
given tea in glass tumblers. “We are not allowed to sit on benches. We
have been facing discrimination for a long time, but with this special
rate for tea, its has reached another level,” he says. It all started on
April 26 when a group of dalits complained to the police about the
practise of ‘double tumbler system’ in the village. Out of vengeance,
the non-dalits allegedly assaulted and tortured two dalits — Manimuthu
and Ganesan — after tying them with a rope. A case was also filed in
this regard and they were later rescued by the Ulagampatti police. The
decision to hike the rate for tea followed soon after this incident. “We
have arrested two people in connection with the assault case. We also
called people from different groups and a warning was also issued,”
sub-inspector Gowri said. “It’s high time the concerned collector
visited the place and ended the discrimination. Already, the two-tumbler
system is prevalent in many places. Now the issue has become more
serious with the hike in the price of tea served to dalits,” said K
Sundar, an activist based in Sivagangai. (TOI, 10/05/2011)

Dalit man killed, body hanged on tree

A Dalit man was killed and his body
hanged from a tree by some persons in Ballia district, the police said
here on Wednesday. The victim’s wife had alleged in her complaint that
brick kiln owner Ram Badan Singh and three others killed her husband.
According to the police, Rajmohan — who worked at the kiln — had been
pressurising Ram Badan for payment of wages, due to which the brick kiln
owner killed him.

Ram Badan has been arrested and efforts are on to nab the others, they said. — PTI (Hindu, 12/05/2011)

Congress Dalit workers resent over party’s office-bearers list

Punjab Congress ‘dalit’ workers plunged
into resentment for not getting an optimum number of seats in the list
of party office-bearers approved by the Congress president Sonia Gandhi.
“There is no scope left for dalit workers in the party. Though 34 were
reserved for the dalits in the State, we did not even get that in the
newly formed team of State Congress office-bearers and district
presidents,” said a veteran leader while talking to The Pioneer. In
Punjab, 42 per cent of population belongs to the Other Backward Classes
and Schedule Caste. But the list formation is done on the basis of
‘super class category’ where dalits have alleged discrimination. During
the last president ship of Mohinder Singh Kaypee, six district
presidents and two each as general secretaries and vice presidents were
of SC category, and the team comprised with total 28 dalit members. But
this time only one-one seat has been given for general secretary (Aruna
Chowdhary) and vice president (Jagjit Singh). Chowdhary Santokh Singh
from Jalandhar (Rural), Jagdarshan Kaur from Moga and Malkit Singh Dakha
from Ludhiana (Rural) were only three successful dalit candidates who
have been accommodated as district president. The Congress, which is
known for the dalit serving party and talks about 30 per cent of
reservation of women even failed to give good share of women in the
list. Only three women got place in the list of 25 district presidents
and eight general secretaries. Besides this, family member of the former
Chief Minister Beant Singh has failed to get any seat in the team of
Captain Amarinder Singh. In another surprising change, Amarinder’s son,
Raninder Singh, who was earlier general secretary, is now an executive
committee member, along with MLAs Sunil Jakhar and Ripjit Brar in the
33-member committee. All the new vice presidents Kewal Dhillon, Lal
Singh, Jagjit Singh, Rana Kaypee, Sukhjinder Singh Sarkaria and Rana
Gurmit Sodhi and other general secretaries OP Soni, Gurjit Singh Rana,
Arvind Khanna, Harminder Jassi, Ramesh Dogra and Aruna Chowdhary are
said to be Amarinder loyalists. According to the list, the district
presidents are Jugal Kishor Sharma, Harpartap Singh Ajnala, Sukhjinder
Singh Randhawa, Dharam Pal Agnihotri, Arun Walia, Santokh Singh, Harjit
Singh Parmar, Sunder Sham Arora, Satbir Singh Palli Chakki, Sukhbinder

Saini, Gurdaas Girdhar, Ashok Kumar,
Narinder Singh Bhaleria, Jagsir Singh Gagowal, Jagdarshan Singh, Subhash
Grover, Jagjit Singh Dhaula, Anup Singh and Surinder Gupta. The
important list of PCC office-bearers have only two members from camps
other than Amarinder’s Vikram Singh Bajwa, who is CLP leader Rajinder
Kaur Bhattal’s son-in-law and Fateh Singh Bajwa, younger brother of MP
Pratap

Singh Bajwa have been made general secretaries. (Pioneer, 12/05/2011)

Traders jam road after Dalit bandh call

SIRSA: Disorder prevailed here on
Thursday, when members of Dalit community gave a bandh call in the city
on Thursday. They did so to protest against the murder of a youth from
the community. There were incidents of looting and damage to shops. All
that led to the affected traders also blocking the national highway-10
for an hour. The murder had taken place in Bani village on May 1. Angry
at the protesters` action, Heera Lal Sharma, president of Haryana Vaypar
Mandal said, “Why are we targeted every time? Even the police kept mum
when miscreants were damaging shops. We demand that city SHO Maha Singh
be transferred and proper compensation be given to the affected
shopkeepers.” After the jam on NH-10, a situation of traffic chaos
emerged near the “Lal Batti Chowk” in 43 degrees celsius temperature.

Many people had to wait for an hour
there. Talking about action on the part of cops, DSP (headquarters)
Puran Chand Panwar said, “We have arrested four miscreants and impounded
one bike. Situation in the city is normal now and shopkeepers opened
their shops late in the evening. Heavy police force deployment in the
city to maintain law and order situation. We are in process of
identifying miscreants who were involved in looting and creating
disturbance. We will arrest them soon,” he added. In the May 1 incident,
Mukh Ram, 28, was shot dead by members of a group of youths due to an
old enmity. The assailants also attacked him with sharp weapons
mercilessly. The deceased was going to the Surewala village in his car.
Two days after the murder, vice-chairman of National Commission of SC
Cell, Dr Raj Kumar Verka, met the family of the deceased. He also gave a
seven-day ultimatum to the district administration as well as police
department to nab the accused. Ellenabad DSP Ravinder Kumar, who is also
investigating officer of the Bani murder case, said they had already
arrested five of the accused. However, protesters said that two accused
in the case were still at large. The bandh was to continue from 9am to
noon on Thursday. Dalit leader Veer Shanti Swaroop said, “We give five
days to police department for arresting all the accused. If police fail
to do that, we will take the protest to Jantar Mantar in New Delhi.” On
its part, the administration has announced Rs 12 lakh compensation to
the family of the deceased besides government job to a relative. (TOI,
13/05/2011)

Cabinet panel to study Bill on caste certificates

The State Government on Wednesday
constituted a three-member Cabinet panel to examine the proposed special
legislation to regulate issuance of caste certificates relating to SC,
ST and Backward Class people. The issue, which was a major item of the
agendas at the Cabinet meeting, could not be addressed due to lack of
consensus. As the draft on the special Bill amending the existing Act
envisages withdrawal of authority from the MLAs and MPs to issue caste
certificates and to vest it with the SubCollectors and Tehsildars, a
majority of the Ministers objected to the provision. They said that
there should be some sort of mechanisms under the existing dispensations
to ascertain the castes before the issue of certificated by the elected
representatives. Accordingly, Chief Minister Naveen Patnaik directed
setting up of a ministerial committee under the chairmanship of the SC
and ST Development and Backward Class Welfare Minister Lal Bihari
Himrika to examine the Bill in detail and to make necessary
recommendations. Chief Secretary Bijay Patnaik told reporters that the
committee includes Law Minister Bikram Keshari Arukh and Health Minister
Prasanna Acharya. The panel would submit its report within one month so
as to enable the next Cabinet meeting to discuss and approve the
legislation to be introduced in the ensuing session of the Assembly.
(Pioneer, 18/05/2011)

Centre mulls special Mahadalit category

In a step which can have a major bearing
on Dalit politics in the country and challenge Uttar Pradesh Chief
Minister Mayawati’s undisputed hold over her caste people, the Centre is
likely to carve out a special Mahadalit category and include them in
the Below Poverty Line (BPL) segment. The proposal is expected to come
up for discussion before the Union Cabinet on Thursday. Sources said the
Mahadalit category will consist of those sub-castes from Scheduled
Castes which are economically, socially and educationally most backward
in comparison to others and are landless, homeless and have symbolic
representation in Government jobs. The Congress feels that creation of
this Mahadalit category will deal a body blow to UP Chief Minister
Mayawati and other Dalit leaders. This proposal mooted by the Rural
Development Ministry could become part of the BPL census exercise once
the Cabinet gave its seal of approval. An official of the Rural
Development Ministry said there was need to reach out to the most
backward and poorest section of Dalits and this move will ensure their
empowerment. For the first time in 2007, NC Saxena committee report on
Below Poverty Line methodology talked about the need for giving especial
attention to Mahadalits and stressed that they be automatically
included in the BPL list. Expressing happiness over the Centre’s move,
Saxena told The Pioneer that “this will come as a big relief for
hundreds of thousands of Dalits.” On who will be identified as
Mahadalits, Saxena said, “those who are poorest among the poor and most
backward among the backwards.” Saxena said Mahadalits are present in
large numbers in States like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu
and Assam. Bihar is the first State to treat Mahadalits as separate
category. Bihar Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s revolutionary step helped
him isolate his political rival Ram Vilas Paswan in a big way. Saxena
said that while the States will have flexibility to include certain
Scheduled Castes in Mahadalit category, but they will have to ensure
that the BPL sealing fixed by the Planning Commission is not breached.
He said his committee had also recommended exclusion of ‘well-off’
castes from the list of BPL. Sources said the exercise to identify
people below poverty line will go hand in hand with caste census and be
part of it. The Cabinet on Thursday is likely to decide on the
methodology and agency to carry out this exercise. The Government will
like to complete it before September to take political advantage in the
next year’s elections in Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat, Punjab, Goa and
Uttarakhand. Incidentally, hundreds of villages have been identified
under Prime Minister’s Adarsh Gram Yojna, of which 25 are in UP. In such
villages, half of the population consists of the Mahadalits. In October
last year, the NAC had suggested inclusion of particularly vulnerable
tribal groups (PTGs), the Mahadalit groups, households headed by single
women or disabled persons or a minor, destitute households which are
dependent predominantly on alms for survival, homeless and bonded
labourers in the priority group for coverage under the Food Security
Act. (Pioneer, 19/05/2011)

Apex panels for ST, SC sub-plans reconstituted

Apex committees for reviewing and
monitoring the implementation of the sub-plans of Scheduled Tribes and
Scheduled Castes have been reconstituted with the induction of several
MLAs and MLCs. The reconstitution effected on Saturday followed approval
by Chief Minister N. Kiran Kumar Reddy, who is the chairman for both
these committees. The committee on ST sub-plan has five MLAs and three
MLCs as members. The MLAs are M. Bhatti Vikramarka (Madhira
constituency), Arepalli Mohan (Manakondur), P. Rajanna Dora (Salur), G.
V. Seshu (Kondepi) and P. M. Kamalamma (Badwel). The names of the MLCs
are M. S. Prabhakar (Hyderabad), Sudhakar Babu (Kurnool) and Bharati
Naik (Nalgonda). Similarly, the State-level Vigilance and Monitoring
Committee on implementation of the Atrocities (Prevention) Act for SCs
and STs has also been reconstituted, with eight MLAs and three MLCs as
members representing SCs and STs. The MLAs representing SCs are K.
Sridhar (Wardhannapet), V. M. Abraham (Alampur), S. Jayamani
(Parvathipuram), Dirsam Padma Jyothi (Thiruvur), K. Murali Mohan (Rajam)
and Labbi

Venkatswamy (Nandikotkur). Those MLAs
representing STs are Rega Kantha Rao (Pinapaka) and Nimmaka Sugreevulu
(Palakonda). The MLCs from SCs are M. Prabhakar (Hyderabad) and Sudhakar

Babu (Kurnool). The committee has only one MLC from STs that is Bharati Naik (Nalognda). (Hindu, 23/05/2011)

Lovers meet grizly end in Moradabad

In yet another case of honour killing, a
man killed a youth when he caught him in a compromising position with
his daughter in Moradabad on Sunday morning. As per reports, the victim
identified as Manoj Saini (20) of Sitapuri village under Hayatnagar
police station fell in love with a girlidentified as Pooja- also of his
village. When their love affair became talk of the town, Pooja’s father
Om Prakash Sani restricted her movement. He also reportedly threatened
Manoj with dire consequences. Early in the morning on Sunday, Om Prakash
caught the lovelorn duo red-handed in a field. The incensed father shot
dead Manoj and Pooja with country made pistol and fled the scene.
Hearing the gunshots, villagers rushed to the field and found the couple
lying in a pool of blood. They rushed the duo to private hospital also
intimated the police about the incident. The lovers were profusely
bleeding and they were declared brought dead on arrival. A huge police
force reached the spot, to conduct investigations and prevent any
untoward incident. The police launched a massive manhunt for Om Prakash
and caught him finally from the out skirts of the village. Locals
claimed that Om Prakash accompanied by Durga Das, Hari Om and Amar Singh
descended on the field and killed Manoj and Pooja. “Om Prakash got a
whiff of Manoj and Pooja’s presence in the field and he decided to end
the chapter forever. He accompanied the said persons and killed the
duo,” the police sources said. Manoj’s father Nanhe Saini lodged an FIR
against Om Prakash, Durga Das, Hari Om and Amar Singh. The police have
registered a case and efforts are undearway to track down other named
persons. The local police have sent the bodies for post-mortem. The
incident sent shock-waves through the police department which is
grappling to counter the menace after the stern directive of the apex
court to prevent such incidents. Meanwhile, in another case of honour
killing, family members of a girl reportedly had shot their daughter
along with a youth after finding them in a compromising state in
Kushinagar on Thursday. The man identified as Dara Yadav, a native of
Pargan Chapra hamlet of Ramkola in Kushninagar, was employed as a driver
by Narpat Shukla, residing in Bihuli locality of Ramkola. A month back,
Narpat Shukla, sacked Dara after he came to know that he was in love
with his daughter Surabhi Shukla. (Pioneer, 23/05/2011)

‘Local bodies’ spending of fundsfor Dalits not up to the mark’

Gram panchayats and municipal bodies
which fail to spend 22.75 per cent of the budgetary allocation earmarked
for welfare schemes of Scheduled Castes and Tribes will now face
stringent action. Addressing a review meeting on the implementation of
welfare schemes in Bangalore Urban and Rural districts here on Monday,
Social Welfare Minister A. Narayanaswamy said the Government would not
release funds to local bodies, which fail to spend the special
allocation for Dalits. Officers who fail to implement welfare schemes
will be booked under The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes
(Prevention of Atrocities Act), 1989, he added, with the Civil Rights
Enforcement Cell playing a role in tracking down such cases. This
followed revelation that more than 12 gram panchayats in the two
districts had spent less than 30 per cent of the total funds and five
had spent zero per cent of the allocation for welfare schemes. Speaking
to presspersons after the meeting, Mr. Narayanaswamy said poor spending
of the 22.75 per cent reserved for SC/ST welfare was common across the
State. The Minister, who reviewed construction of homes for the homeless
under the Ashraya scheme, said that construction of thousands of houses
was pending in Bangalore Urban and Rural districts. He ordered for a
review of the works and their competition at the earliest. (Hindu,
24/05/2011)

MP govt sticks to discriminatory ’97 rule

The BJP-led Madhya Pradesh government
continues to stick to a 1997 order which discriminates between the
general category government officers and staff on the one side and those
belonging to Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and other backward
communities on the other when it comes to holding an officer accountable
after departmental inquiry. The controversial order, issued on November
12, 1997 and signed by the then chief secretary K.S. Sharma, was being
enforced continually by four successive state governments, including the
present regime headed by Shivraj Singh Chouhan. This issue was raised
prominently and serious concern was expressed regarding the “highly
demoralised” government work-force belonging to the general category by
serving and retired bureaucrats, who attended a seminar organised by the
Madhya Pradesh chapter of Indian Institute of Public Administration in
the state capital recently. The order in question, which was passed by
the state general administration department (GAD) to address the issue
of “discrimination against officers and staff belonging to the SC/ST and
other backward communities”, categorically goes on to emphasise that
leniency and special consideration should be shown towards the
government staff belonging to the reserved category. In service related
matters, the officers and staff belonging to the SC/ST and other
backward communities, should be let off in the first instance after
advising them to improve their working, the order goes on to say adding a
warning should be issued only if they fail to improve. (AA, 24/05/2011)

2,000 Dalits embrace Buddhism

Nearly 2,000 Dalits embraced Buddhism at a
function organised by the Karnataka Baudha Maha Sabha, and Karnataka
Dalit Sangharsha Samiti (Ambedkar Vada) here on Tuesday. The initiation
of the Dalits into Buddhism took place under the guidance of Buddhist
monks Manorakhit Bhanteji, Lobsana, and Tenguru. The initiation function
was held as part of 2,600th birth anniversary celebrations of Gautama
Buddha. The Dalits came in a procession from the Ambedkar Bhavan to Sri
Narayanaguru Sabha Bhavan, where the initiation function was held. Chief
convener of the Samiti Mavalli Shankar told presspersons that Buddhism
taught compassionate living. The teachings of Buddha kept people away
from bad desires. It was a known fact that priests following the Vedic
religion had driven out Buddhism from the country. But the architect of
Constitution B.R. Ambedkar was among those responsible for the revival
of Buddhism in the country, he said. On the comment of Vishwesha Tirtha
of Pejawar Math that Buddhism had little to offer to Dalits, Mr. Shankar
said he did not object to their thoughts as they were free to express
themselves in a democracy. The swamiji should realize that by giving
“Vaishnava Deekshe”, the lot of Dalits could not be improved. There had
not been any change in the lives of Dalits in 60 years after
Independence. Hinduism stood on the basic premise of caste. The heads of
maths did not want to remove casteism as they feared that this would
destroy Hinduism. “If Pejawar seer wants, let him embrace Buddhism, but
we will not accept his Deekshe”, Mr. Shankar said. President of Prajna
Vedike Krishnappa, eminent persons T. Murugeshi, Kantappa Alangar,
Bellubbi Nandakur, office-bearers of the samiti Rohitaksha, Byadarahalli
Prakash, Sundar Master, Kempanna Kamble, Ningaraj Mallady, and Hovappa
Master were present. (Hindu, 25/05/2011)

Govt drops move to divide dalits into sub-groups

NEW DELHI: The move to divide dalits into
sub-groups seems headed for cold storage, amid indications that the
Centre is apprehensive of the political consequences of the proposal
which has polarized the volatile community along sub-castes. The social
justice ministry has recalled its earlier proposal to amend the
Constitution to facilitate division of the SC list as per wishes of some
states. It will now seek the views of states on the entire issue. This
is set to put off the sensitive move by a few years. The
subcategorisation of SCs was mooted as a solution to the grievance that
powerful dalit communities had cornered reservation benefits
disproportionately to their population. The division of SCs into
sub-groups, with each bloc assigned a fraction of the 15% dalit quota,
would ensure better distribution of benefits, it was argued. Cabinet
sources said the social justice ministry has proposed that the Centre
consult the states on the sensitive issue and then hold discussions with
political parties to hammer out the way forward. This is an about-turn
from the earlier proposal which said that Article 341 of the
Constitution should be amended to enable states to seek division of the
SC list in their territory. The proposal said a state assembly could
pass a resolution seeking sub-categorisation and send it to the Centre
for Parliament’s assent. A five-judge bench of the Supreme Court had in
2004 struck down subcategorisation in Andhra Pradesh, forcing the state
to ask the Centre for a constitutional amendment to overrule the apex
court order. For an issue which has polarized the supposedly homogenous
SCs into stronger and weaker blocs across the country, the Centre now
wants to tread carefully lest it be caught between the warring factions.
Sub-categorisation is seen to harm stronger SCs like Chamars in the
north and Malas in Andhra Pradesh because they enjoy claim over the
entire 15% quota for dalits. The subcategorisation would limit the bloc
to a fraction of the 15% quota earmarked for them. Dalit activists have
dubbed it a ploy to pit SCs against each other and break their
consolidation under identity-based political platforms like BSP. The
National Commission for SCs, chaired by PL Punia, has also been strongly
opposed to the move to amend the Constitution. It said, “Instead of
dividing SCs, the state government (AP) should devise proper mechanism
to empower the poorest of the poor among SCs through special schemes
aimed at their social, educational and economic empowerment,” it said.
(TOI, 26/05/2011)

Scheduled Castes commission to summon district magistrate, police chief over Bhatta-Parsaul violence

The battle of Bhatta-Parsaul in Uttar
Pradesh’s Greater NOIDA area, where violence raged recently over the
contentious issue of land acquisition, promises to get bigger. On
Thursday, the National Commission for the Scheduled Castes decided to
summon the District Magistrate and the Superintendent of Police of
Gautam Budh Nagar district, where the twin villages are located, to seek
a report on the plight of the Dalits who were victims of the alleged
police violence. NCSC chairperson and Congress MP Panna Lal Punia, who
paid a five-hour visit to Bhatta-Parsaul and Accheypur on Thursday, told
The Hindu that he would not just be summoning the District Magistrate
and the Superintendent of Police but also intended to file several cases
under the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of
Atrocities) Act, 1989, as about a dozen “required immediate
intervention.” Mr. Punia said that in the recent violence in western
Uttar Pradesh — highlighted after Congress leaders Digvijay Singh and
Rahul Gandhi visited the area, but subsequently denied by the State
government — “a large number of Dalits and OBCs have been affected.”
“During my visit today [Thursday], I discovered that the women were too
scared to speak for fear of reprisal from local police — especially the
CO — and the SDM,” Mr. Punia said. “I learnt that last [Wednesday]
night, the villagers received a visit from the police: they were told
not to say anything to us.” The District Magistrate and the
Superintendent of Police had expressed their desire to accompany Mr.
Punia — who was Principal Secretary to Mayawati in her last stint as
Chief Minister — but he told them that he preferred to make the journey
on his own, as only then would the locals feel “free to speak their
mind.” Clearly, Mr. Punia’s visit — and the promised action by the
Commission — will fuel the continuing battle between the Congress and
the Mayawati-led BSP government, as they fight for political space in
the State ahead of the Assembly elections due in 2012. Mr. Punia’s visit
also comes a few days after Minister of State for Communications and
Information Technology Sachin Pilot was arrested in the district while
attempting to go to the violence-hit villages on May 22. “The situation
is very grim… at least 22 villagers with no criminal records have been
booked on serious charges, including murder, while no proper legal
recourse is being provided to them by the government,” Mr. Pilot had
said, accusing the police of terrorising the locals, and demanding a
judicial inquiry. Earlier that day, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh
announced financial assistance to 110 persons from Bhatta-Parsaul and
Accheypur who were injured in the violence. The announcement,
interestingly, was repeated on May 23 by the new Group of Ministers on
the media. Mr. Punia’s visit also comes in the wake of a visit to the
violence-hit villages by the National Human Rights Commission, which
will submit its report soon. (Hindu, 27/05/2011) Priest, son held for beating Dalit boy

A 17-year-old Dalit boy was allegedly
slapped by a temple priest for touching the vibuthi (sacred ash) plate
in the temple in Mettupalayam on Saturday. The boy, a resident of
Govindasamy Nagar, went to a Vinayagar Temple in Mettupalayam. After
offering prayers, he took vibuthi from the plate kept near the deity and
smeared it on his sister’s forehead. The priest, Jambunathan (49), and
his son, Sugavanam, objected to it and allegedly slapped the boy. Based
on a complaint filed by the boy’s father, the Mettupalayam police have
registered a case and arrested Jambunathan and Sugavanam. Both were
remanded to custody. They have been booked under Sections 294 (B) (using
filthy language) and 323 (assault). (Hindu, 30/05/2011)

NAC wants new law to end practice of manual scavenging

The National Advisory Council headed by
UPA Chairperson Sonia Gandhi has recommended enacting a new legislation
to end the practice of manual scavenging, liberating those involved in
handling human excreta and providing them livelihood. The new law should
be passed as the Employment of Manual Scavengers and Construction of
Dry Latrines (Prohibition) Act, 1993 has failed to eradicate this
dehumanising practice even after 18 years its enactment, NAC said. Under
the law livelihood rehabilitation should be implemented within three
months of identification and liberation of manual scavengers, provide a
BPL card to their families, special housing scheme house and education
facilities for their children with scholarship up to 12th standard.
However, for those engaged in sewer and railway workers liberation could
take a little longer but not more than 5 years from enactment of the
law as it will be dependent on technological change which will render
the occupation humane, dignified and safe, and avoid any direct human
contact with excreta. Meanwhile, NAC has demanded expeditious
notification of Social Audit rules of the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural
Employment Guarantee Scheme. It has also suggested establishing a
Mission in the Rural Development ministry and Technical Support unit for
central employment council. It suggested that States be provided
technical support through Resource Groups on various aspects of the
implementation of the MGNREGA like Payment of Wages,

Transparency and Accountability,
Grievance Redressal, Planning, Natural Resource Management, Convergence,
and expanding the category of permissible works. The NAC has
constituted three new working groups to discuss issues relating to
Dalits, gender and sex ratio and social security for unorganised
workers. (Pioneer, 30/05/2011)

Dalit grooms asked to get off from horses in Raj

Tension prevailed in a Rajasthan village
after two Dalit grooms were allegedly asked to step down from their
horses outside a temple by some upper caste men. Jagdish Barwa, who is
from Barva community, had sent his two sons to a temple on horses to
offer prayers before the marriage procession in Dolar village yesterday.
However, some upper caste men from the village objected over this and
asked the two brothers, Chotmal and Ramhate, to get off from the horses
about ten feet away from the temple, SDM (Keshoraipatan) BL Verma said.
The father, however, insisted on taking the grooms to the steps of the
temple on the horses only. This led to an heated argument between the
two parties. The police force deployed there following a request by
Barwa pacified the two parties and brought the situation under control.
Later, the villagers complaint that one of the grooms was not eligible
for marriage as he was underage. After the verification, the younger
brother, Ramhate, was stopped from marrying as it was found that he was
20-years old. (IE, 28/05/2011)

Seven Dalit families flee from village

KANPUR: Seven Dalit families of Hasnapur
village in Ramabai Nagar fled when they were attacked by the members of
upper caste on Saturday. Tension prevailed in the village. Police and
PAC personnel were deployed. The incident was result of eve-teasing with
womenfolk of the Dalit families by the members of another community in
Hasnapur village. When a group of Dalits, led by Narkul, met SP Ashutosh
Kumar and apprised him of harassment of their women and girls by the
upper caste men, the houses of Dalit families were stoned and damaged on
Friday night. “A team of police including SO Rura Saligram Verma
visited Hasnapur. Many families have fled the village. Despite policemen
assurances only a few have returned,” said Ramai, a native of Thakuran
Gadhewa village. Verma said that the cops are providing assistance to
the victims. Munna, a resident of Hasnapur said: “They attacked us and
stoned our houses before misbehaving with women and girls. Many
sustained injuries in the attack. I have no other option and left the
village. Some policemen came and assured of safety, I returned on

Saturday. But many others have still not
returned.” Kumar said that action would be initiated against those found
involved in harassing women and girls of Dalit community. “We have
deployed force there to maintain peace at all cost,” he added. (TOI,
29/05/2011)

SC/ST officials can’t write ACRs of juniors: HC

AIPUR: State government officers
belonging to scheduled castes (SC) and scheduled tribes (ST) —likely to
be reverted in light of a Supreme Court order that disapproved of their
promotions on basis of quota — have been temporarily debarred by the
Rajasthan high court from writing the annual confidential reports of
their subordinates. The order came on a bunch of petitions filed by one
Rajeev Garg of the state public works department and others.The
petitions were based on a Supreme Court order of December 7, 2010 that
conditionally denied the benefit of reservation in promotions to state
government SC/ST employees. The SC had last year upheld a Rajasthan HC
order striking down the state government’s notifications to grant
reservation in promotions and consequential seniority to SC/ST
employees, a bunch of petitioners informed the Rajasthan high court. It
was argued before the single bench of justice M N Bhandari that the
February 5, 2010 HC order categorically held that no reservation was
permissible in promotions in the state services since the Rajasthan
government had failed to fulfill the conditions laid down by the Supreme
Court in the M Nagraj Case judgment on the Constitutional provision of
reservation in promotions in October 2006. The HC also struck down the
state government’s notifications of December 28, 2002 and April 25,
2008. The state government then filed a special leave petition against
the HC order, but SC dismissed the government appeal on December 7,
2010. The petitioners argued that the reserved category officials who
had been promoted before December 7, 2010 in the PWD and other
departments were now due to be reverted. (TOI, 01/06/2011)

Vigilance panel for SCs, STs to be formed soon

MANGALORE: A state-level monitoring wing
under the ministry of social welfare to analyze the proceedings and
decisions taken at the district-level review meetings of vigilance
committees on SCs and STs will be constituted soon, said A
Narayanaswamy, minister for social welfare. The wing will also
assiduously follow up on actions initiated by officials in implementing
various welfare measures and schemes for the benefit of the community,
he noted. Chairing a review meeting of social welfare departments of
Dakshina Kannada and Udupi districts here on Saturday, the minister
expressed displeasure at below par progress achieved by various
government agencies in implementing schemes and utilizing funds meant
for welfare of dalits and backward classes. Officials not measuring up
to the task will be disciplined. Each district has to send committee
meeting proceedings to the wing, he said. Officials of civil rights
enforcement squad have been vested with powers to visit all those
government departments that have a statutory obligation to spend 22.75%
of their income on welfare of SC/STs. Disciplinary action will be
initiated against those who have failed to utilize more than 50% of
funds allocated for welfare of SC/ST community and those who have
neglected or ignored the well-being of the communities, the minister
said. Taking note of the failure on part of urban local bodies and
panchayati raj bodies in the two districts to utilize funds set aside
for the upliftment of weaker sections of society, Narayanaswamy
instructed officials to ensure that the funds are utilized within the
given fiscal year. It has become a norm for most officials to carry over
the amount to the next fiscal without making any serious efforts to
identify beneficiaries for scheme and this will not be tolerated, he
warned. The government will shortly introduce biometric system in Moraji
Desai and Kittur Rani Channamma residential schools. “This system will
be made compulsory to the staff in these institutions as well as senior
officials including DC, CEO and Social Welfare Officials who are
required to visit the institutions periodically. Details such as time of
entry and exit will be registered. It will help us in observe the
movement of officials and staff,” he added. Irked by the apparent
negligence of Damodhar Naik, the in-charge district manager of Dr B R
Ambedkar SC/ST Development Corporation, Narayanaswamy directed the
managing director of the corporation to submit a report and placed the
official under immediate suspension. He also directed police to arrest S
R Patalappa, ITDP district coordinator, since suspended and on the run,
for allegedly misappropriating Rs 86 lakh of government funds. (TOI,
06/06/2011)

Midday meals cooked by dalits go waste

NEW DELHI: A dalit chief minister in
Mayawati has not changed the deep-seated caste bias in schools of Uttar
Pradesh. In 40% schools of Shahjehanpur, Badaun and Pilibhit districts,
teachers do not taste the mid-day meal food and students refuse to eat
it since the cooks belong to lower caste. The rot in MDM in these three
districts is not confined to caste bias alone. It has also been found
that in schools of urban areas of these three districts roti and green
vegetables are never given, in 80% schools there is difference between
the number of actual students present in the class and the number of
students who are shown to be availing of MDM. Also, in most of the
schools in urban areas there are no utensils. In rural areas of these
districts, MDM supplies of 95% of the schools are kept at the pradhan’s
house from where they are brought to the school every day for cooking.
The report on three districts was prepared by Lucknow University’s
department of education. It was discussed, along with another report on
Maharajganj district, in the MDM’s Project Advisory Board meeting last
month in the HRD ministry. The Centre has now asked the UP government to
look into the matter and send a report by July 31. The report said that
in the three districts upper primary school children take less mid-day
meal than those in the primary sections because the “upper primary
children belonging to general category are more aware of caste system
and do not like to take mid-day meal prepared by SC cooks”. The report
said in 10% schools of rural areas of these districts, village pradhans
do not give the required quantity of food grain for cooking mid-day
meal. It also said that in 95% schools of these districts children bring
their own utensils. Also, non-iodised salt is used in 5% of schools and
30% schools used wood for cooking mid-day meals. Another report –
prepared by GB Pant Social Science Institute, Allahabad, and Lucknow
University – based on a survey of 110 schools of Maharajganj district
said that MDM was not served in 50% of the sample schools. (TOI,
07/06/2011)

Dalit boy roughed up

In the latest instance of caste
discrimination in the vicinity of the Malaimariamman temple in
Vedaranyam, a Dalit boy was roughed up for tugging at the temple car
rope at the temple car procession. This occurred in the aftermath of
failed peace talks in the area a fortnight ago when caste Hindus refused
to let the idol be taken in procession through the dalit colony en
route to the temple. A week ago, the thornykattu karuvel(Prosobis
Julieflora) had also been dumped in a panchayat pond after it was found
that dalit boys had taken a dip in it, despite warnings. A petition was
filed on behalf of the District Bonded Labour Relief and Vigilance
Committee, but no action has been taken. The temple and its vicinity is
no stranger to such instances of discrimination as evidenced by the well
that was sealed with a concrete slab in 2004 when it was found that
dalits had refused to heed instructions and drew water from it to bathe
after the tonsure ritual. Dalits in the area complain that often, those
who are party to the conflict also become judges who try to resolve the
issue. Officials continue to carry the baggage of caste loyalty, feels
M.K.Subramaniam, a Dalit and a worker in Chettipulam library (Hindu,
09/06/2011)

Caste tag: case against school

The police have registered a case against
the authorities of St Agnus English Medium LP School, Muttuchira, after
Class I students were asked to wear identity cards providing their
caste identity among other details. According to the police, the case
has been registered against a letter written by the Chairman of the
National Commission for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes to the
District

Superintendent of Police in this regard.
The case has been registered under Section 31 (X) and Section 32 of the
Scheduled